Le camp comme lieu d'affichage

42
CORPVS INSCRIPTIONVM LATINARVM CONSILIO ET AVCTORITATE ACADEMIAE SCIENTIARVM BEROLINENSIS ET BRANDENBVRGENSIS EDITVM AVCTARIVM SERIES NOVA VOLVMEN QVARTVM DE GRVYTER MMXIV

Transcript of Le camp comme lieu d'affichage

CORPVS INSCRIPTIONVM LATINARVM

CONSILIO ET AVCTORITATE

ACADEMIAE SCIENTIARVMBEROLINENSIS ET BRANDENBVRGENSIS

EDITVM

AVCTARIVM

SERIES NOVAVOLVMEN QVARTVM

DE GRVYTERMMXIV

OumlFFENTLICHKEIT ndash MONUMENT ndash TEXT

XIV Congressus InternationalisEpigraphiae Graecae et Latinae

27 ndash 31 Augusti MMXII

Akten

herausgegeben von

Werner Eck und Peter Funkein Verbindung mit

Marcus Dohnicht Klaus HallofMatthaumlus Heil und Manfred G Schmidt

DE GRUYTERMMXIV

Dieser Band wurde im Rahmen der gemeinsamen Forschungsfoumlrderung von Bundund Laumlndern mit Mitteln des Bundesministeriums fuumlr Bildung und Forschung undder Senatsverwaltung fuumlr Wirtschaft Technologie und Forschung des Landes Ber-lin erarbeitet

Gedruckt auf saumlurefreiem Papierdas die US-ANSI-Norm uumlber Haltbarkeit erfuumlllt

ISBN 978-3-11-037496-4

Bibliographische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek

Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografiedetaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet uumlber httpdnbddbde abrufbar

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress

copy 2014 Walter de Gruyter GmbH BerlinBostonDruck und Bindung Hubert amp Co GmbH amp Co KG Goumlttingen

infinGedruckt auf saumlurefreiem Papier

Printed in Germany

wwwdegruytercom

Vorwort

Ein Kongress ist ein wissenschaftliches und ein soziales Ereignis Waumlhrend dasLetztere wichtig ist fuumlr das innere Leben einer Disziplin aber mit dem Ab-schlusstag des Kongresses auch bereits wieder sein Ende findet sollte das wis-senschaftliche Ereignis fortleben Die hier vorgelegten Akten sollen dies leisten

Die Herausgeber dieses Bandes mussten entscheiden ob alle Vortraumlge die inBerlin vorgetragen wurden veroumlffentlicht werden sollten Wir haben uns dazuentschlossen dies zu tun freilich in unterschiedlicher Form Die laumlngeren Ab-handlungen der Plenarsitzungen werden hier vollstaumlndig vorgelegt die Beitraumlgeder Nachmittagssektionen dagegen nur als Kurzversionen Der Verzicht daraufauch diese Beitraumlge in voller Laumlnge abzudrucken erschien uns angemessen dochsollte zumindest ein Uumlberblick uumlber die Themen und Probleme gegeben werdendie in den Nachmittagssektionen behandelt wurden Wir danken allen Autorenfuumlr die Zusendung ihrer Manuskripte und fuumlr die schnelle Korrektur der Druck-vorlagen

Es war unser Bestreben die Akten zuumlgig vorzulegen damit die Autoren nichtzu lange nach Abschluss ihrer Manuskripte auf die Veroumlffentlichung wartenmussten und zugleich wollten wir den nicht selten berechtigten Klagen begeg-nen dass die Ergebnisse wissenschaftlicher Veranstaltungen allzu oft erst nachvielen Jahren publiziert wuumlrden Daruumlber hinaus schien uns ein solches Vorgehenangebracht um keinen zu groszligen Abstand zwischen der hier erfolgenden Publi-kation der Abstracts und der vollstaumlndigen Veroumlffentlichung der Beitraumlge derNachmittagssektionen entstehen zu lassen und um ein Erscheinen der Akten ineiner hinlaumlnglich langen Zeit vor dem naumlchsten Epigraphikkongress in Wien imJahr 2017 sicherzustellen

Wir wollen hier auch all denen nochmals danken die den XIV Internationa-len Kongress fuumlr Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik ermoumlglicht haben Anerster Stelle ist die Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie und ihr Praumlsident ProfDr Guumlnter Stock zu nennen sodann der amtierende und der fruumlhere Praumlsidentder Humboldt-Universitaumlt Prof Dr Jan-Hendrik Olbertz und Prof Dr Chri-stoph Markschies die dem Kongress ihre volle Unterstuumltzung gewaumlhrt habendes Weiteren gilt unser Dank der Praumlsidentin des Deutschen Archaumlologischen In-stituts Prof Dr Friederike Fless fuumlr die logistische Unterstuumltzung und demPraumlsidenten der Stiftung Preuszligischer Kulturbesitz Prof Dr Hermann Parzingersowie dem Direktor der Antikensammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu BerlinProf Dr Andreas Scholl fuumlr die Bereitstellung des Pergamon-Museums das ei-

VI

nen wundervollen Rahmen fuumlr die Abendveranstaltung bot Die Finanzierungdes Kongresses stets eines der zentralen Probleme eines solchen Ereignisses istneben der BBAW und der AIEGL wesentlich durch die Deutsche Forschungsge-meinschaft getragen worden dafuumlr danken wir allen besonders aber der DFGSchlieszliglich gilt unser Dank allen Autoren und allen Teilnehmerinnen und Teil-nehmern am Kongress und nicht zuletzt Matthaumlus Heil der die Druckvorlagedieses Bandes mit groumlszligter Sorgfalt erstellt hat Der Erfolg des Kongresses laumlszligtuns auch auf eine guumlnstige Aufnahme der Akten durch die wissenschaftlicheCommunity hoffen

Berlin Maumlrz 2014 Fuumlr alle Herausgeber Werner Eck

INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS

Vorwort VInhaltsverzeichnis VII

WERNER ECK Begruumlszligung 1STEFAN REBENICH Berlin und die antike Epigraphik 7

Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im WandellaquoATHANASIOS D RIZAKIS Writing public space and publicity in Greek

and Roman cities 77JOHN MCK CAMP II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of

Athens 91CHRISTIAN WITSCHEL Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlf-

fentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum 105CHARLOTTE ROUECHEacute Using civic space identifying the evidence 135

Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer KulturenlaquoWERNER ECK Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen 159PHILIP HUYSE The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and

Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World 161JONATHAN PRICE The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Ara-

maic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina 183STEPHAN JOHANNES SEIDLMAYER Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die

Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts 197IGNASI-XAVIER ADIEGO Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor

hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional 231

Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher RaumlumelaquoSTEPHEN MITCHELL Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introducto-

ry Remarks 271STEPHEN MITCHELL Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian

Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor 275PEacuteTER KOVAacuteCS Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 299

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis 323

GUY LABARRE ndash MEHMET OumlZSAIT Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie 347

Plenarsitzung raquoPublic EntertainmentlaquoSILVIA ORLANDI Public Entertainment 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirc-

trale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique 377TULLIA RITTI Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione 401

Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und GesellschaftlaquoCHRISTOF SCHULER Einfuumlhrung 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutedi-

terraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerccedilants et des armateurs 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten 436CHRISTER BRUUN Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic

evidence 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Ro-

me Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional 443MURIEL MOSER Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischenMilitaumlrlogistik 445

FILIZ DOumlNMEZ-OumlZTUumlRK ndash HUumlSEYIN SAMI OumlZTUumlRK Ein spaumltantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) 448

NATHAN BADOUD Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu 450

Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner WeltlaquoMICHAEL A SPEIDEL Einleitung 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS War on Display The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

OumlFFENTLICHKEIT ndash MONUMENT ndash TEXT

XIV Congressus InternationalisEpigraphiae Graecae et Latinae

27 ndash 31 Augusti MMXII

Akten

herausgegeben von

Werner Eck und Peter Funkein Verbindung mit

Marcus Dohnicht Klaus HallofMatthaumlus Heil und Manfred G Schmidt

DE GRUYTERMMXIV

Dieser Band wurde im Rahmen der gemeinsamen Forschungsfoumlrderung von Bundund Laumlndern mit Mitteln des Bundesministeriums fuumlr Bildung und Forschung undder Senatsverwaltung fuumlr Wirtschaft Technologie und Forschung des Landes Ber-lin erarbeitet

Gedruckt auf saumlurefreiem Papierdas die US-ANSI-Norm uumlber Haltbarkeit erfuumlllt

ISBN 978-3-11-037496-4

Bibliographische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek

Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografiedetaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet uumlber httpdnbddbde abrufbar

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress

copy 2014 Walter de Gruyter GmbH BerlinBostonDruck und Bindung Hubert amp Co GmbH amp Co KG Goumlttingen

infinGedruckt auf saumlurefreiem Papier

Printed in Germany

wwwdegruytercom

Vorwort

Ein Kongress ist ein wissenschaftliches und ein soziales Ereignis Waumlhrend dasLetztere wichtig ist fuumlr das innere Leben einer Disziplin aber mit dem Ab-schlusstag des Kongresses auch bereits wieder sein Ende findet sollte das wis-senschaftliche Ereignis fortleben Die hier vorgelegten Akten sollen dies leisten

Die Herausgeber dieses Bandes mussten entscheiden ob alle Vortraumlge die inBerlin vorgetragen wurden veroumlffentlicht werden sollten Wir haben uns dazuentschlossen dies zu tun freilich in unterschiedlicher Form Die laumlngeren Ab-handlungen der Plenarsitzungen werden hier vollstaumlndig vorgelegt die Beitraumlgeder Nachmittagssektionen dagegen nur als Kurzversionen Der Verzicht daraufauch diese Beitraumlge in voller Laumlnge abzudrucken erschien uns angemessen dochsollte zumindest ein Uumlberblick uumlber die Themen und Probleme gegeben werdendie in den Nachmittagssektionen behandelt wurden Wir danken allen Autorenfuumlr die Zusendung ihrer Manuskripte und fuumlr die schnelle Korrektur der Druck-vorlagen

Es war unser Bestreben die Akten zuumlgig vorzulegen damit die Autoren nichtzu lange nach Abschluss ihrer Manuskripte auf die Veroumlffentlichung wartenmussten und zugleich wollten wir den nicht selten berechtigten Klagen begeg-nen dass die Ergebnisse wissenschaftlicher Veranstaltungen allzu oft erst nachvielen Jahren publiziert wuumlrden Daruumlber hinaus schien uns ein solches Vorgehenangebracht um keinen zu groszligen Abstand zwischen der hier erfolgenden Publi-kation der Abstracts und der vollstaumlndigen Veroumlffentlichung der Beitraumlge derNachmittagssektionen entstehen zu lassen und um ein Erscheinen der Akten ineiner hinlaumlnglich langen Zeit vor dem naumlchsten Epigraphikkongress in Wien imJahr 2017 sicherzustellen

Wir wollen hier auch all denen nochmals danken die den XIV Internationa-len Kongress fuumlr Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik ermoumlglicht haben Anerster Stelle ist die Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie und ihr Praumlsident ProfDr Guumlnter Stock zu nennen sodann der amtierende und der fruumlhere Praumlsidentder Humboldt-Universitaumlt Prof Dr Jan-Hendrik Olbertz und Prof Dr Chri-stoph Markschies die dem Kongress ihre volle Unterstuumltzung gewaumlhrt habendes Weiteren gilt unser Dank der Praumlsidentin des Deutschen Archaumlologischen In-stituts Prof Dr Friederike Fless fuumlr die logistische Unterstuumltzung und demPraumlsidenten der Stiftung Preuszligischer Kulturbesitz Prof Dr Hermann Parzingersowie dem Direktor der Antikensammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu BerlinProf Dr Andreas Scholl fuumlr die Bereitstellung des Pergamon-Museums das ei-

VI

nen wundervollen Rahmen fuumlr die Abendveranstaltung bot Die Finanzierungdes Kongresses stets eines der zentralen Probleme eines solchen Ereignisses istneben der BBAW und der AIEGL wesentlich durch die Deutsche Forschungsge-meinschaft getragen worden dafuumlr danken wir allen besonders aber der DFGSchlieszliglich gilt unser Dank allen Autoren und allen Teilnehmerinnen und Teil-nehmern am Kongress und nicht zuletzt Matthaumlus Heil der die Druckvorlagedieses Bandes mit groumlszligter Sorgfalt erstellt hat Der Erfolg des Kongresses laumlszligtuns auch auf eine guumlnstige Aufnahme der Akten durch die wissenschaftlicheCommunity hoffen

Berlin Maumlrz 2014 Fuumlr alle Herausgeber Werner Eck

INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS

Vorwort VInhaltsverzeichnis VII

WERNER ECK Begruumlszligung 1STEFAN REBENICH Berlin und die antike Epigraphik 7

Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im WandellaquoATHANASIOS D RIZAKIS Writing public space and publicity in Greek

and Roman cities 77JOHN MCK CAMP II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of

Athens 91CHRISTIAN WITSCHEL Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlf-

fentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum 105CHARLOTTE ROUECHEacute Using civic space identifying the evidence 135

Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer KulturenlaquoWERNER ECK Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen 159PHILIP HUYSE The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and

Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World 161JONATHAN PRICE The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Ara-

maic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina 183STEPHAN JOHANNES SEIDLMAYER Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die

Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts 197IGNASI-XAVIER ADIEGO Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor

hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional 231

Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher RaumlumelaquoSTEPHEN MITCHELL Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introducto-

ry Remarks 271STEPHEN MITCHELL Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian

Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor 275PEacuteTER KOVAacuteCS Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 299

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis 323

GUY LABARRE ndash MEHMET OumlZSAIT Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie 347

Plenarsitzung raquoPublic EntertainmentlaquoSILVIA ORLANDI Public Entertainment 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirc-

trale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique 377TULLIA RITTI Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione 401

Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und GesellschaftlaquoCHRISTOF SCHULER Einfuumlhrung 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutedi-

terraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerccedilants et des armateurs 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten 436CHRISTER BRUUN Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic

evidence 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Ro-

me Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional 443MURIEL MOSER Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischenMilitaumlrlogistik 445

FILIZ DOumlNMEZ-OumlZTUumlRK ndash HUumlSEYIN SAMI OumlZTUumlRK Ein spaumltantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) 448

NATHAN BADOUD Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu 450

Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner WeltlaquoMICHAEL A SPEIDEL Einleitung 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS War on Display The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Dieser Band wurde im Rahmen der gemeinsamen Forschungsfoumlrderung von Bundund Laumlndern mit Mitteln des Bundesministeriums fuumlr Bildung und Forschung undder Senatsverwaltung fuumlr Wirtschaft Technologie und Forschung des Landes Ber-lin erarbeitet

Gedruckt auf saumlurefreiem Papierdas die US-ANSI-Norm uumlber Haltbarkeit erfuumlllt

ISBN 978-3-11-037496-4

Bibliographische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek

Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografiedetaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet uumlber httpdnbddbde abrufbar

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress

copy 2014 Walter de Gruyter GmbH BerlinBostonDruck und Bindung Hubert amp Co GmbH amp Co KG Goumlttingen

infinGedruckt auf saumlurefreiem Papier

Printed in Germany

wwwdegruytercom

Vorwort

Ein Kongress ist ein wissenschaftliches und ein soziales Ereignis Waumlhrend dasLetztere wichtig ist fuumlr das innere Leben einer Disziplin aber mit dem Ab-schlusstag des Kongresses auch bereits wieder sein Ende findet sollte das wis-senschaftliche Ereignis fortleben Die hier vorgelegten Akten sollen dies leisten

Die Herausgeber dieses Bandes mussten entscheiden ob alle Vortraumlge die inBerlin vorgetragen wurden veroumlffentlicht werden sollten Wir haben uns dazuentschlossen dies zu tun freilich in unterschiedlicher Form Die laumlngeren Ab-handlungen der Plenarsitzungen werden hier vollstaumlndig vorgelegt die Beitraumlgeder Nachmittagssektionen dagegen nur als Kurzversionen Der Verzicht daraufauch diese Beitraumlge in voller Laumlnge abzudrucken erschien uns angemessen dochsollte zumindest ein Uumlberblick uumlber die Themen und Probleme gegeben werdendie in den Nachmittagssektionen behandelt wurden Wir danken allen Autorenfuumlr die Zusendung ihrer Manuskripte und fuumlr die schnelle Korrektur der Druck-vorlagen

Es war unser Bestreben die Akten zuumlgig vorzulegen damit die Autoren nichtzu lange nach Abschluss ihrer Manuskripte auf die Veroumlffentlichung wartenmussten und zugleich wollten wir den nicht selten berechtigten Klagen begeg-nen dass die Ergebnisse wissenschaftlicher Veranstaltungen allzu oft erst nachvielen Jahren publiziert wuumlrden Daruumlber hinaus schien uns ein solches Vorgehenangebracht um keinen zu groszligen Abstand zwischen der hier erfolgenden Publi-kation der Abstracts und der vollstaumlndigen Veroumlffentlichung der Beitraumlge derNachmittagssektionen entstehen zu lassen und um ein Erscheinen der Akten ineiner hinlaumlnglich langen Zeit vor dem naumlchsten Epigraphikkongress in Wien imJahr 2017 sicherzustellen

Wir wollen hier auch all denen nochmals danken die den XIV Internationa-len Kongress fuumlr Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik ermoumlglicht haben Anerster Stelle ist die Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie und ihr Praumlsident ProfDr Guumlnter Stock zu nennen sodann der amtierende und der fruumlhere Praumlsidentder Humboldt-Universitaumlt Prof Dr Jan-Hendrik Olbertz und Prof Dr Chri-stoph Markschies die dem Kongress ihre volle Unterstuumltzung gewaumlhrt habendes Weiteren gilt unser Dank der Praumlsidentin des Deutschen Archaumlologischen In-stituts Prof Dr Friederike Fless fuumlr die logistische Unterstuumltzung und demPraumlsidenten der Stiftung Preuszligischer Kulturbesitz Prof Dr Hermann Parzingersowie dem Direktor der Antikensammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu BerlinProf Dr Andreas Scholl fuumlr die Bereitstellung des Pergamon-Museums das ei-

VI

nen wundervollen Rahmen fuumlr die Abendveranstaltung bot Die Finanzierungdes Kongresses stets eines der zentralen Probleme eines solchen Ereignisses istneben der BBAW und der AIEGL wesentlich durch die Deutsche Forschungsge-meinschaft getragen worden dafuumlr danken wir allen besonders aber der DFGSchlieszliglich gilt unser Dank allen Autoren und allen Teilnehmerinnen und Teil-nehmern am Kongress und nicht zuletzt Matthaumlus Heil der die Druckvorlagedieses Bandes mit groumlszligter Sorgfalt erstellt hat Der Erfolg des Kongresses laumlszligtuns auch auf eine guumlnstige Aufnahme der Akten durch die wissenschaftlicheCommunity hoffen

Berlin Maumlrz 2014 Fuumlr alle Herausgeber Werner Eck

INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS

Vorwort VInhaltsverzeichnis VII

WERNER ECK Begruumlszligung 1STEFAN REBENICH Berlin und die antike Epigraphik 7

Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im WandellaquoATHANASIOS D RIZAKIS Writing public space and publicity in Greek

and Roman cities 77JOHN MCK CAMP II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of

Athens 91CHRISTIAN WITSCHEL Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlf-

fentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum 105CHARLOTTE ROUECHEacute Using civic space identifying the evidence 135

Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer KulturenlaquoWERNER ECK Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen 159PHILIP HUYSE The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and

Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World 161JONATHAN PRICE The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Ara-

maic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina 183STEPHAN JOHANNES SEIDLMAYER Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die

Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts 197IGNASI-XAVIER ADIEGO Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor

hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional 231

Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher RaumlumelaquoSTEPHEN MITCHELL Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introducto-

ry Remarks 271STEPHEN MITCHELL Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian

Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor 275PEacuteTER KOVAacuteCS Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 299

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis 323

GUY LABARRE ndash MEHMET OumlZSAIT Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie 347

Plenarsitzung raquoPublic EntertainmentlaquoSILVIA ORLANDI Public Entertainment 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirc-

trale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique 377TULLIA RITTI Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione 401

Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und GesellschaftlaquoCHRISTOF SCHULER Einfuumlhrung 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutedi-

terraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerccedilants et des armateurs 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten 436CHRISTER BRUUN Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic

evidence 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Ro-

me Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional 443MURIEL MOSER Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischenMilitaumlrlogistik 445

FILIZ DOumlNMEZ-OumlZTUumlRK ndash HUumlSEYIN SAMI OumlZTUumlRK Ein spaumltantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) 448

NATHAN BADOUD Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu 450

Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner WeltlaquoMICHAEL A SPEIDEL Einleitung 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS War on Display The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Vorwort

Ein Kongress ist ein wissenschaftliches und ein soziales Ereignis Waumlhrend dasLetztere wichtig ist fuumlr das innere Leben einer Disziplin aber mit dem Ab-schlusstag des Kongresses auch bereits wieder sein Ende findet sollte das wis-senschaftliche Ereignis fortleben Die hier vorgelegten Akten sollen dies leisten

Die Herausgeber dieses Bandes mussten entscheiden ob alle Vortraumlge die inBerlin vorgetragen wurden veroumlffentlicht werden sollten Wir haben uns dazuentschlossen dies zu tun freilich in unterschiedlicher Form Die laumlngeren Ab-handlungen der Plenarsitzungen werden hier vollstaumlndig vorgelegt die Beitraumlgeder Nachmittagssektionen dagegen nur als Kurzversionen Der Verzicht daraufauch diese Beitraumlge in voller Laumlnge abzudrucken erschien uns angemessen dochsollte zumindest ein Uumlberblick uumlber die Themen und Probleme gegeben werdendie in den Nachmittagssektionen behandelt wurden Wir danken allen Autorenfuumlr die Zusendung ihrer Manuskripte und fuumlr die schnelle Korrektur der Druck-vorlagen

Es war unser Bestreben die Akten zuumlgig vorzulegen damit die Autoren nichtzu lange nach Abschluss ihrer Manuskripte auf die Veroumlffentlichung wartenmussten und zugleich wollten wir den nicht selten berechtigten Klagen begeg-nen dass die Ergebnisse wissenschaftlicher Veranstaltungen allzu oft erst nachvielen Jahren publiziert wuumlrden Daruumlber hinaus schien uns ein solches Vorgehenangebracht um keinen zu groszligen Abstand zwischen der hier erfolgenden Publi-kation der Abstracts und der vollstaumlndigen Veroumlffentlichung der Beitraumlge derNachmittagssektionen entstehen zu lassen und um ein Erscheinen der Akten ineiner hinlaumlnglich langen Zeit vor dem naumlchsten Epigraphikkongress in Wien imJahr 2017 sicherzustellen

Wir wollen hier auch all denen nochmals danken die den XIV Internationa-len Kongress fuumlr Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik ermoumlglicht haben Anerster Stelle ist die Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie und ihr Praumlsident ProfDr Guumlnter Stock zu nennen sodann der amtierende und der fruumlhere Praumlsidentder Humboldt-Universitaumlt Prof Dr Jan-Hendrik Olbertz und Prof Dr Chri-stoph Markschies die dem Kongress ihre volle Unterstuumltzung gewaumlhrt habendes Weiteren gilt unser Dank der Praumlsidentin des Deutschen Archaumlologischen In-stituts Prof Dr Friederike Fless fuumlr die logistische Unterstuumltzung und demPraumlsidenten der Stiftung Preuszligischer Kulturbesitz Prof Dr Hermann Parzingersowie dem Direktor der Antikensammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu BerlinProf Dr Andreas Scholl fuumlr die Bereitstellung des Pergamon-Museums das ei-

VI

nen wundervollen Rahmen fuumlr die Abendveranstaltung bot Die Finanzierungdes Kongresses stets eines der zentralen Probleme eines solchen Ereignisses istneben der BBAW und der AIEGL wesentlich durch die Deutsche Forschungsge-meinschaft getragen worden dafuumlr danken wir allen besonders aber der DFGSchlieszliglich gilt unser Dank allen Autoren und allen Teilnehmerinnen und Teil-nehmern am Kongress und nicht zuletzt Matthaumlus Heil der die Druckvorlagedieses Bandes mit groumlszligter Sorgfalt erstellt hat Der Erfolg des Kongresses laumlszligtuns auch auf eine guumlnstige Aufnahme der Akten durch die wissenschaftlicheCommunity hoffen

Berlin Maumlrz 2014 Fuumlr alle Herausgeber Werner Eck

INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS

Vorwort VInhaltsverzeichnis VII

WERNER ECK Begruumlszligung 1STEFAN REBENICH Berlin und die antike Epigraphik 7

Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im WandellaquoATHANASIOS D RIZAKIS Writing public space and publicity in Greek

and Roman cities 77JOHN MCK CAMP II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of

Athens 91CHRISTIAN WITSCHEL Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlf-

fentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum 105CHARLOTTE ROUECHEacute Using civic space identifying the evidence 135

Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer KulturenlaquoWERNER ECK Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen 159PHILIP HUYSE The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and

Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World 161JONATHAN PRICE The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Ara-

maic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina 183STEPHAN JOHANNES SEIDLMAYER Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die

Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts 197IGNASI-XAVIER ADIEGO Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor

hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional 231

Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher RaumlumelaquoSTEPHEN MITCHELL Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introducto-

ry Remarks 271STEPHEN MITCHELL Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian

Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor 275PEacuteTER KOVAacuteCS Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 299

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis 323

GUY LABARRE ndash MEHMET OumlZSAIT Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie 347

Plenarsitzung raquoPublic EntertainmentlaquoSILVIA ORLANDI Public Entertainment 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirc-

trale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique 377TULLIA RITTI Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione 401

Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und GesellschaftlaquoCHRISTOF SCHULER Einfuumlhrung 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutedi-

terraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerccedilants et des armateurs 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten 436CHRISTER BRUUN Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic

evidence 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Ro-

me Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional 443MURIEL MOSER Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischenMilitaumlrlogistik 445

FILIZ DOumlNMEZ-OumlZTUumlRK ndash HUumlSEYIN SAMI OumlZTUumlRK Ein spaumltantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) 448

NATHAN BADOUD Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu 450

Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner WeltlaquoMICHAEL A SPEIDEL Einleitung 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS War on Display The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

VI

nen wundervollen Rahmen fuumlr die Abendveranstaltung bot Die Finanzierungdes Kongresses stets eines der zentralen Probleme eines solchen Ereignisses istneben der BBAW und der AIEGL wesentlich durch die Deutsche Forschungsge-meinschaft getragen worden dafuumlr danken wir allen besonders aber der DFGSchlieszliglich gilt unser Dank allen Autoren und allen Teilnehmerinnen und Teil-nehmern am Kongress und nicht zuletzt Matthaumlus Heil der die Druckvorlagedieses Bandes mit groumlszligter Sorgfalt erstellt hat Der Erfolg des Kongresses laumlszligtuns auch auf eine guumlnstige Aufnahme der Akten durch die wissenschaftlicheCommunity hoffen

Berlin Maumlrz 2014 Fuumlr alle Herausgeber Werner Eck

INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS

Vorwort VInhaltsverzeichnis VII

WERNER ECK Begruumlszligung 1STEFAN REBENICH Berlin und die antike Epigraphik 7

Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im WandellaquoATHANASIOS D RIZAKIS Writing public space and publicity in Greek

and Roman cities 77JOHN MCK CAMP II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of

Athens 91CHRISTIAN WITSCHEL Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlf-

fentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum 105CHARLOTTE ROUECHEacute Using civic space identifying the evidence 135

Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer KulturenlaquoWERNER ECK Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen 159PHILIP HUYSE The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and

Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World 161JONATHAN PRICE The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Ara-

maic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina 183STEPHAN JOHANNES SEIDLMAYER Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die

Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts 197IGNASI-XAVIER ADIEGO Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor

hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional 231

Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher RaumlumelaquoSTEPHEN MITCHELL Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introducto-

ry Remarks 271STEPHEN MITCHELL Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian

Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor 275PEacuteTER KOVAacuteCS Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 299

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis 323

GUY LABARRE ndash MEHMET OumlZSAIT Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie 347

Plenarsitzung raquoPublic EntertainmentlaquoSILVIA ORLANDI Public Entertainment 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirc-

trale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique 377TULLIA RITTI Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione 401

Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und GesellschaftlaquoCHRISTOF SCHULER Einfuumlhrung 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutedi-

terraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerccedilants et des armateurs 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten 436CHRISTER BRUUN Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic

evidence 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Ro-

me Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional 443MURIEL MOSER Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischenMilitaumlrlogistik 445

FILIZ DOumlNMEZ-OumlZTUumlRK ndash HUumlSEYIN SAMI OumlZTUumlRK Ein spaumltantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) 448

NATHAN BADOUD Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu 450

Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner WeltlaquoMICHAEL A SPEIDEL Einleitung 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS War on Display The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS

Vorwort VInhaltsverzeichnis VII

WERNER ECK Begruumlszligung 1STEFAN REBENICH Berlin und die antike Epigraphik 7

Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im WandellaquoATHANASIOS D RIZAKIS Writing public space and publicity in Greek

and Roman cities 77JOHN MCK CAMP II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of

Athens 91CHRISTIAN WITSCHEL Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlf-

fentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum 105CHARLOTTE ROUECHEacute Using civic space identifying the evidence 135

Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer KulturenlaquoWERNER ECK Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen 159PHILIP HUYSE The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and

Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World 161JONATHAN PRICE The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Ara-

maic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina 183STEPHAN JOHANNES SEIDLMAYER Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die

Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts 197IGNASI-XAVIER ADIEGO Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor

hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional 231

Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher RaumlumelaquoSTEPHEN MITCHELL Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introducto-

ry Remarks 271STEPHEN MITCHELL Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian

Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor 275PEacuteTER KOVAacuteCS Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 299

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis 323

GUY LABARRE ndash MEHMET OumlZSAIT Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie 347

Plenarsitzung raquoPublic EntertainmentlaquoSILVIA ORLANDI Public Entertainment 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirc-

trale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique 377TULLIA RITTI Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione 401

Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und GesellschaftlaquoCHRISTOF SCHULER Einfuumlhrung 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutedi-

terraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerccedilants et des armateurs 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten 436CHRISTER BRUUN Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic

evidence 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Ro-

me Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional 443MURIEL MOSER Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischenMilitaumlrlogistik 445

FILIZ DOumlNMEZ-OumlZTUumlRK ndash HUumlSEYIN SAMI OumlZTUumlRK Ein spaumltantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) 448

NATHAN BADOUD Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu 450

Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner WeltlaquoMICHAEL A SPEIDEL Einleitung 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS War on Display The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis 323

GUY LABARRE ndash MEHMET OumlZSAIT Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie 347

Plenarsitzung raquoPublic EntertainmentlaquoSILVIA ORLANDI Public Entertainment 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirc-

trale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique 377TULLIA RITTI Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione 401

Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und GesellschaftlaquoCHRISTOF SCHULER Einfuumlhrung 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutedi-

terraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerccedilants et des armateurs 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten 436CHRISTER BRUUN Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic

evidence 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Ro-

me Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional 443MURIEL MOSER Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischenMilitaumlrlogistik 445

FILIZ DOumlNMEZ-OumlZTUumlRK ndash HUumlSEYIN SAMI OumlZTUumlRK Ein spaumltantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) 448

NATHAN BADOUD Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu 450

Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner WeltlaquoMICHAEL A SPEIDEL Einleitung 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS War on Display The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA DrsquoAMORE Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urba-

nisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien 468CECILIA RICCI The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473FRANCcedilOIS BEacuteRARD Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garni-son de Lyon 476

IOAN PISO ndash OVIDIU ŢENTEA Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit 479

Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten RaumlumenlaquoANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL Introduction 481WILLIAM C WEST III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria Crete 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum darge-stellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon 484

HANS TAEUBER Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos 487

J A BAIRD Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos 489FRANCISCO BELTRAacuteN LLORIS Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitali-dad y patronato 492

ANTONIO VARONE Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoareaVesuviana 494

REBECCA R BENEFIEL Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces 494PETER KEEGAN Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking

Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii 497

Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen WeltlaquoJOHN BODEL Introduction 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHEgraveLE BRUNET Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoy-er fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK ndash IRENE POLINSKAYA A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) 512

GIULIA SARULLO Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions 515

Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquoMARCO BUONOCORE Introduzione 519DANIELA GIONTA Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del

Quattrocento 524XAVIER ESPLUGA Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona 526ULRIKE JANSEN Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument fuumlr die Epigraphik 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere

Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers 531MARIANNE PADE The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511)

epigraphic capitals 535HEIKKI SOLIN Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana 541

MARTIN OTT Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der rouml-mischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert 543

Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquoKLAUS HALLOF ndash ERKKI SIRONEN Praefatio 547D JORDAN ndash G ROCCA ndash L THREATTE Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia) 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS ndash NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES ndash ADELE SCAFURO New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52 724) 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe 556M H SAYAR Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria 562ELENI ZAVVOU An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) 564

Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash WorkshoplaquoPATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL Einleitung 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmi-

scher Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ ndash PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities TheGreek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo 570

Mordf CRUZ GONZAacuteLEZ RODRIacuteGUEZ ndash MANUEL RAMIacuteREZ SAacuteNCHEZ Haciala elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC)novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas 573

ESTIacuteBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA AacuteLAVA Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwest-provinzen 579

Sektion raquoVermessung von RaumlumenlaquoISABEL RODAgrave Introduccioacuten 583BORJA DIacuteAZ ARINtildeO ndash DIANA GOROSTIDI PI Medir la distancia en eacutepoca

republicana Los miliarios 587JONATHAN PRAG Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Si-

cily 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlber-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Staumldten 597

LEacuteOPOLD MIGEOTTE Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne 600CAROLINA CORTEacuteS BAacuteRCENA ndash JOSEacute MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL Geographia

et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1) 608

Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und KultelaquoMIKA KAJAVA Introduction 611TAKASHI FUJII Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Re-

ligious Geographical and Political Communication 613NICOLE BELAYCHE From Personal Experience to Public Display A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara 615JOSEPH W DAY Dedications in Dialogue 617GUNNEL EKROTH Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia 622MARIA KANTIREA Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire 624ANDREJ PETROVIC ndash IVANA PETROVIC Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations 626GIL H RENBERG Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene 631

Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche KultraumlumelaquoVERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL Einleitung 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh 637ILENIA GRADANTE Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH ndash ULRICH HUTTNER ndash CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnisder Inschriften 642

DONATELLA NUZZO Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Portoforme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica 645

SPYROS P PANAGOPOULOS Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts The case of Manuel Philes 648

ANDREAS RHOBY Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext 650

ERKKI SIRONEN Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos 655

Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre In-schriftenlaquo

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO Introduccioacuten 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens a case study 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di etagrave arcaica 664BARBARA E BORG In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZOacuteN Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga 671CONCEPCIOacuteN FERNAacuteNDEZ MARTIacuteNEZ ndash JOAN GOacuteMEZ PALLAREgraveS ndash

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO Les monuments funeacuteraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della cata-comba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma 678

Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash InschriftlaquoHENNER VON HESBERG Einleitung 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTIacuteN GONZAacuteLEZ Reading archaic Greek inscriptions 683SARA KACZKO Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI ndash LORENZO CAMPAGNA Esposizione di documenti

pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion 688VICTOR COJOCARU Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum 691GIULIA TOZZI Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco 693STEacutePHANE BENOIST ndash CHRISTINE HOEumlT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE ndash SABINE

LEFEBVRE Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain 695

CAROLINE BLONCE Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte 698

EMILY A HEMELRIJK Women and Public Space in the Latin West 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei

secoli IVndashIX 703

Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquoMUSTAFA ADAK ndash MANFRED G SCHMIDT Einleitung 707WERNER ECK Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtge-

setz 708CHRISTIAN MAREK Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA ndash LUCIA GERVASINI CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN ndash MICHEL KASPRZYK Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun) 715LENA KAUMANNS Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia 717LAURA CHIOFFI Novitagrave da Capua 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat 722JOSEacute REMESAL RODRIacuteGUEZ Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) 724JONATHAN PRAG Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJUumlRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda 731

Index auctorum 757Verzeichnis der Poster 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis 765

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt

Michael A Speidel

Einleitung

Wenn die Inschriften der griechisch-roumlmischen Welt in ihrer Aussage von denElementen Oumlffentlichkeit Monument und Text bestimmt werden wie dies dasuumlbergeordnete Thema des XIV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Griechische undLateinische Epigraphik festhaumllt und wie es die zahlreichen Vortraumlge die dazu inBerlin gehalten wurden illustrierten und vertieften dann muss dies ganz selbst-verstaumlndlich auch fuumlr die Inschriften gelten die in der Welt des Militaumlrs entstan-den sind Denn das Militaumlr der antiken griechischen hellenistischen undroumlmischen Kultur war keine streng abgegrenzte Parallelwelt Die Soldaten undOffiziere entstammten derselben kulturellen Welt ihrer Heimat die auch ihreMitmenschen praumlgte und meist kehrten sie nach ihrem Militaumlrdienst in dieseWelt zuruumlck Zudem blieben auch waumlhrend des Heeresdienstes die meisten sozi-alen kulturellen und religioumlsen Normen ihrer Herkunftsgesellschaften grund-saumltzlich bestehen Eine fundamental andere epigraphische Produktion als jeneder Heimatgemeinden ist deshalb weder zu erwarten noch festzustellen

In der Welt des Militaumlrs entwickelten sich aber auch bestimmte Eigenheitendie diese von anderen Lebenswelten trennten und deren Ursprung teils in den be-sonderen Lebensumstaumlnden lag die der Militaumlrdienst diktierte und im Zweckder Gewaltausuumlbung fuumlr den alle Streitkraumlfte geschaffen wurden sowie aberauch im Aufwand der fuumlr den Betrieb und die Erhaltung militaumlrischer Institu-tionen notwendig war Denn einerseits beanspruchten der soldatische Alltagund die gemeinsame Grenzerfahrung des organisierten Toumltens und Uumlberlebens(oder die Vorbereitung darauf) einen zentralen Platz in der Lebenswelt dieserGesellschaft und andererseits bestimmte die Bedeutung des Militaumlrs nicht nurfuumlr die Existenz eines antiken Staates oder seiner Regierung sondern auch alsOrt der Entstehung von Helden und Heldensagen ihr besonderes Selbstverstaumlnd-nis und Zusammengehoumlrigkeitsgefuumlhl

Diese Voraussetzungen unterschieden sich aber in mancherlei Hinsicht vonjenen die etwa in den Staumldten herrschten und auch Oumlffentlichkeit konnte beimMilitaumlr wenigstens teilweise eine andere sein als in urbanen Kontexten Solche

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

454 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in der besonderen militaumlrischen Kultur begruumlndeten Eigenheiten konnten sichaber auf die epigraphische Kommunikation und den Dreiklang Oumlffentlichkeit ndashMonument ndash Text auswirken Die Referentinnen und Referenten der SektionraquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo standen deshalb vor der Aufgabe diese besonderenAuswirkungen zu beleuchten und zu untersuchen Ihre Beitraumlge zeigen fuumlr dieWelt des Militaumlrs aus verschiedenster Perspektive und fuumlr die Epochen der grie-chischen Poliswelt der hellenistischen Staaten und des Roumlmischen Reiches dieFruchtbarkeit des Ansatzes bei der Aussage von Inschriften zusaumltzlich zum Textstets auch das Monument auf dem er steht und das Publikum an das er sichwendet in allen vorhandenen Kontexten zu beruumlcksichtigen

Michael A Speidel Baselmspeidelsunrisech

Nikolaos Papazarkadas

War on Display The Military Epigraphyof the Athenian Empire

For readers of Thucydides the Athenian Empire is very much a military phenom-enon The aim of this paper is to trace aspects of this picture as crystallized inthe epigraphical output of Athens in the short 5th century (ca 479ndash404)

A good starting point is the famous lapis primus (IG I3 259ndash272) the jewelin the crown of Athenian imperial epigraphy and one of the largest single-blockinscriptions of the ancient Greek world (362m x 115m x 040m) The opistho-graphic lapis primus records the tithe offered to Athena one-sixtieth of the trib-ute sent to Athens annually by every member of the Delian League to Athena Itcontains the entries for 15 years from 4543 the year the treasury of the Leaguewas allegedly transferred from Delos to Athens down to 440391 Second inname and in rank comes the so-called lapis secundus (IG I3 273ndash280) which isslightly wider but considerably shorter though with an estimated height of220m it still remains a monument to reckon with Nevertheless although thetwo stelae are monuments of Athenian imperialism they can hardly be said to bemilitary monuments

More direct connection to the military can be detected in several decrees ofthe Athenian Assembly and Council IG I3 contains 228 decrees mostly frag-

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

War on Display 455

mentary including about 30 interstate agreements with varying degrees of mil-itary content Some record exchanges of oaths for the reaffirmation of militaryalliances (e g IG I3 11 the raquoSegesta-decreelaquo) Others like IG I3 21 (regulationsfor Miletus) contain minute details on such topics as the dispatch of troops theirremuneration etc Only six of them are military treaties proper (ξυμμαχίαι)Athenian colonies are the subject of two decrees of which the one concerningBrea (IG I3 46) specifies the census classes from which soldier-settlers had tocome Three decrees deal with the Athenian fleet and the first decree of Kallias(IG I3 52A) envisages that upon repaying their debts to the Other Gods theAthenians ought to invest money in the dockyard and the fortifications wallsFinally even if IG I3 93 were to be dissociated from the Sicilian expedition thedocument still covers a whole array of military issues for some operation fromthe number of generals and ships to sources of funding Surprisingly there is justone decree that is the direct product of the Athenian military namely IG I3 92(decree in honor of the Thessalian Kalippos 4221) the only extant decree in-troduced by generals

Morphologically the aforementioned documents are not different from oth-er decrees They are inscribed on marble stelae that were set up on the Acropolisspeaking markers of political power and piety Yet not all decrees are identicallettering size and decoration varied considerably Document reliefs in partic-ular add an extra layer for visual interpretation in the well-known Atheniandecree concerning loyal Samos (IG I3 127) Athena and Hera the divine protec-tors of the two cities are depicted shaking hands

Military preoccupations also appear in documents of internal administra-tion Accounts produced by the Treasurers of the Sacred Money of Athena andother financial administrators do not only record cultic income and expensesbut also military costs One of the earliest of the series records ominously highamounts spent for the bloody suppression of the Samian revolt (IG I3 363) ineffect the reaffirmation of Athenian power while the operations at Corcyrahave been immortalized in the marble slab bearing IG I3 364

Another distinct category is that of dedications made by military officials orbodies IG I3 511 a dedication by cavalrymen led by their hipparchs is a goodreminder that the Athenian military was not a monolothic block but reflectedcomplex contemporary socioeconomic realities A note of triumphalism is struckby inscribed spolia After the famous Athenian victory at Pylos the shields takenfrom the 420 captured Lacedaimonians were appropriately inscribed and subse-quently displayed on the Painted Stoa in the Agora With this last example theperformative context is no longer that of the Acropolis Rather the AthenianAgora public space par excellence continues to develop and becomes a conspic-

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

456 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

uous place for public display especially after 410 An inscribed spear-head dedi-cated to the Dioskouroi after the Athenians crushed the Lesbian revolt in 427(IG Isup3 521bis) shows that some military dedications were displayed in shrinesother than the Acropolis Finally we should not forget the bronze vessels offeredas prizes to the winners of funeral games i e games that celebrated the heroicdeath of Athenian soldiers (e g IG I3 523)

Documents that could be favorably compared to the kind of material Romanhistorians are used to were inscribed on perishable material (e g whitenedwooden boards) and have therefore left no traces There is one type of epigra-phical evidence that can be confidently called military the trittys-markers Fourof them come from the area round the Areopagos and simply designate trittyesThe remaining eleven have been found near the Agora and in Piraeus and bearslightly more elaborate texts (IG I3 1127 raquoHere ends the trittys of the Paiani-ans and starts the trittys of the Myrrhinousianslaquo) These markers designated ar-eas for the mustering of Athenian troops hoplites in the case of land forcesmarines in the case of the Piraean examples2 All fifteen examples have been tra-ditionally placed in the mid-fifth century BC and have been seen as the directproducts of Cleisthenesrsquo reforms but one should consider them primarily as theproducts of the Athenian Empire

A most impressive document is the fragmentary IG I3 1032 thought to com-memorate the victory of a small squadron of 8 Athenian triremes that operatedin 412 in the Eastern Aegean3 As it stands the monument consists of 420 linesbut originally it would have had at least 1000 The crew members are designatedby their offices trierachs or syntrierachs first captains pentecontarchs etcAthenian citizens are designated by demotics non-Athenians are given short-ened forms of their ethnics and slaves are designated by virtue of their ownersHowever it has been recently suggested that exactly because it celebrated vari-ety across social and ethnic lines this monument proved to be unpopular andremained a one-off

Paradoxically Athenian soldiers and sometimes their allies too become vis-ible to us only once they are no longer alive This is the story told by the so-called Athenian casualty lists monuments that according to the traditional in-terpretation celebrate the democratic ethos and patriotism manifested in valiantdeath ML 33 is a speaking memorial of the high toll the Athenians had to payin the early days of the First Peloponnesian War Unsurprisingly many exam-ples come from the main Peloponnesian War which was much bloodier Casu-alty lists were either inscribed on free-standing stelae occasionally pedimentaland rarely crowned by reliefs or on stelae that were attached to each otherforming panels which were in turn set up on long bases The lists regularly have

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

War on Display 457

headings specifying battles The fallen soldiers are arranged by tribes in the of-ficial tribal order There are no patronyms and no demotics just columns ofnames arranged without any alphabetic or socioecomonic considerations Ex-ceptions are few and far between Deceased generals are designated as such asare seers On rare occasions there are rubrics for foreigners or mounted archersor simple archers sometimes said to be barbaroi Last but not least epigramsoften add a poetic touch to the commemoration of heroic death Thanks to thedescription of the demosion sema by Pausanias and archaeological investiga-tion we know more about casualty lists and their topography than about anyother type of military epigraphy Recent work has modified the picture deline-ated above by showing that the public funerary monuments did not only cele-brate courage and the democratic ethos but also helped manage defeat andtherefore reaffirm collective resilience4 Many scholars have seen casualty listsin the context of producing public lists of all sorts This may well be true andwould bring us back to the naval inscription IG I3 1032 but also to conscriptlists which do not survive How much the proliferation of lists is a phenomenonof the Athenian Empire is hard to tell The publication of the casualty list of Ere-chtheis from the battle of Marathon (SEG LVI 430) has shown that the trendalready existed in the early stage of the Persian Wars

Some may reject the whole notion of a military epigraphy of the AthenianEmpire However it was a war i e the Peloponnesian War that triggered anepigraphical explosion of inscribed documents referring to the military includ-ing military alliances proxeny decrees dedications even lists of dead soldiersThe lower dates post-Mattingly for the inscriptions of the Athenian Empire canonly reinforce this picture In a sense the proliferation of military documentswas attendant on the increasingly frequent use of writing for the effective ad-ministration of the Empire

Nikolaos Papazarkadas Berkeley CApapazarkadasberkeleyedu

Notes

1 M M Miles raquoThe Lapis Primus and the Older Parthenonlaquo Hesperia 80 2011 657ndash6752 J S Traill Demos and Trittys Epigraphical and Topographical Studies in the Organization of

Attica Toronto 1986 93ndash1133 A J Graham raquoThucydides 7132 and the Crews of Athenian Trieremeslaquo TAPA 122 1992

257ndash704 N T Arrington raquoThe Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Listslaquo ClAnt 30

2011 179ndash212 P Low raquoThe Monuments to the War Dead in Classical Athens Form Con-texts Meaningslaquo in P Low G Oliver and P J Rhodes (edd) Cultures of CommemorationWar Memorials Ancient and Modern Oxford 2012 13ndash39

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

458 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Lucia DrsquoAmore

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos

Il decreto IG I3 138 (ante 434 aC) fu rinvenuto ai piedi del Licabetto ove sisuole individuare lrsquoarea del santuario arcaico di Apollo Liceo dove successiva-mente sorse il ginnasio fatto erigere da Licurgo alla fine del IV secolo aC

Il decreto dellrsquoekklesia ateniese contiene la prescrizione del pagamento di unatassa annuale pro capite (capitatio) rivolta al corpo militare ateniese di terra infavore di un santuario di Apollo che egrave possibile identificare con Apollo Liceonon soltanto per il luogo di ritrovamento dellrsquoepigrafe ma soprattutto percheacutenellrsquoarea di quel santuario il corpo militare ateniese probabilmente giagrave alla finedel VI sec soleva svolgere manovre ed esercitazioni che richiedevano un ampiospazio non trattandosi di un luogo particolarmente edificato1

I fondi destinati al santuario sono amministrati dalla polis e secondo quan-to espressamente dichiarato nel decreto lrsquoamministrazione del fondo destinatoal santuario saragrave trattata laquodopo la discussione degli affari sacriraquo (με[τὰ τὰ hιεράl 19) Il tenore del decreto suggerisce che il chrematizein (l 18) cioegrave lrsquoammini-strazione del fondo monetario del santuario rientrasse nellrsquoamministrazione de-gli affari pubblici la cosiddetta dioikesis La polis antica distingueva nettamentetra il patrimonio dei santuari hiera chremata e quello della polis2 sebbene fos-sero diffusi i casi di prestiti dei santuari alle poleis per la risoluzione di problemifinanziari contingenti3 Nel nostro caso la gestione dei fondi costituitisi con ilcontributo dei militari sembra gestito allrsquointerno degli affari pubblici della cittagravetra le cui voci di bilancio rientravano naturalmente anche i lavori pubblici confine propagandistico-monumentale4

Rientrando la gestione dei fondi del santuario di Apollo nella dioikesis dif-ficilmente si potragrave assegnare il contributo imposto allrsquoesercito ateniese allrsquoambi-to delle consacrazioni di natura sacrale lrsquoelemento discriminante egrave costituitodalla forza coercitiva della polis che impone per decreto il pagamento del con-tributo trattenendo alla fonte cioegrave dal misthos il contributo di chi eventual-mente si opponesse al pagamento In questrsquoottica viene meno la spontaneitagravedella donazione che caratterizza lrsquoaparche lrsquoofferta volontaria e spontanea alladivinitagrave Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale sono simili a quelle delle epidoseis edelle eisphorai studiate e analizzate da Migeotte e da Brun5

Rispetto allrsquoesempio ateniese in oggetto esistono alcune differenze fonda-mentali sia le epidoseis che le eisphorai non erano riscossioni regolari e annuali

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo 459

ma volta per volta venivano individuati i contribuenti in base al patrimonio im-mobiliare per soddisfare una necessitagrave contingente che poteva consistere nel re-stauro di un edificio oppure nel finanziamento di una spedizione militarementre nel caso ateniese in oggetto il tributo ha un connotato di regolaritagrave e nonegrave una somma proporzionale al patrimonio dei contribuenti ma egrave calcolato sullabase del misthos versato dalla polis Dunque la cifra da versare egrave totalmente in-dipendente dal patrimonio personale dei contribuenti

Le modalitagrave di imposizione fiscale messe in atto ad Atene richiamano un al-tro istituto noto nella fiscalitagrave antica denominato epikephalaion telos unrsquoimpo-sta stabilita sulla persona indipendentemente dal patrimonio personale6 Diquesto tributo pro capite imposto a cittadini e a stranieri esistono diverse testi-monianze nella documentazione epigrafica di etagrave ellenistica sebbene i pagamen-ti del contributo non siano sempre caratterizzati da una cadenza regolare

Sotto il profilo politico la decisione della polis di destinare al santuario partedel misthos dellrsquoesercito ateniese trova unrsquoadeguata spiegazione soltanto se sitengono presenti le fondamentali riflessioni di Domenico Musti sul rapporto trapubblico e privato nella democrazia periclea e sullrsquoetica attivistica promossa dal-lo stesso Pericle in particolare dallrsquoidea periclea dellrsquoutilizzazione del denaro deiprivati e della ricchezza in generale una ricchezza non intesa come bene di pre-stigio ma laquolrsquoideologia di una ricchezza impegnata negli erga in primo luogo leopere destinate alla comunitagraveraquo Unrsquoidea di economia non piugrave basata sulla tesau-rizzazione e sullrsquoaccumulazione secondo un ideale arcaico e aristocratico masulla circolazione del denaro condizione necessaria al fine di creare ricchezzaper lrsquointera popolazione7

I militari ateniesi potevano contribuire alla ricchezza della cittagrave finanziandounrsquoopera pubblica che consistesse nella sistemazione dellrsquoarea del santuario diApollo Liceo unrsquoarea a loro riservata per le esercitazioni e le manovre fornendolavoro ad operai ed artigiani Drsquoaltronde questo dato non ci appare assoluta-mente nuovo e risuona chiaramente dalle parole di Plutarco nella vita di Pericle(Plu Per XII 5ndash6)

laquo(Pericle) propose risolutamente al popolo grandi progetti di costruzioni epiani di lavori che avrebbero messo in movimento molti mestieri e richiesto mol-to tempo In tal modo la popolazione sedentaria avrebbe avuto la medesima oc-casione che i marinai e i soldati di guarnigione o di spedizione per essere aiutataad ottenere la sua parte di fondi pubbliciraquo8

E quale modo migliore per ridistribuire il denaro pubblico per rendere par-tecipi della ricchezza della polis non soltanto il corpo militare ateniese ma anchela classe di operai e di artigiani di quello di imporre un contributo annuale perfinanziare i lavori di sistemazione di un santuario Lrsquoidea dellrsquoimposizione del

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

460 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tributo rientra perfettamente a mio avviso nellrsquoottica periclea della ridistribu-zione della ricchezza di un uso del denaro volto a stimolare attivitagrave produttivecosigrave magistralmente delineato da Musti9

Alla luce di quanto espresso non credo che il pagamento del tributo sia in-quadrabile nellrsquoottica di unrsquoaparche da consacrare alla divinitagrave come egrave statosuggerito in passato ma ritengo che il pagamento di un epikephalaion telos sialeggibile in unrsquoottica civica come un contributo degli Ateniesi (e degli stranieriche ivi risiedevano inquadrati nei ranghi dellrsquoesercito) alla propria cittagrave di cuigli edifici sacri costituivano parte integrante ed irrinunciabile

Lucia DrsquoAmore Romaluciadamore2002hotmailcom

Note

1 M H JAMESON Apollo Lykeion in Athens Archaiognosia 1 1980 213ndash2362 L MIGEOTTE Lrsquoeconomia delle cittagrave greche trad it U FANTASIA Bologna 2003 101ndash1023 L MIGEOTTE Sur les rapports financiers entre le sanctuaire et la citeacute de Locres in Comptes et

inventaires dans la citeacute grecque Actes du colloque international drsquoeacutepigraphie Neuchacirctel 23 ndash26 septembre 1986 en lrsquohonneur de Jacques Treacuteheux Neuchacirctel 1988 191ndash203

4 L MORETTI Lrsquoeconomia 3 Le finanze della polis in Storia e civiltagrave dei Greci 8 La societagraveellenistica Economia diritto religione Milano 1977 346ndash349 e L MIGEOTTE La hauteadministration des finances publiques et sacreacutees dans les citeacutes helleacutenistiques Chiron 36 2006379ndash394

5 L MIGEOTTE Les souscriptions publiques dans les citeacutes grecques Genegraveve-Queacutebec 1992 pas-sim L MIGEOTTE La citeacute grecque les citoyens et les finances publiques Les eacutetudes classiques70 (2002) 13ndash26 partic p 18 e P BRUN Eisphora Syntaxis Stratiotika Recherches sur lesfinances militaires drsquoAthegravenes au IVe siegravecle av J C Paris 1983

6 Sullrsquoargomento G CORSARO Tassazione regia e tassazione cittadina dagli Achemenidi ai reellenistici Alcune osservazioni REA 87 1985 73ndash95 Anche Z TAŞLIKLIOĞLU ndash P FRISCHNew Inscriptions from the Troad ZPE 17 1975 106ndash107 F PAPAZOGLOU La polation descolonies romaines en Maceacutedonie ŽAnt 40 1990 111ndash124 PH GAUTHIER Ἀτέλεια τοῦ

σώματος Chiron 21 1991 49ndash687 D MUSTI Storia Greca Roma ndash Bari 1994 3808 D MUSTI op cit (a nt 27) 3819 D MUSTI Demokratigravea Origini di unrsquoidea Roma-Bari 1995 3 e ss

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 461

Vincent Gabrielsen

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic RhodesAn Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text

This contribution compares the epigraphical record of two of the best attestednavies of the Greek-speaking world that of classical Athens and that of Hellen-istic Rhodes1 As regards display monument and text I argue the inscriptionaldossiers of these two poleis differ considerably between them whereas that ofAthens almost exclusively consists of the accounts yearly published by theἐπιμεληταί of the dockyards (νεώρια) in connection with their εὐθῦναι (i e theobligatory rendering of accounts undergone by all magistrates who had handledpublic property) that of Rhodes contains not a single such account but predom-inantly consists of private dedications made by and for naval officers Discus-sion of individual specimens from the two dossiers concludes by suggesting thatsuch differences reflect two quite distinct naval organisations

I AthensIn 1834 Ludwig Ross discovered in the Piraeus a number of inscribed stelai thathad been used a water-channels in a late-Roman portico These were the inscrip-tions now known as the Athenian naval records i e the yearly accounts of theἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων the officials responsible for Athens three naval bases inthe Piraeus In 1840 the texts were published by August Boumlckh in his Urkundenuumlber das Seewesen des attischen Staates Later after further work on the textsby Ulrich Koumlhler and Walther Kolbe they were incorporated by Johannes Kirch-ner in IG IIIII2 as nos 1604 to 1632 A few further fragments found in the Athe-nian Agora (Agora I 2012 I 2542 I 3277 I 5419 I 7316 and I 7450) have beenpublished in individual volumes of Hesperia (e g Hesp 8 [1936] 17ndash25 ib 64[1995] 179ndash224) The entire series dates from 3787 to 2232 BC though theresurvive three fifth-century fragments (IG I3 498 499 500) As a specimen illus-trating the general features of these stelai (in terms of display monument andtext) my presentation discusses the record of 3576 BC (IG IIIII2 1611) now atthe Epigraphical Museum of Athens (EM 10393)

Like the other stelai in the series it is of Hymettian marble and measures H0592 m W 0560 m Th 0130ndash0135 m What survives is the upper left-handpart of a stele estimated to have been about 2 m high 1 m broad and 135 centthick Characteristically the naval records from the 350s onwards are opistho-graphic non-stoichedon and have small-size lettering H 0004 m (see Hesp 37

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

462 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

[1968] 244ndash54) Originally our specimen contained a total of 23 columns orabout 5000 lines of text on its front and back faces and on one lateral face Asan official account it mainly gives (a) a complete list of all materieacutel in the dock-yards and at sea and (b) a list of all materieacutel (or its monetary equivalent) owedby trierarchs and dockyard officials Our example and its counterparts were im-pressively large densely inscribed free-standing stelai which stood (perhaps atthe Zea harbour) for administrative display They are thus a monument over afiercely bureaucratic system erected by a state that jealously guarded its nau-tikon Containing no reference to crews these inscriptions register dryly andmatter-of-factly transactions and financial obligations The main persona ondisplay in them the trierarch stands out less for his qualities as ὁ μαχόμενος andmore for his obligations as of ὁ ὀφείλων The contrast to Hellenistic Rhodes istherefore all the more striking

II RhodesPublication of the lsquonavalrsquo inscriptions of Rhodes besides those in IG XII 1 hasbeen undertaken by M Segre G Iacopi A Maiuri and G Pugliese Carratellichiefly in separate volumes of Clara Rhodos and ASAA and by Chr Blinken-berg in ILindos from where the specimen discussed in this presentation (ILin-dos 88) derives It was inscribed on a dedicatory monument (height 164 mlength 180 m width 130 m) found on its original site the acropolis of LindosFour layers of blocks of Lartian marble form the prow of a warship on which astatue perhaps of Nike once stood The ship-monument was visible to anyoneentering the sanctuary of Athana Lindia ILindos 88 (a non-stoichedon text) iscarved on the uppermost block The inscription consists of (a) a two-line dedi-catory heading in letters 11 mill high and (b) a list of dedicants (lettering hight9 mil) which was originally arranged in seven columns listing 288 names prob-ably the crews of three ships which as the heading informs us were of the typeτριημιολία Prosopographical data suggests a date between 265 and 260 BCThe dedication originated in the crowning of the archon trierarchs and crewsof these τριημιολίαι by the δᾶμος (probably of Lindos) because of their success-ful operations against Tyrrhenian pirates Analysis of this and the remaining in-scriptions (esp Clara Rhodos 8 [1936] 228) besides documenting the compo-sition of Rhodian crews (those best attested in Hellenistic times) reveals an ex-traordinary high number of close relatives (e g fathers-sons) amongst themThis suggests i a the use of private modes of manpower recruitment a circum-stance corroborated by the rich attestation in Rhodes of private associations(koina) consisting entirely of crews or with militarynaval branches

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes 463

Especially interesting is the Σαμοθραικιαστᾶν μεσονέων κοινόν (IG XII 1 43statue base 1st century BC) which honours a naval officer As Aristotle explains(Mech 4 850b) μεσόνεοι refers to the physically fit and exceptionally skilledoarsmen who were situated midships The ongoing Copenhagen AssociationsProject will hopefully shed more light on the wider importance of private asso-ciations However it seems reasonable to say that in addition to family connec-tions the Rhodian recruitment methods included the use of such private net-works as were created by the associational phenomenon the latter had becomea structural component of the Rhodian fleet All in all the Rhodian naval epi-graphy depicts a world far removed from the public accounts and compulsoryobligations of Classical Athens Through the medium of grandiose horonific-dedicatory monuments in public or sacred space the Rhodians consciously (andin Doric Greek) put on display their personal naval achievements and those oftheir state The differences between the epigraphic records of the two poleis itcan be argued are not accidental but reflect distinct naval organisationsWhereas Athensrsquo fleet consisted entirely of publicly owned warships whose de-ployment was strictly controlled by the political authorities the Rhodian fleetwas only partly so In Rhodes (a) private ownership of warships (complemen-tary to public ship-ownership) seems widespread (b) the private deployment ofsuch ships (totally banned at Athens) was on some occasions permitted and (c)the recruitment of naval manpower rather than relying solely on conscriptionof citizens or on hiring foreigners as at Athens was to some measure facilitatedby private networks based family-ties and private cult-oriented associationsLiterary evidence indicates that the Rhodian system was not wholly Hellenisticit had archaic-classical predecessors

Vincent Gabrielsen Copenhagengabrielshumkudk

Note

1 I would like to thank the directors and staff of the Epigraphical Museum of Athens and theArchaeological Institute of the Dodecanese Rhodes for their kind help

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

464 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Nicholas Victor Sekunda

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias

In 293 BC Demetrius Poliorcetes founded the city of Demetrias on the site ofthe previously existing city of Pagasai the port town of the Thessalian city ofPherai and surrounded it with a fortification wall He gave the city his ownname very much in the tradition of the Hellenistic monarchs The Antigonidkings maintained a permanent garrison in the city one of the lsquofettersrsquo by whichthey kept Greece captive

At some point later on perhaps in 88 BC upon the approach of the Mithri-datic fleet under Metrophanes1 a series of temporary fortification was hastilyerected using broken up stelai from a nearby cemetery which was in use at anearlier period in the life of the city of Demetrias In the early years of the lastcentury during the years 1907 1908 and 1912 part of this later defensive wallwas dismantled under the supervision of A S Arvanitopoullos2 an eminentscholar and an early pioneer of Greek archaeology A large number of paintedtombstones were recovered and are now housed in the Athanasakeion Museumin Volos indeed within walking distance of the ruins of the ancient city of De-metrias

Many of these painted tombstones are in a very fragmentary state havingbeen smashed up to construct the wall In some 349 cases sufficient remained ofthe stele to enable the name of the deceased to be made out and these were sub-sequently published

When I visited the Athanassakeion Museum in 1988 about 50 stelai depict-ing human figures were on display in the Museum Some 22 wear military dressaccording to my loose criteria of judgement These 22 personages buried in oneof the city cemeteries of Demetrias would have been soldiers who had diedwhile on service in the Antigonid garrison Of the 22 stelai showing military fig-ures 10 show individuals wearing near identical dress The same form of dressmay be worn in a further three cases in stelai from which the inscription hasbeen broken away

Λ 25 Stele of Eury[laos]Λ 46 Stele of Parmeniskos Alexandrou EpeirotesΛ 49 Stele of Lysippos Xenophanou and Philonikos Poliarchou ThebaioiΛ 236 Stele of Heros Argas Kres Rhaukios Λ 248 Stele of Menandrios Bithuos Theangelis

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 465

Λ 249 Stele of AischylosΛ 291 Stele of AristoklesΛ 331 Stele of Kleino MenandrouΛ 354 Stele of Olympos Herakleidou HerakleotesΛ 351 Stele of Demetrios Olynpou

The individuals featured are recruited from various areas of the Greek worldWe have one Cretan from Rhaukos and one Carian from Theangela In themain however the individuals have been recruited from areas near to Demetri-as the city where they were stationed and in which they died Thus we have oneEpirot two Thebans (presumably cousins from Pthiotic Thebes) while the Her-akleot presumably comes from the Trachinian city of that name The individualslisted without ethnics are presumably Magnesians recruited from the territoryof the city of Demetrias itself Therefore as the ethnics are non-Macedonian andmixed we are dealing with a mercenary regiment recruited by the Antigonidkings

The most distinctive feature worn by all individuals concerned are theirchocolate-brown cloaks usually with white borders The type of cloak is notclear in all examples but in others it seems to be of the Macedonian type I saidthat all wear near identical dress The most visible variation is in the way thecloak is shown It is sometimes difficult to decide if the cloak has a white borderor has a white lining

They are also all dressed in cavalry boots consisting of white felt lsquosocksrsquo heldin place by a frame of leather straps and laces also coloured chocolate-brownA possible exception to this is Parmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes who is prob-ably shown without boots In a number of cases the stele is broken off above thefeet and the boots are not shown

Infantrymen are always shown with bare feet while cavalrymen are alwaysshown wearing boots Before stirrups riders both clung onto and guided theirhorses with their lower legs below the knees and not with their thighs Since theancients did not shave their horses the wearing of boots was essential for pro-tecting the lower leg from rubbing against the coarse hair of the horse The bootsworn by all these figures imply that they all served in a cavalry unit

All individuals are also dressed in white tunics with two thin vertical blacklines (which are sometimes difficult to see) running from either shoulder to thehem above the knee on both sides both back and front Some variation in theway the tunic is shown is also evident Demetrios Olynpou who is shown beingserved wine by a servant (who perhaps significantly wears a chocolate brown

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

466 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

tunic) is shown wearing his tunic unbelted at the waist and hanging down to be-low his knees3

The stripes on the tunic indicate that the wearer is in a subordinate social po-sition in employment in fact Such stripes appear first in fourth century red-fig-ure vase-paintings from South Italy where they are worn by paidagogoi andother servants of free status but in paid employment In this Macedonian con-text it seems to be an indication that these mercenaries although free were inthe paid employment of the Macedonian king In Republican Rome we knowthat such tunics with thin purple stripes were a badge of the equites Thestriped tunic may have been adopted by Roman Republican cavalry in imitationof the practices of Hellenistic cavalry In the Later Empire the wearing of suchstripes becomes general throughout the whole army infantry as well as cavalry

In at least two cases those of Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes4 and ofParmeniskos Alexandrou Epeirotes the individuals are shown wearing the kau-sia the Macedonian national headgear5 None of the individuals are ethnicallyMacedonian and the wearing of the kausia seems to be an indication that theyare in Macedonian service This is the strongest evidence adduced so far for theexistence of regimental uniform in the Hellenistic period

Archaeological Museum Volos Λ 354stele of Olympos Herakleidou Hera-kleotes

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 467

Curiously none of the individuals carry weapons Parmeniskos AlexandrouEpeirotes and Olympos Herakleidou Herakleotes carry walking sticks but notone of the individuals carries a fighting spear not even a sword which makesthe further identification of what type of regiment we are dealing with very dif-ficult The contrast to Athenian funerary art is striking If an Athenian male cit-izen chose to be depicted as a soldier it was in full panoply accompanied byoffensive weapons

The military deceased are therefore shown in a lsquowalking-outrsquo version of theirregimental uniform and we may therefore assume that soldiers walking aboutthe city generally did so without their armour and weapons and this is why theyare shown in this form of dress on their tombstones How do we explain thisphenomenon

The Hellenistic monarchs made considerable efforts to regulate the behav-iour of troops stationed throughout their kingdom towards the civil populationTo a large degree the citizens would regard the soldiery as representatives of theruler and it was not in the interest of the ruler to alienate the support of the cityfrom his rule Surviving inscriptions preserve correspondence between rulerstheir military officers and individual cities within their kingdom

It is very interesting at this point to cite a sacred law of the city of Xanthosin Lycia dating to the beginning of the second century banning (inter alia)weapons and the wearing of the kausia and the petasos in the sanctuary6 Thekausia at least is a potent symbol of a mercenary in the service of one of the Mac-edonian dynasties of the Hellenistic period The petasos was the headgear gen-erally worn by the citizen epheboi

I suggest that it was under the influence of restrictions of this kind regulatingtheir behaviour that mercenaries tended to chose not to be depicted with theirweapons in Hellenistic funerary art

Nicholas Victor Sekunda Gdańsksekundaugedupl

Notes

1 B HELLY Stegraveles funeacuteraires de Demeacutetrias recherches sur la chronologie des rempartes et desneacutecropoles meacuteridionales de la ville in Διεθνές Συνέδριο για την Αρχαία Θεσσαλία Στη μνήμη

του Δημήτρη Ρ Θεοχaacuteρη Πρακτικaacute Athens 1992 pp 349ndash3652 A S ARVANITOPOULOS Γράπται Στήλαι Δημετρίαδος-Παγάσων Athens 19283 JEAN CHARBONNEAUX ROLAND MARTIN FRANCcedilOIS VILLARD Hellenistic Art 330ndash50 BC

London 1973 p 1284 VINCENT J BRUNO Form and Colour in Greek Painting London 1977 pl 4a (although the

kausia has not been recognized by the artist in this watercolour)

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

468 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

5 cf Plutarch Vit Eum 616 CHRISTIAN LE ROY lsquoUn regraveglement religieux au Leacutetocircon de Xanthosrsquo RA 1986 pp 279ndash300

Pierre Cosme

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut duregravegne de Vespasien

Les diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes entre 68 et 71 preacutesentent un inteacuterecirct particulierdans la mesure ougrave ils semblent constituer un microcosme de la socieacuteteacute romaineReacutedigeacutes avant la censure de Vespasien en 73ndash74 ces diplocircmes nrsquoeacutetaient pas en-core scelleacutes par des particuliers assermenteacutes Lrsquoorigine geacuteographique et le statutsocial des teacutemoins eacutetaient donc mentionneacutes assez reacuteguliegraverement sur les diplocircmesanteacuterieurs agrave la censure de Vespasien pour les retrouver si neacutecessaire1

Lrsquoensemble de ces teacutemoins civils et militaires chevaliers romains simplesnotables municipaux ou affranchis repreacutesentent un reacutesumeacute de la socieacuteteacute ro-maine Mais on peut aller plus loin en relevant leurs origines geacuteographiques Ilsemble en effet que lrsquoon puisse distinguer deux ensembles principaux Les pro-vinces balkaniques et danubiennes paraissent surrepreacutesenteacutees les teacutemoins se reacute-partissant pour lrsquoessentiel sur une sorte drsquoarc de cercle qui irait du nord-est delrsquoItalie agrave la Maceacutedoine en passant par le cours moyen du Danube Lrsquoonomas-tique suggegravere en outre que les teacutemoins eacutetaient geacuteneacuteralement choisis parmi descompatriotes du beacuteneacuteficiaire du diplocircme Ce microcosme agrave la fois social et geacuteo-graphique invite agrave srsquointerroger sur les liens eacuteventuels qui pourraient exister entrebeacuteneacuteficiaires et teacutemoins de ces diplocircmes militaires ainsi que sur les modaliteacutes deleur authentification Le recours agrave des militaires pour garantir la conformiteacute delrsquoextrait individuel reproduit sur le diplocircme avec le texte de la constitution im-peacuteriale srsquoexplique assez facilement On peut en effet souvent identifier ces teacute-moins agrave des compagnons drsquoarmes du destinataire Dans le contexte tregravesparticulier drsquoune guerre civile qui avait trouveacute son issue dans lrsquoVrbs de tregravesnombreux soldats ont eacuteteacute libeacutereacutes agrave Rome mecircme ougrave eacutetaient eacutegalement promul-gueacutees les constitutions impeacuteriales les concernant

R Frei-Stolba a proposeacute une explication agrave la preacutesence dans la capitale delrsquoEmpire de compatriotes civils des autres destinataires de diplocircmes militaires2

Elle se demande si certains drsquoentre eux nrsquoeacutetaient pas des deacuteleacutegueacutes envoyeacutes agraveRome par les colonies romaines de lrsquoEmpire pour y recueillir des informations

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Les bronzes fondus du Capitole 469

administratives qursquoils eacutetaient ensuite chargeacutes de transmettre agrave leur citeacute La fin dela guerre civile a vraisemblablement multiplieacute les raisons pour ces deacuteleacutegations deprolonger leur seacutejour dans la capitale de lrsquoEmpire Les repreacutesentants drsquoAquileacuteeet de Philippes pouvaient aussi espeacuterer tirer quelque avantage du soutien que cesciteacutes avaient apporteacute agrave la cause flavienne3 Quant aux teacutemoins qualifieacutes de prin-ceps de peuples pannoniens ils avaient pu se rendre dans la capitale pour y ecirctreinvestis ou confirmeacutes dans leur fonction par le nouvel empereur Certainsdrsquoentre eux avaient peut-ecirctre servi la cause flavienne et eacuteteacute ensuite ainsi reacutecom-penseacutes

Lrsquoincendie du Capitole eut un retentissement consideacuterable dans tout lrsquoem-pire mais on peut srsquointerroger sur son impact eacuteventuel sur les proceacutedures de deacute-mobilisation Selon M Corbier4 il nrsquoa pas directement affecteacute lrsquoemplacementqui servait alors agrave cet affichage Il srsquoagissait de lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia5 Toute-fois il existe une seule exception connue agrave lrsquoaffichage du texte des constitutionsimpeacuteriales le diplocircme RMD IV 203 qui est aussi le plus proche chronologi-quement de lrsquoincendie se reacutefegravere agrave une constitution dateacutee du 26 feacutevrier 70 affi-cheacutee devant le sanctuaire du geacutenie du peuple romain6 et non sur lrsquoautel de laGens Iulia Ce choix temporaire drsquoun autre lieu drsquoaffichage anteacuterieur au deacutebutdes travaux de restauration du Capitole reacutesulte-t-il des destructions ou drsquounchoix symbolique Pour la premiegravere constitution qursquoil promulguait agrave lrsquointentiondes soldats qui lrsquoavaient soutenu Vespasien a pu vouloir ceacuteleacutebrer en mecircmetemps sa reacutecente victoire et le peuple romain qursquoil avait libeacutereacute de la tyrannie deVitellius D Palombi relegraveve ainsi que lrsquoinvocation du genius Populi Romani eacutetaittregraves freacutequente en peacuteriode de crise politique7 Dans lrsquoeacutetat actuel de notre docu-mentation il nrsquoest toutefois guegravere possible de savoir si cet affichage tregraves ponctuelreacutesultait de lrsquoimpossibiliteacute pratique drsquoutiliser lrsquoautel de la Gens Iulia agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave ou drsquoun choix deacutelibeacutereacute de Vespasien ou de ses repreacutesentants agrave Rome8

G E F Chilver se fonde sur certaines phrases de Tacite pour supposer quesa description de lrsquoinauguration du Capitole le 21 juin 709 eacutetait tireacutee drsquoun pro-cegraves-verbal du rituel dresseacute par les precirctres10 Comme dans toute ceacutereacutemonie pu-blique chacun dans lrsquoassistance eacutetait disposeacute selon son rang dans la socieacuteteacuteTacite mentionne explicitement la place reacuteserveacutee aux seacutenateurs et aux chevaliersMais on peut vraisemblablement subodorer que des deacuteleacutegueacutes des plus impor-tantes citeacutes de lrsquoEmpire se trouvaient lagrave eux aussi et en premier lieu ceux des co-lonies romaines qui avaient toutes un Capitole Crsquoeacutetait justement le cas dePhilippes drsquoApri drsquoEmona de Iader de Risinium et drsquoEacutepidaure de Dalmatie Leseacutejour de repreacutesentants des colonies romaines dans lrsquoVrbs leur permettait donceacuteventuellement drsquoauthentifier certains diplocircmes militaires deacutelivreacutes agrave des veacuteteacute-rans

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

470 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Mais Vespasien entreprit eacutegalement de faire reproduire les textes graveacutes surbronze qui avaient disparu dans les flammes11 Or il existait dans les citeacutes delrsquoEmpire des copies des traiteacutes qursquoelles avaient passeacutes avec Rome et qui preacuteci-saient les privilegraveges dont elles beacuteneacuteficiaient12 Nul doute que les citeacutes concerneacuteesfurent tregraves attentives agrave la reproduction agrave la lettre de ces textes sur le Capitole Lemeilleur moyen de srsquoen assurer nrsquoa-t-il pas alors consisteacute agrave envoyer des repreacutesen-tants sur place avec des copies tireacutees de leurs archives ou exeacutecuteacutees agrave partir destextes afficheacutees sur leurs monuments

Exceptionnellement lrsquoinformation administrative aurait donc cette fois eacuteteacutetransmise des collectives locales en direction de la capitale dans le sens contraireagrave la pratique habituelle On tient peut-ecirctre lagrave une des principales raisons du seacute-jour prolongeacute des deacuteleacutegations de nombreuses citeacutes dans lrsquoVrbs Crsquoest peut-ecirctrepour cette raison que les teacutemoins ayant authentifieacute plusieurs diplocircmes agrave ce mo-ment-lagrave eacutetaient plutocirct des civils que des militaires On peut srsquointerroger sur le sortreacuteserveacute aux constitutions impeacuteriales relatives aux privilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans qui au-raient pu avoir eacuteteacute victimes de lrsquoincendie Drsquoapregraves W Eck les plaques de bronzesur lesquelles leur texte eacutetait graveacute eacutetaient assez rapidement remplaceacutees et archi-veacutees13 Dans la mesure ougrave le premier diplocircme connu remonte agrave 52 ce laquo netto-yage raquo nrsquoavait peut-ecirctre pas encore eacuteteacute reacutealiseacute et lrsquoincendie a pu repreacutesenter uneoccasion involontaire drsquoy proceacuteder

Le retentissement de lrsquoeacuteveacutenement a pu alors conduire certains veacuteteacuterans agrave seregrouper pour envoyer des deacuteleacutegueacutes agrave Rome pour veacuterifier si le texte dont eacutetaittireacute leur diplocircme eacutetait toujours afficheacute Il nrsquoest peut-ecirctre pas exclu que la recon-stitution des tables de bronze qui avaient fondu ait pris fin avec la censure deVespasien et que certains repreacutesentants des collectiviteacutes locales soient donc de-meureacutes dans la capitale jusqursquoagrave cette date

Pierre Cosme Rouenpcosmewanadoofr

Notes

1 R Haensch laquo Die Verwendung von Siegelzeugen bei Dokumenten der kaiserzeitlichen Reichs-administration raquo dans MndashF Boussac et A Invernizzi eacuteds Archives et Sceaux du monde helleacute-nistique Paris 1996 p 463

2 R Frei-Stolba laquo Les teacutemoins dans les premiers diplocircmes militaires reflet de la pratique admi-nistrative de Rome raquo Electrum 5 2001 p 94ndash97

3 S Dusanic laquo The Witnesses to the Early diplomata militaria raquo dans V Giuffregrave eacuted SodalitasScritti in onore di Antonio Guarino1 Naples 1984 p 285

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus 471

4 M Corbier laquo Lrsquoeacutecriture dans lrsquoespace public romain raquo Donner agrave voir donner agrave lire Meacutemoireet communication dans la Rome ancienne Paris 2006 p 64ndash65 et laquo In Capitolio lrsquoaffichagedes constitutions impeacuteriales en faveur des veacuteteacuterans raquo Ibidem p 140

5 E La Rocca laquo Gens Iulia Ara raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographicum Urbis RomaeII 1995 p 369ndash370 et Ibidem I 1993 p 395

6 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 365ndash368

7 D Palombi laquo Genius PublicusPopuli Romani raquo dans M Steinby eacuted Lexicon Topographi-cum Urbis Romae II 1995 p 366

8 B Levick Vespasien trad Fr Landuyt Gollion 2002 p 108ndash1099 Tacite Histoires IV 5310 G E F Chilver A historical commentary on Tacitusrsquo Histories IV and V Oxford 1985 p 6411 Sueacutetone Vespasien 812 Drsquoailleurs Tacite Histoires IV 67 y fait lui-mecircme allusion dans un passage des Histoires con-

sacreacute agrave la reacutevolte des Lingons sous la conduite de Iulius Sabinus13 W Eck laquo Lrsquoempereur romain chef de lrsquoarmeacutee Le teacutemoignage des diplocircmes militaires raquo

Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 13 2002 p 97

Cecilia Ricci

The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus

According to the prevailing opinion based on a passage of the Chronographusof 3541 praetorians and milites urbani shared the castra praetoria on the Vimi-nal for more than two and a half centuries until Aurelian built the nova castrain the campus Agrippae Ten years ago Filippo Coarelli2 proposed to backdateat least a century the construction of the castra reserved for the urbaniciani3 Inthis report Irsquoll briefly present some archaeological and epigraphic sources andtopographical indicators dating between mid-IInd and early IIInd century whichconfirm and sustain Coarellirsquos hypothesis

During the end of the second century we detect a change in the way the mi-lites urbani are represented these soldiers are now depicted always wearingweapons whose importance is further emphasized by symbolic proportions4

Their clothing has changed too the paenula has often been replaced by the sa-gum the typical military cloak The new iconography seems to suggest that themilitary connotation of the urban cohorts soldiers has grown stronger It can beconsidered an indirect evidence that these soldiers in the same period were in-volved in military campaigns their staff was reinforced and the separation fromthe Praetorian Guard became a necessity

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

472 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

The representation of the milites urbani is not the only change ascertainedbetween mid-IInd and early IIIrd century A significant sign of change comesfrom the place of discovery of epitaphs the area with most incidence of findings(more than 40 records)5 is the one that develops around Via Lata and followingthe route of via Flaminia connects Piazza S Maria del Popolo to the Milvianbridge The highest concentration of these records can be dated between the sec-ond half of the IInd and the first half of the IIIrd century6

I provide just a couple of examples the first record is represented by a stelafrom via del Corso (which now belongs to the Barberini collection) presentingfull-length portraits of three brothers from Ulpia Poetovio the three militarymen served in three different corps and had different ranking7 Iulius Iulianusa deceased veteran of the praetorian cohorts his two brothers Iulius Glaus andIulius (without cognomen) who were respectively a soldier in the II ParthianLegion and a tribune of the XII cohors urbana The inscription dates from thetime of Caracalla and itrsquos legitimate to imagine that the tribune was in charge ofselecting the necropolis for his brotherrsquos monument which was in an area nearthe new camp

A second example can be traced in a burial dedication found near Santa Ma-ria del Popolo and kept in the Attavantirsquos house (via del Corso) In this docu-ment a woman named Statilia Helpis commemorates her husband who was asoldier of the eleventh cohors urbana a comrade of her husband who served inthe twelfth cohort and their young daughter who died at three years of age8 wecan infer Statilia Helpis was appointed as the executor of the funeral arrange-ments and she probably gained permission to bury the two dead soldiers in acemetery close to the site where the two were serving during the second half ofthe IInd century

The need for a permanent settlement of urbaniciani close to their prefectureand to the newly built forum Suarium and the stronger connection of the urba-nae cohortes with the tasks and areas of deployment of the vigiles may havecaused the intensification of their presence in the areas of Rome considered here(via Lata via Flaminia and surroundings) The phenomenon occurred graduallyduring the second century most likely in connection with the political and mil-itary commitments of the last Antonines

Cecilia Ricci Isernia-Campobassoceciliaricciunimolit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 473

Notes

1 Chron 354 p 148 9 M Hic (scil Aurelianus) muro urbem cinxit templum Solis et castra incampo Agrippae dedicavit and on libellus de regionibus urbis Romae rec A Nordh 1949(templum Solis et Castra)

2 Castra urbana in E M Steinby (ed) LTUR I Roma 1993 p 2553 To sustain this hypotesis Coarelli brings as an evidence the location of a genius centuriae base

erected by a miles cohortis urbanae (CIL VI 217 cfr pp 3004 3755 = ILS 2106 182 AD)which was found by the church of Trinitagrave dei Monti and a discussed passage of Ulp Dig 485 16 3 vol I p 847 Krueger (Quod si qui praesens sit vice tamen absentis haberetur ndash utputa qui in vigilibus vel urbanis castris militat ndash dicendum est deferri hunc posse neque enimlaborare habet ut se repraesentet) See also F Sablayrolles La rue le soldat et le pouvoir lagarnison de Rome de Ceacutesar agrave Pertinax in Pallas 55 2001 p 140 and V Jolivet La localisa-tion des toponymes de la Rome antique agrave partir des Reacutegionnaires une eacutetude de cas in Res benegestae Ricerche di storia urbana su Roma antica in onore di Eva Margareta Steinby edited byA Leone D Palombi Roma 2007 pp 107ndash108 On the praetoriansrsquo dedications to Geniuscenturiae see now S Panciera Religio militum Due inediti da Roma in Visions de lrsquoOccidentRomain Hommages agrave Y Le Bohec edited by B Cabouret A Groslambert C Wolff Paris2012 pp 554ndash567

4 C Ricci laquoNote sullrsquoiconografia dei soldati delle coorti urbaneraquo in Sylloge epigraphica Barci-nonensis (SEBarc) XI 2011 pp 131ndash148 see figg 5ndash8

5 The total number of unearthed tituli that contain references to these soldiers is approximately180 By looking at the place of discovery of these documents four distinct clusters emerged ifwe exclude the group of via Flaminia the other three clusters are viae Salaria and Pinciana (24records most of them dating to Ist and beginning of IInd cent) via Appia (8) via Nomentana(7) More sporadic findings come from via Latina (2) via Ostiensis (including San Paolorsquos col-lection 4) via Portuensis (1) via Tiburtina (1) via Aurelia (1) via Labicana (1)

6 Itrsquos worth reminding that a different meaning should be attributed to dedications and epitaphsthe former can be interpreted as a proof of the castrarsquos existence and of the proximity of a sta-tio by the northern exit of Rome as well The laterculi provide no clues a single fragment ofCIL VI 32518 (154 AD) may come from via delle Muratte (between via del Corso and Fontanadi Trevi)

7 CIL VI 2579 H Freis Die cohortes urbanae (Epigr Studien 2) Koumlln-Graz 1967 pp 97 s8 CIL VI 2887 cfr p 3377 Freis cit supra nt 7 p 100

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage

IntroductionLa recherche ne srsquoest jusqursquoagrave preacutesent guegravere inteacuteresseacutee agrave la question des camps delrsquoarmeacutee romaine comme lieu drsquoaffichage peut-ecirctre parce que la dizaine drsquoins-criptions agrave verser au dossier presque toutes fragmentaires constitue a priori unensemble moins prometteur que les deacutedicaces religieuses ou les pieacutedestaux aux

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

474 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

empereurs qui se comptent par centaines Pourtant cette faiblesse numeacuterique esten partie compenseacutee par la diversiteacute des inscriptions En effet plusieurs grandesprovinces militaires (Germanie infeacuterieure Germanie supeacuterieure Pannonie supeacute-rieure et Numidie) ont livreacute des documents1 En outre ceux-ci abordent des theacute-matiques varieacutees Aussi cet eacutechantillon pour modeste qursquoil soit permet de sefaire une ideacutee de ce qui eacutetait afficheacute dans les camps

Lrsquoaffichage deacutefinitionLes documents retenus ici peuvent ecirctre deacutefinis comme des textes destineacutes agrave unaffichage public temporaire ou permanent ayant pour but de transmettre auxsoldats des informations officielles eacutemanant de lrsquoempereur des gouverneurs oudes autoriteacutes militaires Par analogie avec le monde civil ces textes eacutetaient pro-bablement lus avant drsquoecirctre afficheacutes

Les supports utiliseacutes pour lrsquoaffichage public eacutetaient le bronze la pierre et lrsquoen-duit peint Le bronze support par excellence de la parole impeacuteriale est le mateacute-riau le mieux repreacutesenteacute A lrsquoinverse lrsquoenduit mural est tregraves rare Ce deacuteseacutequilibresrsquoexplique par les conditions de conservation des documents Il ne doit pas oc-culter le fait que crsquoest sans doute lrsquoenduit mural qui eacutetait le plus souvent utiliseacuteEn outre on ne saurait exclure lrsquoexistence drsquoinscriptions sur bois quoiqursquoaucunene nous soit parvenue

Les lieux drsquoaffichageLes principia constituent le lieu privileacutegieacute de lrsquoaffichage public une constante quisrsquoobserve sur trois siegravecles du s c de Cn Pisone patre agrave la Table de Brigetio2

Selon les circonstances drsquoautres lieux pouvaient ecirctre retenus Le cas le plus ceacute-legravebre est celui des discours drsquoHadrien agrave Lambegravese graveacutes sur le campus du campmais on peut aussi rappeler que dans le camp de Gholaia des fragments drsquouneplaque de bronze ont eacuteteacute mis au jour pregraves de la porta praetoria3

La nature des documentsLa relative maigreur du dossier eacutepigraphique peut ecirctre compenseacutee par un re-cours agrave drsquoautres sources en particulier les papyrus dont certains sont des copiesde textes administratifs preacutecisant leurs modaliteacutes drsquoaffichage La combinaison deces donneacutees permet drsquoeacutetablir lrsquoexistence de trois cateacutegories documentaires lestextes normatifs les textes commeacutemoratifs et les textes informatifs

Les textes normatifs ont trait agrave trois thegravemes principaux la discipline les pri-vilegraveges des veacuteteacuterans et la solde Le maintien de la discipline eacutetait une preacuteoccupa-tion constante des autoriteacutes militaires Lrsquoinscription de Mayence et la Table deLeersum toutes deux drsquoeacutepoque seacuteveacuterienne y font sans doute allusion tout

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage 475

comme un papyrus contemporain de Doura-Europos4 De leur cocircteacute les soldatssrsquoinquieacutetaient pour leur retraite Les autoriteacutes reacutepondaient agrave ce souci en oc-troyant aux veacuteteacuterans divers privilegraveges ce qursquoattestent un fragment de Niederbie-ber et surtout la Table de Brigetio5 Lrsquoexistence de textes relatifs agrave la solde sedeacuteduit de documents tardifs comme lrsquoEdit drsquoAnastase agrave Pergegrave (toujours ineacutedit)6

ainsi que des listes de beacuteneacuteficiaires du frumentum publicum afficheacutees dans la ca-serne des vigiles agrave Ostie7

Les textes commeacutemoratifs sont essentiellement consacreacutes agrave lrsquoempereur et agraveses actes Naturellement les discours drsquoHadrien viennent en premier lieu agrave lrsquoes-prit mais on peut aussi citer les plaques de Nimegravegue et de Gholaia Cette der-niegravere semble avoir retranscrit des acclamations adresseacutees agrave Seacutevegravere Alexandre etagrave sa megravere

Enfin de nombreux textes avaient un caractegravere informatif On connaicirct malcette cateacutegorie8 mais il est certain que les soldats suivaient avec attention leseacuteveacutenements de Rome (Tac Ann XVI 22 3) Les autoriteacutes orientaient reacuteguliegrave-rement la troupe sur la situation seacutecuritaire comme le montrent les ostraca deKrokodilocirc9 Certains enduits des principia de Gholaia ont probablement conser-veacute la trace de ce genre drsquoinformation

ConclusionMalgreacute leur petit nombre les documents preacutesenteacutes ici sont drsquoun grand inteacuterecirctpour comprendre la vie des camps Ils permettent de preacuteciser certaines des preacute-occupations quotidiennes des hommes et des autoriteacutes militaires En outre ilsmontrent que le prince loin de consideacuterer les soldats comme de simples exeacutecu-tants cherche agrave les convaincre du bien-fondeacute de ses deacutecisions Lrsquoaffichage publicjouait donc un rocircle essentiel pour obtenir lrsquoadheacutesion de lrsquoarmeacutee indispensableau maintien du reacutegime impeacuterial

Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Genegravevechristopheschmidtunigech

Notes

1 Naaldwijk AE 2010 1035 Leersum AE 2004 984 Nimegravegue AE 2010 1031 Mayence CIL XIII 11831=11832 Niederbieber CIL XIII 11980 Vienne A NEUMANN Jahrb d Ver-eins f Gesch der Stadt Wien 1718 19611962 p 27ndash28 ndeg 69 Brigetio AE 1937 232Gholaia O Bu Njem 147ndash151 R REBUFFAT Libya Antiqua 6ndash7 19691970 p 175ndash180Lambegravese CIL VIII 2532=18042=AE 2006 1800 Gemellae A AUDOLLENT MEFR 101890 p 578 A lrsquoissue de ma communication W Eck a rappeleacute que lrsquoattribution des frag-ments de Naaldwijk et Nimegravegue agrave des camps nrsquoest pas assureacutee Elle nrsquoen demeure pas moinstregraves probable

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

476 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

2 SC de Cn Pisone patre AE 1996 885 Voir eacutegalement la lettre drsquoHadrien sur la transmissiondes biens des soldats morts en service FIRA I 78

3 Lambegravese M P SPEIDEL Emperor Hadrianrsquos speeches to the African Army Mainz 2006p 3ndash5 Gholaia REBUFFAT op cit p 177

4 P Dur 555 A compleacuteter par la documentation papyrologique FIRA I 76 et 786 Voir en attendant la publication deacutefinitive F ONUR laquo The Military Edict of Anastasius from

Perge A Preliminary Report raquo in C WOLFF (ed) Le meacutetier de soldat dans le monde romainLyon 2012 p 21ndash38

7 En particulier CIL XIV 4509ndash4511 Sur le lieu de deacutecouverte R SABLAYROLLES LibertinusMiles Les cohortes de vigiles Rome 1996 p 305

8 Je serais enclin pour ma part agrave y ranger le s c de Cn Pisone patre Toutefois ce texte peut eacutega-lement ecirctre consideacutereacute comme commeacutemoratif ainsi que me lrsquoa aimablement fait remarquer WEck

9 O Krok 87

Franccedilois Beacuterard

Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monumentsfuneacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de lagarnison de Lyon

Lyon abritait une garnison composeacutee aux deux premiers siegravecles drsquoune cohorteurbaine puis agrave partir de Septime Seacutevegravere de deacutetachements fournis par les quatreleacutegions de Germanie A deacutefaut de listes collectives ou de deacutedicaces monumen-tales un ensemble de pregraves de 90 eacutepitaphes comparable agrave celui de certaines gar-nisons leacutegionnaires permet drsquoeacutetudier les interactions entre monuments civils etmilitaires et plus largement entre culture civile et culture militaire

Au Ier siegravecle les monuments militaires sont tregraves rares et lrsquoorigine de la pra-tique eacutepigraphique agrave Lyon ne semble pas due agrave lrsquoarmeacutee Les eacutepitaphes les plusanciennes sont celles drsquoaffranchis impeacuteriaux ou de seacutevirs augustaux et on neconnaicirct qursquoune seule eacutepitaphe pour la cohors I Flauia urbana (CIL XIII 1853)qui fut en garnison pendant toute la peacuteriode flavienne et sans doute le deacutebut duIIe siegravecle Au IIe siegravecle la cohors XIII urbana qui a remplaceacute la Iegravere est connuepar une douzaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en majoriteacute des autels qui sont comparables agraveceux de la population civile comme le montrent ceux drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire et drsquounseacutevir augustal qui pourraient sortir drsquoun mecircme atelier1 Les soldats semblentavoir suivi lrsquousage local et adopteacute lrsquoautel puis plus tard la deacutedicace sous lrsquoasciaet lrsquoinvocation agrave la memoria du deacutefunt La localisation de leurs tombes ne diffegravere

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Les monuments funeacuteraires de la garnison de Lyon 477

pas de celle des civils avec un noyau important agrave Saint-Ireacuteneacutee et Saint-Just et deseacuteleacutements plus disperseacutes le long des autres voies

Les deacutetachements des leacutegions de Germanie qui ont remplaceacute la cohorte ur-baine apregraves la victoire seacuteveacuterienne ont laisseacute un mateacuteriel beaucoup plus impor-tant avec une soixantaine drsquoeacutepitaphes en un demi-siegravecle La reacutepartition geacuteo-graphique ne change guegravere mais on note une concentration drsquoune vingtaine detombes militaires le long de la rue de Trion qui au sud de la colonie reliait lesdeux voies principales de Saint Just ndash Saint Ireacuteneacutee et de la rue de la Favorite 14ont eacuteteacute deacutecouvertes au rebut dans un puits contenant 64 autels dont 5 drsquoaffran-chis impeacuteriaux Mais cela ne suffit pas agrave prouver la preacutesence dans le voisinagedrsquoune sorte de cimetiegravere des officiales et des militaires lyonnais2 Le puits conte-nait en effet une majoriteacute drsquoeacutepitaphes civiles eacutemanant drsquoune populationlaquomoyenneraquo eacutetrangegravere ou plus modeste que les notables dont les tombes srsquoeacutele-vaient dans les neacutecropoles voisines de Saint-Ireacuteneacutee ou de la Favorite Un peu plusagrave lrsquoest le chantier de la gare de Trion a reacuteveacuteleacute une demi-douzaine de tombes mi-litaires dont deux eacutetaient encore en place sur leur socle lrsquoautel drsquoun veacuteteacuteran dela XXXe leacutegion et le grandiose sarcophage drsquoune eacutepouse de centurion qui sou-haitait bon voyage aux passants qui longeaient sa tombe en sortant de la ville(CIL XIII 1883 et 1893) Cette concentration est drsquoautant plus inteacuteressanteqursquoelle est proche de lrsquoextreacutemiteacute meacuteridionale de la ville ougrave lrsquoon situe souvent lacaserne lyonnaise Il nrsquoest pas sucircr qursquoon puisse pour autant parler de neacutecropolemilitaire3 car on a trouveacute aussi dans ce secteur de Trion des tombes civiles et lasimple proximiteacute de la caserne pourrait expliquer la plus grande densiteacute des tom-bes militaires sans qursquoil faille supposer lrsquoexistence drsquoun cimetiegravere reacuteserveacute auxsoldats qui nrsquoaurait guegravere de parallegravele

Le meacutelange des tombes civiles et militaires semble drsquoailleurs lrsquousage le pluscourant agrave Rome pregraves du camp preacutetorien le long des voies Salaria ou Nomenta-na4 comme agrave Mayence ougrave les neacutecropoles drsquoabord reacuteserveacutees aux soldats ou agraveleur entourage voient cohabiter au IIe siegravecle les monuments des leacutegionnaires dela XXIIe Primigenia et ceux de la population civile Ce nrsquoest que dans la neacutecro-pole septentrionale de la Forsterstrasse qursquoon pourrait distinguer un secteur mi-litaire plus proche de la ville et un secteur civil situeacute plus au nord5 Mais il nrsquoestpas sucircr qursquoun tel scheacutema soit applicable aux abords de la gare de Trion alorsqursquoon nrsquoa pas drsquoautre exemple sucircr de secteur reacuteserveacute dans le dossier lyonnais Sion observe parfois une certaine speacutecialisation comme pour les seacutevirs augustauxrue Pierre Audry (cf AE 2007 951ndash953) elle pourrait ecirctre le fruit de contin-gences pratiques ou encore de modes plutocirct que drsquoune reacuteglementation qui ex-clurait les tombes civiles

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

478 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

Les soldats lyonnais ne se distinguaient pas non plus par des monuments speacute-cifiques ou caracteacuteristiques de leur identiteacute militaire Leurs autels sont les mecircmesque ceux des civils et aucune sculpture ne vient rappeler le meacutetier du deacutefuntMais cette sobrieacuteteacute nrsquoest pas propre aux soldats et est surtout due agrave la dureteacute ducalcaire du Bugey Le seul signe vraiment militaire est le relief graveacute sur un py-ramidion qui devait couronner lrsquoautel drsquoun beacuteneacuteficiaire car il est orneacute de la lancedes officiales (CIL XIII 1909 = NEsp II Lyon 325) mais il reste unique dans ledossier lyonnais Une dizaine de militaires ou drsquoeacutepouses de militaires sont inhu-meacutes dans de grands sarcophages agrave tabula ansata et couvercle en forme de toi-ture Comme crsquoest un modegravele connu dans les provinces militaires danubiennesnotamment agrave Brigetio il serait tentant drsquoy voir une sorte de laquotombe de centu-rionraquo affichant la fierteacute drsquoune carriegravere reacuteussie Mais une enquecircte preacutecise montreqursquoon en trouve autant pour de simples soldats ou veacuteteacuterans ainsi que pour desofficiers eacutequestres ou des notables municipaux Lrsquoacclamation et les signa grecsqui ornent les sarcophages du centurion Exomnius Paternianus et de son eacutepouse(CIL XIII 1854 et 1898) se retrouvent drsquoailleurs sur celui drsquoune femme de deacutecu-rion qui devait sortir du mecircme atelier (1916) Inversement lrsquoeacutepitaphe ne donneque rarement lrsquoensemble de la carriegravere et le numeacutero et le nom des uniteacutes ne sontpresque jamais mis en valeur signes de cette volonteacute drsquointeacutegration qursquoon a deacutejagraveobserveacutee dans lrsquoemplacement des tombes et la forme des monuments et quiconduit agrave preacutefeacuterer aux symboles militaires les ornements habituels des eacutepitaphesciviles

Franccedilois Beacuterard Parisfrancoisberardensfr

Notes

1 ILTG 221 et 232 agrave la Favorite 2 Cf O Hirschfeld Sitzungsberichte der Koumlniglich Preuszligischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

Berlin 1895 p 402ndash404 et CIL XIII p 2553 Ainsi A Audin Gens de Lugdunum Bruxelles 1986 p 59 qui lui attribue agrave tort la laquoquasi

totaliteacuteraquo des tombes militaires seacuteveacuteriennes O Stoll laquoLegionaumlre Frauen MilitaumlrfamilienhellipraquoJRGZM 53 2006 p 239

4 Cf M Durry Les cohortes preacutetoriennes Paris 1938 p 60ndash63 A Busch laquoKameraden bis inden Tod Zur militaumlrischen Sepulkraltopographie im kaiserzeitlichen Romraquo dans Lebenswel-ten Bilder und Raumlume in der roumlmischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit eacuted par R Neudecker et P Zan-ker Wiesbaden 2005 p 101ndash112

5 Cf M Witteyer laquoGraumlberfelder der Militaumlrbasis und Provinzhaupstadt Mainzraquo JahresberichtPro Vindonissa 1997 p 63ndash76 notamment p 69 pour la Forsterstrasse

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien 479

Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea

Die palmyrenischen Truppen in DakienMonumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

Nicht weniger als 50 Inschriften sprechen uumlber die Palmyrener in Dakien dazukommen noch zwei Inschriften aus Palmyra eine aus Thessalonike und fuumlnf Mi-litaumlrdiplome Die berittenen Palmyreni sagittarii wurden von Hadrian anlaumlszliglichdes Krieges von 117ndash118 nach Dakien gebracht um sie anderen Reitertruppenden Jazygen entgegenzustellen Fuumlr ihr tapferes Verhalten in diesem Krieg wur-de ihnen durch die Konstitutionen vom 29 Juni 120 und vom 31 Januar12 Fe-bruar 126 das Buumlrgerrecht ante emerita stipendia gewaumlhrt Sie blieben in Dakienund ihre Vexillationen wurden auf Tibiscum Porolissum und wahrscheinlichauf Voislova an der westlichen Grenze verteilt Kurz vor 159160 werden dieseVexillationen zu Numeri ndash numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium numerus Pal-myrenorum Porolissensium und numerus Palmyrenorum O(- - -)

Die meisten Palmyrener die wir in Dakien spaumlter kennen sind die Nachfah-ren jener die 120 und 126 das Buumlrgerrecht erhalten haben Es sind aber auchneue Elemente hinzugekommen Sie bildeten keine unbedingt geschlossenen Ge-meinden waren aber hinreichend zahlreich um sich auf Grabinschriften auchder palmyrenischen Sprache zu bedienen Vier solche Faumllle sind bisher in Tibi-scum belegt Auszliger in den gemischten Familien haben sich bis in das 3 Jahr-hundert die alten palmyrenischen Namen als Cognomina erhalten Ein wichtigesBindeglied zu ihrer alten Heimat sind die alten Goumltter die manchmal als dei pa-trii oder als dei Palmyreni bezeichnet werden Wichtige Weihedenkmaumller fuumlr diepalmyrenischen Gottheiten wurden in einer Art von Schola im Auxiliarkastellvon Tibiscum entdeckt Die Porticus dieses Gebaumludes wurde auf einem Ziegelals porticus deum bezeichnet Ein Tempel wurde in Sarmizegetusa vom DuumvirP Aelius Theimes diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavatgeweiht Wie schon bemerkt wurde ist Bebellahamon mit Bel-Hamon zu iden-tifizieren Benefal ist vielleicht als Fenebal zu verstehen und Bel-Hamon und Ma-navat haben enge Beziehungen zur Sippe der Bene Agrud In der Diaspora hatsich an Stelle der Trias Bel Aglibol und Malagbel eine neue Trias gebildet zuder Bel Malagbel und Iarhibol gehoumlren Neben Iarhibol ist auch Malagbel (ur-spruumlnglich Bote des Bel) zu einem Sonnengott geworden Die Belege dazu findenwir in Tibiscum und in Sarmizegetusa Fuumlr Bel hat der numerus PalmyrenorumPorolissensium in Porolissum einen Tempel an Stelle eines alten Liber PaterTempel errichtet Die neueste Entdeckung ist ein zweiter palmyrenischer Tempel

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit

480 Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo

in Sarmizegetusa der der eben genannten Trias geweiht wurde Eine bruch-stuumlckhafte Inschrift aus der Zeit des Severus Alexander nennt eben die drei Gott-heiten Die neue Lesung dieser Inschrift lautet folgendermaszligen1

[Deo So]li inv[icto Belo - - -] | Mal[a]gbel(i) Hie[ribolo deis Palmyrenis] |[p]ro salute d(omini) [n(ostri) Imperatoris Caesaris | M(arci) A]urelli[i] S[everiAlexandri P]ii Fel[i]cis | [Aug(usti) I]u l[iae Mameae Aug(ustae) totiusqued]omus eius | [- - - sacerdos eorun]dem | [numinum - - -] pec[unia] sua fe[c(it)]

Ein zweites Denkmal wurde in diesem Tempel von den Cult[ores dei SolisMa]lag[beli] errichtet Zu bemerken ist dass unter den 29 Namen dieser culto-res kein einziger palmyrenisch ist was fuumlr die Offenheit des lokalen Milieu ge-genuumlber den palmyrenischen Kulten spricht2 Die neuen Texte koumlnnten neuenStoff darstellen fuumlr die Diskussion uumlber die Beziehung des Sol Invictus der vonAurelian als oberster Gott erkannt wurde zu Malagbel

Andererseits haben sich die Palmyrener in Dakien nicht gescheut den Deku-rionat oumlffentliche Priestertuumlmer und sogar die houmlchste Magistratur zu uumlberneh-men Das zeigt dass diese Gemeinde zwar voumlllig romanisiert war jedoch invieler Hinsichte ihre Traditionen bewahrt und auch nach auszligen gezeigt hat

Ioan Piso Cluj-Napocapiso_ioanyahoocomOvidiu Ţentea Bucureştiovidiu_tenteayahoocom

Anmerkungen

1 I Piso ndash O Ţentea Dacia 55 2011 116ndash117 inzwischen wurde ein neues Fragment hinzuge-fuumlgt

2 Piso ndash Ţentea ebd 118ndash120

  • Vorwort
  • INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS
  • Vorwort
  • V
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • VII
  • Werner Eck Begruumlszligung
  • 1
  • Stefan Rebenich Berlin und die antike Epigraphik
  • 7
  • Plenarsitzung raquoStadtbild im Wandellaquo
  • Athanasios D Rizakis Writing public space and publicity in Greek and Roman cities
  • 77
  • John McK Camp II Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of Athens
  • 91
  • Christian Witschel Epigraphische Monumente und staumldtische Oumlffentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum
  • 105
  • Charlotte Rouecheacute Using civic space identifying the evidence
  • 135
  • Plenarsitzung raquoBegegnung epigraphischer Kulturenlaquo
  • Werner Eck Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen
  • 159
  • Philip Huyse The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World
  • 161
  • Jonathan Price The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish Inscriptions in IudaeaPalaestina
  • 183
  • Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer Fuumlnftausend Jahre Inschriften Die Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts
  • 197
  • Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Las inscripciones plurilinguumles en Asia Menor hacia una clasificacioacuten tipoloacutegica y un anaacutelisis funcional
  • 231
  • Plenarsitzung raquoEpigraphik laumlndlicher Raumlumelaquo
  • Stephen Mitchell Rocks Religion and Rural Epigraphy Introductory Remarks
  • 271
  • Stephen Mitchell Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor
  • 275
  • Peacuteter Kovaacutecs Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia
  • 299
  • Ralph Haeussler Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural landscapes of Gallia Narbonensis
  • 323
  • Guy Labarre ndash Mehmet Oumlzsait Les inscriptions rupestres de langue grecque en Pisidie
  • 347
  • Plenarsitzung raquoPublic Entertainmentlaquo
  • Silvia Orlandi Public Entertainment
  • 375
  • Brigitte Le Guen Textes et monuments lrsquoargent dans lrsquoactiviteacute theacuteacirctrale de lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique
  • 377
  • Tullia Ritti Spettacoli dellrsquoarena in etagrave imperiale alcune osservazioni sulle forme e la finalitagrave della comunicazione
  • 401
  • Sektion raquoHaumlfen Infrastruktur und Gesellschaftlaquo
  • Christof Schuler Einfuumlhrung
  • 431
  • Octavian Bounegru Emporoi et nauclegraveres dans les ports de la Meacutediterraneacutee Orientale Structures institutionnelles et image publique des commerccedilants et des armateurs
  • 433
  • Helmuth Schneider Kaiserliche Repraumlsentation in Hafenstaumldten
  • 436
  • Christer Bruun Roman Ostia as a raquoharbour townlaquo in the epigraphic evidence
  • 438
  • Dragana Mladenović Portus the Via CampanaPortuensis and Rome Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections between a port and associated hinterland
  • 441
  • Armando Redentor Cale un puerto de la Callaecia meridional
  • 443
  • Muriel Moser Eine spaumltantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad- Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Haumlfen in der roumlmischen Militaumlrlogistik
  • 445
  • Filiz Doumlnmez-Oumlztuumlrk ndash Huumlseyin Sami Oumlztuumlrk Ein spaumltantikes Edikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien)
  • 448
  • Nathan Badoud Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant la lex Rhodia de iactu
  • 450
  • Sektion raquoDas Militaumlr in seiner Weltlaquo
  • Michael A Speidel Einleitung
  • 453
  • Nikolaos Papazarkadas War on Display The Military Epigraphy of the Athenian Empire
  • 454
  • Lucia DrsquoAmore Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
  • 458
  • Vincent Gabrielsen The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
  • 461
  • Nicholas Victor Sekunda Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
  • 464
  • Pierre Cosme Les bronzes fondus du Capitole veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du regravegne de Vespasien
  • 468
  • Cecilia Ricci The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
  • 471
  • Christophe Schmidt Heidenreich Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
  • 473
  • Franccedilois Beacuterard Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la garnison de Lyon
  • 476
  • Ioan Piso ndash Ovidiu Ţentea Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit
  • 479
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in privaten Raumlumenlaquo
  • Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Introduction
  • 481
  • William C West III Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti from Azoria Crete
  • 483
  • Elisabeth Rathmayr Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum dargestellt an Wohnhaumlusern in Ephesos und Pergamon
  • 484
  • Hans Taeuber Einblicke in die Privatsphaumlre Die Evidenz der Graffiti aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos
  • 487
  • J A Baird Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos
  • 489
  • Francisco Beltraacuten Lloris Honos clientium instituit sic colere patronos Un tipo epigraacutefico puacuteblico y lsquoprivadorsquo las taacutebulas de hospitalidad y patronato
  • 492
  • Antonio Varone Iscrizioni raquoprivatissimelaquo inedite o rilette dallrsquoarea Vesuviana
  • 494
  • Rebecca R Benefiel Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces
  • 494
  • Peter Keegan Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba Marking Territories Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii
  • 497
  • Sektion raquoInschriften in der digitalen Weltlaquo
  • John Bodel Introduction
  • 501
  • Michegravele Brunet Le programme de publication numeacuterique de la collection des inscriptions grecques du Museacutee du Louvre E-PIGRAMME
  • 503
  • Kirsten Jahn Die Erschlieszligung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis)
  • 506
  • Antonio Enrico Felle Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizioni cristiane di Roma contesti e testi
  • 508
  • Manfred Hainzmann Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica ndash Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften
  • 510
  • Askold Ivantchik ndash Irene Polinskaya A Digital Corpus of Ancient Inscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3)
  • 512
  • Giulia Sarullo Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche a Digital Corpus of Archaic Latin Inscriptions
  • 515
  • Sektion raquoForschungsgeschichtelaquo
  • Marco Buonocore Introduzione
  • 519
  • Daniela Gionta Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nellrsquoItalia del Quattrocento
  • 524
  • Xavier Espluga Antiquitates Romanae per una storia della prima tradizione epigrafica di Verona
  • 526
  • Ulrike Jansen Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Dokument fuumlr die Epigraphik
  • 529
  • Roberta Marchionni Nicht nur Handschriften Die etwas andere Uumlberlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Texttraumlgers
  • 531
  • Marianne Pade The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvitorsquos (1435ndash1511) epigraphic capitals
  • 535
  • Heikki Solin Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neuzeit Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltaumltigkeit
  • 538
  • Helena Gimeno Pascual Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII analisi interpretazione e valorizzazione delle iscrizioni dellrsquoHispania romana
  • 541
  • Martin Ott Die Entdeckung des Altertums Der Umgang mit der roumlmischen Vergangenheit Suumlddeutschlands im 16 Jahrhundert
  • 543
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (I)laquo
  • Klaus Hallof ndash Erkki Sironen Praefatio
  • 547
  • D Jordan ndash G Rocca ndash L Threatte Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Sicilia)
  • 548
  • Yannis Kalliontzis ndash Nikolaos Papazarkadas New Boeotian Inscriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia
  • 550
  • Andronike Makres ndash Adele Scafuro New Inscriptions from Thalamai (Ancient Lakonia)
  • 552
  • Alexandru Avram Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG 52 724)
  • 554
  • Athanassios Themos A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe
  • 556
  • M H Sayar Lysimacheia Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen
  • 557
  • Damiana Baldassarra Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria
  • 562
  • Eleni Zavvou An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (Laconia)
  • 564
  • Sektion raquoXII FERCAN ndash Workshoplaquo
  • Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Einleitung
  • 567
  • Wolfgang Spickermann Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-roumlmischer Goumltternamen aus den beiden Germanien
  • 568
  • Milena de Albentiis Hienz ndash Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel Towards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities The Greek Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo
  • 570
  • Mordf Cruz Gonzaacutelez Rodriacuteguez ndash Manuel Ramiacuterez Saacutenchez Hacia la elaboracioacuten del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC) novedades y revisiones epigraacuteficas
  • 573
  • Estiacutebaliz Ortiz de Urbina Aacutelava Dedicantes y cultores de divinidades indiacutegenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior)
  • 576
  • Gerhard Bauchhenss Doppelgoumlttinnen in den roumlmischen Nordwestprovinzen
  • 579
  • Sektion raquoVermessung von Raumlumenlaquo
  • Isabel Rodagrave Introduccioacuten
  • 583
  • Borja Diacuteaz Arintildeo ndash Diana Gorostidi Pi Medir la distancia en eacutepoca republicana Los miliarios
  • 587
  • Jonathan Prag Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa Sicily
  • 590
  • Kaja Harter-Uibopuu Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen ndash Uumlberlegungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
  • 592
  • Orietta Dora Cordovana Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia)
  • 595
  • Denis Rousset Heiliges Eigentum und oumlffentliches Eigentum in griechischen Staumldten
  • 597
  • Leacuteopold Migeotte Les terres publiques et sacreacutees de la citeacute atheacutenienne
  • 600
  • Carolina Corteacutes Baacutercena ndash Joseacute Manuel Iglesias Gil Geographia et prata termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tarraconensis)
  • 605
  • Camilla Campedelli Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung Erfassung und Wahrnehmung von Raumlumen Das Beispiel der Provinz Hispania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII1 1)
  • 608
  • Sektion raquoHeiligtuumlmer und Kultelaquo
  • Mika Kajava Introduction
  • 611
  • Takashi Fujii Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor Religious Geographical and Political Communication
  • 613
  • Nicole Belayche From Personal Experience to Public Display A look into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara
  • 615
  • Joseph W Day Dedications in Dialogue
  • 617
  • Gunnel Ekroth Homeric echoes Archaizing language in Greek religious inscriptions
  • 619
  • Francesco Guizzi Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia
  • 622
  • Maria Kantirea Constructions sacreacutees des affranchis et esclaves en Asie Mineure sous lrsquoEmpire
  • 624
  • Andrej Petrovic ndash Ivana Petrovic Authority and Generic Heterogeneity of Greek Sacred Regulations
  • 626
  • Gil H Renberg Tabella Picta Sources for Private Dedicatory Paintings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites
  • 629
  • Christoph Samitz Die Veroumlffentlichung von Volksbeschluumlssen in hellenistischer Zeit Milet und Priene
  • 631
  • Sektion raquoInschriften und christliche Kultraumlumelaquo
  • Veronika Scheibelreiter-Gail Einleitung
  • 635
  • Jutta Dresken-Weiland Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabinschriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3ndash5 Jh
  • 637
  • Ilenia Gradante Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro
  • 640
  • Cilliers Breytenbach ndash Ulrich Huttner ndash Christiane Zimmermann Maumlrtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstaumltten Das Zeugnis der Inschriften
  • 642
  • Donatella Nuzzo Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica
  • 645
  • Spyros P Panagopoulos Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious artifacts The case of Manuel Philes
  • 648
  • Andreas Rhoby Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion von Wort Bild und Betrachter ndash Inschriften im sakralen Kontext
  • 650
  • Erkki Sironen Spaumltroumlmische und fruumlhbyzantinische Inschriften im kirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika
  • 652
  • Norbert Zimmermann Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantinischer Zeit im Sieben-Schlaumlfer-Zoumlmeterium in Ephesos
  • 655
  • Sektion raquoZwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten Graumlber und ihre Inschriftenlaquo
  • Antonio Caballos Rufino Introduccioacuten
  • 659
  • Daniela Marchiandi Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in Classical Athens a case study
  • 661
  • Alessia Dimartino Lrsquoimmagine e la parola funzione dialogica dei monumenti funerari di etagrave arcaica
  • 664
  • Barbara E Borg In search of senators deceased Senatorial tomb building reconsidered
  • 666
  • Claudio Zaccaria Et tibi et tu Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di Aquileia
  • 668
  • Juan Manuel Abascal Palazoacuten Epigrafiacutea funeraria de Segobriga
  • 671
  • Concepcioacuten Fernaacutendez Martiacutenez ndash Joan Goacutemez Pallaregraves ndash Javier del Hoyo Calleja CLE funerarios en el marco del CIL XVIII2 La explotacioacuten de todo el material a traveacutes de las TIC en un nuevo portal de Poesiacutea Epigraacutefica Latina
  • 673
  • Milagros Navarro Caballero Les monuments funeacuteraires du Haut Empire dans la province Aquitanique
  • 675
  • Giuseppe Falzone Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti le iscrizioni della catacomba di santrsquoIppolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma
  • 678
  • Sektion raquoRaum ndash Bild ndash Inschriftlaquo
  • Henner von Hesberg Einleitung
  • 681
  • Elena Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez Reading archaic Greek inscriptions
  • 683
  • Sara Kaczko Rules of Attraction Linguistic and Visual Strategies in Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications
  • 686
  • Filippo Battistoni ndash Lorenzo Campagna Esposizione di documenti pubblici un caso particolare Tauromenion
  • 688
  • Victor Cojocaru Die Ausfuumlhrung von Standbildern oder Portraumlts von Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum
  • 691
  • Giulia Tozzi Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale lrsquoesempio di Atene e di altri teatri del mondo greco
  • 693
  • Steacutephane Benoist ndash Christine Hoeumlt-van Cauwenberghe ndash Sabine Lefebvre Mise en scegravene de lrsquooubli de la meacutemoire et monumenta exemplaires dans lrsquoespace urbain
  • 695
  • Caroline Blonce Arcum cum statua les deacutedicaces des arcs monumentaux dans leur contexte
  • 698
  • Emily A Hemelrijk Women and Public Space in the Latin West
  • 701
  • Antonella Daniela Agostinelli Iscrizioni drsquoapparato a Roma nei secoli IVndashIX
  • 703
  • Sektion raquoTituli novi (II)laquo
  • Mustafa Adak ndash Manfred G Schmidt Einleitung
  • 707
  • Werner Eck Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium ndash das Stadtgesetz
  • 708
  • Christian Marek Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kaunos
  • 711
  • Giovanni Mennella ndash Lucia Gervasini CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563 un problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia regio VII)
  • 712
  • Antony Hostein ndash Michel Kasprzyk Une inscription en 1250 fragments CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum ndash Autun)
  • 715
  • Lena Kaumanns Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia
  • 717
  • Laura Chioffi Novitagrave da Capua
  • 720
  • Christian Wallner Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat
  • 722
  • Joseacute Remesal Rodriacuteguez Novedades de epigrafiacutea anfoacuterica en el Tes- taccio (Roma)
  • 724
  • Jonathan Prag Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of the Aegates Islands Sicily 241 BC
  • 727
  • Abschlussvortrag
  • Juumlrgen Hammerstaedt Inschrift und Architektur Die philosophische Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda
  • 731
  • Index auctorum
  • 757
  • Verzeichnis der Poster
  • 761
  • Teilnehmerverzeichnis
  • 765
  • Das Militaumlr in seiner Welt
    • Einleitung
    • War on Display The Military Epigraphy
    • of the Athenian Empire
    • Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo
    • (IG I3 138) Un esempio di epikephalaion telos
    • The Navies of Classical Athens and Hellenistic Rhodes
    • An Epigraphic Comparison of Display Monument and Text
    • Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias
    • Les bronzes fondus du Capitole
    • veacuteteacuterans citeacutes et urbanisme romain au deacutebut du
    • regravegne de Vespasien
    • The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus
    • Le camp comme lieu drsquoaffichage
    • Identiteacute militaire et influences civiles dans les monuments
    • funeacuteraires des officiers des soldats et des veacuteteacuterans de la
    • garnison de Lyon
    • Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien
    • Monumente und Oumlffentlichkeit