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Is respect an obstacle to or a facilitator of child participation? A study of children’s

participation in the cultural context of Madagascar

Milfrid Tonheim

Milfrid.tonheim@sik.no

Key words: children, participation, respect, Madagascar, the child’s status, child-initiatedparticipation, adult-initiated participation

Introduction

In recent years, the child’s right to participate has been strengthened, above all through

the wide acceptance of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child ,1989 (hereafter

CRC). Many countries, particularly western countries, have incorporated the child’s

participatory rights in national legislation, political programmes, as well as in public

debates. Consequently, the child has been granted status as a subject and a rights-holder,

and the understanding that children are active participants in their own life is gaining

recognition. However, the road from theory to practice has proven long and challenging for

all societies and in terms of their daily lived-experiences, children all over the world are

deprived of their participatory rights. Thus, although the CRC “welcomes the child into the

social community of ‘persons’” (Lim and Roche, 2000:70), the question is whether or not

the communities in which the child finds herself show the same enthusiasm and

willingness to include the child.

Children growing up in different cultures and communities have different stories to tell.

Their childhood experiences are influenced by many factors, such as socio-economic

circumstances, cultural values and customs. Cultural perceptions of children set the

condition for the child’s understanding of herself, of other children and of adults (see, for

example, Cole, 1996). What children think and experience, what it means to be a parent,

and what it means to be a child are dependent on dominant social and cultural ideologies.

Hence, it is essential to understand how the culture of a given country bears on how

children and children’s participation are perceived.

By ‘child participation’, this study means the inclusion of the child in decision-making

processes. Important aspects of this are the opportunity to express opinions and that the

child’s views are listened to and considered before a decision is made. This article studies

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the concept of child participation in the Malagasy context, a society with collectivist cultural

norms and questions how this cultural context affects the parent-child relationship and the

child’s notion of and experiences with participation. It explores how culturally required

behaviour determines the possibility and level of child participation in decision-making

processes, and the role respect plays in shaping the context of children’s participation in

Madagascar. The article will provide the reader with a description of the traditional cultural

context and the current opportunities for the Malagasy child to express her opinion and

partake in decision-making processes within the family. This will be done through the

analysis of a selection of Malagasy children’s and parents’ notions of and experiences with

children’s participation.

Research setting and methodology

The research approach used in this study is that of qualitative case study. The data were

collected through in-depth interviews, observation and analysis of documents and local

literature. The data collection took place while I was a resident of Toliara, the provincial

capital of the largest and poorest province in Madagascar. The town is a small urban

environment of approximately 100, 000 inhabitants, in which I spent ten months, which

made it possible for me to become quite familiar with culture and customs in the country.

The observation took place during the entire stay, but in particular during the last five

months. The children observed were children living on the same compound as I and their

ages ranged from seven to 12. In total, 32 in-depth interviews with respondents from three

different groups were conducted. The respondents were as follows: 18 children between

ten and 13 years of age, ten parents from six different families, and four key informants:

one UNICEF staff member, one Children’s Judge, Toliara, one staff member at the Prime

Ministers Office (former Director for Women’s and Children’s affairs), and the founder of

BelAvenir, Toliara (NGO working with children). The interviewed children were divided into

two groups; 10-11 year olds and 12-13 year olds, and selected randomly as follows: five

children from a Sunday school group, five from a sports club, and eight picked sporadically

among the children observed. The children in each group were interviewed two by two,

girls and boys separately. Among the 18 selected children there were ten girls and eight

boys. The adult respondents (four married couples, one mother, and one single mum)

were parents to some of these children. Husbands and wives were interviewed together.

As the majority of children and parents interviewed belonged to extended family

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households, the distinction between extended and nuclear family structures is not part of

the analysis.

Some of the open-ended questions the children answered were derived from the

interview-guide used in a research project on children’s participation in modern societies

(Skivenes, 2006: Barns deltagelse i moderne samfunn – Children’s participation in modern

societies). Changes and modifications were made based on hypothesis, cultural context

and literature. To some extent, similar questions were asked the parents. The interview-

guides were reviewed both by scholars from Madagascar (Université de Toliara) and

Norway (University of Bergen), as well as commented on by local research assistants and

Norwegian missionaries accustomed to translation work and familiar with the Malagasy

culture.

To elicit more systematic responses, the interview-guide for the parents included a

separate sheet with ten statements in response to which parents were asked to indicate

whether they agreed or disagreed. The statements related mainly to the status of the child

and are based on Malagasy culture and tradition (see page 5). The sheet also contained

statements touching upon the opportunity for the child to participate. Some of the

statements are taken from Hollos’ study (2002) on the cultural construction of childhood in

Tanzania. When presented in the data analysis, parents’ responses to the statements are

indicated by referring to ‘statement one’, ‘statement two, etc.

All of the respondents participated voluntarily in the study and approval for all of the

children to participate was obtained from their parents. A youth in the local church and an

instructor at the sports-club assisted in establishing contact with the families. At the

beginning of the interviews the respondents were informed that the interview would be

recorded but that in the presentation of their replies their anonymity would be guaranteed. I

was present at this part of the interview and made particularly sure that the children

understood what this meant. A few of the children made reference to this point later in the

interview, asking if it was absolutely certain that their parents would not get to know their

answers. The research assistant who carried out the interviews signed a contract of

professional secrecy and was made aware of the seriousness of breaking this contract.

In order to safeguard the anonymity of the respondents they are referred to as boy/girl

or father/mother when presenting the study’s findings. The key informants are referred to

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as such. As this is a small group of respondents (only four) they do not enjoy the same

level of anonymity as the two other groups. The justification lies in their official or public

position, and they were made aware of this before the interview took place.

Limitations and possible pit-falls

To carry out cross-cultural research on children constitutes several challenges and

possible pitfalls concerning conceptual understanding, language, interpretation of data,

etc. Both researcher and respondents carry with them personal and cultural values

regarding what is good and evil, moral and immoral, normal and abnormal and these

values may affect the questions asked, the replies given and finally, the analysis and

interpretation of the collected data material. Answers may also be influenced by what

respondents believe the researcher expects or wants to hear. This phenomenon may

possibly come even more into play with regards to interviews with children as their “reports

are at risk of being contaminated to a degree by what they have learned about how they

are ‘supposed’ to feel or how they are ‘expected’ to interpret and react to an experience”

(Grover, 2004: 1986/87). Moreover, I, as an adult researcher, belong to the social group of

adults and my interpretation of the children’s statements may be influenced by my

membership in a different social group than the children themselves.

I am also a vaza, a white foreigner, who has not mastered the local language used in

the interviews with the children and their parents. I was dependent on local research

assistants to translate the original English version of the interview-guides to Malagasy, as

well as to carry out the actual interviews with these two groups of respondents. With

respect to the translation, two assistants made their separate versions, and together the

three of us went through the two versions in detail in order to prevent as many

misunderstandings and mistakes as possible. The final version was developed through

this process. In order to avoid the children getting tired and losing concentration during

what was a lengthy interview, I decided that the research assistant would carry out the

interviews without translating everything into English. It was also discussed whether my

presence in the room could possibly affect the children, making them less comfortable in

the interview situation. However, as I was not present during the interviews I was unable to

oversee and guide how the interviews advanced or took form, and this led to incidents

where questions were not as thoroughly answered I wished.

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All the interviews were recorded then later transcribed and translated into English. The

translation and transcription took place simultaneously through a collaborative effort by the

local research assistant and me. Nonetheless, I could not entirely validate neither the

translation of the interview-guides nor the interpretation of the answers given by

respondents. I recognize that interesting and possibly important details and information

may have been lost in this process.

Finally, this case-study of children in Toliara has a small-scale and narrow

demographic focus and therefore generalizations cannot be made solely based on this

study. Emphasis on demographic variations was not given weight since all informants

belong to the same small urban environment, although different ‘social classes’ are

represented. Although the study is relatively small, including only a total of 32

respondents, I believe the findings may be relevant for and maybe also transferable to

other countries with collectivistic cultures. However, more studies on how respect, a value

prominent in collectivistic societies, shapes the parent-child relationship and impacts on

the implementation of the individual child’s rights, are necessary.

As culture influences our social behaviour and equips us with knowledge about what is

good or bad, rewarded or punished, it is of great importance to understand the culture in

which the actions studied take place. Consequently, the next section will provide an

account of the Malagasy culture and traditional thinking, with a particular focus on those

aspects of the culture that touch upon respect and the relationships between parent and

child.

The Malagasy culture and family

The Malagasy culture shows evident signs of having a collectivist nature. First of all the

Malagasy family includes not only, and not necessarily, biological parents and children, but

uncles, aunts, grandparents and other close or distant relatives. This type of family

structure is commonly known as the extended family, as opposed to the nuclear family.

The Malagasy word for the extended family is fihavanana and this concept also represents

friendship, helpfulness, peace and harmony (Dahl, 1998: 140). Closely linked to the value

of harmony is avoidance of confrontation and losing face, both one’s own and the other’s.

The relationship between the members of the extended family is anchored in a strong

sense of belonging based on shared values and traditions. Loyalty and sharing are

important elements which imply that resources are shared both at good and bad times.

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Reciprocal commitment and obligation between individuals is the cornerstone of collectivist

cultures and families. Each individual is recognized as a component of the social

collectivity and is expected to contribute to the group’s well-being, not solely her own. The

focal point is on individuals’ obligations rather than their rights. When such an obligation-

oriented culture encounters the rights oriented Convention on the Rights of the Child,

tensions and conflicting cultural values are likely to arise (see e.g. Omari and Mbilinyi,

1997, Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005).

Blame and punishment

Fády (taboo), tsiny (guilt/blame), and tódy (punishment/retaliation) are very important

aspects of the Malagasy culture. The different ethnic groups in Madagascar have their own

taboos, while some of the more general ones are common for the whole island. Fády

(taboos) are prohibitions given by the ancestors, and by breaking these rules and customs

one risks to experience tsiny or, even worse, tódy:

To make sure to avoid guilt one has to treat other human beings in a certain manner;

one should ensure that others don’t lose face, show humility and respect, adapt and

avoid a proud and arrogant attitude. (Dahl, 1998: 155 – my translation)

Negatively tsiny and tódy may create an atmosphere of uncertainty and fear, and keep

people from speaking their mind and acting freely. With regards to children, fear of causing

or receiving tsiny and tódy will to a large extent make them follow what is culturally

expected. Disobedience is considered unacceptable behaviour and by breaking this rule

the child will bring guilt on herself and disgrace on her parents. Ideally there should be no

conflicts between family members and relatives but if they do occur, then non-

confrontation and suppression of divergent opinions resolve conflicts and tsiny is avoided

(Dahl, 2006: 151).

Age-hierarchy

In their book on cultures and organizations Hofstede and Hofstede point to the link

between collectivism and what they call “power distance” (2005: 82), and say that ”[m]ost

extended families have patriarchal structures with the head of the family exercising strong

moral authority” (Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005: 83). As for Madagascar, the family has a

strong structure and a hierarchy depending on age is clearly visible in the family as well as

in society as such (Lazare, 2004:2). For example, the terms mother (reny) and father (ray)

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or father-and-mother (ray-aman-dreny) are not only used for biological parents but is a

way of addressing other adult members of the family or someone of authority (Dahl, 1998:

139). This way of addressing adults reflects the age-hierarchy and to whom authority and

respect is due.

A human being’s authority and claim to respect increase in accordance with the years

of one’s life. The traditional ancestor worship in Madagascar is a strong expression of this

way of thinking; elders are closer to the ancestors and are therefore given authority. For

the child the hierarchy means that she can dominate and give orders to younger siblings or

children, but has to show respect and obedience towards older siblings, parents, and

adults in general, as well as ancestors. In families and societies where the power distance

is large, children’s obedience to parents is required. Children are, moreover, not

encouraged to show independent behaviour and opinions, and even grown-ups should ask

their parents for advice or permission (Dahl, 1998: 144). Respect for parents is a virtue,

and this respect continues as long as the parents are alive, even after their death. Hence,

the notion of adult and parental authority is anchored in the customs of the country and the

status of the child remains restricted and subordinate to that of parents and adults

(Rapport Annuel de l’ODEROI, 2006:35).

Norms for Communication

Norms for communication depend on cultural values and these norms and values

constitute the environment in which the child’s participation may take place. As the

traditional Malagasy norm for communication is to avoid confrontation above all, divergent

opinions are neither encouraged nor appreciated. It is essential to maintain social

harmony, and in an act of communication this may cause the speaker to harmonize her

opinion to that of the dialogue partner. “Better to live in a frail hut with peace than in a

beautiful castle with dispute” (Aleo mipetraka amin’ny trano bongo marefo am-pilaminana

toy izay amin’ny lapa misy disadisa) says a Malagasy proverb. Dahl (2006) observes that

in Madagascar it is common to pretend to agree even if you disagree. This is especially

the case if you are speaking to a person older than yourself and this person has the title of

ray aman-dreny (father-and-mother). If a Malagasy responds with silence in a conversation

it is not necessarily a sign of tacit consent, but it might in fact often indicate disagreement

(Dahl, 2006:234). To keep quiet is one way to avoid conflict when the dialogue partner is a

ray aman-dreny. Unless the ray aman-dreny asks for a comment she is not interested in

hearing your point of view. In most individualist cultures one is encouraged to show

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disagreement, but in a collectivist culture, like the Malagasy, one is encouraged to hide it

(Dahl, 1998: 208). Direct confrontation is considered rude and undesirable. In particular it

is considered disrespectful to cause an elder person of authority to lose face. The child,

being at the bottom of the hierarchy is therefore unlikely to express divergent opinions

when communicating with parents or any other adult with some authority over the child.

Hofstede and Hofstede state that “[a] child who repeatedly voices opinions deviating

from what is collectively felt is considered to have a bad character” (2005: 87) and they

argue that personal opinions hardly exist in collectivist families.

In the individualist family, on the contrary, children are expected and encouraged to

develop opinions of their own and a child who always only reflects the opinions of

others is considered to have a weak character. (Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005: 87 )

Consequently, in the collectivist family the child is unlikely to be encouraged by adults to

form her own points of view. A Malagasy proverb puts it like this: “The one that has

someone that is older, does not need to talk, and the one that has someone that is

younger, does not need to carry” (Manan-joky, afak’olan-teny; manan-jandry

afak’olan’entana). Thus “It is the duty of parents to talk, negotiate and rebuke and it is the

children’s duty to carry, obey and show respect” (Dahl, 1998: 144 – my translation).

Hence, in accordance with the Malagasy tradition, the child is not recognized as a central

participant in decision-making processes in the family and is thus seldom entitled to give

her opinion even if the decision concerns her (Rapport Annuel de l’ODEROI, 2006: 35).

With this account of the traditional Malagasy culture forming the background, I will

move on to the empirical analysis of day-to-day interactions between parent and child in

contemporary Madagascar, focussing in particular on whether the current interaction

between young and old adheres to traditional values and norms, whether parents involve

children in decision-making processes in this cultural context, and on the terms on which

their participation take place. The analysis seeks to reveal Malagasy children’s and

parents’ comprehension of and experience with children’s participation, the main focus

being on the views of the children themselves.

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Findings

Many scholars (e.g. Skivenes and Strandbu, 2006) argue that it is adults’ responsibility to

ensure that children’s points of view are expressed, and in the family setting this can be

partly done by parents asking and encouraging their children to contribute in decision-

making processes. Also important in a child’s personal development is the acquisition of

skills at initiating interaction and discussion on issues that matters to her. Parents’

attentive listening and wish to take into account the child’s view are also essential in

securing a genuine participation both with regard to child- and adult-initiated participation.

Thus, the interviews focused on 1) the opportunity to express viewpoints – if the children

were encouraged and asked to express their opinions or not – and 2) whether or not their

viewpoints were taken into consideration – if their opinion influenced the final decision on

matters affecting their lives. Obviously the most important group of respondents is the

children themselves and therefore how they describe their own possibilities and

capabilities to take part in decision-making processes in the family will be given

considerable weight in the presentation that follows. However, their statements will be

compared to replies given by parents and key informants in order to scrutinize whether

adult respondents portray the same picture.

In the presentation of findings only those questions pertinent to the research question

regarding respect and participation are presented. I start by looking at the child’s status in

the Malagasy culture, and from there move on to the aspect of respect and look at what

kind of behaviour in connection with participation that is considered respectful and

disrespectful according to the Malagasy culture. Thereafter the data on the child’s actual

participation and her possibility to interact in family decision-making processes, as well as

influencing the final outcome, will be presented. As this study wishes to reflect, as

accurately as possible, the Malagasy children’s lived experiences of their participation at

home the following presentation will include several quotations and statements made by

the respondents.

The status of the child

The Malagasy child is taught from a very early age that parents and adults ought to be

respected, and respect is one of the main values that parents will teach their children. In

this manner the child also learns about her own status and position within family and

society. The importance of having descendants is emphasized in the Malagasy culture and

tradition. One of the parents goes as far as to say: “If you don’t have children you are not a

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full human being!” Another parent expressed the opinion that: “When a couple doesn’t

have children their lives are meaningless.” Children are regarded by adults as providing

future insurance and help to parents (statement one) as well as giving them respect and

prestige in the society (statement two). All the parents except one agreed with the two

statements mentioned above.

The interviews with key informants as well as those with parents revealed that children

are still considered as property of their parents (statement ten); only one father disagreed.

This gives a rather bleak picture of the status of the child in the Malagasy context.

However, at the same time several other views and nuances are expressed during the in-

depth interviews. For example certain parents regard their children as friends and good

companions, and some underlined that children’s status is equivalent to that of adults. “A

child is a full human being not a half. They have a status of their own” (mother) and “[e]ven

if they are children they are like us grownups” (father). In other words some parents in the

study, even though in minority, emphasized that the child has a prominent and equivalent

position to that of adults, a view more in accordance with the individual rights-approach.

Nevertheless, the majority of adult respondents, and particularly the key informants,

expressed the view that the Malagasy children are not viewed as “independent individuals

but rather as obedient members of a group” (key informant). The child is expected to have

a “submissive attitude” and “not talk back to parents when receiving an advice or a

reprimand” (key informant). “Their role in the society is to listen, respect and obey adults”

(key informant), and this expected behaviour seems to be based on the thought “parents

know better than the child what is best for the child” – a statement with which all parents

agreed.

Respect

The word used in Malagasy for respect is fanajana. It is a well-known and often used

concept in the Malagasy culture and society, both among adults and children. But what

exactly does respect imply and in which ways do children show respect towards their

parents? Is the respect based on affect or on parental authority to which the children have

no choice but to defer? What is the required or expected behaviour of children in order to

be regarded as respectful? Furthermore, the study illuminates if the child is entitled to

respect in the Malagasy society and family, and how the respect towards children

manifests itself in the daily interactions in the family.

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The children recognized that there are different ways to show respect:

The difference between children and adults is that adults should be respected.

Children should be respected too, but not in the same way as we respect adults (girl).

Parents are entitled to respect “because they are adults” (girl). When looking more closely

on how they show respect towards their parents, their answers revolve mostly around

obedient and polite behaviour. “When talking to [the parents], even if they are angry, you

shouldn’t shout but just tell what you have to say, quietly and politely” (boy). Obedient

behaviour stands out as the most frequent reply and the children state that to do whatever

the parents say is to show them respect. In their replies obedience is often linked to not

being stubborn (mahery loha), in other words not arguing with their parents. “When they

ask you to do something you don’t argue. You don’t tease them” (girl). One bluntly said:

“We cannot contradict what adults say” (girl). One of the key informants goes as far as

saying that disobedience would, by the Malagasy society, be considered as “downright

blasphemy”, even worse than lack of respect.

The children’s responses are mirrored in the replies given by the parents: respect

means above all polite manners and obedient behaviour. Obedience is strongly

emphasized, particularly when asked how children may show respect towards parents. As

mentioned earlier, respect is closely linked to age in the Malagasy culture: “According to

the society, children should respect not only their parents but all other older people in the

neighbourhood” (mother). Age is, furthermore, associated with wisdom and authority over

others. Parents were asked whether they agree or disagree with the following statement:

“It is disrespectful for a child to disagree with his/her parents” (statement nine). More than

half of the parents agreed with this statement.

This view is further underlined by the fact that all the key informants expressed the

opinion that the Malagasy community would consider voicing disagreement as an act of

disrespect. It would be “shameful for the parents” and people will say that such a child has

received “a bad upbringing” (key informant). Moreover, the majority of children gave an

affirmative response when asked if they believed it would be disrespectful to disagree with

parents. They pointed out that disagreeing with parents they would undermine and

challenge their opinion and that the parents “will be sad” (boy). Yet, later the same boy

expressed the view that children should be able to make decisions on things that

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“concerns the family” and “interests the children”. He continued and called it discrimination

if “only parents can talk but kids can’t” (boy). In other words, although the majority of

children conform to the traditional way of thinking, some children show a slight divergence

from the cultural norm.

Despite the fact that culturally, respect is linked to age, all parents express the view

that children deserve respect. The question then is on which terms Malagasy parents

show respect to their children. Some examples given by parents are by not being rude or

harsh, not raising their voice, and not punishing or reprimanding the children in public. “If

we raise our voice and don’t show them respect, they’ll do the same to us or to someone

else” (father). This aspect of setting a good example for the child was mentioned by

several of the respondents: “Children deserve respect because to respect them is showing

them how to respect” (father). Another way respect manifests itself is through “listening to

their ideas and not just imposing our own” (mother). In this way, respect from parent to

child facilitates the child’s genuine participation and involvement in decision-making

processes. However, one key informant expressed the view that respect from parent to

child did not mean that “they are listened to, that their opinions are taken into

consideration” and she continued to say that “traditionally, children are not even

encouraged to express personal opinions” (key informant).

All the interviewed children, except two boys, agreed that parents should respect their

children. Several of the children said that “[i]f the children respect their parents, the parents

will respect their children”, which might suggest that the children use the same logic as

their parents; what you do to others will be done to you - if the parents don’t respect their

children, the children “will be disobedient towards their parents” (boy). However, it might

seem like there are some strings attached to the respect from parents towards children: “If

I follow what they say, they will respect me” (girl). When the children were asked in what

manner parents might show respect to children they suggested that this could be by not

being angry or harsh with their children, and by doing things that make their children happy

and by not making them feel stupid.

For example, if I have something I don’t understand, they respect me by showing me

what to do. They don’t respect me if they say ‘This is really easy! How come you don’t

know!?’ (girl).

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An interesting question is whether or not the children are obedient due to the belief that

their parents know better or because of parents’ authority and/or fear of punishment if they

disobey. In some of the interviews this fear is expressed: “It is better to accept what the

parents say because if not ‘something worse might happen’ ” (boy). Some of the children

said that they were afraid of their parents, especially “to make them angry” (girl). One girl

cried when talking about this aspect of her relationship with her parents. None of the

interview questions dealt with the use of corporal punishment; however, six children made

unsolicited comments that they would be beaten by their parents if they were mahery loha

(stubborn). One mother bluntly and honestly expresses: “[my children] are afraid of me. I

am a severe person. So if I say: ‘Don’t do this!’ they will not do it.”

This corresponds with the statement of one key informant: “the child’s respect is mixed

with fear”. Another key informant pointed to a possible generational change:

I believe the present generation of children respects their parents out of conviction

and not out of fear. But before, for me, I respected my parents because I was afraid

of the curse (malédiction). (key informant).

Hence, the respect for elders may seem to gradually be losing its grounds “as people get

more urban and there is less inter-dependence between the different generations” (key

informant).

Participation

What are the Malagasy children’s experiences with regards to participation and their

possibility to influence decision-making on matters affecting their daily lives? Do they freely

and without being asked voice their opinion (child-initiated participation) or do they keep

quiet unless they are invited by their parents to contribute to the discussion (adult-initiated

participation)? Furthermore, are their views listened to and are their inputs given

consideration when the final decision is made?

The following section consists of four parts; 1) adult-initiated participation, 2) child-

initiated participation, 3) attentive listening, and 4) self-determination and the child’s

capacities. Child-initiated participation deals with the child’s free and unsolicited

expression of her views and ideas, and adult-initiated participation concerns the situations

where parents invite the children to share their opinions. If the child’s participation is

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merely adult-initiated, it indicates that her participation is constrained and only takes place

on adults’ terms. Nevertheless, it is still participation; one which reveals parents’ belief that

a child’s contribution to the decision-making process is important and worth listening to.

The aspect of listening is indeed important. If the child participates by expressing her

views but adults do not pay attention and listen to what she says, her participation is

meaningless. For genuine participation to take place, adults need to take the child’s input

serious and considered her views when decisions affecting the child are made. If the child

is given the opportunity to decide on matters on her own we may call it self-determination.

This type of participation is closely linked to the child’s capacity and competence, both the

child’s self-perceived capacities and the capacities attributed them by adults.

Adult-initiated participation

Only a small minority of the children said that their parents never ask for their views: “They

do what pleases them” (girl). Most of the respondents stated that their parents would be

interested in hearing their inputs on matters to be decided at home. The examples given

by the children were wide-ranging; everything from decisions on what to have for dinner to

the decision on which house to buy: “We are looking for a new house, and they ask me

‘What do you think of this one? Do you like this house?’ If it’s something like that they’ll ask

for our opinion” (girl). The example of moving to another house was given by a couple of

other children as well. Children were also asked about their points of views when various

items are to be purchased. Two brothers recalled that when their parents didn’t know

whether to buy a VCD player or a TV, they asked for the boys’ views: “Then we answered

‘Buy the VCD player’ and then they bought that.” Another interesting reply made by one of

the girls shows that sometimes parents ask their children on matters they themselves find

difficult to solve: “When they don’t know what to do, then they’ll ask me.”

Do the children’s replies correspond to the picture presented by the parents? The

parents were asked to imagine two situations and then tell what they would do; if they

would ask for their child’s opinion and if it would influence the final decision. The situations

are the following:

1) “Your mother who lives in the village is ill, and needs someone to look after her.

You and your spouse are not able to leave Toliara, but you are discussing about

sending one of your children to the village.”

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2) “Your brother/sister needs someone to help out in the house. He/she does not

have any children of his/her own and ask if one of your children can move to his/her

house.”

All the answers, except one, confirmed that the child participates in the decision-making

process on matters like the two above, and that the child’s opinion would influence the

outcome of such a process. The data show that despite the fact that the parents feel

obliged to send their child to help the grandmother in the village or to the uncle that has no

child of his own, they would not do so against the will of their child. Such situations “need

consent” (father). “We must ask for his opinion” and “[i]f he disagrees we will not force him”

(mother). Another father stated that if the child was more than five years the child should

be asked his opinion and parent and child should talk about it together. These replies

revealed that parents show respect for their children’s feelings and emotions by including

them in the decision-making. The respondents also stated that the child’s point of view

“may change the decision because he has his rights” (father). “I must talk to her before

taking a decision because my choice might not be her will” (mother). However, the same

mother continued by saying: “But maybe she is afraid of me and will do it anyway.” This

answer points to the same kind of fear that some of the children expose in their replies;

fear of receiving punishment and fear of upsetting their parents. This fear is closely linked

to the cultural aspects of tsiny (guilt/blame) and tódy (punishment/retaliation).

Child-initiated participation

The children were also given two situations to imagine and then asked to explain what

they would do if something like that happened to them. The situations are the following:

1) “Your brother/sister breaks a plate while doing the dishes but your father/mother

believes it was you who did this and is now angry with you. What do you do? Do

you take the blame or do you speak up and say that it wasn’t you who did it?”

2) “You are in the middle of playing with your friends when you father/mother tells

you to help out in the kitchen. You would like to play for 15 more minutes. What do

you do then? Do you ask you father/mother if this is ok?”

These imaginary situations provide us with information that somehow differs from

replies given in the rest of the interview. The replies regarding situation 1) show the

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following picture: seven children state that they would take the blame without saying

anything, nine would speak up and tell the truth, and two children will first try to explain

that they didn’t do it but if they are not listened to they will “stay quiet” and “take the

blame”. Why would not all the children tell their parents the truth? It appears this is linked

to the fact that the father or the mother is angry: “I would like to tell the truth but if they are

angry with me I will just stay quiet” (girl). If one speaks up against the parents “it can

create a quarrel” (girl), and therefore approximately half of the children would instead

choose to take the blame for something they didn’t do.

Situation 2) is about negotiating with their parents, and the children’s responses show

that most of them would not try to negotiate for more time to play if the parents have asked

them to do something. A considerable majority of the children would leave their friends

immediately when they are called by their parents without even checking out the possibility

of playing a few minutes more. The data do not give any indication on that the ability to

negotiate with their parents increases with age (from 10 to 13 years of age). The few who

would try to negotiate would do so very gently and cautiously, ready to submit to their

parents’ will at any time. “I will ask for permission to play a little longer. But if it is urgent I

will go right away” (girl). Another one explained: “If I’m playing [video] games at home and

my mother ask me to do an errand, then I will ask to save my game before leaving. I will

not just go like that” (boy).

An important question therefore is why most Malagasy children would not negotiate

with their parents. Most of them do not really give any reason for this, but one said: “If I ask

for more time I might never have the chance to play again” (girl). Another one explained:

[Once] I was playing with my friends and they [my parents] had already called me:

‘Come and eat!’ But I was still playing. I yelled: ‘I’ll come!’ Then they called louder and

I ran home. Then my father beat me with his belt. So I can’t disobey no more. (girl).

If the consequences are this severe it is quite understandable that the children will not

disobey or try to negotiate with their parents. Similarly to situation 1), the children’s

accounts indicate that the respect they have towards their parents rules out negotiation

and disobedience as alternatives.

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Attentive Listening

All parents, except one, agreed with the statement that “parents should listen to their

children’s opinions” (statement five). However, not all the children felt that they got full

attention when they try to talk to their parents: “Sometimes they listen and sometimes they

don’t” (girl). Another child remarked that “[t]hey listen when it’s about things where they

want to give me advice. If they are listening to me 80 %, they are only really listening to me

40%” (boy). According to one key informant dialogue between parents and children is

“practically inexistent”; “parents give an order and the child have to carry it out. The

parents don’t ask whether or not the child agrees.” Other key informants said that

Malagasy parents are too busy and are facing too many problems to actually have time for

their children. “It is only when the child has done something stupid that dialogue between

parent and child takes place” (key informant).

Self-determination and the child’s capacity

The Malagasy parents in this study seemed to believe that children from 10-13 years of

age are capable of deciding smaller things (like when to go to bed at night, when to do

homework, when to play, what kind of clothes to wear etc.). Only a minority of parents

disagreed with this statement (statement three). But do the children themselves believe

that they can make their own decisions? One girl clearly stated that children cannot, and

that children should “wait for their parents’ decision.” Two other girls stated that children

“should discuss things with their parents” and decisions should be made together.

However, more than half the respondents believed they were capable of deciding for

themselves what to do at home, when to do homework, what to wear and things like that.

“I don’t wait for my parents to ask me to do this or that. I just do it” (girl). “If the water barrel

is almost empty, I just go and fill it up” (boy). Such responses may indicate that the

children understand “deciding” as seeing what needs to be done and doing it without

waiting for an order. When talking about deciding things at home, the replies varied among

the children, both with regards to whether they were allowed to make decisions at all and

to what kind of matters they were allowed to decide. “When it is about my own life I’m the

one who make the decision. Like which books to read” (girl). Another girl said that she

could decide on what to wear: “[t]hey are my clothes so I can do what I want.”

In one interview with two boys differences in their responses are obvious. The oldest

explained that he was given the opportunity to decide things because he was old enough

and because “[t]hey believe that I know what I’m doing.” In other words, his parents

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believed that he was competent and capable of making decisions. The younger one said

that sometimes his parents would let him decide things but sometimes not. And the reason

for this was: “because I’m little.” Thus, with regards to viewing children as competent

decision-makers, age seems to matter as well as “the behaviour and character of the child”

(father). As mentioned earlier, children felt that their parents may ask for their opinions

when it was a difficult time and the parents didn’t know what to do. One mother explained

that she would listen to and sometimes follow her children’s advice, indicating that she

respects her children due to their competence.

Discussion

From the preceding findings it is apparent that the Malagasy traditional values prevail in

the view that children still are regarded as parents’ property and in the fact that the age-

hierarchy continues to prevail as an important organizational structuring of the family.

However, some of the parents that, on the one hand, believed that a child is her parents’

property would, on the other hand, emphasize that a child is a full human being with a

status of her own, thus, holding contradictory views. The ambivalence in parents’

responses may point to a transition from the traditional view of the child towards the more

modern view of a child’s status. However, the objectification of the child and her inferior

position in the hierarchy is still evident and constitute the contextual framework in which

family decisions take place. This framework renders the child relatively powerless in

decision-making processes. Her subordinate status entails that the choices available to

her are constrained and differ significantly from those available to the relatively powerful

members of the family (Roche, 1999: 478). For instance, if a child acts out of fear of

punishment, she is not acting out of unconstrained choice and conviction, but out of

compliance. Moreover, if initiating negotiation and/or exchange of divergent viewpoints are

unacceptable and disrespectful behaviour for a child, then the possibility to choose freely

is limited.

The empirical case of the child’s participation in decision-making processes in the

Malagasy family exemplifies the control that powerful members of a group have on the

powerless members’ opportunity to voice their opinion and influence decisions.

Nonetheless, the picture is not completely bleak as there are also indications of children

being empowered through the particular competencies they hold. The study shows that

some parents invite their children to participate in decision-making processes, sometimes

on relatively important matters. Not only do they participate but it is clear that on matters

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affecting the children’s life, their opinions are given considerable weight when the final

decision is made. The reason why children are invited to express their views seems to be

due to the child’s capacity and important contribution to the household. In other words,

they are allowed to participate because they are respected as active social participants in

the family. The prevailing modern view of two separate environments – one for children

and play, and the other for adults and work – is not as distinct in Madagascar as work is

not a domain exclusively reserved for adults.

On the other hand, children are also quite often rendered silent by not being given the

opportunity to freely initiate participation; having a mind of their own is not something

parents encourage in their children. The majority of adults and children believe it is

disrespectful behaviour for a child to express disagreement or try to negotiate with parents

unless invited. The children’s respect seems to be based on parents’ authority, and the

fear of breaking the culturally required rules connected to fàdy (taboo), tsiny (guilt/blame)

and tódy (punishment/retaliation) constitutes an obstacle to child-initiated participation.

Thus, one may conclude that Malagasy children are allowed to participate but that their

participation is constrained by parental power and control. Even though “adult power is

and will be inescapable” (Roche, 1999: 486), how parents balance their parental control

and the child’s freedom, will have great impact on the child’s participatory possibilities and

development. Here it is important to note that less parental power will not necessarily

mean less influence over the child’s life. Korczak’s moral education, as described by Efron

argues that:

[o]nce teachers [or adults] forgo the control due to their authoritative status and

accept the children as partners, they open new opportunities to influence the children,

not from above, but by being engaged with their lives, understanding their concerns,

and sharing their moments of pride and moments of quandary. (Efron, 2008: 46),

Respect: an obstacle to or a facilitator of child participation?

Respect is, generally and almost exclusively, seen as a positive value creating harmony

and cohesion within the family and in society at large. The most famous secular

formulation of the principle of respect is found in Kant’s account of human dignity where he

maintains that human beings should not treat others merely as means but as ends in

themselves (Kant, 1964: 94). One significant way to respect individuals as ends is to take

their opinions and interests into account when making decisions that affect them. Not only

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does respect entail participation; many scholars even consider it as a pre-condition for a

meaningful dialogue which comprises divergent opinions (e.g. Gutmann and Thompson,

1990; Chambers, 1996). Respectful behaviour will take place when we recognize that “we

each deserve to be consulted, to be offered an explanation, and to be given the chance to

object to actions that affect us” (Chambers, 1996: 3). In other words, participation on

respectful terms demands mutuality.

This article suggests that respect may serve both as a facilitator and as an obstacle to

child participation. It points to different types of respect and that the effect of respect on

child participation seems to depend on the origin of or the basis for that respect. It is

apparent that the cultural socialization of the Malagasy children with emphasis on respect

from young to old weakens their determination and ability to challenge their parents and

express their views. The overarching hierarchical order, the profound emphasis on the

code of obedience and the harsh consequence of breaking this code put tight boundaries

on children’s freedom to act and voice their opinions. The respect enjoyed by parents

seems to prohibit the child from voice opinions diverting from those of her parents. It is

evident that the respect of a child for their parent is partly based on fear and the children’s

accounts reveal that they often keep silent because of fear of punishment. Although a few

adult respondents indicate that currently children respect their parents out of conviction

rather than fear, the children’s own accounts underline that fear is still a prominent aspect

of the parent-child relationship.

Furthermore, respect from parent to child, as well as the lack of such respect, also

influences the child’s participation in the family decision-making process. The findings

indicate that adult-initiated participation is facilitated by parents’ respect for the

competence and contributions of the child. Even though there is a strong element of fear in

the parent-child relationship, it is also apparent that parents in certain situations show

respect for their children’s feelings and emotions. This is particularly evident in the fact that

all parents except one said that they would not force their child to leave the home to help

other family members if this was against the child’s own wishes. This finding deviates from

the traditional Malagasy culture where the strong sense of obligation towards the extended

family would weigh more than a child’s wish and feelings.

All parents in the study indicated that children deserve respect. However, their respect

seems to be exclusively linked to the child’s capacities and sometimes her emotions and

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feelings. If respect from parent to child is of such character it will only allow the child to

participate to a limited extent, as the child, depending on age, are lacking some of adults’

experience and wisdom. Moreover, the child’s participation will then be in the control of

adults as they will be the ones in power to decide whether the child can be viewed to have

valuable inputs on a particular matter. The negative outcome of a conditional respect from

parent to child can be seen in the Malagasy children’s low score on child-initiated

participation. The findings suggest that the lack of respect from parent to child is based on

a view of the moral worth of the child and that, when taken together with the profound and

often fear-based respect from child to parent, these constitute a major obstacle to child

participation. A parent-child relationship anchored in respect entails that the child, like the

adult, is viewed as a valuable member of the family with opinions that should be listened to

and considered in the decision-making process at home. For child participation to thrive,

parent and child need to respect each other on equal terms, a respect based on the equal

moral worth of every human being.

AcknowledgmentsThe author thanks two anonymous journal referees, Dr. Skivenes at the UiB, and Dr.Fretheim at SIK for useful and constructive comments. I would also like to thank CheleSteele for linguistic inputs and corrections.

22

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