interethnic competition in a northeastern Ontario goldmining ...

- - -- - - - - - - - - - - -

CANADRN THESES ON MICROFICHE-

THESES CANADIENNES SUR MICROFICHE .

\ I $ National Library of Canada Bibliothhue nationale du Canada Collections Qevelopment Branch Direction du devetoppement des collections

Canadian theses on Microfiche Service

Service des theses canadiennes sur microfiche

Ottawa, Canada K I A ON4

NOTICE

The quality of this microfiche is heavily dependent La qualite de cette microfiche depend grandement de upon the quality of the ,original thesb submitted for la qualitd de la these soumise au microfilmage. Nous microfilming. Every effort has been made to ensure avons tout fait pour assurer. une qualit6 superieure the highesi quality of reproduction possible. de reproduction.

I If pages are mi sing, contact the university which granted the degree.(

- - - - - - -

-Some pages may have indistinct print especially if the original pages were typed d i th a poor typewriter ribbon or if the university sent us a poor phatocopy.

D

S'il manque des pages, veuillez communiquer avec I'universite qui a confer6 le grade.

- - - -

1

La qualit6 d'impression de certaines pages peut laisser a desirer, surtout si les pages originales ont ete dactylographiees a I'aide d'un ~uban use ou s i I'universi t$ ' nous a fait pariienir une photocopie de mauvaise qualite.

Prevhusly copyrighted materials (journal articles, Les documents qui font deja I'objet d'un droit ~ublished tests, etc.)'are not filmed. . d'auteur (aftides de revue, examens publies, etc.) ne

%

sont pas microf ilmes.

Reprod~jction i n full or in part of th'is film is gov- La reproduction, meme* partielle, de ce microfilm erned by the, Canadian Copyright Act, R.S.C. 1970, est soumise a la Loi canadienne sur le droit d'auteur, c. G-30. Please read the authorization forms which SRC 1970, c C-30. Veuillez prendre connaissance des accompany this thesis. formules d'autorisation qui accompagnent cette th6se.

- - - - - - - -

TH4S DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MIGROFILMED

National Library BihliothEqus nationale u q of Canada du Canada

- - - -

<

CAIYADCAKFHMS -~~~&SCAKADIENNES- - - - - ON MICROFICHE SUR MICROFICHE

~ e i e r Vasiliadise AME OF AUTHOR/NOM DE L'AUTEUR

. OF THESIS/TITRE DE LA THk= Dangerous T r u t h : Interethnic Competition in a Northeastern

Ontario Go1 dmining, Community

UN IVERSIN /UNIVERSIT~ Simon Fraser Universiky DEGREE FOR WHICH THESIS WAS WESENTEDI

GRADE POUR LEOUEL CETTE THESE FUT P R ~ E N T ~ E - Ph . D.

1985 YEAR THIS DEGREE CONFERRED/ANN~E DD'OBTENTION DE CE GRADE

NAME OF SWERVl.SOA/NOM DU DlRECTEUR DE T H ~ S ~ Dr D ~ c k - - - - - - - - - - -- - --- - - -

-

\ Perrntss~on IS hereby granted to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF Guto( isat ion est, par la prgsente, accord6e B la BIBLIOTH~-

CANADA to microfilm this thesis and to lend or sell copies QUE NATIONALE DU CANADA de microfilmer ' - .-

of the film. -, de prdter ou de vendre des exemplaires du film.

- The author reserves other publication rights, and neither the L'auteur se rgserve les autres droits de publisation; n i la

thests nw extensive extracts from i t may be printed or other- thBseni de longs extrairs de celle-ci ne doivent i t r e imprirnBs 7

W I se reproduced without the author's written permission. ou autrement reprodhits ians l'autorisation Bcrite de /*auteur.

6 Averill Crescent -

PERMANENTADDRESS/R/S~DENCE FI$

Wi 11 owdal e , Ontario

ONTARIO GOLDMINING COMMUNITY

- -

P e t e r V a s i l i a d i s

B.A.., Univers i ty of Toronto,

M.A., York Univers i ty , 1978

- - . - *. -

A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL WLFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

i n t h e Department .

@ ~ e k e r V a s i l i a d i s 1984

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY - -

December 1984 '

L A l l r i g h t s reserved. This t h e s i s may no t be

reproduced i n whole o r i n p a r t , by photocopy o r o t h e r means, without t h e permission of t h e author .

APPROVAL

NAME : PETER V A S I L I A D I S + DEGREE : DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

f '

T I T L E OF THESIS: DANGEROUS TRUTH: - INTERETHNIC COMPETITION I N . A NORTHEASTERN ONTARIO GOLDMINING COMMUNITY

EXAMINING COMMITTEE:

CHAIRPERSON: G. MARILYN GATES

N ~ E L DYCK w

SENIOR SUPERVISOR

- -

HERIBERT ADAM 0- '

--- EXAMINING COMMITTEE

MICHAEL KENNY - EXAYINING COMMITTEE

-- . -

I A N WHITAKER -

EXAMINING COMMITTEE

REGNA DARNELL E X T E M EXAMINER ' DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY

UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA .

DATE APPROVED: January 29, 1985

I hereby g r a n t t o Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y .the r i g h t t o lend s my thes is , p r o j e c t o r exten-ded essay ( t h e t i t l e o f which- i s shown below)

-7 t o users o f t h e Simon Frpser U n i v e r s i t y L ib rary , and t o make p a r t ~ a l o r - ) I

s i n g l e copies on ly f o r such users o r i n response t o a request from t h e

l i b r a r y 0 6 any o the r universi$y, o r o the r educat ional i n s t i t u t i o n , on 1

i t s own behalf o r f o r one o f 4 t s users. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission

f o r m u l t i p l e copying o f t h i s work f o r scho la r l y purposes mayabe granted

by me o r t h e Dean of-Graduate Studles. I t i s understood That copying .

or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s work f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l no t be a1 l'owed

w i thou t my w r i t t e n permission.

T i t l e o f Thesis/Project/Extended Essay

a e r w T r u t h : In te re thn ic ~ e t i t i o n . . i n a Northeastern Ontario

Goldmining Community --

Author: f

( s igna tu re )

P e t e r Vasil i a d i s - (name)

January 31 , 1985 - (da te )

'ABSTRACT. .

DANGEROUS TRUTH : - -

INTERETHNIC COMPETITION IN NORTHEASTERN - -

This dissertation,examines the interrelated basis of ethnicity and

ONTARIO GOLDMINING COMllUNITY

by Peter Vasiliadis

class within the changing framework of institutions, policies and

personalities in the goldmining community of Timmins, Ontario. Principally

'this involves an analysis of the historical and contemporary structure of

ethnic relations in correlation with local and national criteria in order tw . & I

demonstrate the perdstent feature of' intergroup competition in this area.

This study will serve .to refute the traditional models of Canadian ethnic

studies and provide a more complex basis for the examination of ethnic

communities. '

The methodology utilized is principally one of extended participant -

observation and large-scale interviewing within the Finnish, Croatian,

Ukrainian, Italian, English and French Caydian ethnic communities in

Timmins. Information gathered by these means has been correlated with

archival research and local newspaper records. This permits an in-depth

.survey of interethnic and class relations in the community between the period

The degree to which members of an ethnic population will subscribe to

.ethnic or class ideologies is shown to be altered by the shifting context

- within which they must operate in relation to other ethnic communities.

community must compete with attempts by other communities to revise

situationally the context and gain support for its local claims to economic 7

and p o l i t i c a l resources, both m*terial ( jobs and p o l i t i c a l ~ o w e r ) and - - - -- --

s y m b o m c u l t u r e and her i tage) . They rill gain, o r l o se , i n competition o r *

a l l i a n c e with o ther communities, e spec ia l ly i n r e l a t i o n t o nat ional policy r-- - .a

and dominant group control of t h e $esiof conventional orde'r. While t h e ,

t h e s i s shows t h a t t h e competition h a s a t e f f e r e n t times been garbed i n t he

cl&hes of class'consciousness and revolution, i n the newlmyths of t h e

c l a s s l e s s socie ty and harmonious community accommodation, and now i n a more 6'

e x p l i c i t e thn ic idiom, a l l a r e shown t o be s i t u a t i o n a l responses t o

contextual change. e

Acknowledgements

, Many a r e t h e number t h a t have con t r ibu ted t o Th i s s tudy. A s a s t a r t I v

would l i k e t o thank my t h e s i s supe rv i so r Professor Noel ~ ~ d k f o r h i s I

unf lagging e d i t o r i a l a i d and encouragement throughout t h e production of t h i s

d i s s e r t a t i o n . I would a l s o wish t o express my g r a t i t u d e t o t h e o t h e r members

of t h e committee, P ro fesso r Michael Kenny and Professor Her ibe r t Adam, f o r , .

t h e i r comment; as we l l t hose o i P ro fesso r Gerald Gold, d i r e c t o r of t h e York - Timmins P r o j e c t , and my p r o j e c t co l leagues . I a l s o acknowledge

'

t h e a i d provided by t h e personnel of t h e 'Timmins Museum and National

Exhibi t ion Center ' and t h e 'Ukrainian H i s t o r i c a l and C u l t u r a l Museum'. L

Above a l l I wish t o make my thanks . to t h e people of ~ i & i n s who were

good enough t o welcome me i n t o thei ' r homes and o f f e r me ready access t o t h e i r

thoughts and i n f o r m a t i ~ n . ~ T h e y were never l e s s than courteous and kind t o a

ques t ioning s t r a n g e r . Without them t h i s s tudy would have been impossible. I

hope it w i l l be of s e r v i c e t o them -- whatever t h e i r i n t e r e s t s .

INDEX

LIST.OF MAPS, FIGURES AND TABLES d CP >,

i

I - INTRODUCTION ,'

-The Canadian Basis of Ethnic Shdies -Class Models of Ethnicity - .t

-05jective Models of Ethnicity -Subjective Models of Ethnicity -The Setting and The Fieldwork '\

\ , "

11.- FOUNDATION OF THE CAMP u -The Beginning of Interethnic Competition -Restructuring the Camp -Mine Domination and the Rise of Class -Class and Ethnic Radicalism '

111.- PANETHNIC CLASS SOLIDARITY -Alliance -Finnish and Ukrainian Socialists -The Union -1912-1913 Strike

1V.- THE COLLAPSE OF CLASS SOLIDARITY -Strike Aftermath -

-Dqsertion Under Fire -Radical Resurgence -Ethnic Ostracism

P -Anglo ~einte~ration

V.- THE EXTENSION OF ETHNICITY -Ethnic Hall Progressives -Ethnic Enclaves -Gatekeeping, Blindpigging and Highgrading -The Founding of Workers Co-op

-

V1.- CLASS SEGMENTATION -Local Ethnic versus General Class Radicalism -1928 Hollinger Fire: The Revival of Class -The Radical Takeover of Workers Co-op

VI1.- ETHNIC COMMUNITY DIVISION -Loyalty -Finnish Reaction .

-Ukrainian 'Prosvita' Organization -Croatian Hall

. . vi

i

viii

. , % .- ' I

4'- a. . \

. . ..

c - -

~Othef: Organizations 200 -Consumers Co-ogerative 205 -, -Depression and Jobs 209

- - - I VII1.- RADICAL CONCILIATION 214

-Workers Co-op: Class or Ethnicity?:, 214 , if -Union and Town .Council Activity - 218

-French Canadian Reaction to ~adicalism 221 -Loyalty and Reaction -Reconciliation -Mine Mill Union Revival

IX . -- POSTWAR CLASS PAILURE -Mine Mill in Crisis -1953 Strike -Ethnic Radical Failure

X.- COMMUNITY BREAKDOWN AND REVIVAL -Mine and Ethnic Decline -French Canadian Accomodation -Separation

XI.- ELITE REACCOMMODATION -Renegotiation -French Language ~ i g h School -h Ronde -Municipal ~ilinhlism and the Elite -The Museum and The Pioneers -Bilingual Symbolism

XI1.- ETHNICITY AND THE NEW ACCOMODATION - - - 323- -Ethnic Reactions to an Increasing Bilingual Framework 323

328 -Timmins Ethnic Festival Committee

XII1.- ETHNIC ORGANIZATIONS -Ethnic Festival Groups -Finnish Ethnic Association -Croatian Hall and Cultural Committee -The Ukrainian Museum -Mosaic Cultural Club

X1V.- THE HERITAGE FESTIVAL

XV . - CONCLUSION

XV1.- APPENDIX

( XVII .- REFER~CES CITED . I

- vii -

FIGURES

*

- 1: The Province Of Ontario , -

, - 2. Northeast Onta?io ;*

. - 3. The ~unici~alit~ Of Timmins

. Major Mines Of The Porcupine Camp

- 5. Timmins Ethnic Enclaves E

' - 6. Organizations and Abbreviations 417 1%

- 7. Town Of Timmins Institutions 418

# - 8 , Ethnic Fstitutions In The Pocppine Camp A41%9 ( + . -!+?

4, -3. Mountjoy, Tisdale And Whitney Townships: . - ,@*

-Ethnic Populations 1921-1971 * J 1

-1O.'Town Of Timmins Ethnic Population 1921-1971 42.3 L

-11. Timmigs Population 1912-1980 424

-12. Immigrant Population , 424 By Period Of Immigration 1910-1961

-13. British, French and Ethnic - --

- 424 Population Sliif f l95l--l97l - -

- - - - - - -- --

-14. The Institutional Process

-15-. The Fieldwork Experience

- viii -

A This thesis examines the social, economic and political organization of

ethnic communities within a Northeastern Ontario mining community. 1

specifically,\\it traces the histTrica1 and contemporary basis of ethnic ., I I a

- competition at the community levei as a,continuing response both to local and

9 -- -- -% national'factors and intkrestr;. The main ethnographic task of the thesis is

to demon trate that, contrary to a widely held but mistaken notion (woodsworth e 1909; Porter 1965:60), social, economic and political contentisn has not been . largely restricted to a bipartisan contest between the so-called 'charter

a groups' of' English and French Canadians. but that the so-called 'other' ethnic

.r

groups have been a persistent feature of social life in at least one Canadian

community, namely, Timrnins, Ontario. The chief analytical pukpose of the - - -

-- - - - - - - - -

thesis is to demonstrate how e;isting theoretical approaches to the study of

L ethnicity, here de 'ned as-a subjective socio-political and symbolic

phenomenon ohe en l974b : 94, 971, and of class, occupationally defined social 5

conflict groups (~ahrendorf 1959: 138) , in Canadian society have 3 systematically tended to overlook the existence of interethnic competition of

z+ the sort that has and continues to occur in Timmins (~gmundson 3,977:254),. A

more appropriate approach to the study of ethnicity is suggested and employed. I

in this thesis. <>

Timmins is a major goldmining center with a population of 45,966

situated 700 kilometres north of Toronto. An examination of the scant 1

sociological literature on Timmins lark 1966'; 1971; 1978; Lee and Lapointe

Canadian res idents . But, as I soon found on beginning my f ie ldwork,- there were - - - - - --- - - - , -

a l s o present (and unacknowl&ged *by okher researchers) 1ongstanGing e thn ic . b -

communities of ~ t a l i a n s , Finns, ~ k r a i n i a n s and Croatians , as well -as a number . , * +

of smaller e thnic cornmunititk. 6 e s e e thn ics ( a term I w i f ~ apply t o I_:

non-English and non-Fren~h -Canadian e thnic communities) have been end continue' 1 - .

io- be, i n s p i t e of a recent decl ine i n ac tua l numbers, of -importance ;to t he ,

s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a b s t ruc tu r e of ' the community. This terminological 1 * y 1

d i s s inc t i on between Fbench Canadians i s a r a the r g ross - .4

i~ s impl i f i ca t ion but a s s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s we can -

i .

v accept t h a t ~ n b s h and-~Fench Canadians a r e members o f spec i f i c ; \ e thn ic gPou$s -- - -- -- -

- \ ( ~ c ~ o r i a c k 1981:38; Anderson 1982117) and can b5,included with alp o ther

6.3 ', 1. , e thn ic Canadians under the rubr ic of e thn ic group and cu l t u r e , -we 'a lso .. recognize t h a t the cha r t e r groups do not wiqh t o be i d e n t i f i e d as e thn ic 2 ' t .,

;&-'a . groups ( ~ a c k s o n 1975:25; Palmer 1975:151). It i s t h i s part izcuiar -fact which i s ' a t the b a s i s of Canadian e t h n i c i t y ( i f not Canadia~ e thn ic s t ud i e s ) .

o The d i&inc t ionp is i m q o r t a t o t h i s - J h e s i s because a majOrqUe8ti5np - - t h a t can be asked throughout t h i s study i s the i n t e n t i o n a l i t j of char te r group

ac t i ons and'government po l i c i e s i n con t ro l l ing e thn ic 'acce'ss' , or, r i g h t of

admission, t o p o l i t i c a l and economic sower. I w i s h ' .to make - c l e a r t h a t I wiL*

not be t a lk ing about some Machiavellian p lo t but r a the r a problem created by ..

both t he d i r e c t po l i c i e s of governmen* ( ~ v e r ~ 1975; 1977; 1979) and a ce r t a in n.

measure of i n f ~ r ~ l i z e d ideological myopia which is induced by t he primary 7

f a c t of English and French ~ a n a d i a n majority s t a t u s and dominance ( ~ a e r and P - -

< - - -

Lambert 1982: 173). - -- - - - -- -- - - -

The concept of majority s t a t u s i s prescribed by numerical super io r i ty .

~ominaXc9, however, need not be t he r e s u l t of an a c t u a l numerical majority.

Rather it is a ccmseptrerrw of t h e control of -bhe mtes of o ~ z - ~ n ~ t i ~ 3

conformity of t h e n a t i o n s t a t e and hos t s o c i e t y (~chermerhorn 197Qt12; Kallen

1982: 110). Though it i s perhaps a n innappropr ia te example it i s u s e f u l t o

remember t h a t t h e whi tes i n South Afr ica a r e i n a minor i ty p o s i t i o n bu t they

a r e t h e dominant group through t h e i r c o n t r o l of coercive power.,In Quebec t h e - x- =

English Canadians were a l s o a dominant group, a t l e a s t u n t i l t h e last f e w

decades, i n s p i t e of t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y s ~ l l . p o p u l a t i o n . Numbers a r e not of ..

d i r e c t importance though they c e r t a i n l y played a n important p a r t i n t h e

i n i t i a l development of dominant s t a t u s i n Canada. Kith t h e l a r g e i n f l u x o f -

immigrants i n t o Canada, however, t h e major i ty s t a t u s of English and French

Canadians was th rea tened which has n e c e s s i t a t e d t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y group ( o r

groups) a c t i n i ts ( o r t h e i r ) own e l i t e and dominant group s e l f - i n t e r e s t . .

There is nothing which i s c o n s p i r a t o r i a l i n t h i s phenomenon; t h e e t h n i c s a r e

not t h e 'good guys' and t h e Anglos and Francos t h e 'bad guys ' . Conditions

be ing reversed t h e r e i s no doubt t h e e t h n i c s would be quick t o apply coercive - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

F- -- - r e s t r i c t i o n s and normative proscri;ptions t o t h e i r b e n e f i t and a g a i n s t a l l

o the r s . What i s i n t e r e s $ i n g & t h e f a c t t h a t t hese cond i t ions have been .;if%.. 9

l a r g e l y ignored by s o c i i ? r e sea rche r s , e s p e c i a l l y on t h e community l e v e l where -

t h i s process i s most ope ra t iona l . \

I n Timmins t h i s has produced a phenomenon i n which, d e s p i t e t h e r eg iona l

importance of the e t h n i c communities, l o c a l h i s t o r y and e x i s t i n g s o c i o l o g i c a l

r e sea rch i n t o t h e Area lark 1966; 1971; 1978; Lee and Lapointe 1974; 1979)

has metnodical ly r e l e g a t e d them t o minor 'support ing r o l e s a s ' a s s imi la t ed '

( la rge-sca le s t r u c t u r a l and c t t f t u r a l changes of - the e t h i c community to those - e

of t h e h o s t s o c i e t y ) o r 'accommodated' ( c u l t u r a l l y a s s i m i l a t e d t o t h e hos t (I

s o c i e t y p i t h o u t be ing f u l l y accepted by t h a t s o c i e t y ) by t h e dominant English i

and French Canadian c o r n u n i t i e s ( ~ i r t h 1945: 358; Burgess 1947 : 403; Park

--

- 3 - ,

1950 : 150 ; Vallee , Schwartz and : 71 ; 1975: 88; van . f

den Berghe 3967il39;

Local English and French Canadian elite groups, which are in the process

of revising local history to emphasize the status and principal roles of the * English and French Canadiap communities, make little mention of ethnic .

- ,

participation (~rembla~ 1951 ; Porcupine Camp 1959; ~ocheleau 1978). This

procedure has been relatively effortless since many of the records of past @

class and ethnic conflicts, which would have supported ethnic claims to local

stat&, have been destroyed or hidden. They are replaced by fictional

- 4 . anecdotes which represent Timmins as being virtually classless and supposedly

1

- having experienced an effortless accommodation of all groups throughout its

history. Yet preliminary fieldwork and a reading of more sophisticated

historical accounts made it cldar that these were recent attempts to obscure

past conflicts for, at different times in the past, Timmins was considered one

of ' the most militant and ethnically radicalized communities in ~anada-~~ver~- -

1979 : 73 ; Abella 1973 : 86-1 10). -

On the national level a similar process, carried out through such

government policies as bilingualism and multiculturalisml has already

expropriated economic and political power (as well as historiography) to the

benefit of the English and French Canadian 'charter' groups on the basis of

their proprietary'claims which are said to give them rights over immigrant

(noncharter) groups' (porter 1965: 60; Ossenburg 1966; Peter 1981 : 57, 64; Dahlie . C

and Fernando 1981: 1). The ethnics were identified as cultural anomalies or

"ethnic groups" and denied full access to the economic and political 4 a

prodess; ethnic communities uere effectively hindered from behaving as

terest groups. .

\

2.w <

A major outcome of t h i s po l i cy has been t h a t many s c h o l a r s engaged i n $J

i - -

Canadian e thnic . s t u d i e s have accepted 9 c u l t u r a l ' a n d a p o l i t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of

e t h n i c i t y ( p o r t e r 1965: 60; 1975: 294; Stevenson 1977: 279; Robbins 1975 t 285;

Driedger 1975 : 159; 0 'Bryan, R e i t s and Kuplowska 1975; Barry, Ka l l in and Taylor

- 1976). This proscr ibed d e f i n i t i o n served t o c h a r a c t e r i z e e t h n i c i t y , e t h n i c

groups and e t h n i c communities wi th in t h e Canadian s o c i a l s c i ences a s -

I

circumscribed c u l t u r a l anomalies wi th few l i n k s t o t h e Canadian environment.

E t h n i c i t y can, however, be a n important b a s i s f o r understanding t h e b

s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l process wi th in a p a r t i c u l a r community, even

wi th in a mining community where c l a s s has o f t e n been accepted a s $he u l t ima te

and perhaps only appropr i a t e framework f o r community a n a l y s i s (1nnis 1936;

Philbrook 1966; Lucas 1971; Forcese 1975:29; Robbins 1975; Clement 1981; -

Glenday 1981). Though t h e r e has been a tendency t o ignore c l a s s i n Canadian . d

1 e t h n i c s t u d i e s a ah lie and Fernando 1981 :2), -in p a r t because it i s seen a s t o o

-

p o l i t i c a l a c r i t e r i o n , t h e r e has - been an equal tendency t o ignore e t h n i c i t y i n

t h e s tudy of mining communities (1nn i s 1936; Forcese 1975:29; Clement 1981; %

Glenday 1981), i n l a r g e p a r t because e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s were 'not seen a s being

< s u f f i c i e n t l y p o l i t i c a l . Yet, a s w i l l be shown i n t h i s s tudy , even i n mining

communities e t h n i c i t y may supercede c l a s s as a b a s i s f o r p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t

and a c t i o n . - - . d - -

As a r e s u l t I have chosen t o g ive a n a l y t i c a l primacy t o t h e p o l i t i c a l -

dimension of e t h n i c i t y fo l lowing Cohen' s (1974b: 94 , 97) a s s e r t i o n t h a t s o c i a l %

r e sea rch on e t h n i c i t y must focus on i t s p o l i t i c a l and symbolic organiza t ion .

E t h n i c i t y w i l l t h u s be examined a s a sub jec t ive s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l - phenomenon '

wi th in a l i m i t e d sphere of pub l i c a c t i o n . On t h i s b a s i s it i no longer a 7 , s t a t i c concept equated s o l e l y t o t h e soc io -cu l tu ra l b a s i s of a n ind iv idua l s'

immigrant o r a l l t h e supposed members of an e t h n i c group. E thn ic i ty must be

- - 4

dearly distinguished from static analyses Fich seek to examine it only i

-

within a single timeframe or set struct&al basis (eeg. cultural). Rather it

must be examined as a dynamic and processual system which can integrate even

such supposedly divergent concepts as class (van den Berghe

There is no reason to give either class ox ethnicity an overriding -

analytical importance they do not 'always merit, for under cekain - -

circumstances the relationship between ethnicity and class is so close that -

they may appear to be indistinguishable. ~ b m e sDcial scientists have L -

recognized this phenomenon by creating new tehs of analysis,'such as - . *Y

- -

"ethclass" (1sa jiw 1975 : 129). This term, however, becomes superfluous because -

under other conditions ethnicity and class.may appear to be in unalterable

opposition ( ~ v e r ~ 1929: 141 ; van den Berghe 1981 : 244). What occurs is nota a

change in definition but a change in the relationship between ethnicitg and . 6 -

class within a particular situation and context. ;r-

- -

The 'situation', as gn analytical concept, is the circumstance and - - - -

objective conditions whi'ch affect or surround an 1 or group. My P -

version of situation, though similar, is not the same as that defined by

Gluckman (1940: 9) which is more properly related to Cohen' s (l974b: 132)

concept of 'social drama'. My definition focuses instead on the actor and . . 4

group's cognitive and structural ascription as they attempt to organize thei*?

-

social relationships to fit a given social context.

Situational response can only occur in relation to such a 'context'

(i . e . the conf o ~ i t y or conventional %~a,viour which controls the situational f

response in accordance

determines which of an

will be an appropriate

i with custom, rules or prevailing opinion). The context

individual ' s or group ' s identities, ties or .interests - -

response to those changes which are introduced by an

i a r t e r a t i o n of t h e con tex t (van den Berghe 1967: 14; 1970: 12). The con tex t I

I

d e f ines t h e a v a i l a b l e ' r e s o u r c e s ' , t h e sources of supply o r support' (eg. jobs \

i f

and p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e ) t h a t a r e used by a n i n d i v i d u a l o r group t o meet t h e

needs o f a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n l a n d t h e manner i n which they a r e . t o be -

/

acqu i r ed . The dominant g roups , , t h rough t h e i r primary c o n t r o l of t h e s t a t e

( s chemerhorn 1970 : 12; Kal len 1982 : 110) , in t roduce both a n impl ied conformity

(norms and va lues ) and d i r e c t p o l i c i e s ( b i c u l t u r a l i s m and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ) I 1

which provide t h e primary c o n t e x t u a l framework wi th in which groups a r e

d i f f e r e n t i a t e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y a long e t h n i c and c l a s s l i n e s , and s e t s t h e b a s i s -

I !

<4 i f o r competi t ion ( ~ . e . p c i k t l c a l and economic power) between i n t e r e s t groups 1

I

( ~ a ~ a t a 1980 : 208) . 4

'

Never the less t h e c o n t e i t and b a s i s of competi t ion w i l l be a f f e c t e d and 1 1

A

a l t e r e d by l o c a l - i e v e l s i t u a t i o n a l respdnses w i th in which i n d i v i d u a l s , & - i& i

-', f a m i l i e s , work groups >,neighbourhoods, e t h n i c enc laves and e t h n i c 4

must o p e r a t e i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r l i k e groups. Thus each community,'s a t tem

t o confirm i t s s t a t u s i n Tirnmins must compete wi th a t t e m p t s by o t h e r - !

corninunities t o g a i n suppor t f o r i t s c la ims t o economic a n d . p o l i t i c a 1 mean

1

Each community w i l l g a i n , o r l o s e , i n competi t ion o r a l l i a n c e ( i . e , a 1 - I \

c o a l i t j o n o r c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n t o promote common i n t e r e s t s and mutual ,

. , a b e n e f i t s ) .with o t h e r communities and i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o circumvent t h e

a t t e m p t s of o t h e r s . Th i s has been t h e h i s t o r i c a l exper ience of e t h n i c and

c l a w r e l a t i o n s i n t h e Timmins a r e a : n e i t h e r e t h n i c i t y nor c l a s s a lone has *\ * .

predominated Eut r a t h e r a c o n d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p f e a t u r i n g both f a c t o r s has

developed between groups and t h e i r i n t e r e s t s .

The subchapters which fo l low w i l l dklve i n t o a t h e o r e t i c a l examination .CO

of e t h n i c i t y and c l a s s i n Canadian e t h n i c s t u d i e s , ' t h e d i f f e r e n t models of & -

^ k e t h n i c i t y employed by s c h o l a r s and t h e s t r e n g t h s and shortcomings of t h e s e - - I - I

approaches, This will then lead into chapters which examine the foundation of * -

- the Porcupine Camp and its division between immigrant miners and Anglo - Franco elites, the creatidn and maintenance of ethnic and class

consciousness, the building of ethnic community enclaves and their -division k ,

into ethnic class and cultural supporters, the failure of ethnic class

exponents after World War 11, the creation of an alliance between ethnic, -

English and French Canadian communities, the beginningyof a breakdown af that

alliance and the splitting of the communities into new -interest groups which

are presently re-aligning to contest for economic and political resources,

notably through an attempt to control local historiography. - -

The Canadian Basis of Ethnic Studies

In the 1960s and 1970s ethnicity became oneof the most important

topics for students of Canadian soci,ety. In few other countries in the world -

- were ethnic studies to receive such attention. These studies are of three

general types, class based (concerned with rank recognition or occupationally - t 4

defined conflict groups), objective (based on a- compilation ~f general traits -

and statistics) and subjective (dealing with the process of -

changing or situational ethnicity) o old stein and Bienvunue 1980:Z; Kallen

1982:58). These types can be_ further Gstinguished as either accepting -

ethnicity as a basis of analysis (objective and subjective), if 'only

nominally, br completely rejecting it (class). The class and objective models

have received the most attentiofi but they have also created the greatest --

problems because of certain innate deficiencies.

Class Models of Ethnicity

Class models of e thnicity are divided between liberal and Marxi st -

analyses. While for the,liberals class is based primarily on a measurement of f

subjective attitudes (rank recognition) or income (~orcese 1975:14), for the

g i s def ined i n terms of o b j e c t i v e r e l a t i o n s t o t h e modes of

product ion and d i s t r i b u t i o n g ( ~ o h n s o n 1972: 142) . A s Marshak (1975: 2 )

emphasizes, t hey a r e bo th s i d e s of t h e same coin; t h e l i b e r a l s a c c e p t i n g

- c u r r e n t s o c i e t y and i t s s u r v i v a l and t h e Marxis t s r e j e c t i n g it and

a d n t i c i p a t i n g its final demise. Both r e f u s e t o a$*cept t h a t g t h n i c i t y has any

importance except t o d i s t r a c t from t h e far more impor tan t c r i t e r i a of c l a s s .

k. The l i b e r a l t h e o r i e s , known v a r i o u s l y as ' l i b e r a l expectancy ' ( ~ l a z e r

and Mopnihan 1975 t 6-7; Gordon 1975 188) o r ' evo lu t iona ry un ive r sa l i sm ' -

( ~ l a i r m o n t and Wien 1976) , propose t h a t over t ime t h e u n j u s t e lements of c l a s s

c o n f l i c t and d i v i s i o n w i l l d imin i sh i n favour of t h e u n i v e r s a l p r i n c i p l e s of

m e r i t , achievement and e g y a l i t y ( ~ u n t e r 1981 : 236). Although e t h n i c i t y i s

p a ~ t i a l l y recognized as a n independent Var i ab le , it i s a l s o l a r g e l y accepted -

as a sub'-element of c l a s s . ~ a r x i s t models, on t h e o t h e r hand, provide a more

c l e a r c u t c l a s s c o n f l i c t p e r s p e c t i v e which, it i s f e l t , w i l l l e a d t o a f i n a l

c l a s s r e v o l u t i o n and t h e demise of a l l c l a s s e s i n a new c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y . . -

E t h n i c i t y i s of l i t t l e importance t o t h i s except t o obscure o r

h inde r what i s cons ide rea t o be t h e i n e v i t a b l e - c l a s s i n t e r e s t and s t r u g g l e . 91.

The major proponent of t h e l i b e r a l view of c l a s s i n Canada w a s John

P o r t e r who himself w a s f o l lowing a n American s o c i o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n ( ~ y n d and

Lynd 1929; Whyte '1943; Vidich and Bensman 1960). I n h i s seminal work, The - V e r t i c a l Mosaic (1965) , hk p laced t h e concept of e t h n i c i t y i n a p o s i t i o n where

i t was e f f e c t i v e l y a n appendage of c l a s s ; a form o f - c l a s s c o n f l i c t worth

i d e n t i f y i n g - only the b e t t e r ' to e r a d i c a t e i t . The t i t l e df h i s book i n d i c a t e d

his pe rcep t ion of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between c l a s s and e t h n i c gropp. The English

and French Canadians, though recognized as e t h n i c groups , were g iven added

r ecogn i t i on a s ' c h a r t e r groups ' and as such acqu i r ed added s t a t u s and a

p o l i t i c a l and c l a s s dimension t h a t o t h e r e t h n i c groups were denied . The na t ion

- 9 -

was dep ic t ed as having been founded tad cont inuing ' t o

of t h e English be ing t h e conquerors (and t h e i r hold ing -

-- o p e r a t e ) on t h e basi-s

h igh s o c i a l c l a s s -

p o s i t i o n s ) while t h e F renchwere t h e conquered and hold ing low s o c i a l c l a s s

p o s i t i o n s (except i n p o l i t i c s ) . C u l t u r a l p lu ra l i sm w a s perce ived as a fohn o f O .

c l a s s con t9o l by t h e c h a r t e r groups over t h e immigrant.groups h inde r ing t h e i r

en t r ance i n t o t h e e l i t e s t r u c t u r e s and a c c e s s t o economic .and p o l i t i c a l power

(1965:60).

The r a p i d i n c r e a s e i n e t h n i c s t u d i e s i n t h e l a t e 1960s and e a r l y 1970s

only se rved t o i n c r e a s e b r t e r ' s misgivings about e w i c i t y . He suggested t h a t

t h e r e v i v a l of e t h n i c i t y w a s a c t u a l l y r eg res s ive because it emphasized

d i f f e r e n c e s and obscured t h e s tudy of c l a s s which he accep ted as t h e more

important concept (1975:294). He be l i eved t h a t only u n i v e r s a l s t anda rds o f .

achievement would a l low members of e t h n i c groups t o p a r t i c i p a t e equ i t ab ly i n

t h e Canadian economic and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . I n e f f e c t he expected t h e

e t h n i c s t o accept a s s i m i l a t i o n and p lace t h e i r f a i t h i n u n i v e r s a l achievement

s t anda rds . Yet as Ramcharan (1982) comments i n h i s s tudy of ,non-white groups .

- - -

i n Canadian s o c i e t y , t h i s i s a major problem f o r those groups which cannot 4.3 @ -a% -

a s s i m i l a t e t o t a l l y because of t h e i r r a c i a l v i s i b i l i t y . "L ibe ra l i n t e g r a t i o n i s t .

p o l i c i e s t h a t purpor ted t h a t u n i v e r s a l i s t i c achievement va lues i n t h e s o c i e t y J

would a l low a l l migrants , r e g a r d l e s s of r ace o r e t h n i c i t y , mobi l i ty o r

e q u a l i t y , have proven erroneous. " amcha char an 1982: 110)

Despi te t h e s e c r i t i c i s m s I do not mean t o i n v a l i d a t e a l l of P o r t e r ' s

i n s i g h t s . Members of nonchar te r groups do l a c k access and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n

- t h e major p o l i t i c a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s of Canadian s o c i e t y . They a r e

under-represented i n t h e major sphe res of Canadian s o c i e t y . However, P o r t e r ' s

a n a l y s i s , r e s t r i c t e d as it i s t o gene ra l c a t e g o r i e s on t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l ( a s i --

k wel l as t o a s p e c i f i c i deo logy) , may not always apply on o t h e r s o c i a l l e v e l s ,

- such a s on a community l e v e l . A s w i l l be shown i n this s tudy t h e community

l e v e l can moderate government p o l i c i e s and dominani-group norms (i . e . t h e

context ) so a s t o a l low spec' i c e hn ic communities t o develop p a r t i c u l a r d" / '

s i t u a t i o n a l responses t o c o n t e l t u a l change. This f a c t a l lows fo; a l e s s

i n f l e x i b l e f raiework of s tudy. I

Subsequent r e s e a r c h on t h e Canadian corpora te e l i t e and c l a s s s t r u c t u r e

has tended t o change o r even chal lenge P o r t e r ' s concept of t h e ' v e r t i c a l

mosaic' . Marston (1969:67) concedes t h a t occupational s t r u c t u r e and c l a s s a r e "

not n e c e s s a r i l y important i n t h e breakdown of r e s i d e n t i a l segregat ion among

e t h n i c groups, a major measure o f a s s i m i l a t i o n . She accepted t h a t t h e r e i s

g r e a t f l e x i b i l i t y between income, occupdtion, c l a s s and e t h n i c group

(1969: 78) . Clement (1975 : 34) r e p o r t s t h a t while t h e French and English

Canadian corpora te e l i t e have consol ida ted t h e i r power base and accesg r o u t e s ,

such a s through upper c l a s s schools , so t h a t t h e e thnics ' do not pene t ra t e

these e l i t e s , t h e e t h n i c s have responded by developing t h e i r own firms and

co rpora t ions p a r a l l e l to, t h e main corpora te s t r u c t u r e s . While preoccupied with +,

c l a s s and t h e corpora te economic s t r u c t u r e , Clement i s f o r c e d ' t o concede the

importance of e t h n i c groups i n c r e a t i n g s t r d c t u r e s which can in f luence t h e

l a r g e r s o c i e t y no t ing t h a t "it i s d i f f i c u l t t o d i s t i n g u i s h between t h e

e f f e c t s of s o c i a l c l a s s and e t h n i c o r i g i n f o r mobi l i ty i n t o ( t h e ) corpora te ,

e l i t e " (1977:233). S imi la r ly Kel ly , recognizing t h a t t h e i a j o r economic d

i n s t i t u t i o n s were guarded by t h e upper c l a s s e s , suggested t h a t t h e c l a s s base ,

of Canadian s o c i e t y was g r e a t l y modified by e t h n i c i t y (1975:50). / 4

I

Yet P o r t e r ' s suppor te r s ( ~ r e s t h u s 1973; Forcese 1975; Avery 1977; 1 I

Clement 1977) continue t o accept a n over ly s i m p l i f i e d ve r s ion of e t h n i c group, l

one def ined almost s o l e l y by government s t a t i s t i c a l ca t egor i e s . Thei r vers ion

o f , e t h n i c i t y , l i k e P o r t e r ' s , i s r e f l e c t i v e of t h e census category of e t h n i c

- - -

I o r i g i n , i . e . e t h n i c i t y i s what ethnics- have. The emphasis i s i n d i c a t i v e of

many l i b e r a l (Pres thns 1973 ; Clement 19f5 ; Forcese 1975; ?ZKrj-i9m -and

Marxist (park and Park 1962) s t u d i e s which examine powe'r and p o l i t i c s i n . /'

Canadian s o c i e t y mostly i n terms of l a r g e c a t e g o r i e s (b ig bus iness , c h a r t e r

groups). i nc lud ing e s t a b l i s h e d c l a s s e s (corpora te e l i t e s ) o r c l a s s s t r u c t u r e s

which a r e than taken a s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a t a l l l e v e l s o f examination. The

%

c a t e g o r i e s , howeber , can o f t e n be b e t t e r understood as co l l ec t ive ' s t r u c t u r e s

which hold members t o g e t h e r f o r p o s s i b l e a c t i o n . A t t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l one i s

l i k e l y t o f i n d a number of l a r g e i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s ( n a t i o n a l c l a s s o r - - * 3

p.d- e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions ) which,,&@ as t h e prime framework f o r group a c t i o n but f < -

'4;" whose suppor t waxes and wanes according t o t h e s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t . These r'

i n s t i t u t i o n s present themselves a s t h e r ep resen ta t ive bodies of a n i n t e r e s t

group when i n f a c t t h e i r support may be l a r g e l y symbolic s i n c e t h e 'group' *

r a r e l y be c a l l e d upon f o r gene ra l a c t i o n .

Even Avery, who was one of t h e first t o recognize t h e s i g n i f i c a n t -

p o l i t i c a l r o l e of t h e immigrant (1975, l979) , a t tempt ing t o apply the

P o r t e r i a n model t o a s tudy of t h e Canadian immigrant p r o l e t a r i a t i n t h e e a r l y

p a r t of t h e twen t i e th century (1977) which s a w t h e Canadian environment as a -

a3 *

closed system under t h e p r e c i s e p o l i t i c a l pressure of t h e c h a r t e r groups and

c l a s s s t r u c t u r e (1977: 1 6 ) , couLd no t diminish t h e importance of e t h n i c i t y as a

v i a b l e c r i t e r i o n (Ogmundson 1977:254). H i s d a t a proves t h a t e t h n i c i t y and

c l a s s a r e con t inua l ly changing t h e i r r e l a t i v e pos i t ion : sometimes c l a s s

& superceded e t h n i c i t y i n importance as a n o rgan iza t iona l p r i n c i p l e and i n t e r e s t

while a t o t h e r t imes t h e p o s i t i o n w a s reversed and o f t e n they were of equal

importance. Yet Avery cont inues t o r e l e g a t e e t h n i c groups and e t h n i c i t y t o *

secondary s t a t u s i n t h e c l a s s system (1979:146). The r e l e g a t i o n of e t h n i c i t y

i s a common f e a t u r e p-f many of t h e h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s of t h e r a d i c a l c l a s s

movement i n Canadian s o c i e t y . Both l i b e r a l and Marxis t h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s

add res s e t h n i c p o l i t i c s b u t t r e a t e t h n i c d i s t i n c t i o n s as be ing o f on ly pas s ing '3

i n t e r e s t ( ~ e n n e r 1977 ; Angus 1981 ) , minor appendages t o t h e - l a rge r Canadian

s t r u c t u r e (~vakumovic 1975; Avery 1979) o r simply do no t recognize them

( ~ o r o w i t z 1968) d e s p i f e t h e overwhelming importance of e t h n i c c r i t e r i a i n t h e

Canadian r a d i c a l movement. These s t u d i e s a r e i n v a r i a b l y far t o o g e n e r a l i z e d , ".

focus ing upon t h e n a t i o n a l o r r e g i o n a l l e v e l r a t h e r t han t h e community l e v e l

where much of t h e i r d a t a i s produced. A s a r e s u l t it may be t h a t t h e s e

r e s e a r c h e r s do no t unders tand t h e p o l i t i c a l p rocess t hey a r e s tudying except

as a s i m p l i f i e d c l a s h between c l a s s e s . '

The a n a l y t i c a l a v e r s i o n t o e t h n i c i t y and at tachment t o c l a s s is c a r r i e d

even f u r t h e r by Canadian Marxis t s . They fo l low Mar ' s works which subsume r" e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n o t h e r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which a r e mani$es ta t ions of t h e

means of product ion (~romm 1967: 96) . The complex s o c i o - c u l t u r a l e lements of

s o c i e t y a r e reduced t o c l o s e d dependent u n i t s . w h i c h a r e e a s i l y r e s t r u c t u r e d by

developmental c l a s s p roces s ( ~ a r x 1853 : 479-81). Anything, such as e t h n i c i t y o r - - -

r e l i g i o n , which i s perce ived as h inde r ing c l a s s development i s s a i d t o be

o b s c u r a n t i s t o r a remnant of p rev ious s t a g e s of evo lu t ion . These s t r u c t u r e s

were v i l i f i e d by Marx because they mi t iga t ed t h e d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l

e f f e c t i v e n e s s of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s and " i n v e r t e d ' c l a s s consciousness" which i s

premised on a n a b i l i t y t o develop c l a s s ' a c t i o n and r e a l i z e d c l a & i n t e r e s t s

Canadian neo-Marxists cont inue t h i s t r a d i t i o n when they cons ider

e t h n i c i t y as e i t h e r unimportant (pa rk and Park 1962) o r only a nominal

v a r i a b l e . Stevenson (1977:279) s t a t e s t h a t e t h n i c i t y i s much l i k e r e l i g i o u s

a f f i l i a t i o n , which has ( o r should have) l i t t l e e f f e c t upon c l a s s . Casson and

G r i f f i t h (1981 : 109) reduce e t h n i c i t y t o a " s p e c i a l s o c i a l product" , a f e a t u r e

-) - - I 4

of " c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l formation", one of t he many s o c i a l forms o f c l a s s

-

r e l a t i ons . Ethnic i ty and e.E?mZc groups emerge as elemenis of c l a s s -

organization where property r e l a t i o n s a r e cen t r a l t o t h e "ongoing production

of e thn ic i ty" asson on and G r i f f i t h 1981 r 110). Robbins (1975r285) a s s e r t s t h a t

e thn i c i t y has only an "id'eological value" with a l imi ted and p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c

de f in i t i on and appl icat ion. It cannot be u t i l i z e d t o examine t he l a r g e r

s t r uc tu r e of socie ty which is reserved f o r c l a s s (l975r291). Only c l a s s i s

seen as re levant t o broader, na t iona l s o c i e t a l r e a l i t y d while e t h n i c i t y i s only

', re la teab le t o s o c i a l l i f e a t t he community l e v e l of conceptualization where it .

i s naught but an i l l u s i o n . Even Johnson (1972) i n h i s study, which o f f e r s an -

h i s t o r i c a l typology t h a t $elates Canadian development t o c l a s s and c a p i t a l

formulation, reduces e thn i c i t y t o a l e f tover of immigration, pa r t of the f u e l n:

f o r c a p i t a l i s t expansion.

The study of mining commu~ities i n general is espec ia l ly constrained by

c l a s s c r i t e r i o n . This follows t h e premise t h a t the Narxian pro le ta r ian

t r a d i t i o n i s s t rongest among those workers who a r e i n g r e a t e s t confrontation - --

with the c a p i t a l i s t &de of production under i t s most exp lo i t a t i ve condit ions

( ~ o r c e s e 1975: 31). Miners, e spec ia l ly i n i so l a t ed resource communities, who

have no recourse t o o ther o c c u p a t i m , a r e s a id t o develop a t igh t -kn i t c l a s s r"

s o l i d a r i t y which extends i n t o a l l aspec t s of t h e i r s o c i a l l i f e , presumably t o

the exclusion of e thn i c i t y (clement 1981 : 161-62). Furthermore t he inherent

c o n f l i c t between the c a p i t a l i s t and the p r o l e t a r i a t , the prime element bf f

c l a s s revolut ion, i s supposed t o be nowhere more evident than i n the mines;

c l a s s i s supposed t o a c t a s t he primary b a s i s of a l l i a n c e and con f l i c t .

Both l i b e r a l ( ~ h i l b r o o k 1966; Lucas 1971) and 14arxist s tud5es of

Canadian mining communities Clement 1981 ; ~ l e n d a ~ 1981) depic t

these communities a s models The Marxists focus 0%-a

3 q- " -

- 14 -

basic if not idealized class~conflict model, a mo-dified form of Marx's

original premiae: an ideal community divided between proletarian miner and

capitalist management. The concrete manifestations of labour and capital are

accepted as the most important eAements pf community structure (I&S 19367. - - -

7 As a result the individual miner is examined first as a member of the -

- larger working class (~orcese 1975 : 31 ; Angus 1981 ) , secondly as a member of i

the working class of miners (an especially vigorous member of the working / ;

class) (1nnis 1936 : 324; Abella 1973: 86-1 10; Avery 1979: 56-9; Clement 1981 : 355)

and thirdly on the basis of the local conditions of work (~hilbrook 1966:119;

Lucas 1971 : 115) in the particular environment ( ~ ~ n n i s , Henriques afid Slaughter'

1956:26-7). They are rarely examined as members of an ethnic community.

Class, however, does not exist on its own as there are other'elements

which cut across class and mitigate conflict or become the focus of additl L a 1

conflict and accommodation. The class conflict- model attends to the realm of

economic exploitation and competition (~ewman 1978:48-9) but rarely attempts

to explain the anomalies which are always present. Nor do these modelsdeal .

w h h other dynamics in thi mining communities, such as the social relations of /

Gemeinschaft (status, hierarchy, symbol, group, iqdegration) which might offer 0 .. /

a better explanation (~ulmer 1975:66-7). As Shi$ (1957: 197) said the /

corporate relations of Gesellschaft are dependent on the primary relations of .

Gemeinschaft.

A modei for such a presentation -exists in the work of Weber

/ (1922a:424-25) whose critique of Marxism introduced the separate concepts of I

class (market position), status (lifestyle) and power (group efforts to gaina

and retain power). His concept of power was not the naked power of Marx bat'

, . rather a multi-dimensional emphasis on political structures and activityebThus I /

he coulbrecognize with what "extraordinary ease common w c a l activity in !

\ t /-

p a r t i c u l a r lead t o t h e idea of ' common bloo$' " 0922b: 240) o r w h a t he termed L-

- - - - - - - 3

"communal r e l a t onships" of an "ethnic", kind (1922bt226). He noted t h a t - -- - pp - >

-

e thn ic o f ten has a p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t and ac t i on (1922ar393-94) -

say t h a t "the co l lec t ive term "ethnic" should b e

abandoned as d s u i t d b l e f o r r igorous analysis" ( l 9 Z a : 395). Despite h i s '

1 , I r ' i

t a l k of c lasses 9

i n s i g h t s ~ e b e r ( a l s o wished e t h n i c i t y t o be l a rge ly ignored. The l i b e r a l - a n d

e thn i c i t y remained ( ~ u n t e r 1981 : 26). 1

uniquely argues t h a t i n Canada i ts is u n r e a l i s t i c t o - - i - i

t a l k ing a b w t e thnic eroups. A s a r e s u l t & has --

* _ . I

, created the i n d g q t e d t e r m ' e thclass l - . The term underscores t h e mutual 5

C

-

r e l a t i onsh ip between e thn i c i t y and c l a s s but it does no t , nor s ~ o u l d be taken - A 7

t o mean, t h a t they a r e t h e same,. The term, however, only adds t o t he problem

by adding another distin&ion ins tead of ~ s c o v e r i n g why t h e d i s t i nc t i ons a r e * r_ - .g

necessary a t d i f f e r en t timesx. Further it does not answer t h e questions of why . .P. t t e thn i c i t y i s of ten as important as ailass and why c l a s s has l o s t i t s

;gs

ef fec t iveness i n the present postwar &n&dian context. *

Thjs last question i s - c r u c i a l because f o r a l l the- importance-giuen to- +

c l a s s c r i t e r i o n it has l a rge ly become a nonissue i n Canadian soc ie ty , even i n I

t he mining communities i n which it i s supposed t o be most prevalent (~ohnson +

1972:142). Ethnics have not simply disappeared i n t o t he occupational o r t

universal 1

which had

e thn i c i t y

framework of c l a s s but have transformed themselves. Those i n t e r e s t s

been promoted by c l a s s have been e f f ec t i ve ly promoted through

e ell 19?5:167). Ethnic i ty i s no t , as has been suggested by c l a s s

t h e o r i s t s , a regress ive s t ra tegy . What i s now being perceived as e thn i c i t y is ' '

not so much a substant ively 'new' phenomenon as one t h a t has recent ly be& -2

t o be recognized t o e x i s t on a par with c l a s s i n t he s t r u c t m e of Canadian f - + <

socie ty . N

-

- 16 - 5

1

These c r i t i c i sms a r e not meant t o deny the a n a l y t i c a l sa l i ence of class

but t o suggest t h a t it i s not t h e only important s o c i a l concept, There has

been an equal tendency, i n l i n e with the r i s i n g awareness of the importance of 1

e thn i c i t y i n t he s o c i a l sciences, t o deny c l a s s and-avoid thk problem of

assess ing t he r e l a t i onsh ip between c l a s s and e thn i c i t y i n Canadian e thn ic

s tud ies . Yet Dahlie and Fernando ( 1 9 8 1 : ~ ) ask , "can t h i s be done wi thoi t

d i s t o r t i n g empirically es tabl ished fac t s?" The answer i s ' no ' , but t he

question i s how a r e we t o examine both without merely accentuating t he

problems a l ready out l ined. To resolve the concern we must consider the

ex i s t i ng models of e t h n i c i t y availabye t o us. 0

Objective Models of E thn ic i tx

The frame f o r much of the work.iri the f i e l d of Canadian e thnic s tud ies

and, more importantly perhaps, t he ba s i s f o r government response towards '

e thn ic groups, i s t he object ive model. This i s based on an examination of -l-

e thn i c i t y i n terms of s t a t i c e thn ic traits and large-scale government defined .

categor ies . The ob jec t ive model, however, is a la rge ly inappropriate standard 7

-

of ana ly s i s because i t maintains a s t a t i c model of e t h n i c i t y , of ten with a

p r imord ia l i s t perspective (i . e t h a t e thn ic di f ferences e x i s t i n t h e i r

o r i g i n a l s t a t e , t r a d i t i o n a l ) i n which e thn i c i t y i s seen a s a product of t he

primary a t t r i b u t e s o r t r a i t s of language, kinship, r e l i g ion , custom and

t e r r i t o r y (woodsworth 1909: 74; Connor 1.909; Smith 1922; England 1924; Bradwin I 1928: 104; PIcCormack 1981 : 39). 8 It p i c tu r e s the e thn ic group as a d i s t i n c t I \

s o c i a l category defined by i ts t r a i t s thus p rov id in i a r a the r c i r c u l a r

ar6-u;nent. I n accordance with t h i s c i r c u l a r i t y , e t hn i c i t y is defined a s

equivalgnt t o the government census of t r a i t s t h a t e thnic groups a r e presumed

t o possess ( ~ ' ~ r ~ a n , Rei t5 and Kuplowska 1975:59; Berry, Kalin and Taylor

1376; XcCormack 1981:39). The object ive model has a l so l a rge ly divested

- f

e thn i c i t y of a p o l i t i c a l dimension, a t l e a s t on a na t iona l l eve l . This is i n

p a r t bemuse p o l i t i c s Becomes reserved by %he governme& a& tlmsem-n%

e thn i c groups which con t ro l government. (~chermerhorn _1970:12). It i s i n t he

d. dominant groups' i n t e r e s t s t o provide a t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e rp re t a t i on of

e thn i c i t y and e thn ic groups while i n t e rp re t i ng p o l i t i c s a s a modern phenomenon /

under dominant group con t ro l and as such outside of t h e e thn ic purview. 1

The object ive model i n Canadian socie ty began with t he first major

e thn ic s t ud i e s i n t he ea r ly years of the twentieth century - (~aodsworth 1909;

1911; Connor 1909). These were s o c i a l work s tud i e s ca r r i ed out by missionary '

clergy who were minis ter ing t o t he immigrants; J.S. Woodsworth (1909; 1911)

s tands out i n t h i s group with h i s publ icat ions addressed t o t h e immigrant -- * P

% - - - 4

e CY-

' quest ion ' . Woodsworth drew a t t e n t i o n t o . the problems of r az id and i n c r w s i n g >

immigration introducecPinto an unsuspecting socie ty . He catalogue4,and 7

emphasized the immigrant's inherent strangeness i n order t o draw soc i e ty ' s

a t t e n t i o n and t o prompt it t o d i r e c t the immigrants i n t o accepting

' Anglo-conformity ' (palmer 1975: 74, 112) and ass imi la t ion (woodsworth *

1909: 167). A s a r e s u l t he presented the immigrant;groups i n terms of negafive

and pos i t ive s tereotypes , i . e . i n terms of t h e i r a s s i m i l a b i l i t y

' (~cand inav i ans ) and non-assirnilabil i ty ( s l a m and o r i e n t a l s ) . The government I

w a s quick t o accept t h i s de f in i t i on . h l9lO government immigration policy

repor t s t a t e d t h a t those not allowed t o immigrate t o Canada would be those

who, "prevent the bui lding of a uni ted nat ion of similar customs and i d e a l s "

The customs and i d e a l s around which an uni ted nat ion would be formed

were t o be based on object ive c r i t e r i a but the true ob jec t i v i t y of these norms

uas open t o cpestibn as the def ining c r i t e r i a were t o be control led by outs ide

fo rces and i n t e r e s t s , notably Anglo au tho r i t i e s . I n Woodworth's and similar

- 18 -

works (connor 1909; Smith 1922; -Bradwin 1928; England 1929) t h e e t h n i c group

is i d e n t i f i e d ' o b j e c t i v e l y ' according to its f o r e i g n langttages, r e l i g i o n s ,

na t iona l i sms , folkways and t r a d i t i o n s . Au thor i t i e s and even s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ,

with equa l o b j e c t i v i t y , s t a t e d t h a t t h e s e f o r e i g n h a b i t s were a 'negat ive '

i n f luence and were t o be removed and replaced by t h e Engl ish language,

P ro tes t an t i sm, Canadian na t ional i sm, English folkways and B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n s .

The e t h n i c group and community were t o be l i m i t e d ' f o r t h e i r own good' i n -

orde r t o f o r c e t h e immigrants t o e n t e r Canadian s o c i e t y , ostensibly-on a n

equal c l a s s f o o t i n g wi th B r i t i s h Canadians.

Universal a s s i m i l a t i o n might have been a t o l e r a n t approach i f it had

been a c t u a l l y accepted by English Canadians, who had f u l l access t o p o l i t i c a l

and economic resources ; presumably they would then move t o accep t t h a t a l l

people would be judged on genera l mer i t and economic and p o l i t i c a l resources -

would be open t o wider competi t ion. Ass imi la t ion w a s n o t , however, accepted t o - ,

any e x t e n t e i t h e r by t h e Anglos (who found it next t o impossible t o accep t ) o r

t h e e t h n i c s (who found it next t o impossible t o a s s i m i l a t e ) . The o b j e c t i v e

d e f i n i t i o n remained a s a n i n t o l e r a n t ideology i n which e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s were

con t inua l ly accentuated by English Canadians as a means of sepa ra t ing and

conta in ing e t h n i c groups so t h a t they d i d not become p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t

groups. This ideology w a s t o remain i n f o r c e even with a change i n emphasis i n

t h e 1920s towards t h e new concept of 'mosaic' and i n t h e 1970s t o t h e concept \ - .

/' of 'mu l t i cu l tu ra l i sm.

The mosaic concept , which f o r t h e f i r s t time allowed f o r t h e p o s i t i v e

r ecogn i t ion of most e t h n i c groups, a l s o continued t h e process of sepa ra t ion .

K . A . F o s t e r (1926) was one of t h e f i r s t t o use t h e term 'mosaic' i n he r book I I -

but she onlg l i s t e d e t h n i c groups and emphasized t h e i r d i f f e rences , J.M.

Gibbon (1938) c a r r i e d it f u r t h e r by accept ing t h a t t h e immigrants were -5

-

- - -

"Today's ~anadians" but then retreated into the old assimilative version-of -

the 'melting pot' theofy stating that the potit% (i .e. ~ritistr) attributes -

of the immigrants would be kept and would help in the creation of a new

Canadian 'race' (1938:xiii). His book is a compendium of descriptions - of \ 1

ethnic groups which emphasized their ethnic clifferences, customs, music a d 4 folklore. Until their final absorption ethnic groups were to be viewed as \"an

interesting note of colour in - a mosaic" -(1938txii) or 'interesting anomalies'.

Commenting on the need for ethnic research Gibbon makes clear that research -

should be designed to ciccumscribe -the ethnics and help in the maintenance of

the status quo. "One research which we can deliberately make is to Qiscover,

analyze 'and perfect the cement wFiich may best hold the coloured slabs in -- -

position. " (1938:412)

These early studies were done under the auspices of Anglo institutions -

suchas churches and welfare agencies whose membership was interested in the -

- social issues of immigration and pr~moted an assimilationist p~licy (palmer

-

1977: 168). But even -scholarly examinations af ethnic communities, undertaken

by American sociologists C.A. Dawson (1936) and H. Miner (l939), continued, to

place their emphasis on circumscribed objective criteria. Dawson' s (1936) and . Miner ' s ( 1939) studies were concerned with rural ethnic settlements which were

-% depicted as odd, archaic remnants in North American urban industrial society.

H. Miner's study 'st. Denis: A French-Canadian Parish (19,39) ' examined. the

relationship between family and parish in a rural agricultural -.. community, - a -rcr

c3. .. 4

prototypical static community which was quickly disappearing even Hithin

Quebec.

The objective definition-of ethnic groups as cultural anomalies and of v

ethnicity as a proscribed category which emerged in the works of Woodsworth

(1909; 1 9 1 1 ) n o r (1909), Smith (1922), Bradwin (1928), England (19.29)~

Fos te r (1926)' and Gibbon (1938), continued t o se rve a s t h e b a s i s f o r "ts -

government.response t o t h e immigrants u n t i l a f t e r World War 11. It served t h e

government because it a l r e a d y viewed t h e e t h n i c s with a l a r g e measure of

susp ic ion and f e a r e d them a s t h r e a t s t o t h e s o c i a l o rde r ( ~ v e r ~ 1979:13).

Immigrant admission t o t h e Canadi$n environment was ready hard enough f o r + t h e Anglos t o accep t without l e t t i n g them g&n p o l i t i c a l power and t h r e a t e n

t h e s t r u c t u r e of Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s . There was a l r e a d y g e n e r a l pub l i c -

apprehension t h a t immigration would o@y produce "a s e r i e s of hypheAated \

canadians who w i l l demoralize our B r i t i s h ins t i tu t iox i s " ( ~ l o ~ d 1929 : 56). From

t h e e a r l y p a r t of t h e 1920s Canadian immigration pol ixy formally favoured -

immigration from B r i t a i n and t h e United S t a t e s i n o rde r " t o r e - e s t a b l i s h t h e

-Anglo-Saxon cha rac te r of t h e country" very 1979: 96). Ethnics continued t o be -

a l l z e d t o immigrate, though i n sma l l e r numbers, bu t they were i n v a r i a b l y

expected t o b e ' a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s ' who would farm t h e l and q u i e t l y and not

become p&t of t h e urban environment and i t s problems (palmer 1975:59). The

myth of t h e ' s t a l w a r t peasant ' v very 1975: 53), hardworking and c'onservative

. ( ~ a n d l i n 1951), f i r s t developed a t t h e t u r n of t h e century wi th e t h n i c

se t t l emen t i n t h e p r a i r i e s , was s t i l l ,an important mechanism of symbolic

exclus ion i n the Canadian environment.

Of course t h k s was a l l wishful th ink ing a s t h e major i ty of immigrants

came i n a s a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s bu t then s e t t l e d i n urban and i n d u s t r i a l c e n t e r s

( ~ i n d s t r o m - ~ e s t 1981a:7-8). There they became involved i n d i v e r s e p o l i t i c a l -

a c t i v i t i e s , even a t t empts t o overthrow Canadian s o c i e t y ( ~ b b i n 1968; Angus -

1.981 ) . There was government a p p r e h e n s h about the danger t h a t t h e e t h n i c

groups presented as can be shown by t h e f a c t t h a t government i n t e r e s t i n - ,

e t h n i c groups has a r i s e n mostly i n per iods of c r i s i s -- labour u n r e s t

. (1917-1919), gene ra l p o l i t i c a l radica l i sm (1931) and dur ing t k e wars -- when

- 21 -

large

socie 0

- numbers of ethnics were rceived as political threats to Canadian

ty very 1975 ; 1979) Go ?dept interebt in ethnicity 2 times of crisis -- leading to the arrest of ethnics, confiscatkon of their property and

-

calls for their deportation or total assimilation (palmer 1975) -- delineates --.

the importance of ethnic groups in the political structure of Canadian -

society. Yet as soon as the crises were dealt with -- invariably to the -

-

disadvantage of the ethnics -- the government would rapidly lose interest in the ethnics. It appeared as if the government felt that failure to recognize

the ethnics would mean that they would eventually have to assimilate into the

dominant structures of society and would not be part of its political -

structure. Inits seeming indifference government also continued to define

ethnic groups objectively in relation to these structures; that is as

apolitical cultural anomalies which is what it hoped they would become.

After World -- War I1 government acceptance of -- immigrants increased but

this acceptance was primarily restricted to their arrival in Canada with

little regard for them afterwards. It was assumed that the ethnics would -

assimilate to a new postwar universalism, for thewar had shown'the danger

demarcating groups according to their differences (Hawkins 1972:97-106). As a

result the ethnics were expected .. to give up their institutions and cult4ral \

affiliations for the greater good of universalism (Hunter 1981). i evert he jess ,

though large numbers of ethnics began to accommodate, if not assimilate, the

basis of conformity remained Anglo efined (~eitz 1980 : 240). 3 The government's attention directed away from immigrants and towards

the growing confrontation between English and French Canadians. The old

accommodation between the gmups, largely under Anglo control, was breaking

down with the massive changes in Quebec society. Industrialization,

secularization and growth of a new intelligentsia had brought Quebec society c

- 22 - -

- -

new social and economic structures but without the commensurate political

power to redress old grievances vis-his the English Canadians (~orrks and

Lanphier 1979: 210).

Tke ~0~a2.' Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism' , created in

1963, was designed to 3ddress ~rench-~anadian grievances and introduce changes

in the structure of power. The Commission was to explore the economic, .

educational 2nd linguistic disparities between English and ~rench Canadians. &;? - d

It focused on the 'duality' in Canadian society, namely the French and English

Canadians (i.e. the charter groups) but not the ethnics. In order to solve f

perceived problems and redress French Canadian grievances the Commission

attempted to appropriate the political arena to the benefit of the charter

groups. The ethnics were to have access only as appendages of the two major

groups. Any %ngering ethnic animosity to a de-emphasis of their access to

political power was dealt with by a re-emphasis of the "peculiar importance"

of "minority group traditions" as part of a "compensatory cultural

articulati.on" (~enderson 1975 : 13) . The Canadian government began to give money freely to conservative ethnic representative organizations sponsoring ethnic

u -

celebrations of culture, music and dancing. It sponsored new ethnic studies,

carried out initially by the ethnics themselves. 9

The ethnic groups did not, however, give in to the apolitical cultural

artifice and accept the Commission's full rationale as it was presented to - them. The Commission soon found itself bombarded by criticism from ethnic

organizations +which wished the ethnics to be addressed as a separate interest

group. The ethnics presented themselves as %he 'Fhird Force', making up 23% of

the population at the time of their presentation (but increasing since), who

should be recognized as equal partners with the English and French Canadians

(~uzak 1973:ll). The ethnics stated that the only group which had the right to

c h a r t e r group s t a t u s were t h e Native ~ n d i a n s ; a l l o t h e r s , i nc lud ing t h e

English and French Canadians, were immfgrants. I n a n e f f o r t t o p l a c a t e t h i s

c r i t i c i s m t h e Commission expanded a part of its s tudy t o inc lude o t h e r e t h n i c

groups.

The f o u r t h Commission Report of 1969, 'Book IV, The c u l t u r a l

" Contr ibut ion of Other Ethnic ~ r o u ~ s ' , was t h e i r response to t h e e t h n i c

pressure . The r e p o r t , however, continued t h e Commissions 's 'or iginal -

e

i n t e r p r e t i o n of e t h n i c groups as simple c u l t u r a l groups who added ' co lour ' t o -

Canadian s o c i e t y bu t l i t t l e e l s e . The e t h n i c groups, even t h e i r c u l t u r e , would

continue t o be d e f h e d i n r e l a t i o n t o +he two c h a r t e r groups ( i . e . a s -

d i f f e r e n t from). The ' o t h e r ' c u l t u r e s were only t o ' e n r i c h ' t h e dominant

c u l t u r e s and were expected t o i n t e g r a t e themselves i n t o , i f not a s s i m i l a t e t o ,

t h e dominant groups. %-

( ~ ) e would r a t h e r regard t h e "o ther e t h n i c groups" a s c u l t u r a l groups ... For u s , " c u l t u r e i s a way of being, t h h k i n g and f e e l i n g . It i s a d r i v i n g f o r c e animating a s i g n i f i c a n t &oup of i n d i v i d u a l s un i t ed by a common tongue and sha r ing t h e same customs, h a b i t s and experience." It i s a s t y l e of l i v i n g made up of many elements t h a t co lour thought , f e e l i n g and c r e a t i v i t y , l i k e t h e l i g h t t h a t i l l u m i n a t e s t h e des ign of a s t a ined-g las s window. This d e f i n i t i o n i s app l i ed e s s e n t i a l l y t o t h e two dominant c u l t u r e s of Canada, those of t h e Francophone and Anglophone s o c i e t i e s ; t o a c s t a i n degree it a l s o f i t s t h e o t h e r c u l t u r e s i n t h i s country p a r t i c u l a r l y i f they brought enrichment t o one of t h e two dominant c u l t u r e s and continue t o f l o u r i s h and b e n e f i t t h rou h t h e i r i n t e g r a t i o n with one 0.f t h e two s o c i e t i e s . (1969: 117

The e t h n i c s could keep t h e i r attachment t o thseir o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e but

only when they had i n t e g r a t e d 5nto 'Canadian l i f e ' as def ined by t h e c h a r t e r -

groups (1969:137). This confirmed a p o s i t i o n i n which e t h n i c i t y was accepted

a s a secondary f a c t o r t o t h e language, c u l t u r e and p o l i t i c a l power of t h e two

c h a r t e r groups ( ~ o i s s e v a i n 1970 : 60). This was a negat ive d e f i n i t i o n of

e t h n i c i t y a s it was def ined a g a i n s t t h e c h a r t e r groups ,and w a s n o t , i n any

c a s e , a p p l i e d t o t h e c h a r t e r groups themselves s i n c e they were t o be judged on

3

t h e b a s i s of o t h e r c r i t e r i a , such as p o l i t i c s .

- The Commission made l i t t l e d i s t i n c t i o n between e t h n i c group, e u l t u r e , QP

e t h n i c i t y . Neveqtheless it e s t a b l i s h e c h & s t r u c t u r a l b a s i s f o r e t h n i c s t u d i e s

and t h e approach t o e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c groups subsequent ly in t roduced t o t h e

Canadian s o ~ i a l s c i e n c e s . Th i s o b j e c t i v e d e f i n i t i o n became t h e major weakpoint

of t h e e t h n i c studies-:which fo l lowed i n p a r t because t h e s e s t u d i e s were , \

i n s t i g a t e d - a n d e r government a c t i o n . The f u r t h e r a r t i c u l a t i o n of government >

p o l i c y only f u r t h e r confused t h i s d e f i n i t i o n .

89 Thus Driedger ( 1975: 159) ,could d e f i n e e thn i ' c i t y o b j e c t i v e l y as e t h n i c

c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y 'and d e s c r i b e i t i n terms of s i x q u a n t i f i a b l e and s t a t i s t i c a l

c a t e g o r i e s ( r e l i g i o n , language-use, e t h n i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , p a r o c h i a l educa t ion

and i n group f r i e n d s ) . He even a t t e m p t s t o show t h a t i d e n t i t y can be

o b j e c t i v e l y 'measured' u s ing t h e s e s t a t i s t i c a l c a t e g o r i e s . Ber ry , Kal in and

T a y l o r ' s (1976) s tudy of t h e pe rce ived d e s i r a b i l i t y of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y i n

Canadian s o c i e t y a l s o d e f i n e s e t h n i c i t y objec. t ively i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e e t h n i c

group ca tegory and a l s o t o t h e census ca tegory of p a t r i l i n e a l t i e s t o t h e

count ry of o r i g i n . They p l ace t h e i r r e l i a n c e on t h e Canadian census as t h e

major means of de te rmining e t h n i c i t y . I n t h e same way OIBryan , -Rei tz and

Kuplowska ' s ( 1975) s tudy of non-off i c i a l languages a s s o c i a t e d language and

c u l t u r e as t h e necessary o b j e c t i v e parameters of e t h n i c i t y , which is similar r

t o t h e Commission's d e f i n i t i o n . They a l s o % e l i e d on t h e Canadian census s o

t h a t e t h n i c i t y was a l s o de f ined .by t h e co2ntry of o r i g i n o r p a t r i l a t e r a l . connect ion (1975:59) .

Bre ton , Re i t z and Valent ine (1,980). i n t h e i r s tudy , which examined how 1 c .

' n a t i o n a l u n i t y ' and ' s o c i e t a l cohesion ' i s a f f e c t e d by e t h n i c and l i n g u i s t i c

d i v e r s i t y , s p l i t t h e n a t i o n between t h e census c a t e g o r i e s of Na-tJve.Indian,

French, Engl i sh and E thn ic , wi th c e r t a i n a e c e s s a r y ? i m i t a t i o n s t o ' a l low a wide

categorical analysis and c son. Reitz (1 980 r 239) , in a separate work, - -

continues to define ethnicity objectively as equivalent to government -

definitions of cultural and linguistic categories. The measure of ethnic

identification in these studies vary only according to the categorical

criterion chosen and the limitations placed upon that criterion in its F

application. The categories dere accepted as fait accompli representations of $4.

ethnicity, ethnic group, ethnic community and the ethnic individual., -

This dependence on government criteria is a major- constraint on ethnic

analysis not only because the researcher is at the mercy of an overriding

aefinition which may be influenced by criteria that are far from objective but

because, as Reitz (1q80:239) correctly recognizes, in Canada the question of

ethnicity is no longer only a sociological problem 6ut has become a political

and ideological issue. There are few ways for the reseacher to control this

overriding definition or the results in order to avoid this ideological bias.

Further the categories are too large to allow for mitigating criteria, such as 1

the effect of matrilaterality, cross-marriage, or local community structures.

The last point in particular is directed against the large-scale and general

framework to which the objective model is centered and which does not welcome

local-level studies.

It is little wonder that there are so many more general studies of

Canadian society which follow the object.ive model (~ried~er 1975; i976; . .

O'Bryan, Reitz and Kuplowska 1975; Berry,'Kalin and Taylor 1976; Breton, Reitz

,and Valentine 1980) than community studies (~ackson 1975)". This is in part an

effect of control which results in studies which presuppose (rather

than examine) an English-French power structure in which ethnicity is a

-secondary relationship and ethnic groups in a secondary position to the

charter groups (porter 1965; Ossenburg 1966; Jackson 1975). There have been

few attempts to make the categories and distinctions clear even in the most

limited conditions and especially on a local. community level. The probl&ns

have only continued to increase and even expanded into the burgeoning subfield

of ethnic historical studies. -?

Ethnic historical studies, by authors such as Harney (1975), Palmer

Lindstrom-Best (1981a; 1981b) and McCormack (1981) are important to an

analysis of ethnicity not only because they form the majority of new work

undertaken on the subject but also because they focus on the historical

aynamics ofathe ethnic group as an immigrant group and class interest group.

While this research has produced many insights into the proces'ses of e'thnig

relations and ethnic - class dichotomies, the researchers have inevitably been restricted by a reliance on an objective view of ethnicity either

generalizing, refusing to address ethnicity as an important feature of their

analysis or equating it to a general ethnic group concept. As McCormack (1981)

points out, in his study of English immigrants in Canada from 1900-1914,

ethnic historical studies have been handicapped either becauseof the&

in-group based andyses or because they have been unable to perceive the

dynamics of ethnic culture and have withdrawn into an emphasis on "state . policies and popular prejudices" which "have reinforced the assimilationist

d assumptions of liberal sociologists" (1981 : 3 9 ) . Historical studies should be

the basis for major insights because they offer the best opportunity for

analyses which may finally address the questions of clas i' and process in the structure of ethnicity in a specific community. That they have not been

important is indicative of the problems,in Canadian ethnic studies.

This is especially frustrating with the realization that, i-n spite of

government attempts to place apolitical constraints on the ethnic individual

/' -

-

and community, t h e e thn i c s were not ready t o accept a l im i t a t i on on t h e i r

They continued t o apply considerable pressure on t he - government t o -

ze t h e i r p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s on an equal ba s i s with t h e char te r groups.

The government, separate from the Commission, f e l t this pressure and responded

more d i r e c t l y with a rev i s ion of t he Commission's e d i c t i n t o a pol icy of

"multiculturalism within a b i l i ngua l framework" ( ~ r u d e a u 1971 : 3 ) .

Prime Minister Trudeau presented multiculturalism i n 1971 as a rev i s ion

which would solve the inherent problems of b i l i ngua l pol icy by recognizing t he

e thn ics as p a r t of Canadian socie ty . The pol icy, however, w a s not an -

endorsement of t he r i g h t s of t he e thn ic groups t o equal access t o p o l i t i c a l

power. Rather it soon developed i n t o a system of monetary contr ibut ions t o

e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s and f o r e thn ic s tud ies . Ethnic p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s i n

spec ia l s t a t u s were f u r t h e r diminished with the cr&tion of nominal p o l i t i c a l -

r-

a pointments, on mul t i cu l tu ra l counci ls , t he Senate and Canada counc i l , - f o r "v ce r t a in l o y a l i s t e thn ic represen ta t ives , t o be appointed by t he prevai l ing

) dominant group power s t ruc tu r e (pe t e r 1981:64). , -

The c u l t u r a l contr ibut ion of e thnic groups w a s recognized by the

government but without any subs t an t i a l diminishment of cha r t e r group s t a t u s . I

The government simply offered a refinement of the negative de f in i t i on of

e thn i c i t y introduced by Book IV. The c u l t u r a l ba s i s of a l l e thn ic groups was

now accepted a s important bu t , by t h e i r continued d e f i n i t i o n a s e thn ic groups, ,

'3

the e thn ics continued t o be categorized and.circumscribed from f u l l and open

pa r t i c ipa t i on i n t he p o l i t i c a l sphere of i n t e r e s t . Though there has been a

la rge increase i n e thn ic s t ud i e s and a seeming romanticization and -

g l o r i f i c a t i o n of immigrant and e thn ic cu l tu re (palmer 1975; Harney and Troper

1975; Jaenen 1977) t h i s has no6 measurably added t o e thn ic group economic and -

p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s a s they continue t o be s e t apar t and perceived as anomalous

a p o l i t i c a l s u b s t r u c t u r e s . 11 '

L This does not mean t h a t t h e e t h n i c s a r e - i n f a c t a p o l i t i c a l ; t h e i r

r e a c t i o n t o b i c u l t u r a l i s m had shown t h a t they were not above t a k i n g a c t i o n on

t h e i r own behal This s p e c i f i c s o c i a l drama was presaged by Val lee , Schwar tzL 2 and ~ a r h < l l (1,957 : 546) who had recognized e a r l y t h a t e t h n i c groups would

perhaps decide t o behave a s i n t e r e s t groups and claim t h e i r r i g h t t o s o c i a l , i * - economic and p o l i t i c a l power. They a i s o a s s e r t e d t h a t t h e government response

was l i k e l y t o be a n a t tempt t o g i v them only nominal r e p r e s e n t a i o n wi th in a i" 2 l i m i t e d sphere and n o t wi th in t h e ~ b s t a n t i v e s t r u c t u r e of t h $ o l i t i c a l -

system. This was e x a c t l y what took e t h n i c s were allowed t o seek

power only wi th in $he l i m i t e d mul t icu t u r a l framework and n o t wi th in t h e 6 s u b s t a n t i v e s t r u c t u r e of t h e p o l i t i c a l rena ( p e t e r 1981 :65). I -

To prevent t h e e t h n i c s from a d d i n g * t o t h e a l r eady pr-evailing e t h n i c *

f ac t iona l i sm of Canadian s o c i e t y t h e f e d e r a l government h a s no t only .

reaff irmed t h e i r p o l i c y of g i v i n g French and English. Canadians added s t a t u s

bu t has a l s o at tempted t o d i s a s s o c i a t e t h e concepts of e thn icL tySand

u n i v e r s a l i t y ( ~ e i t z 1980 : 240). The government p r e s e n t s mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n

o rde r t o d e a l with t h e cultural--d%aension of group i n t e r e s t . But i t - i n s i s t s

t h a t ou t s ide of c u l t u r e , i n t h e economic and p o l i t i c a l sphere , Canadian

s o c i e t y is t o be based on e q u a l i t y and u n i v e r s a l i t y . Under t h e r u b r i c of

mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm t h e government supp l i e s g r a n t s and p l a c a t e s e t h n i c l e a d e r s .

But t h e government does not pursue t h i s po l i cy on t h e economic and p o l i t i c a l

spheres ; though o s t e n s i b l y open t o equal access f o r a l l groups it has been

l a r g e l y reserved %or t h e c h a r t e r groups (clement 1975; Re i t z 1981 : 240-42).

The d i s t i n c t i o n between e t h n i c i t y and e q u a l i t y i s g iven a n added

1 I dimension by Abu-Laban and Plottershead (1981) who argue t h a t Canadian s o c i e t y i

has a number of d i f f e r e n t typo log ies of c u l t u r a l p lura l i sm which a r e r e l a t e d ! , i

t B

P > - t

- - -- -

*

t o p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . The.."corporate - p l u r a l society", which accep t s

p lu rh i so l as. t h e necessary cornerstone of t h e p o l i t i c a l system, i s accepted by

both French Canadians and Natkve Indians because it g ives them s t r u c t u r a l and

i n s t i t u t i o n a l recogni t ion of t h e i r s t a t u s & ~ b u - ~ a b a n and Mottershead 1981 ~57)-.

It i s not accepted by t h e e thn i c s because they a r e excluded from pa r t i c i pa t i ng *+

as recogn2zed group members. Ethnics ins tead bel ieve i n what i s i d e n t i f i e d L a s r

an " in tegrated - p l u r a l i s t so,ciet&whic not only recognizes e thn ic groups A

,'

but a l s o provides t h a t econodic.and p o l i t i c a l resources a r e awdrded by r

u n i v e r a l i s t i c performance (~bu-Laban and Mottershead 1981 :53). Thus wi thin t he I

same soc ie ty the re can-be a number of d i f f e r e n t understandings of t h a t -

soc ie ty . These separate understandings must inev i tab ly come i n t o c o n f l i c t i f -

they apply on a s i ng l e l eve l . The f a c t t h a t they do n o t always c o n f l i c t is - because t he ' c ~ r p o r a t e - p l u r a l ' concept app l i e s on a na t i ona l l e v e l while t he

' integrated-plural ' concegt can operate on a community l eve l . u .

The government p resen t s Canada as a 'mosaic' soc ie ty which implies t h a t r . i A -s,

2 - Y . . - - -

i ts d e f i n i t i o n of e t h n i c i t y kfid e t hn i c group, a t l e a s t i d 2 0 1 0 g i ~ a l l j , i s

. supposed t o be d i f f e r e n t from t h a t which perta5-ns i n t he Uni$d S t a t e s , t h a t = < r;. -

is the mosaic versus t he melting pot ( ~ u r i e t 1976:25). But t he %dadian

d e f i n i t i o n of e t h n i c i t y and e thn ic group is substant ively d i f f&ent kot only * -5

9 1"

because of the seeming high c u l t u r a l s t a t u s given t o e t hn i c s i n Cana but *

t h e i r r e l a t i onsh ip (o r nonrela t ionship) t o t he economic and political . \-

1 r

s t r uc tu r e . Through i t s d i sassoc ia t ion of equa l i ty and e t h n i c i t y , through i t s

support f o r both t he in tegra ted - p l u r a l i s t and corporate - p l u r a l models, t he -

s t a t e claims t o meet t he e thn ic a sp i r a t i ons f o r na t iona l equa l i ty bu t , t h r o u s 2 -

r/ i t s con t ro l of p o l i c i e s , agencies and c r i t e r i a , , it removes t he e thn ics '

opt ions of performing a s economic and p o l i t c c a l *act ion groups (Anderson and s-

Fr ideres 1981 : 323). .

. k thn ic at tempt$ t o behave a s p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t groups, l i k e t h e English

and French Canadians, a r e con t inua l ly rebuffed by t h e power s t r u c t u r e . The

e t h n i c s have a numby of p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on c i t y and town counc i l s

but they have l i t t l e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l and a r e not i n v i t e d

t o p a r t i c i p a t e on t h i s l e v e l except i n auppor t of t h e c h a r t e r groups. A'case

i n p o i n t i s t h e 1984 L i b e r a l l e a d e r s h i p r ace . I n Toronto groups of East

Ind ians , West Ind ians , G%eks, Portuguese and I t a l i a n s joined l o c a l r i d i n g 1

a s s o c i a t i o n s i n l a r g e numbers i n o rde r t o e l e c t de lega tes .to t h e l eade r sh ip

convention. They saw t h i s a s t h e i r chance t o have a say i n t h e p o l i t i c a l

process , But t h e l e a d e r s of t h e l o c a l r i d i n g a s s o c i a t i o n s , which have been

b a s t i o n s of ~ n t a r i o Anglo p o l i t i c a l power, argued' t h a t t h e i r presence

" d i s t o r t s t h e process and depr ives p e o ~ l e who 've worked i n &e r i d i n g q f o r

yea r s of a chance 60 h e l p e l e c t t h e new .Liberal Pa r ty Leader" oron onto Daily . i

S t a r i 6 May f984, p . ~ 2 3 ) .

' . A s i m i l a r response was heard on t h e Canadian Broadcast ing ~ o r ~ o r a t i . d n ' s d* " - - n t g h t l y ' ~ o u r n a l ' newsnugazine i n a May 23, 1984 f e a t u r e e n t i t l e d - 'The Ethnic

/

Fac to r ' which r epor t ed t h a t a new 'force was 'developing i n Canadian p o l i t i c s .

Ethnics were joining. L i b e r a l and Conservative r i d i n g a s s o c i a t i o n s i n

inc reas ing ly l a r g e numbers. This w a s important not only because it was

happening f o r t h e first t i m e b u t because, as t h e r e p o r t e r recognized, i n f i v e

yea r s time a major i ty of Canadian v o t e r s w i l l be e t h n i c s . This f a c t w i l l add a

new dimension t o Canadian p o l i t i c s because it is one t h i n g fok t h e e t h n i c s t o

cons ider themselves t h e ' t h i r d f o r c e ' and q u i t e another f o r them t o be t h e

l a r g e s t v o t i n g block. The '013 g u a r d ' s ' response, however, i s t o say t h a t t h e u

e t h n i c s "have no i d e a of ~ h y t h e y ' r e coming out o r what purpose they a r e t h e r e

f o r " . L i b e r a l :Iember ~f Parl iament and.former Minis ter of Mul t icul tura l i sm J i m L

Flsnlng c a r r i e d t h i s p re jud ice even f u r t h e r by s t a t i n g t h a t t h e e t h n i c s were

being "herded',in and worked up i n t o a s t a t e of excitement" akd f u r t h e r t h a t - they were introducing a new danger t h a t was "echoing old country experiences".

But as olie e thn ic remarked, "Patronage is not enough. We can ' t remain a t t he

@ s ide of t h e s t r e e t s but must become p a r t of t he adminis t ra t ion and t he s o c i a l

process." The fea ture closed with t he t e l l i n g statement t h a t "The p o l i t i c i a n

who ignores e thn ic voices today s tands no chance of gaining o r remaining i n

p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e i n t he future ."

Whether such an e thn ic ac t i on w i l l measurably add t o p o l i t i c a l *a

ef fec t iveness on t he na t iona l l e v e l is open t o question. Nevertheless it i s an

attempt t o become involved i n the l a r g e r Canadian p o l i t i c a l process t h a t may

well succeed. The e thn ics have been successful on t h e loca l - l eve l but t o

succeed on t h e na t iona l l e v e l would necess i t a te pa r t i c ipa t i on a s members of an

' e thn ic group' ( r a the r than community) i n a l l i ance with o ther groups. The

government and char te r group e l i t e , however, w i l l continue t o attempt t o

const ra in t he p o l i t i c a l e f f i cacy of e thn ic ;ction by def ining t he e thn ics as

anomalies through t h e i r con t ro l of object ive c r i t e r i a . The e thn ics w i l l have

. tobreak down t h i s symbolic con t ro l before they can ever become p o l i t i c a l

i n t e r e s t groups on a par with the char te r groups.

These comments point t o t he p o l i t i c a l nature of what a t first appears t o

be a l a rge ly innocuous i f not laudable policy of mult iculturalism. It a l s o

accentuates the major problem i n t he object ive moael of e thn i c i t y i f so many

Canadian s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s can so e a s i l y accept a t face value t he a p o l i t i c a l

premise t o a government policy. 12 Jean Burnet, one of the main authors of:

Book I V (1969) of t he Biculturalism and Bilingualism Commission, recognizes

t h i s prsblem when she s t a t e s t h a t they d i d not in tend t h a t mult iculturalism

would be in te rpre ted a s "the f u l l and v i t a l maintenance of d i s t i n c t i v e ways of

l i f e by a l l of ~ a n a d a ' s people within a s ing le society" (1976:204). She f e e l s

that multiculturalism in this form is doomed because the emphasis on -

differences and folkstyles would be a hindrance to society as it aid not -

recognize the instrumental functionality of ethnicity in society. 13

The objective definition, however, continues to place ethnicity within - -

1 a an unproblematical structural framework as immutable traits in the formation

of a distinctive commonality. This sense of commonality and peoplehood (us - -

them), so hedeessary to any .definition of nationalism (connor 1977:21), sets

ethnicity in a one to one relationship to ethnic group with little recourse to

other bases, such as political action. It becomes identified as a primordial .

structure in terms such as blood, common ancestry, culture and related to the -

national social level with little recourse to the local-.level.

Objective and class studies focused on large-scale categories (ethnic

groups, classes) &th little concentration on the individual and community - -

level. They made a distinction between a 'cultural' world within which

- ethnicity and ethnic groups are allowed to operate and a 'real' world within

which they are not apd to which ethnics are expec$ed to assimilate on the

basis of class or universal standards of achievement. (~obbins 19753291) The

only ethnic groups thought to be involved in the real world and expected to -

behave as political interest groups are English and French Canadians. They are -

given added status and defined as 'non-ethnic groups with political power' or

as 'class groups' (porter 1965) and thus are assured of their political - -

viability. All other groups are defined either as apolitical cultural ethnic

groups or as part of the non-ethnic class group. In either case they are

subordinated to - the d~rninant~~rou~s' control of political power (~chermerhorn

1970:12-13). In-the end both class and objective models must stand as -

hindrances; a more responsible formulation must be attempted.

c-3 Subjective Models of Ethnicitx I -

One of the major faults, besides those already o u t d d , with the class -

\ and objective models of ethnicity is that they rarely add~ess the

inconsistenEies introduced by changes in structure through time. Both reified

elements whcch might otherwise influence and cause changes in the structuye of -

ethnicity or class. One insists that only class 6s the true basis of political

alliance and conflict while the other says ethnics cannot operate as political

; interest groups because politics are reserved for the dominant charter groups.

iv The ethnics and their sthnicity are only seen as applicable to the cultural

environment to which they are constrained. Within thht environment there may

well be a plethora of studies but I seriously doubt that these studies have, -

as some would wish us to believe (Jaenen 1977:xi), made any great

contributions to an understanding of Canadian ethnic groups let alone ~anadian

society. The cultural perspective is inevitably oppressive and must be,

separated from ethnicity.

This oppressive cultural basis of objective ethnic studies is mirrored

irr the class studies. It is little wonder that they are both largely

unconcerned with local-level perspectives except to support the cultural - -

framework. Only in recent years has a more subjective investigation of .

ethnicity begun which has divorced it from forms which are macro-oriented and

culture or class specific. This provides support for the examination of -

4

ethnicity in terms of a transactional or negotiable framework in which the

community forms an important conditional structure. A similar transactional -

method has been identified by Schermerhorn (1970833) and van aen Berghe -

-

(1967:2-11) as the dia1e;tical structure (though they falter in its

application). Kallen (1982) suggests that the subjective model of ethnicity is

simply a modern redressing of the old objective model which is no longer

.applicable (if it ever was) because ethnicity can no longer be said to be

coterminous with nationality, geo-political boundaries, or hollcstic

categories. he he age of ethnic isolation is over, thereby rendering static

concepts of ethnicity obsolete ." allen en 1982: 60) ,q It is certainly a

redressing but it is also a completely new approach which attempts to avoid

the deficiencies of both the class and the objective models.

The subjective definition of ethnicity is not a completely modern ' %

- - phenomenon in Canadian ethnic studies. In the 1940s E.C. Hughes (1971: 157) set

-

a partially subjective basis for ethnic studies when he stated that an ethnic

group is not so because of its cultural attributes but because of its

relationship with other groups thus providing one of the first interactional

approaches. Unlike the objective studies of his time which defined the ethnic

group in terms of its traditional traits, religion, folkways and especially '2

language, he said that traits are not correlated to ethnic identity and-that , ~p

individual cultural traits should not be taken as a measure of solidarity in

an ethni-c group (1971:155). He observed thaf-too many studies dealt with

ethnic peculiarities instead of with the relations within and between ethnic.

groups. * . -

Vallee , Schwartz and Darknell (1957: 540) had also early recognized that -

ethnicity is too often taken mostly as an ascribed attribute and so made a I

distinction between culture and ethnicity recognizing that cultures may I assimilate but that ethnicity continues to differentiate (1957:541) . They also ; -

i realized that assimilation need not endanger an ethnic group's identity and i

i t

might help to maintain that identity because there would be fey attributes \

left to emphasize differences so that 'differences must be made explicit and J i

A

achieved in order to serve as a basis for interest group cohesion (1957:541). I

McFeat (1978:2> makes the distinction that "culture and ethnicity are

essentially different". He states that the acculturation process allows -

ethnic group to survive by joining their "acculturators" but that the -

ethnics will then seek to make themselves separate by accentuating differences I

despite their similarities. Ethnic cultures, however, will interact by seeking

similarities in spite of their differences, "Group cultures evolve with their

boundary; ethnic groups only survive with theirs." Similarly Darroch

(1 981 : 94-5) has stated that immigration alone cannot account for the

ideological or institutional bases of ethnic plurality in Canada. Rather "the

forms and fkctions of ethnic institutions are altering with the-political and ''

social context" (19l31:95). He observed that there -are a number of different

perspectives of ethnicity which are not excluded by "strong aspirations for A

assimilation" (1981:97). 06 this basis we can begin to appreciate the fact

that ethnicity need not be constrained by such concepts as assimilation. -

Ethnicity is allowed to escape from its cultural trap. -

The different perspectives of ethnicity recognized by Darroch (1981) are

clarified by Breton (1978b) who makes a distinction between three bases of

ethnicity: ethnicity for individuals (mobility and life course), ethnicity as .

a class phenomenon and ethnicity as a form of social closure (monopoly of

occupations and other domains) (~arroch 1981 :93). On this basis ethnicity -

begins to have a complex structure even though, in Breton's definition, it is

still constrained by objective criteria and the three definitions of ethnicity -

cannot be easily separated: they apply to three separate Conditions and do not

attempt to explain criteria outside of certain. defined 'institutionill -

structures.'Still it does suggest a framework for a complex subjective

approach to Canadian ethnic studies, even with certain objective limitations. -

A fully subjective'approach is utilized by Braroe who provides a

symbolic interactianist examination in his study ' Indiaps and Whites ' (1975).

- 36 -

-. His definitions are purely subjective,.and contex&ally related. He shows that

there are different levels of conception related to each interethnic contact

so that "social selves negotiated by d@ly interaction thus become transmitted

into the relatively stable 'system' of ethnic stratification" (1975: 185). -

Similarily St3imeist, in his book 'Ethnics and Indians' (1975)~ places his

emphasis on the subjective model of ethnic relations by commenting that a

subjective definition of ethnic group exists within each group and results in -

a continuous categorization (1975:50). Stymeist recognizes that "the root of

much of our difficulty in understanding the social nature of the ethnic

dimension in Canada today" is a result of the attempt to concretize the

concept of ethnic group which is in fact and has to remain, loosely defined - w

(1975:lb). Braroe and Stymeist both accept ethnicity as a conditional element

in the community structure of interaction within the local environment. This

is an important premise as it placed ethnicity firmly within a transactional

relationship between individuals in the community.

Paine (1977: 251) (see also Briggs 1971) makes an analogous distinction

when he comments that ethnicity is part of the self-image structure that -

--

differentiates people from their traits, which are emblematic and that part of

culture mobilized for boundary maintenance. His analysis separates ethnicity

.from its objective base by defining traits as being largely symbolic and that

even culture wil-l change in response to conditional criteria. He acknowledges -

that " (f)orces of ethnicity, then, are likely to be forces of cultural action"

and that "the processes of emic (in-group) decisions about cultural priorities - constitute the domain of ethnicity". Neither the "tokens" or traits, or the

defended "boundaries" are immutable and "we should avoid the assumption that

ethnic symbolism, at any one time, will be of one piece" (1977:251). Paine,

refutes those views of ethnicity which give it an imperative status which is

overordinate. in principle and leaves little in question. Ethnicity is not

'above transaction' and thus he also allows that it has a number of different *

- levels of analysis (~aine 1977:261). '

Nagata (1969:45) maintains that the subjective aspects of ethnic

identity can only be understood within a public and private domain. Thus in

her examination of the [email protected] Toronto she recognizes that there is no

overall collective reek" community; there may be'an overall Greek a

-

consciousness but this has no institutional basis (1969:50). There are a P

I

number of Greek communities which arise or form in response to contextual a f

variation. Similarly Anderson (1974), in -her study of the Portugeuse in

Toronto, acknowledges that it is difficult to examine the Portugeuse as a

single structure. They must instead be examined as a complex system of -

individuals and resources (1974 : 128)-.. Fernandez , in his study of the

Portuguese in Montreal (1979), took this point even farther by showing that

individual Portuguese can assert different ethnic identities at different . 1 ) I r

% .

times depending on the affecting criteria. --

These are some of the first attempts to show the contextual basis of

ethnicity with a focus on the individual structure of ethnic identity and tbG .. , I .

manner in which the individual responds to environmental changes and organizes I

his or her social relationship to the context. This brings to-our attention

the essential variability of ethnicity and its utilization or ineffectiveness I

b

-

according to the specific situation and context. This dimension of ethnicity

is useful to an individual or a group because it offers a procedure for

responding to new criteria. There are other responses, notably class, sex and , 3

religion, but ethnicity offers a more salient form which can incorporate other

structural responses thus combining an interest with an affective tie, -

instrumentality and expressivity, status and contract (3ell 19752167).

E t h n i c i t y t h u s cannot b e removed from o r ignored w i t h i n t h e environment i n

which it i s formed. E t h n i c i t y is n o t a f o r e i g n import b u t i s t h e outcome of

new s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l k e l a t i o n s h i p s i n t h e r e c e i v i n g community.

I n my examination of o b j e c t i v e d e f i n i t i o n s of e t h n i c i t y I a t tempted t o I

'* show how t h e government could a f f e c t and c i rcumscr ibe t h e d e f i n i t i o n as w e l l

as t h e s tudy of e t h n i c i t y . Once t h i s i s r e a l i z e d we can a c c e p t t h a t government

and do%inant group a c t i o n is a prime element i n e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e c o n t e x t a l

b a s i s and s t r u c t u r e of e t h n i c i t y ( ~ a ~ a t a 1974). The government and dominant

groups d e f i n e t h e con tex t w i t h i n which e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c group a r e de f ined

and al lowed t o o p e r a t e b u t it i s t h e i n d i v i d u a l and group w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r

community who must respond t o t h a t d e f i n 5 t i o n -- n e g a t i v e l y , p o s i t i v e l y o r

i n d i f f e r e n t l y . The e t h n i c s must respond t o what i s o f t e n a p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r

and they do so througK a number of d i f f e r e n t ways, i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . ~ -

P o l i t i c a l a c t i o n can now be accep ted as g necessary element of e t h n i c a c t i o n a

i

and of e t h n i c i t y . This is impar t an t because , as Baker (1977:110) recognized,

h e t h n i c i t y and c u l t u r e a r e b e s t understood i n terms of t h e i r r e l i t i o n s h i p t o 1

I i

power and economic development. , 8

i, On t h i s b a s i s t h e community l e v e l i s c r u c i a l . re ton ' ( 1 9 6 4 ) ~ i n a n

important paper i n Canadian e t h n i c s t u d i e s , acknowledges t h i s p o i n t when he

s t a t e s t h a t t h e f a c t o r s which b e a r on t h e p o s s i b l e a b s o r p t i o n of immigrants

a r e t o be found i n t h e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e e t h n i c , h o s t and o t h e r

e t h n i c communities. He s p e c i f i e s t h a t t h e communities, i n t h e i r d i f f e r e n t

environments and i n c o n t a c t wi th v a r i o u s o t h e r e t h n i c communities, w i l l

+welop a d i v e r s e mixture of s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s as community members form

new i n s t i t u t i o n s , c r e a t e i n t e r e t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s wi th o t h e r e t h n i c groups o r

use t h e h o s t s o c i e t y ' s i n s t i t u t i o n s t o f u l f i l l t h e i r s o c i a l , economic and

p o l i t i c a l needs.

Integration can take place in the direction of one, two, or all three A

community structures, or none, but is the result of the positive and negative

forces of social organizations in the communities i.e. the 'institutional

coEpletenes~~ or 'parallelism' which "involves %he interaction between 'I

individuals, small groups, or cohorts of in3ivi&uals within various social and

_ institutional contexts" r re ton 1978~ : 150). The degree of institutional

i completeness or 'consociationalism', the structure of association between

groups, will tell whether the individual has to go outside in order to fulfill

needed social relations. (~ried~er and Church 1974)

Hughes and Kallen (1974:82) make a similar point when they state that i J' multi-ethnic societies such as Canada residential concentration of members at

thg level of the local community is an "important prerequisite" for the

transformation from ethnic category, a human population defined by outsiders

in correlation to objective criteria defined by conditions of race, territory,

language, religion, or culture (1 974 : 87) , to ethnic group, internally defined

when its members categorize themselves as being alike by virtue of common

ancestry, or social organization (1974: 88). Hughes and Kallen , however, fail

to recognize that the ethnic group like the ethnic category is objectively

defined by outsiders. pymeist (1975:17) in his study also makes a distinction

between the ethnic group and ethnic category but makes it clear that the

concept of ethnic group is a higher 'abstraction' than the base which is that -

of culture and origin and the ethnic categories which result from that base.

As Trygvasson (1971 :85) asserts, the ethnic group has only an "analytical

existence" dependent on recognized cultural attributes while the ethnic

community has an "operational existence".

The community is important because in it the ethnics are no longer

outcasts in a foreign land; they are no longer foreigners but members of a

i

- 40 -

r e v i s e d e t h n i c community. They now belong and a r e a b l e t o de f ine who does no t

belong, i . e . o u t s i d e r s , no t ab ly t h e same i n d i v i d u a l s who c a l l them

' f o r e i g n e r s ' ( ~ e r n a n d e z 1979:7-8). The community enab le s i ts p a r t i c i p a n t s t o * .

r e s t r u c t u r e what had been a normative and p u b l i c i d e n t i t y i n t h e i r homeland

( emg . ~ i n n i s h ) i n t o a p r i v a t e i d e n t i t y on immigration [because they ye re

cons ide red f o r e i g n e r s by t h e h o s t s o c i e t y ) t o a r e s t r u c t u r e d i f l i m i t e d p u b l i c

i d e n t i t y as members o f a s p e c i f i c e t h n i c community ( ~ e r n a n d e z 1979:14, 15). As c?

community members t hey a r e b e t t e r a b l e t o r e l a t e t o t h e wider s o c i e t y and

respond s i t u a t i o n a l l y t o c o n t e x t a l changes i n t h e s o c i a l environment.

Only a t t h e community l e v e l can we begin t o s e e a n i n s i d e r de f ined

concept of ' g roup ' , o u t s i d e of o b j e c t i v e c o n t r o l s , and t h e c r e a t i o n of

p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t groups which t a k e a c t i o n f o r t h e communZty r a t h e r f o r a n

o b j e c t i v e concept of ' e t h n i c group ' . Only a t t h e community l e v e l do

e. i n d i v i d u a l s behave as members of a n e t h n i c commonality as w e l l as of. a n

i n t e r e s t group. A t t h i s l e v e l suppor-t f o r a n i n t e r e s t does n o t e a s i l y d i s s o l v e

because numbers do no t mean as much as cons is tency and c o n t r o l of nominal

suppor t w i t h i n t h e community. The e t h n i c community w i l l draw on e t h n i c group \

a t t r i b u t e s when necessary t o g a i n wide suppor t bu t it a l s o has i t s own

a t t r i b u t e s which a r e more numerous and can develop s p e c i f i c responses t o '

c o n t e x t a l change ( ~ r y ~ v a s s o n 1971 : 88).

Within t h e community e t h n i c i t y may be d e t t e r perce ived as a f o r c e , a

p roces s and a n i n t e r e s t . Only on t h i s b a s i s can a model be produced which can

d e a l with t h e s a l i e n c e of e t h n i c i t y and c l a s s . The s u b j e c t i v e s t u d i e s ( ~ a ~ a t a

. - - .

, 1969; Anderson 1974; Braroe 1975; Stymeist 1975; Fernandez 1979) of e t h n i c i t y . I t

? ,. more p rope r ly focus on t h e i n d i v i d u a l and community l e v e l and -p rov ide a n

a p p r o p r i a t e b a s i s f o r t h e examinat ion of e t h n i c i t y . I n t h i s r ega rd I have

chosen t o examine and de f ine e t h n i c i t y s u b j e c t i v e l y though I have a l s o adopted

Cohen's (1974b:94, 97) assertion that the basis of ethnicity must be an 0

emphasis on its political and symbolic organization. Ethnicity is thus 6

perceived as a circumstantial efement ; a socio-political phenomenon in a'

limited 'arena' or sphere of public action, It is a group related political

phenomenon in the present environmment (~echter 1974:1177) produced by -,

translocation (iie. migration or immigration) or any comparable change in

context resulting in intra and intergroup alliances and conflicts over

resources. This definition allows for the placement of class as a mechanism of

organization and interest in the same arena. Only in understanding ethnicity

as a dynamic system resulting from a relationship within and between groups ' -

and &ndergoing continuous change through time can we begin to appreciate'its

essential structure. It is not a static concept equated to the socio-cultural .

presentations of an immigrant or ethnic group nor is it a biological fact (van

den Berghe 1981 : 22) but rather an ideological fact which must be clearly

distinguished from a constrained paradigm applied by. social researchers. .

This theoretical examination points out that Canadian social scientists

* have, at different times, all too easily accepted ethnic asshmilation or

accommodation both to an Anglo conformity of the pre and post World War I

- , period (~ood~orth 1909; Avery 1979:24) and to an Anglo-~ranco accpmmodation -

of the post world War I1 qg (porter 1965:60) as the prime basis of

interethnic rklati~ns in Canadian society. The Anglo conformity and, later,

the Anglo-Franco duality, fire said to form the sole arenas of public action.

,It is further assumed that the ethnics'do not participate, to any large

degree, in the construction or op@ration of these arenas. There is supposed to

be little relative conflict over the basis of-these structures, except Between

the charter groups.

I will try to show, however, that in at least one goldmining community

. there is a continuous process of competition between all ethnic communities

for economic and political resources which has resulted in contextual changes

in the relationship between ethnicity and class in this community. This thesis

will provide one of the few comprehensive attempts- to deal not only with -

ethnicity at a community level but also with %he interrelated question of . ..

ethnicity and class. This is an all too often forgotten element of interethnic

stydy but in this thesis it forms a major focus of an2lysis.-This research

will also, however, deal more directly with the symbolic and political '

framework of ethnicity to provide an important addition to both ethnicity and

community studies. The examination of the peculiar structure of ethnicity, c*

class and community in the Timmins area produces a number of methodological

problems- which shall be dealt with in the next section and lead us into an

examination of the area of study.

The Setting and The Fieldwork .~

Timmins is less a city than a cluster of small towns and municipalities

amalgamated in 1973 as the City of Timmins, a huge municipal region of 1,230 '=t

square mjJes (fig. 4). The area is known Historically as the Porcupine Camp, a

term leftover from the inception of the mining base in 1909,but also of Tl

symbolic importance to the present. It includes towns, townships and diverse

ethnic communities, each with their own particular social, political and .- economic dimension.

My original intention was to pursue" an intensive study correlating

interviews and primary research to ?rovi.de a cohesive image of interethnic -

relations in the mining community. 1.received my initial information from the

staff of the 'Timmins Museum and National Exhibition Center', a recently t

established institution. However, the museuin ha& few sources on which I could

draw and I had to depend on interviews. Initial'interviews were held with

J _informants i d e n t i f i e d by my contac t s

t o an understanding of t h e Porcupine

i n t h e Timmins Museum - - as

Camp. T chose t he museum - -

because it seemed t o be t he only v i s i b l e r e sea rch - in s t i t u t i on r

being- important c

though I soon .

rea l ized t h a t it was a l s o a major exponent of l o c a l h i s t o r i c a l revis ion. While . .

this f a c t may have hindered my i n i t i a l at tempts a t gaining information, s ince

they d i r ec t ed me t o individual 's who they considered t o be proper informants,

it a l s o enabled me t o view the i n t e r n a l processes of t h i s l o c a l rev i s ion an a

f i r s t hand bas i s . .-

Unt i l I w a s ab le t o dis tance myself from the museum and b e t t e r \

understand l o c a l mechagsms, my i n i t i a l interviews were unstructured and open

ended, non-directive l i f e h i s t o r i e s , I took t h i s approach i n order t o g e t a

biography of the ind iv idua l and of t h e cu l tu re and community i n which they

pa r t i c ipa t ed (HSU 1969:41; Pe l to 1970:99). This b iographical and h i s t o r i c a l

emphasis allowed the informant t o understand my presence and t o r e c i t e t h e i r

l i f e h i s t o r i e s with l i t t l e e f f d r t . Once t he interview began it w a s then ea s i e r

t o s t e e r t he individual i n t o more spec i f i c questions o r t o e laborate on a

point ment'ioned only i n passing o r t o be allowed t o come back a t a l a t e r time -

when I had some s p e c i f i c questions. I was ab le t o do some 120 formal

interviews as well as innumerable informal interviews and general

conversations throughout my fieldwork period from t h e summer of 1980 t o t he

f a l l of 1981,

Sobn a f t e r my i n i t i a l in terviews I rea l ized t h a t I had t o come t o terms

with some of the spec i a l problems which constra in research i n a s e t t i n g such *

a s Timmins. One of t he s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s t o be d e a l t with i n gatheri.ng

information i n t he Porcupine Camp has been labe l led the 'camp mental i ty ' . I n

sho r t , r es iden ts a mining camp perceive t h e i r s t ay i n such camps t o be Y ~ *

temporary and assume t h a t they be forced t o leave. An

important consequence is t h a t many people take a f a t a l i s t i c view o f . t h e #

present with l i t t l e thought t o t h e futuqe. I n Timmins this s t r u c t u r a l l y - <

insp i red d i s i n t e r e s t p e r s i s t s l i n the contemporary community even when the

economic fu tu r e of t he r e g i o n ' i s r e l a t i v e l y assured.

Archival mate r ia l has been gathered only within t h e last nine years and

then mostly by e l i t e members of t he community who became in t e r e s t ed i n 2

accumulating data as a means of j u s t i f y ing t h e i r l o c a l 'pioneer ' s t a t u s .

.,. ateri rial has been channelled and rearranged t o s u i t ' t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . Only the ,

\

most' simple and benign elements of l o c a l h i s to ry a r e gathered, presenting only * "

laundered h i s t o r i c a l ana lys i s . . *

I n t he l o c a l h i s t o r i e s , produced mostly by English and French Canadian

e l i t e members, TTmmins i s presented e i t h e r as an English o r French Canadian -

community, depending on t he -author ' s viewpoint ( ~ r e m b l a ~ 1951 ; Porcupine

Golden 1959; Roche'leau 1978). A His tor ies , however, a r e l imi ted i n the

community because historiography has been de-emphasized not only by t he camp .

mentali ty but i n the i n t e r e s t of a general postwar consociational a l l i ance . - This a l l i a n c e had ensured t h a t no one e thnic community would con t ro l l o c a l

h i s t o ry and the symbols which might assist ce r t a in groups i n gaining

propr ie tary claims t o l o c a l resources, Most e thnic communities and i n t e r e s t

tS. groups have become i n t e r r e l a t e d on a number of l e v e l s pa r t i cu l a r l y through

general assoc ia t ions such a s clubs. They have, informally a t l e a s t , agreed on

an equi table ba s i s f o r l o c a l competition f o r economic and p o z i t i c a l power, as

v i l l be shown i n t he t h e s i s . One r e s u l t of t h i s agreement i s s t h a t the general

record of c l a s s and e thn ic c o n f l i c t s has been muted i n favour of the a l l i ance .

091; within the l a s t few decades has there been a renerjed attempt by ce r t a in I

i n t e r e s t groups t o rewri te and cop t ro l l o c a l h i s to ry a s a means t o enshrine

t h e i r l o c a l s t a t u s and circumscribe t h e i r r i g h t t o l o c a l economic and

political resources. Nevertheless the influence of the camp mentality and *

consoeiatioml alliance was still in force so %kt only ora-k~adi-ti01ts remain - I

as the major sources of information even though individuals are still -

reluctant to expou&on internal problems or limit their insights to their -

respective ethnic communities. I

Timmins was a community of ethnic communities, often of a particular

political, religious or nationalist orientation. Most were closed tw' outsiders ,

and their m b e r s continued to share face-to-face.ar@' back-to-back primary -

Y

relationships. Each individual had a ' reputation' ( ~ a i l e ~ .l97l) or clusters of

reputations which varied according to community and situation. Individuals /

might have a reputation on a general community level a'id be perceived

neg as a ' Communist 'troublemaker' by authorities and elite members

while retaining a positive stereotype with the miners as a strong supporter .@

of trade unionism. They m&ht have a positive st-otype yithin their own .

ethnic community, such as a %trbng supporter of Ukrainian culture, while

mahtaining a negative streotype as supporters or opponents' to certain " $

reli ious or nationalist ideologies (eag. Orthodox versus Catholic, Communist n . &

versus Centrist versus ~ascist). These reputations are pa?% oT the oral . C

tradition that encompasses important segments of local conflict but resulted

in few documentary records. As such they were also pivotal to,<the

reconstruction of interethnic relations in Timmins.

Given these circumstances I had to develop my own reputation in the

communities since, individuals were often,concerned about whekher I was a

"government spy" (if that indivichal was a radical) or 'a "Communist spy" (if I

was talking to a rightwing informant). One former Communist party member

suspected that I may have been a "Troskyite revisionist". One informant, who

was vehemently anti-Communist, said; "You see the Communists ... By the way are

you Communist? You could be f o r a l l I know and you could shoot me a f t e r what -

s a i d . Well I ' m t e l l i n g t h e t r u t h and t h e t r u t h i s sometimek very dangerous."

The las t f e y words p o i n t t o a major problem i n mekhodolegy,for t h i s -

2

s tudy , The t r u t h of t h e r eco rd -- e s p e c i a l l y w i t h i n communities

which had only r e c e n t l y begun t o compete over h i s t o r i o g r a p h y -- i s openu to -

- i n d i v i d u a l o r group f n t e r p r e t a t i o n and con jec tu re . What i s a n a b s o l u t e t r u t h

- f o r one i n d i v i d u a l o r group is a n a b s o l u t e l i e f o r ano the r . I n r e c a l l i n g a e

h i s t o r y t h a t has emot iona l and i d ~ o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , t hose who remember

t h e f i n e r d e t a i l s of t h a t h i s t o r y w i l l u s u a l l y provide t h e i r - o w n , . s$

-

i n t e r p r e t a y i o n of even t s . Th i s c r e a t e s q problem i n t h e s tudy of small - cornmu&ties because t k e f a c t s a v a i l a b l e a r e l i k e l y t o be t h e r e c o l l e c t i o n s of -

i n d i v i d u a l s who have d e f i n i t e p o i n t s o f view. Wri t ten documentation i s o f t e n /

s p a r s e . Primary documents though a r e u s u a l l y d e s i r a b l e h i s t o r i c a l evidence b u t

t hey may not b e y a v a i l a b l e and , when they a r e , t hey may be inacc%rate. Thus one - -- -

quickly had t o l e a r n t h e nuances of t h e l o c a l community and subcommunities i n

o r d e r t o & a b l e t o c a r r y ou t s u c c e s s f u l i n t e rv i ews .

For example, a p a r t i c u l a r l y important problem involved t h e t r a c i n g of

l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e a d i e r l e f t w i n g and e t h n i c r a d i c a l movements. The term

. I .

"progress ive" was adopted by former members of t h e l e f t w i n g movement t o

d i s t i n g u i s h t h e i r l o c a l a c t i v i t y ("unionism", "soc ia l i sm" and "communism") - -

- while s t i l l a l lowing f o r t h e i r involvement i n ' a a panethnic a l l i a n c e . -

"Progress ive" i s a n expres s ion used by p a r t i c i p a n t s t o app ly both t o t h e

g e n e r a l r a d i c a l movemegt , t o a s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l movement (e .g. communist),

as w e l l as t o a p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c - c.ornmunity ( ~ k r a i n i a n and ~ i n n i s h ) and need

no t be exc lus ive t o any one of t h e s e l e v e l s . The ope ra t ing d e f i n i t i o n v a r i e s

wi th i n d i v i d u a l s , t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and t h e 'context of s tudy . S ince in t e rv i ews

o f t e n became a ma t t e r of t h e respondents f i r s t i n t e rv i ewing t h e i n t e r v i e w e r , -- - ..

' - 47 '-

one had t o l e a r n when t o ag ree t h a t ano the r person w a s a Communist (if t h e

infoPmant was n o t ) and when t o accep t t h a t t h e informant was a p rogres s ive

(when he was a communist). For our purposes progress ive w i l l de s igna te t h e 0

-

more l o c a l i z e d b a s i s of le f t -wing a c t i v i t y from t h e more g e n e r a l r a d i c a l

movement.

Af ter m$ i n i t l a 1 uns t ruc tu red in t e rv iews I began t o develop s p e c i f i c

i n t e r e s t s and .so I c r e a t e d a more s t r u c t u r e d in t e rv iew though s t i l l t r y i n 6 t o /

keep i t informal . I now began a s e r i e s of 'key informant ' i n t e rv iews . These \ -

were i n d i v i d u a l s t h a t I ' found t o be t h e most knowledgeable on a wide v a r i e t y

of l o c a l s u b j e c t s and who provided informat ion a g a i n s t which I w a s a b l e t o -

measure my o t h e r informants . They were t h e i n d i v i d u a l s who were most open and - -

a v a i l a b l e f o r mul t ip l e m t e r v i e w s over t h e per iod of my f ie ldwork . They

permi t ted me to-ga$her q u a n t i t a t i v e and q u a l i t a t i v e m a t e r i a l which could no t

have been acqui red through s t r u c t u r a l i n t e rv iews o r ques t ionna i r e s because I L1

d id not as y e t know t h e ;proper ques t ions t o a s k i n t h i s environment. ( ~ d e l a r d

The key informants who o f f e r e d t h e b e s t i n t e rv iews were t h e s e who had --

acqui red r e p u t a t i o n s due t o p a s t a c t i v i t y i n support o f , o r i n r e a c t i o n t o , --

t h e p rogres s ive movement. Many had b u i l t up and s t i l l partially depended on

s i z e a b l e r e p u t a t i o n s as r e s i d e n t ' t roublemakers ' . They continued t o be

i d e n t i f i e d i n t h e community, o f t e n with l i t t l e b a s i s i n f a c t , as "Fasc i s t s " o r

"Communists". These i n d i v i d u a l s , however, u sua l ly only presented one s i d e of

t h e community p o r t r a i t o r of an ' i s s u e , which had t o be balanced on t h e o t h e r t

s i d e , A s a r e s u l t I a l s o sought ou t those i n d i v i d u a l s who were t h e i r

a n t a g o n i s t s .

The need t o g a i n informat ion frbm t h e opposing i n t e r e s t s was a necessary

procedure i n t h i s environment. It d i d , however, provide it8 own problems

because t h e r e was, a g r e a t d e a l of antagonism and-xon t r ad ic t ion , o f h n on a

pe r sona l r a t h e r t h a n c o l l e c t i v e b a s i s . S p e c i f i c b a t t l e s , which Were former ly

based on ideology, now o f t e n e m e r g e d a s c o n f l i c t s between i n d i v i d u h , ~ . B a t t l e s

were still be ing fough t b u t t hey had degenera ted i n t o 'name%all ing ' r a the r -

t han i d e o l o g i c a l confrontat ions-The names used a r e no t on ly t h e p o l i t i c a l l y

based ones of Communist - o r F a s c i s t b u t a l s o t h e more l o c a l l y based ones which -

a r e a n a t t a c k on a p e r s o n ' s pe r sona l and fami ly r e p u t a t i o n . Terms such as -

' highgrader ' (gold s t e a l e r ) and ' b l indp igge r ' (boot legger ) were used f r e e l y

a g a i n s t o n e ' s opponents t o d i s c r e d i t them. These e p i t h e t s a r e today o f t e n t h e

only o v e r t i n d i c a t i o n s of former p o l i t i c a l con f ron ta t ions . -- I n i n t e views informants would, once they were s a t i s f i e d of my i n t e n t , 2 -"- -

i n v a r i a b l y o f f e r t h e names of o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s who might be of a s s i s t a n c e . -

Thi s a l lowed me t o snowball my i n t e r v i e w sample though I w a s c a r e f u l no t t o be

c o n s t r a i n e d by t h i s technique t o i n t e rv i ewing only i n d i v i d u a l s who were -

members of t h e in fo rman t ' s own c l i q u e . Within each e t h n i c community I took

c a r e t o g a i n as wide a range of in farmants , from t h e o l d t o t h e young and from -

as wide a s p a t i a l - a r e a as p o s s i b l e . While t h i s d i d no t guarantee accuracy i n -

my r e s u l t s it d i d enable me t o minimize a n e r r o r i n b i a s as w e l l r e g u l a t e a n ' 1

e r r o r i n sampling (Madge 1965:232). For c e l t a i n communities t h i s was d i s f i c u l t !

as only t h e d d e r people remained, remnants of e t d i c and p o l i t i c a l enc laves . \

Key informant i n t e rv i ews were c a r r i e d ou t i n each of t h e major e t h n i c

- communities and f o r t h e camp as a whole. They-ranged from t h e l e a d e r s of

I

e t h n i c b rgan iza t ions t o t h e -Fayor and aldermen of t h e c i t y counc i l . While . -

o f f e r i n g me necessary informat ion t h e s e informants were o f t e n a n a l y t i c a l about -

t h i s in format ion and as a r e s u l t I had t o be c a r e f u l t h a t I d i d no t accep t I

t h e i r a n a l y s i s as informat ion . I measured t h e informat ion a g a i n s t my wider

group of in formants and my own p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n i n t h e community ( p e l t o

P a r t i c i p a n t observat ion was a c e n t r a l focus of my resea rch as I wished

t o observe t h e day-to-day l i f e of t h e community and my informants . Not only

d i d I l i v e i n t h e a r e a f o r almost a yea r a_nd a ha l f but I made a concer ted

e f f o r t t o view t h e commonplace elements of everyday l i f e as support f o r my -

i n t e rv iews (pe l to : 1970: 9 2 ) . It i s o n e t h i n g f o r an informant t o say he .hates

--

a l l French Canadians and q u i t e another f o r me t o

h i s spa re time i n t h e i r company. I a l s o observed

l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n meetings of t h e town counci l ,

s o c i e t i e s and a s s o c i a t i o n s , i n o rde r t o acquain t

community a l l i a n c e s and endeavors. I n t h i s way I

.

f i n d t h a t he spends much of

andc 'par t ic ipa ted r e g u l a r l y i n

h i s t o r i c a l s o c i e t y , e t h n i c

myself wi th t h e framework f o r .

w a s a b l e

informed image of t h e communities and t h e Porcupine a r e a . -

I w a s a ided l a t e r i n t h i s r e sea rch i n t h e summer of

f i e l d d i r e c t o r of t h e 'York Timmins P r o j e c t ' . This w a s an

t o develop - a we l l -

1981 when I became -

e t h n i c s t u d i e s

p r o j e c t supported by a g r a n t from t h e Secre tary of S t a t e f o r Mul t icul tura l i sm .

under t h e ausp ices of t h e Ethnic Research Erogramme a t York Univers i ty . The

- s r o j e c t brought i n f i e l d u o r k e r s t o do comprehensive' i n t e rv iews ~ f ~ s p e c i f i c -

-

e t h n i c communities such as t h e Chinese, t h e I t a l i a n s , t h e EngEsh and t h e -

French Canadians. This allowed f o r a wider pe r spec t ive w t h e e t h n i c and - c h a r t e r group communities. I n o r d e r t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e u t i l i z a t i o n of

m a t e r i a l s , a computer coding system was developed and u t i l i z e d . This system

enabled u s t o code informat ion under c e r t a i n headings and, once it was /'

processed, allowed u s t o access our research . (,,, ,,m,nts in ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ , j i ~ )

If I had depended s o l e l y on in t e rv iews I would have rece ived only a & -

l i m i t e d p r e s e n t a t i o n o? f a c t s . Many people d i d not want t o t a l k about what - s

they considered t o be ' o l d t r o u b l e s ' , express ing t h e opinion t h a t they were i n

t h e p a s t even though it w a s c l e a r they were a prime i n g r e d i e n t i n t h e p resen t .

A s a r e s u l t t h e i n t e r v i e w s had t o be co r r e l a t e3 -wi th whatever primary sou rces a -

were a v a i l a b l e . , b - *<

A major source o f a r c h i v a l in format ion was t h e f i r s t l o c a l newspaper - T h e -

Porcupine Advane (1912-50) which was made 'ava i lab le t o u s by t h e Timmins

Museum a n h N a t i o n a 1 Exh ib i t i on t e n t e r . Newspapers a r e n o t u s u a l l y cons idered

t o be pr imary h i s t o r i c a l sources because they inc lude r e p o r t s t h a t a r e w r i t t e n I

B 4

a f t e r a n event and which may be ' intended t o c r e a t e a p a r t i i c u l a r impression on - -

t h e r e a d e r ( ~ a d ~ e 1965: 91). A s such , a newspaper is o f t e n p a r t i a l l y

propagandis t i n n a t u r e and t h e Porcupine Advance is-no except ion . Even when

e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y was no t d i r e c t l y involved , a r t i c l e s were co loured a n d -

d i s t o r t e d i n t h e i n t e r e s t s of news va lue , e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y and hos tPsoc ie ty

, p e r c e p t i o n s (~gmundson 1977: 253) . The newspaper was t h u s ha rd ly r e f l e c t i v e of

Timmins as a whole o r even of any s i n g l e e t h n i c community.

Some important i n fo rma t ion i n t h e newspaper appea r s even t o have been

i n t e n t i o n a l l y l o s t . The k e x p o i n t i n t h e p rog res s ive movement i n t h e Porcupine

was t h e 1912-13 S t r i k e , one of t h e f i e r c e s t s t r i k e s i n t h e go ld mines. The

~ o r c u p r n e Advance, t h e only newspaper i n t h e r e g i o n , should have been t h e key

a r c h i v a l r e f e redce b u t t h e pape r s from t h i s pe r iod a r ~ m i s s i n g from t h e

a r c h i v e s . They appear t o have been des t royed and no cop ie s su rv ive . What --

l i t t l e a r c h i v a l i n fo rma t ion i s a v a i l a b l e comes from o u t s i d e newspapers and

a r t i c l e s i n s o c i a l i s t p u b l i c a t i o n s . = ,

I n t h e Porcupine Camp t h i s pe r iod becomes a l o s t age. L i t t l e mention i s

made of it i n the - loca l h i s t o r i e s and t h e r e i s l i t t l e i n t h e way of

co r robora t ing evidence except secondhand informat ion . A wealth of informatiion, ;

p a r t i c u l a r i l y e t h n i c h a l l and union minutes , was a l s o des t royed du r ing t h e i

Second World Waq when t h e F inn i sh and Ukrainian r a d i c a l h a l l s , t h e major h

i n s t i t u t i o n a l bases of p rog res s ive a c t i v i t y , were c o n f i s c a t e d and many of

' .a

t h e i r r ecords were burned o r discardedzLWhile t h i s a ided t h e consoc ia t iona l -

2 -

- a l l i a n c e ' s a t t empts t o c o n t r o l h i s t o r y it a l s o l i m i t e d my own a b i l i t y t o ' g a i n A

information i n t h e p resc r ibed manner.

The b igges t problem with t h e newspaper was t h a t it ws such a l a r g e - - ,.--

a r c h i v a l source t h a t If one was no t c e r t a i n of a d a t e and.an event it was

d i f f i c u l t t o f i n d information. It t a k e s time t o go through a newspaper and

m a t e r i a l can only be ga thered over a long per iod which Would preclude o t h e r

research . A s a r e s u l t , i n t h e summer of 1981, we developed a Summer Canada

u-dent employment p r o j e c t , i n a s s o c i a t i o n with t h e Timmins Museum, i n which

s t u d e n t s were h i r e d t o go through t h e ne;spaper and code it according t o t h e

coding system a l r eady developed. Th i s 'offered

accessed t h e informat ion i n t h e newspaper and

f u t u r e r e sea rch i n t h e a r e a .

Other documents t h a t might have been of

they were a v a i l a b l e only i n l i m i t e d supply. A

o rgan iza t ions and i n s t i t u t i o n s have r i s e n and

u s a computer p r i n t o u t which

which would be of b e n e f i t t o

use were a l s o looked f o r but

l a r g e number of d i f f e r e n t

then disappeared i n t h e

Porcupine Camp bu t t h e minutes of many of t h e s e o rgan iza t ions have e i t h e r been

l o s t , des t royed o r hidden. Few people wi th in t h e community know where t o -

l o c a t e t h e s e m a t e r i a l s if they a r e , i n f a c t , s t i l l i n t a c t . It is o f t e n by

chance, a t t h e end of an in t e rv iew, when respondents seem s a t i s f i e d t h a t t h e

r e sea rche r i s n i t a t h r e a t , t h a t they w i l l go i n t o a t runk and b r i n g ou t t h e

long f o r g o t t e n Gnutqs-, These people a r e r e l u c t a n t t o g ive up t h E i r m a t e r i a l -

t o any l o c a l a r c h i v a l depos i tory because they f e a r it w i l l be misusedK

e s p e c i a l l y a g a i n s t them and t h e i r e t h n i c communities.

Inc reas ing ly , a s I c a r r i e d o u t my i n i t i a l i n t e rv iews , I was s t r u c k with

t h e manner i n which informants r e l a t e d t h e p a s t and t h e p resen t . Ind iv idua l s --

r e l a t e d p a s t events t o p resen t circumstances, o f t e n r e i n t e r p r e t i n g them i n

t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . Th i s made me r e a l i z e t h e importance of examining t h e

h i s t o r i c a l base o f e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s i n t h e Porcupin'e Camp. A s a r e s u l t , though

my resea rch emphasis is s t r u c t u r e d on s o c i a l anthropology I have a l s o

at tempted t o add an understanding of h i s t o r y t o my resea r6kwhich i s o f t e n

missing i n o t h e r an th ropo log ica l s t u d i e s ( ~ a n s i n a 1970: 165). Without such an -

h i s t o r i c a l pe r spec t ive it would be impossible t o f u l l y understand t h e 7

s t r u c t u r e of contemporary i n t e r e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s . i n Timmins (van den Berghe

1970i11-12). Soc ia l r e l a t i o n s do no t e x i s t i n a void and they a r e no t ,without

a 3 h i s t o r i c a l base and I b e l i e v e , as Rosaldo (1980:l) p o s i t e d , t h a t

llethnog-raphy s t ands t o g a i n cons iderable a n a l y t i c a l power through c l o s e

a t t e n t i o n t o h i s t o r i c a l process". Fur the r I w i l l show t h a t h i s t o r y i t s e l f , a t I

l e a s t i n t h e Timmins a r e a , i s under con t inua l a l t e r a t i o n as it is modified and e

transformed i n t h e i n t e r e s t s of d i f f e r e n t groups.

There i s no concre te and genera l ly accepted h i s t o r i c a l account of t h e

Porcupine Camp. There a r e only t h e content ious events of a h i s t o r y which has

not been adequately summarized because of d i s i n t e r e s t o r p a r t i s a n -

misinterpretation.)These even t s , however, a r e s t i l l important as symbols.

His tory i s manipulate&by a l l e t h n i c communities a s a means t o g a i n and

j u s t i f y t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and economic p o s i t i o n s vis-2-vis o t h e r communities. In*

t h i s way h i s t o r y is no longer simply a n event s t r u c t u r e bu t becomes a n

in f luence on e t h n j c i t y and -c lass as it is under con t inya l r e v i s i o n and

r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t o f i t s p e c i f i c i n t e r k s t s and contexts .

On t h i s b a s i s I s h a l l a t tempt t o provide a n examination of t h e s

h i s t o r i c a l framework of e t h n i c and c l a s s a s s o c i a t i o n and c o n f l i c t s i n t h e

Timmins a r e a . This w i l l involve a n examination o f t h e mining region from i t s

incep t ion t o t h e modern per iod . This is necessary i n o rde r t o o u t l i n e t h e

h i s t o r y and t o a l low t h e r eade r t o understand t h e in f luences on p resen t -- day

e thn ic r e l a t i o n s i n t h i s comuni ty . While I will assume a l i n e a r event

s t r u c t u r e i n t h i s p resen ta t ion it is hes t t o remember my previous

about the symbolism and manipulation of h i s t o ry and concede t h a t pa s t and

present a r e p a r t of t h e subject ive model I wish t o present .

2

Footnotes

-1- The community will be defined in terms of a concept of place, association and mind (~c~inney 1966: 103). It is not, however, limited to any single criterion. It is too often applied to human society in general but I will div0rce~i.t from this concept and apply the definition to an area of close spatial aid mental interaction as well as to a phenomenon of scale. As a result it may apply to the community of Timmins, an ethnic comunity (e .g . ~roatian) or a subsidiary community .of interest (eag. political) depending on

- .certain social, economic and political criteria.

2 -2- I will not be dealing solely with the concept of conflict but rather

with the idea of competition. Conflict implies an inappropriate advocatory role, a measurement of the 'correctness' of a position; strike is perceived as an unneccesary conflict because it goes against dominant socio-political interests. Competitibn, however, is defined in terms of a rivalry over recognized and valued prizes which take place over incompatible values, positions (under and overrepresentation) or resource scarcity (supply and demand) (Mack and Snyder 1957: 214).

-3- The group is a collection of individuals defined and characterized in relation to the interest they serve to fulfill (ethnic, class).

-4- The definition.of ethnic group is often a negative definition, i.e. an ethnic group consists of individuals who,are considered to be or considers themselves to be members of an ethnic.group. This forms a problematical definition since the group is to be identified by its difference from 'or lack of integration into modern society in ran cis 1976:119). To avoid this conflict I have chosen to view thekethnic group as a concept or consciousness which allows a potential for transformation between the individual-, community and group a all en m82 -37).

-5- This is a version of the internal colonialism model familiar to Plarxist theory in which the social system is formed of two unequal class

_ groups, although Porter (1960) calls them charter groups. In this instance the conflict between the two groups would not result in a class revolution but in the adoption of universal principles of achievement.

-5- A major problkm with the Flarxian studies is a restricted definition of class and therefore ethnicity. The defining of class has always been a major question for Marxists because even.Marx did not precisely define 'class', considering it to be more an objective conception to be defined by . economic analysis. He related it directly to his concepts'of i,he inevitable motion of events according to objective and primarilp, economic laws, the 3ialectical process and the resulting class struggle which kill reconcile the theory and practice of class revolution to a new classless society (~arr 1961 : 136-7).

I .

-7- A . R . ~ . Lower (1936) and H. Innis (1936) introduced the concept of 'metropolitanism', th'g effect of large eastern centres of commerce and industry on the frontier. The frontier was presented as a dependent variable and virtuall8all socio-economic dynamics were externalized.

-5- 1% is useful to acknowledge that there have been attempts to

-* - reconcile primordialist and 'instrumentalist' perspectives on ethnicity,

notably in van den Berghe 's (1981 ) recent book The Ethnic Phenomenon. The result, however, is far from satisfactory as it places the emphasisbn

A

sociobiologica~ theory and reduces ethnicity to "extensions of kinship relations. Ethnocentrism and racism are thus extended forms of nepotism the propensity to favor kin over nonkin. " (1981 : 18) Ethnicity (and race, which is treated as an aspect of ethnicity (1981:80)) is presented as the means through which individuals and groups maximize their reproductive capacity. EXhnic$ty is reduced to a mini - max struggle between genes; a biological fact bf life. This is a conceptual trap which even Van denJ3erghe admits when he attempts to extricate himself by recognizing that "common descent in ethnicity is often a fiction" (1981 :242) or "underlying ethnicity, wherever it is found, is some notion of shared ancestry, real or at least credibly putative" (1981 : 230). This equivocation removes biological awareness from its central perspective and largely destroys the point of the book which was to provide a sociobio~ogical theory of ethnicity,

-9- These were largely historical and self-serving general examinations of the successes of the ethnic group in Canada (~indal 1967; Gaida et a1 1967;

- - Makowski 1967; La Kos-Rabcewics-Zubkowski 1968; Spada 1969). They were tomes on assimilation, justifying the ethnic group to Canadian society and itself; direct exhibitions of their successful participation in Canadian society according to the universal criteria of effort and achievement. The studies and ethnic celebrations, however, also served to emphasize an ethnic disassociation from the Canadian power structure by the need for such a demonstration (~ernandez 1978: 21 ) .

-10- Where there had previously been a dearth of ethnic research there is now a glut. But much of this is directed by government action and control of financial grants. The major academic influence on the field is the journal

A 'Canadian Ethnic Studies', which was formed in 1971 from the journal 'Slavs in Canada' after the government sponsored symposium on 'Languages and Cultures in Multi-Ethnic Societies'. The government gave grants to the jouknal and set the basic parameters of study. As a result the journal was initially less concerned with ethnicity then with the study of ethnic groups as interesting anomalies. Only in the last few years has the journal acquired a less circumspect presentation.

+ f . --__

-1 1- This is made apparent if we examine the new can- ethnic history series, 'Generations: A History of Canada's People', which is sponsored by the Multiculturalism Directorate, Department of the Secretary of State (~adecki and Heydenkorn 1976 ; Chimbos l:980 ; Lupul 1982; Rasporich 1982). Though these studies are far better than the Canada Ethnica series which preceded them, if only because they are written by social scientists (though the researchers are also largely'members of the respective ethnic groups studied), they attempt= to examine all the members of an ethnic group across Canada and the results- were, as one might expect, self-limiting. They became concerned with general trends which are common to the participants (history of the Mother Country, immigrati-language maintenance, religion, national organizations, literature and ethnic press, as well as social integration). Where the -

previous series had supported assimilation and successful participation accord,ing to universal criteria, the new series supported adaptation, multicultural integration, mutual enrichment and cultural heritage. No longer were the ethnic-s to be categorized as abnormal elements in Canadian society.

"r

- Nevertheless they continued to be culturally classified as'appendages to the charter groups. Their history was separate from Canadian history. Thgy also continued to be perceived as apolitical for though political action and interests are mentioned in the-studies they are limited to. an ineffectual examination of the internal dynamics of intragroup divisions along relJgious and nationalist lines (~himbos 1980 : 72-104).

-12- Responses against the proscribed nature of multicultural policy, besides liberal and Marxist criticisms which have ulterior mo-t-ives, have occured only in recent years a ah lie and Fernando 1981: 1; Peter 1981; Reitz

- 1981).

-13- Burnet's view of ethnicity is largely based on the objective model, although she allows that ethnicity is flexible and no longer ascribed or tied to bases such as language ( 1976 : 25) . She has begun to introduce sub jectiye criteria in the examination of ethnicity but still feels it necessary t6' retreat into universal standards and conformity.

-, -14- Kallen, like Bell (l974), however, accepts that' it is a recent organizational strategy resolving the conflict between an expressive collectivity (gemeinschaft) and an instrumegtal competition for material and political resources (gesellschaft) in modern society (1982: 62). Her resulting model continues to rely on objective criteria and class relationships while ethnicity is presented as a modern phenomenon which may wax and wane according to needs and goals (1982:81). Neverthel ss, Kallen has shown the need for a dynamic perspective which takes note of: c7-u bjective and objective< criteria.

-15- Ogmundson (1977) h&s commented that these "official versLonsW of local history art+ wholly inappropriate sources .of inf~rmation because of their bias which "engender perpatual distortions" (1977:253). The view of history "from t top" does of course serve "establishment interests" but no more so than higory "from the bottom" serves. non-establishment (i . e . ethnic) interests. It is the tension between these two interests which is of importance rather than the information itself. -I

-16- To fulfill some of the requirements of a social survey, quantification, representativeness and specificity (pelto 1970:100-101), we also developed a return-mail questionnaire. This was addressed to contemporary issues, especially of French - English relations. It was delivered on a computer created random basis and filled a gap in our participant research. You will not, however, find it being fully utilized in this analysis for a number of reasons. One is that I greatly suspect the reliability of the questionaire whTle I do not suspect my own re55arch. This suspicion is related - to the fact we received only about a 28% reten rate (~udman and Bradburn 1982:276). While this is considered a good r&e of return by statisticikcns it did not prevent results from being skewed in favour of the educated, who were more apt to diligently fill th-e questionnaire and return it, and against the miners, the ethnics and the elderly who were not as likely to answer the questions because they were gither uninterested, unable or suspicious of our mb4s+i3 s .

i.

- , -

' FIGURE 1 The Province of Ontario

FIGURE 2 Northeastern ~ntario . , ..

- ONTARIO I Q U ~

Rock Falla I I

I ~

nc

orp

ora

ted

19

73

T

own

s 1

-m

jo

y

2-T

imm

lns

3-S

chu

mac

her

4

-so

uth

p4

cu

pin

e

5-P

orc

uD

inI

Mu

nic

ipa

l B

ou

nd

ary

- - - -

TUR

NB

ULL

CA

RSC

AL

LE

N

FIG

UR

E

3 T

he

Mu

nic

ipa

lity

of

Tim

rnin

s

~ i . FOUNDATIO~ OF THE CMP &

The Beginning o f I n t e r e t h n i c Competition -

I n t h e l a t t e r p a r t of t h e n ine t een th century t h e a r e a now known as -

-

Northeas te rn Ontar io w a s under d i s p u t e as t h e provinc ia l 'governments of

On ta r io and ~ u e b e c v i e d f o r c o n t r o l of t h i s , a s y e t , unclaimed no r the rn

h i n t e r l a n d . The Quebec governmqnt wished t o a c q u i r e t h e a r e a d r a i n i n g i n t o B

"

~ & e s sky f o r expansion of i t s a g r i c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s c o l o n i e s ( ~ o d ~ i n s

1976: 11). The Ontar io government 's i n t e r e s t w a s a d i r e c t response t o t h e I'

Qiebec government 's i n t e r e s t . Even when t h e p r o v i n c i a l boundary was f i n a l i z e d -

- -

i n 1884, i n O n t a r i o ' s f avour , t h i s d i d not remove t h e a r e a from content ion as

t h e t e r r i t o r y of Nor the rn o r 'New (Nouvel) ' Ontar io conLinued t o be con te s t ed

i n t h e i z t e r e s t s of P r o t e s t a n t i s m v e r s u s Cathol icism, Engl i sh ve r sus French, =.

-

I n d u s t r i a l i s m ve r sus Agr i cu l tu re and Urbanism ve r sus Ruralism (Tucker -

1 9 7 8 ~ 6 ) . Th i s c o n t e s t , however, was soon complicated by t h e i n t r u s i o n of

masses of f o r e i g n immigrants. The t r a d i t i o n a l Engl i sh - F r e n c k c o n f l i c t s of i ', I

t h e area>became of secondary importance t o new c l a s s and e t h n i c

compet i t ions . -

! Few o t h e r a r e a s of Canada were t o become d iv ided economical ly, between i

I

c a p i t a l i s t English and French Canadians and p r o l e t e r i a n e t h n i c s , a n d -

p o l i t i c a l l y , between a powerful Anglo - Franco a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e and e t h n i c #

- communities whose a c c e s s t o economic and p o l i t i c a l power was r e s t r i c t e d by '

--

these-same s t r u c t u r e s . The f a c t o r s which brought about t h i s d i v i s i o n were t h e +%

r e a c t i o n s o f English and French Canadians t o what they came t o perce ive as

i n t r u s i o n s a g a i n s t t h e i r ma jo r i t y s t a t u s

t h e response of immigrants who went from

e t h n i c and c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . Th i s was t h e

and dominan* group power as w e l l as

be ing s o j o u r n e r s t o suppor t e r s of

key a l t e r a t i o n t h a t occured i n . t h i s

I formationary per iod of t h e Porcupine Camp.

-

Thi s development w a s brought about when, i n t h e e a r l y y e a r s of t h e -

t w e n t i e t h cen tu ry , the On ta r io government, responding t o t h e succes s of Quebec

c o l o n i z a t i o n p o l i c i e s O t r t ~ ~ ~ o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l border 'Ghich added

t o t h e paranoia endemic -& English-Ontar io s o c i e t y a t t h e t u r n of t h e

rP century), agreed t o b u i l ifi a ra i lway t o channel English immigrant f a rmers i n -

o r d e r t o h inde r t h e f u r t h e r expansion of French Canadian f a rmers and -

Cathol icism so t h a t t hey would no t g a i n ma jo r i t y s t a t u s i n t h e r eg ion -

( ~ o d ~ i n s 1976 : 3 ) . The government, unable t o i n t e r e s t p r i v a t e investment

c a p i t a l i n a " ra i lway t o nowhere", was f o r c e d t o f i n a n c e t h e p r o j e c t i t s e l f -

and i n 1902 inco rpora t ed 'The Temiskaming and Northern On ta r io Railway -

(T&NO) - ' ('T'ucker 1978: 13 ) . b -

Work began on May 10 , 1903 and by October t h e r a i lway reached mi le 1 0 2 . C- -

where-traces of t h e mine ra l ' c o b a l t ' were d i s c o ~ e r e d & ~ d t h e town of Cobalt -

w a s founded. A major f i n d of s i l v e r w a s soon d iscovered i n t h e same a r e a . The

f i n d was of such s i z e and importance t h a t i n a few s h o r t months t h e complete

r a i s o n - d ' e t r e of t h e ra i lway and no r the rn c o l o n i z a t i o n had changed from

a g r i c u l t u r a l t o minera l e x t r a c t i o n . The T&NO w a s no longe r t o >e a road f o r

f a rmers , tradesmen and s m a l l s c a l e en t r ep reneur s b u t was t o become a road f o r -

p r o s p e c t o r s , miners and f i n a n c i e r s ('Tucker 1978:147. The b a s i s of competi t ion

was a l s o t o be changed from a n Angl'o - Franco c o n t e s t t o a c o n t e s t between

h --

Anglo c a p i t a l i s m , supported i n p a r t by French Canadians, and immigrant

workers.

Cobal t was impor tan t because it was t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t i n t h e change

\ - - -

towards l a r g e - s c a l e c a p i t a l i s m and e t h n i c c o n f l i c t i n t h e n o r t h e a s t a r e a of -

Ontar io . Cobalt was a "poor man's mining camp" as it requ i r edpon ly l i m i t e d

equipment and inves tment f o r major f o r t u n e s t o be made. The l a r g e s t mineowner

i n t h e Cobal t , and l a t e r t h e Porcupine Camp, was a French Canadian, Noah

1 .

(NO& ) Tirnmins, ~ e f o r e t h e d i scove ry of s i l v e r i n Cobalt he had been a -

s to rekeepe r i n Mattawa when he bought an i n t e r e s t i n t h e s i l v e r c laim of a -

prospec to r who happened t o come i n t o h i s s t o r e (~imm'ins 1935:3-53).

The mines w6re e x p l o i t e d w i t h a minimum of l abour and a maximum of -

r e t u r n a l lowing small i n v e s t o r s t o c a p i t a l i z e f o r more c o s t l y deeper

e x t r a c t i o n . Cobalt produced a whole gene ra t ion of p r o s p e c t o r s , miners and

f i n a n c i e r s who spread throughout Nor theas te rn Ontar io . But a l l t h e camps t h a t

would f o l l o w , e s p e c i a l l y t h e Porcupine, were t q b e " r i c h man's camps" where --

l a r g e amounts of c a p i t a l and a l a r g e , s t eady l abour supply w a s necessary

(1nn i s 1936 : 322) . Thi s f u r t h e r e d c o n d i t i o n s i n which p rev ious Engl i sh - French

c o n f l i c t s became of secondary importance t o c l a s s and e t h n i c c o n f l i c t s as t h e

ma jo r i t y of t h e l abour w a s t o be supp l i ed by European immigrants while 5 -4

dominant group s t a t u s was co-opted by English Canadians.

I n a s h o r t tTme from 1907 t o 1910 t h e major,mines of t h e Porcupine Camp,

i nc lud ing t h e Dome, t h e Ho l l inge r and t h e McIntyre, were found - - by p rospec to r s

( f i g . 4 ) . The p rospec to r s and t h e manner of t h e i r d i s c o v e r i e s , whether by .. -

i n t e n t o r a c c i d e n t , by t h e i r own gen ius o r luok , were t o become quasi-mythical --

f i g u r e s i n t h e ~ o r c u ~ i n e Camp though few were t o b e n e f i t f i n a n c i a l l y from - -

t h e i r d i s c o v e r i e s . The names of Harry P res ton , d i scove r o f - t h e Dome, Alex -

G i l l i e s and Benny Ho l l inge r , d i s c o v e r e r s of t h e Hol l inger and Sandy McIntyre, . .

d i scove r of t he ~ c ~ n t ~ r e mine,> were t o be l e s s important as pure ly h i s t o r i c a l

f i g u r e s t han as p a r t of t h e prop$ie ta ry support f o r English Canadian hegemony ,

i n t h e community. The i r s t o r i e s and presence*from t h e beginning appeared t o

-

.. f - 63 -

g ive t h e r i g h t of d i scove ry and t h e -

o t h e r groups, t o Eng l i sh Canadians. -

It is i n t e r e s t i n g t o no te t h a t a

gold d i s c o v e r e r s i n t h e Porcupine were

Johan Pennanen, who made a s u b s t a n t i a l

1907. The i r presence should have g iven

r i g h t . t o e x p l o i t a t i o n , o f mine ra l s and - -

good case 'can be made t h a t t h e first

i n f a c t two F inns , V i h t o r i Matson and

go ld d iscovery a t Night -

t h e ~ i n n i s h community i n t h e Porcupine

a l a r g e degree of h i s t o r i c a l importance and j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a p r o p r i e t a r y

s t a t u s b u t it was t h e Engl i sh Canadians who acqu i r ed t h i s r i g h t . It is a l s o

symbol ica l ly s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t t h e names of Matson and Pennanen r a r e l y s u r f a c e --

i n l o c a l h i s t o r i e s and when t h e y do they a r e o f t e n mispe l l ed (Harry Banela,

Benal la , Pene l l a f o r Johan ~ e n n a n e n ) o r a n g l i c i z e d tor Mansen, Mausen o r

Mattson f o r V i h t o r i at son) o r t hey g o unacknowledged as Finns ( ~ i l l i a r n s o n 0

1954 : 46/ Barnes 1975: 19) except w i t h i n t h e i r own e t h n i c community. - 1

A s soon as t h e mining c la ims were made ~ m e r i c a n and Engl i sh Canadian d

f i n a n c e c a p i t a ; l i s t s began t o move i n and buy claims and s e l l mining s tock -

sha re s . New towns i t e s sprang up overn ight as l a r g e numbers of people fol lowed -

t h e promise of t h e boom ( ~ i m m i n s 1935:354). F inns and Ukrainians from t h e

s m a l l no r the rn lumber and ra i lway camps came t o secure s t a b l e employment, away

from t h e i n s t a b i l i t y of s e a s o n a l employment and t h e i s o l a t i p n o r t h e camps -

-

( ~ r a d w i n 1928) . I t a l i a n s came i n w i th t h e ra i lway they had helped t o c o n s t r u c t

i n t o t h e no r th . French Canadians came up from t h e s m a l l e r towns and " s e t t l e m e n t s t o t h e s o u t h e a s t . ~ n ~ l i s h r ; l e n came from Southern Ontar io and

Cobal t . The mines, however, were s e l e c t i v e o f who they h i r e d . Pa radox ica l ly --

-

t h e i r s e l e c t i o n w a s i n f avour of t h e immigrants and a g a i n s t t h e Engl i sh

Canadian miners f o r r ea sons which had become ev iden t i n t h e Cobalt mines.

The Cobalt miners hdd inc luded some immigrants, e s p e c i a l l y F inns from

t h e c e n t r a l United S t a t e s and Ukrainians who had moved up from t Q e Sudbury

mines, b u t most were Americans and Engl i sh Canadians from Nova S c o t i a (1nn i s

1936: 326). On March 29, 1906 t h e miners formed l o c a l 146 of t h e 'Western

Fede ra t ion s f Miners Union' (WM) t o promote t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . On J u l y 8, 190!7,

when a new wage and working cond i t i on s c a l e came i n t o e f f e c t , which decreased

t h e p9y of many of t h e miners , t h e union went out on s t r i k e . Three-quarters o f

, t h e miners jo ined t h e a c t i o n ( ~ o g a n 1980:17). The s t r i k e , however, d i d not '&

succeed and t h e men slowly d r i f t e d back t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n s by October of t h e

same yea r . The mine managers responded by d i s p l a c i n g t h e s k i l l e d and unionized '

Americans -- and Engl i sh Canadians by i n c r e a s i n g numbers of u n s k i l l e d F inns , -

Ukrain ians and P o l e . ~ (who were a l s o mostly ~ k r a i n i a n s ) whose presence , i t .was

thought by mine management, w u l d guarantee t h e absence - of union a c t i v i t y

because t h e immigrants were known f o r t h e i r r e luc t ance t o j o i n unions and

w i l l i n g n e s s t o work f o r l e s s pay- t han t h e Canadian miners (1nn i s 1936:353).

The mine companies throughout t h e n o r t h began a c t i v e l y r e c r u i t i n g

immigrant workers t o supply t h e cheap and compliant l abour t hey f e l t w a s

i necessary f o r t h e i r succes s ( ~ r a d w i n 1928:2?9; Avery 1979~25-9 ) . The mines s e n t

d

agen t s t o Europe and pa id them accord ing t o t h e number of immigrants they *

i i

could g a t h e r and send t o t h e camps. The i m m i g r a n t ~ ~ b e g a n t o be d i r e c t e d t o 1

jobs i n t h e no r the rn camps by immigration agen t s i n t h e i r own c o u n t r i e s and

p l a c e s of depa r tu re and by a g e n t s a t t h e i r p o i n t s of embarkation.

The only jobs a v a i l a b l e t o t h e immigrants i n t h e n o r t h , i s o l a t e d from

t h e d i v e r s e jobs of t h e urban sou th , were those where w i l l i n g n e s s t o work I

under adve r se c o n d i t i o n s was t h e only measure-of a c c e p t a b i l i t y . The mines, as

a r e s u l t , were t o become t h e major conduit of immigrant employment. I n Ontar io

48: of t h e mine workers i n . t h e e a r l y yea r s of t h e century were ibceign-born,

one of t h e lowest of any o t h e r province , bu t most of t h e s e were concent ra ted 4

i n t h e n o r t h which " (g)ave t h a t r eg ion a d i s t i n c t i v e l y "non-Canadian - \

-

non-British" cha rac t e r " v very 1979 r 30). -

The emphasis on immigrant l abour is t h e Poreup i r e Cam6 was d i r e c t l y

l i n k e d t o t h e f a i l u r e of union a c t i v i t y i n Cobal t . A s a r e s u l t o f t h e i l l f a t e d

1907 Cobalt s t r i k e and t h e low p r i c e of silver,unemployment was h igh i n

Cobalt and many miners moved on t o t h e Porcupine Camp. But t h e mine management

i n t h e Porcupine Camp were most ly English Canadians from Cobal t who d i d n o t

want t o h i r e Canadian and American miners who might p r e s s f o r b e t t e r working

c o n d i t i o n s , i nc reased wages and union recognit ion. .They chose i n s t e a d t o h i r e

immigrants f o r t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e lower p o s i t i o n s i n t h e mines and

non-unionist B r i t i s h Canadians f o r s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s . It was t h u s s a i d Bf t h i s -

-

pe r iod i n t h e Porcupine mines t h a t , " ( t ) h e l a r g e element of f o r e i g n l abour i n -

--

t h e camp practically-precludes a s u c c ~ s f u l s t r i k e be ing made" (1nn i s

1936: 353) . The f o r e i g n workers were seen as so jou rne r s wi th no connect ion t o

t h e union movement o r Canadian s o c i e t y . They were h i r e d by t h e bosses as cheap

p l i a b l e l abour and were i n t u r n v i l i f i e d by Engl i s Canadian workers f o r \

s e l l i n g themselves cheaply and b r i n g i n g down wages. ( ~ r a d w i n 1928 : 182).

Handlin (1951 ) has argued t h a t most immigrants a r e conse rva t ive ' i n t h e i r

p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l ou t look due t o t h e i r peasant o r i g i n s w i th i t s emphasis on r

t r a d i t i o n and a u t h o r i t y . Immigration was s a i d t o s e r v e t o a l i e n a t e and make

them more conse rva t ive (1951:8). According t o t h i s viewpoint e t h n i c groups a r e -

t r a n s p l a n t e d whole i n t o a new environment which they can no t d e a l with - F

e f f e c t i v e l y u n t i l t h e i r i n e v i t a b l e a s s i m i l a t i o n t o t h e g e n e r a l s o c i e t y . They

a r e never supposed t g have a n e f f e c t on t h a t s o c i e t y . They a r e simply

s o j o u r n e r s , e i t h e r mig ra t ing and qu ick ly r e t u r n i n g home, o r immigrat ing and

quick ly a s s i m i l a t i n g (Harney and Troper 1975).

Th i s theory s a y s . l i t t l e about t h e a b i l i t y of t h e s e migrants and

immigrants t o a d a p t , e i t h e r by r e s t r u c t u r i n i familiar systams of adjustment

i 4 1

(e.g. t h e v i l l a g e enc l ave a p p l i e d t o a n urban i n d u s t r i a l c e n t e r ) o r developing

new a l l i a n c e s of p o l i t i c a 1 , s o c i a l and economic ~ i g n i f i c ~ n c e %o themselves and

t h e h o s t s o c i e t y . The f a c t t h a k t h e s e people had emigrated showed l e s s about

t h e i r conse rva t iveness t han of a n a b f l i t y t o a l t e r t h e i r c i rcumstances - - and

seek changes f o r t h e i r own b e n e f i t i n a new environment.

The immigrants were t o appear meek and mild i n " n o t immediately j o i n i n g

t h e new i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s of change such as unions and r a d i c a l

p o l i t i c a l movements b u t t h i s w a s due as much t o t h e s t r u c t u r e ' o f t hose

movements as they found thep , which d i d not wish t o i nc lude immigrants, as t o

any i n t e r n a l d o c i l i t y and acceptance of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s . I n a s h o r t t ime t h e s e

same immigrants became t h e foundat ion of new e t h n i c and r a d i c a l c l a s ? i

movements. They were t h e n t o be perce ived as 'dangerous f o r e i g n e r s ' ; t h r e a t s i t i:

t o s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l ba l ance of ~ a i a d i a n s o c i e t y . The beginning of t h i s ! i

t r ans fo rma t ion on t h e l o c a l - l e v e l came a f t e r t h e 1911 f i r e which des t royed t h e $

Porcupine Camp. 1 Res t ruc tu r ing of t h e Camp

3 I

1 , Perhaps no s i n g l e event s t a n d s g r e a t e r i n t h e thought of t h e i n h a b i t a n t s 1

--

of t h e Porcupine Camp, both-as a t ragedy and a marker of i d e n t i t y , t han t h e

Grea t F i r e of 1911, On J u l y 11 , 1911, du r ing an extremely d ry summer, a s t r o n g --

wind whipped f lames from a small bush f i r e i n t o a f u l l i n f e r n o which scoured

t h e Porcupine a r e a . The t o t a l d e a t h s were recorded as seventy- three b u t t h i s

inc luded only those whose bod ie s could be found and i d e n t i f i e d . It d i d not

k i nc lude many more who had been i n t h e bush. Some e s t i m a t e s p u t t h e f i n a l dea th

t o l l i n t h e 200 - 300 range ( ~ i m m i n s 1935:360; Caesar l 939 : lb ) .

I f the-1911 F i r e had any immediate b e n e f i t i t was t o l a y b a r e t h e land

and show t h a t t h e minera l d e p o s i t s , e s p e c i a l l y a t t h e Ho l l inge r , were f a r more

ex tens ive than imagined. The towns and mines were soon r e b u i l t . The mihes,

- 67 -

however, began t o e x e r c i s e t h e i r i n f luence more e f f e c t i v e l y and the r e b u i l d i n g

was t o t h e i r advantage ,

Noah Timmins dec ided t o c r e a t e a new town; ,one n e a r e r t o t h e Ha l l i nge r -

Mine and under i ts i n f l u e n c e . The town of Timmins w a s founded i n 1911 under

h i s d i r ec tLon , He gave t h e town i t s name, l a i d o u t i t s s t r e e t s and p u t t h e

l a n d up f o r s a l e . On Labour Day, 1911 a n a u c t i o n of town S o t s w a s h e l d and t h e ? .

town of Timmins was inco rpora t ed January 1 , 1912 wi th a popu la t ion o f 600

( ~ a l u d i k 1967 r 3) . 1

5

Timmins w a s no t t o be a company town i n t h e s t r i c t sense of t h e term b u t

Noah Timmins d i d wish t o c r e a t e a s t a b l e community. Th i s was t h e e r a when t h e

change towards f u l l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was beginning b u t on ly f u l l i n d u s t r i a l

c a p i t a l i z a t i o n would a l l o w t h e development of t r u e company towns. The

. Porcupine Camp w a s caught i n t h e middle of t h 5 s t r ans fo rma t ion wi th one f o o t

i n t h e realm of independent en t r ep reneur sh ip and- the 'poor camp', where most

people could make money quick ly by s e l l i n g o r working t h e i r c la ims o r by

o f f e r i n g s e r v i c e s such as food, l odg ing o r i l l e g a l l iquo , r , and t h e ' r i c h

camp', as t h e go ld found i n t h e Porcupine was low grade r a t h e r t han v e i n and

major o u t l a y s of c a p i t a l were nece'ssary f o r labour and machinery. d

The mines soon came t o c o n t r o l even t h e p o l i t i c a l l i f e of t h e camp.

While t hey never d i r e c t l y e l e c t e d t h e town c o u n c i l s t h e i r men e f f e c t i v e l y

c o n t r o l l e d t h e proceedings . The c o u n c i l s cons i s t ed of p r o f e s s i o n a l s (doc to r s

and lawyers ) .and en t r ep reneur s who were o f t e n acclaimed wi thout e l e c t i o n s . A

- small quorum of t h e mine ' s own men e l e c t e d t h e boards of educa t ion i n p a r t

because , the e l e c t i o n s were h e l d on midnight New Year ' s Eve wi thout t h e b e n e f i t

of p u b l i c i t y . Town b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t s a l s o began t o go t o mine sanc t ioned . .

i n d i v i d u a l s l i k e Leo Masc io l i , o f t e n witQout t e n d e r s , L

The Porcupine Camp w a s o f f i c i a l l y re-opened March 28, 1912 when t h e Dome .

3 Mine began o p e r a t i o n s and t h e Porcupine Advance newspaper began pub l i sh ing and

i

announced "The B i r t h of t h e Porcupine". The Dome threw open i t s doors t o t h e 1 4

g e n e r a l p u b l i c . P r i v a t e t r a i n c a r s f u l l of i n v e s t o r s from Toronto, ~ o n t r e a l , + 1

- i Ottawa and Chicago came t o examine t h e mines. People commented on t h e f a c t 1 t h a t s o many d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s and immigrant groups were rubbing shou lde r s ;

1 I

' a l l had a n i n t e r e s t i n t h e new camp.

Bankers a n d m i i l i o n a i r e s mingled-with t h e humblest p rospec to r , Jew and Genti le . , Po le s , Po l locks , Polanders , Swedes, I t a l i a n s , Russians, Americans, Eng l i sh , I r i s h , Scotch and French -- a i l u n i t e d as one mighty n a t i o n t o do honor t o t h e Grea t Porcupine Gold Camp. (porcupine Advance 5 A p r i l 1912, p .4)

* * The r a i lways a d v e r t i z e d t h e b e n e f i t s t o be found i n t h e r i c h new minera l .C

a r e a of Northern Ontar io . They even made t h e cosmopolitan c h a r a c t e r of t h e ! J ? ?

- -Porcupine Camp a s e l l i n g p o i n t . i

The, crowd i s most cosmopoli tan i n c h a r a c t e r . Mining eng inee r s whd $

have had exper ience i n a l l p a r t s of t h e worltl; hardy p rospec to r s ; ! workmen of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s ; Chinamen i n t h e laundry bus ines s ;

t

& : Swedes and I t a l i a n s ; h-dians -- a l l rub shou lde r s i n t h i s i i n t e r e s t i n g new s e t t l e m e n t . r rand Trunk 1912: 8)

I n s p i t e of i n i t i a l problems people f l ocked t o t h e camp. 2 They could I

l' 1

no t be d issuaded from t h e d e s t i n y they saw (or were in f luenced t o see) as

i n e v i t a b l e t o t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e nor th land . Advert isements by t h e mine

companies and r a i lways po in t ed ou t t h e g r e a t p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r a g r i c u l t u r e and

minera l weal th.

THE HAND OF DESTINY has decreed g r e a t t h i n g s f o r t h e Northland of On ta r io , I n i t s v a s t unpeopled s t r e t c h e s a combination of n a t u r a l r e sou rces has been assembled i n such a way as t o i n d i c a t e t h a t i n p roces s of t ime New Ontar io w i l l support a n immense popula t ion . Mineral weal th i n abundance l i e s imprisoned i n t h e s o l i d rock t h a t h i t h e r t o has been regarded as an impassable b a r r i e r t o p rog res s . Right a t hand foam r e s i s t l e s s w a t e r f a l l s , which, when harnessed , a r e powerful t o wres t t h e p rec ious metals f r o m ' t h e i r g r a n i t e p r i son . Rich a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d s k i r t s t h e minera l a r e a s , with ..-<-,

p o t e n t i a l i t y f o r t h e suppor t of m i l l i o n s of i n d u s t r i a l workers. rand Trunk 191 2 : 5)

%

h he vcs ion of m i l l i o n s of workers supp l i ed Qy thousands of l o c a l farms

w a s a s t r o n g one f o r t h e p r & i n c i a l government i n Toronto f o r a major aim of '

t h e Temiskaming and Northern- f ia i l rbad remained t o b r i n g lh large numbers af

s e t t l e r s , a s i n t h e P r a i r i e s . The rai lway d i d hot have t h e l a r g e t r a c t s of P '7

l and t h a t the.Canadian P a c i f i c had acqui red a s a concession i n t h e west t o s e t e

off expenses b u t , as a government owned ra i lway, they were con$rol led,by wider

i d e o l o g i e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e f o r e s t a l l i n g of t h e expansion of t h e French

Canadians i n t h e nor th ( ~ u c k e r 1978 : 4 1. Although nor thern Ontar io se t t l emen t

p o l i c i e s were o r i g i n a l l y designed f o r B r i t i s h immigrants, t h e 'yoeman' farmer

types , t h i s was soon extended t o q+low genera l s e t t l emen t f o r a l l who were

i n t e r e s b d and t h e immigrants soon became t h e major s e t t l e r s i n $he Porcupine

a r e a ( ~ o w e r 1936 : 84-8) . These immigrants, however, turned t o homesteading only as a part- t ime

o c c u p a t i o n ~ a l o n g wi th mining o r while wai t ing f o r a job. The T&NO brought i n

immigrants who were supposedly experienced a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s but-were

e s s e n t i a l l y Finns, Scandinavians and Ukrainians experienced i n bushwork and i

who supp l i ed necessary- labour ( ~ v e r ~ 1979:24-5). These homesteads were l e s s . d

' a g r i c u l t u r a l farms than simply t imber farms whereby t h e i n d i v i d u a l would c u t

t h e t imber , s e l l it and abandon t h e l and (Kent 1966:120). The Finns became,

e s p e c i a l l y adept a t c l e a r i n g t h e l and and r e a l i z e d t h e t r u e na ture of t h e

a g r i c u l t u r a l system f o r they c a l l e d themselves "stump farmers (kantofarmari)"

( ~ i n d s t r o m - ~ e s t 1981a: 7-8).

Despite lark" s (1971 :91) a s s e r t i o n s , i n t h i s e a r l y pe r iod a t l e a s t , t h e

French Canadian a g r i c u l t u r a l s e t t l e m e n t s i n t h e Porcupine a r e a were not t h e

major o r only such s e t t l e m e n t s f o r t h e r e were l a r g e F inn i sh as we l l as a few i

Ukrainian se t t l emen t s . - The majori'ty of French Canadians were-in f a c t i n t h e

towns, e s p e c i a l l y ~ L i n s . The French Canadian middle c l a s s were i n T

advantageous p o s i t i o n s i n t h e towns and many became owners of es tabl i shments v .

h

or clerks at others. They gained a number oT positions in administration and

political office in alliance with the English Canadians. In contrast to the I

vehement* Anglo reactions against the French Canadians to the south, the d

%rcupine Camp became relatively open to their inclusion in the authority

structure especially as some, such as Noah Timmins, were the leading citizens

in the camp. The mutual alliance Between the English and French Canadians - became necessary against increasing ethnic competition for economic and

political power, -

A clos relationship developed between the mines and the churches, whose i 1

land was often donated by the "mines, which aided the alliance between French-. i 1

and English Canadians, especially on an elite level. There were as yet no

ethnic churches in the Porcupine, except among the Frendh and English

\ Canadians, and many immigrants were reluctant to see any develop because of f i

i 1 feelings against the churches in their Those that needed j

t either waited for a visiting Protestant and i

I

. Catholic CHurches; Finns went to the Protestant church and Ukrainians to the 1

P i -

Catholid church. i d

The Catholic,clergy were led by the charismatic Father Charles-Eugene \ 1

L i Theriault who set up the first Catholic Church, Saint-Antoine-de-Padoue, and

almost singlehandedly built the parish structure in the Porcupine Camp. His ,

influence in the camp cut across religious differences as he was a beloved a

character of both the English and French-Canadians in the community and.acted

as an effective bridge between them. He was an individual who could talk to a

the mine managers a any time and get large donations whenever he'needed money 1. 9 -

for the church. He gave French Canadians a great deal of authority and power

in the community simply by his- presence. The alliance between the French and

English Canadians could have been dissolved a numbe? of times on a number of

-

en t i s sue s but f o r The r i au l t ' s inf luence and paramouncy i n t he

community . ' C

. i

on; English Cangdian, who had been to school inbCobalt and was ,in t he \

Porcuphe during and a f t e r t h e 1911 Fi r e , commented on t he French - English' C. ' c-

a l l i a n c e by observing t h a t whereas i n Cobalt t he r e was a l o t of animo$5ty v

+ ' , between t he French and W l i s h , Catholics and -P ro t e s t an t s , t he r e &s no

conparable t rouble i n t h e Porcupine. An e lde r l y French Canadian informai t n

s imi l a r l y commented t h a t "Ther6 w a s no idea of b i l i e l o r Catholic o r -

< it

Pro tes tan t (back then) - no one asked you." This was i n l a rge p a r t due t o t he A%

f a c t t h a t t he English were i n f i rm con t ro l i n Ontario; 1 e g i s l a t i o n . m ~ .

- -

4 ntroduced i n 1912 t o r e s t r i c t t he use of the French language i n t h e schdol ,

system. gu t it was a l s o a r e s u l t of t he uni4ue nature of t h e a l l i a n c e i n t he - ' a

Porcupink Camp. The a l l i ance , basgd as it Gs 6n t he inf luence of t he milpe;,

maintained an e l i t e accommodation and Anglo dominanca which was t o hold

aga ins t , the increas ing e thn ic and c l a s s consc$ousness of t h e imi i iqan t * 7 -I L

I G workers. a . -

, /' ?- -%

had c k a t e d t h e i n t i a l boom 7

and i nves to r s had supp l ied . the f i n a n c e d f o ? developmen). Success, how ver , P 'depended upon-finding and holding a che%p but s k i l l e d supply of-labour t o a -,

'4 r a t h e r remote region where few Canadians thought of s taying. Canadians had ,

al ready b u i l t up a bad r epu t a t i qn .as they would not t o l e r a t e low wages gnd

could u t i l i z e t he p ress t o focus publ ic a t i e n t i o n on t h e i r grievances ( ~ v e r ~ -

0 -

1979: 25). .it kas thus t h e immi&ant.r r hhwere t o supply t he majori ty of the -L

-- - - - - - - -

necessary labour. - But t h e terms ' immigrant ' soon csme t b mean a c l a s s

d i s t i n c t i o n a s we l l i f o r it came t o include many B r i t i s h and French Canadians

a t the l o w e r e i d o f t he s o c i a l s t r a t a as well as immigrant fore igners . . .

Fzvm' t heAbeg iming a c l a s s . s t r u c t u r e was be ing consc ious ly and b -

unconsciously ddeveloped7by t h e mine companies as they r e b u i l t and s t a r t e d

product ion . The Porcupine mines were' managed from t h e o u t s e t by Engl i sh

Canadians who had r e c e i v e d t h e i r exper ience i n t h e Cobalt s i l v e r mines and

been t ranfere 'd e n masse. These were i n d i v i d u a l s who were, and cont inued t o be ,

p a r t o f t h e same s o c i a l strata and member% of t h e same c lubs . Th i s was a n

e l i t e s o c i e t whose members d e f i n e d themselves, as one e l d e r l y Anglo informant - 2

remarked, as "clubh&" f o r c l u b membership-was equ iva l en t t o l o c a l e l i t e

membership and con;rol. . J

These c lubs include&&ch a< 'The . ~ a n a d i a n Club ' , t h e . v ?

l o c a l c h a p t e r of o b j e c t i v e of " .r3E

f o s t e r i n g a of E lks ' , a l s o /1

organized i n A p r i l 1912 and a n f ~ n z e ~ e n d e n t 0rde2 o f Oddfellows' lodge , <

c r e a t e d i n June 1912. There were a l s o c h a p t e r s of t h e 'Orangemen' and 'Masons'

which were t h e most powerful a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t h e - camp (porcupine Advance <'< > a I

1912). The e l i t e qu ick ly and e f f e c t i v e l y r e c r e a t e d t h e i r strata i n a n a r e a

which a s h o r t t ime b e f o r e had been only bush. Where housing f o r t h e workers

was l a c k i n g , c lubhouses f o r t h e management were n o t ,

J2arge s u b s t a n t i a l houses were a l s o b u i l t by mines f o r t h e i r s a l a r i e d

employees. The Ho l l inge r ' b u i l t t h e s e houses on a h i l l over looking Timmins. . &b

W e r s i n c e t h i s a r e a has been known a s 'The H i l l ' ; a n enc lave of upper c l a s s

Engl i sh P r o t e s t a n t mine management and p r p f e s s i o n a l s . Th i s began t h e 1-

. ,

formal ized development of e t h n i c enc laves . The mine d i d no+ b u i l t commensurate

accommodatidns f o r t h e i r workers who l i v e d i n shacks o r r e n t e d rooms o f t e n .

under abominable c o n d i t i o n s . " I n one house i n Timmins a lone s i x t two men were 1 1 i

r epo r t ed t o b e l i v i n g i n f i v e sma l l rooms (porcupine Advance 17 May 1912,

The working cond i t ions a t %he mines were no better-. Menworked-ten hour 'i \ -

< ,

days, some f o r seven days a week, under dangerous c o n d i t i o n s , Sazety equipmbnt

cons i s t ed of a s o f t f e l t h a t w h i c h y v i d e d l i t t l e p r o t e c t i o n from f k l l i y - rocks o r bumping i n t o overhead .obs t ruc t ions . Safe ty were wire mesh and r , . & f e t y boo t s s i m p l y l e a t h e r boots . The men used a candle i n t h e i r h a t s t o

provide il lumination.. B l a s t i n g and d r i l l i n g f i l l e d t h e a i r wi th d u s t p a r t i c l e s

whm brought on s i l i c o s i s . It - . was a r a r e man who could s u r v i v e f o r long under

those condi t ions . I n commenting on t h e acc iden t and death s t a t i s t i c s i n

ontar50 mines a '1914 r e p o r t s t a t e d t h a t one "cannot be s t r u c k by t h e l a r g e

percentage of fd re ign origin" ' ( ~ v e r ~ 1979:36). Thils w a s accepted as being due - -

4 t o t h e immigrant worker 's un fami l i a r i ty with t h e language, noncomprehension of

s>

orde r s and t o "mental traits", a t t r i b u t e s of i n d i v i d u a l s who had no recourse 1

t o p o l i t i c a l r ed ress . The companies were not about t o t s p e n d money on s a f e t y -

when it was e a s i e r t o r ep lace a dead worker.

One r e s u l t of t h i s e x p l o i t a t i o n was t h e development - of a s o l i d a r i t y -

which c u t a c r o s s t h e d i f f e r e n t groups who made u p a t h e l abour c l a s s . Avery *

(1979:37) s t r e s s e s t h a t it was a mat t e r of l a c k of s o l i d a r i t y between t h e C ;'J P* d i f f e r e n t immigrant groups wi th in a mine camp which allowed t h e mine managers

t o e x p l o i t t h e workers c a l l o u s l y . This was t o be a common development a t a . ( C -

l a t e r t ime bu t f o r now t h e immigrants began t o dev.elop new express ions of

c l a s s consciousness which became t h e b a s i s f o r i n t e r e t h n i c a l l i a n c e s a s we l l ' .

a s p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l a c t i o n . It wsuld be . the l a t e r responses of t h e mine Q

companies and t h e hos t s o c i e t y which would break down the& a l l i a n c e s and' then .

only p a r t i a l l y . C - r 0.

I n s t e a d of t h e non-involvement ybgch had beeh.commbn t o t h e i r previous j- -

r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e h o s t s o c i e t y , vikwing Canada l a r g e l y a s a n extens ion of a e

migratory p a t t e r n which focusea on improving (through revo lu t ion o r t h e ? / -

a c q u i s i t i o n of l and) t h e i r mother country and hxme ' v i l l a6 ;e t o which they would

r e t u r n , many began t o become committed p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e new s o c i e t y 4 I

(Harney and Troper 1975 : 3 ; V a s i l i a d i s 197'8). Their previous i n d i f f e r e n c e besame 5 XI

1 f

i ~ e p l a c e d by e n t h u s i a s t i c - .. a t t empts t o r e v i s e Canadian s o c i e t y t o t h e i r b e n e f i t . * ,

A t first they sought t o c a r r y ou t t h e i r goa l s under t h e in f luence of a wide -.

r a d i c a l c l a s s ideology b u t soon found themselves up a g a i n s t a number of

d i f f i c u l t i e s , both i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l , which n e c e s s i t a t e d t h e in t roduc t ion

of c e r t a i n e t h n i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s .

- ~ l a s s and Ethnic ~ a d i c a l A m

Many immigrants had experienced t h e r a d i c a l concepts of soc ia l i sm, ... i , 5

communism, t r a d e unianism and co-operativism i n t h e i r homelands but found t h a t I )i

t h i s meant l i t t l e i n t h e i r new environment. I n North America, and e s p e c i a l l y i

f' i 1

i n t h e f r o n t i e r mining a r e a s , t h e immigrant suppor te r s of c l a s s consciousness

i n i t i a l l y at tempted t o a l l y with t h e Canadian r a d i c a l s o c i a l i s t movement which 1

i sprang up a t t h e t u r n of t h e century i n response t o t h e chal lenge of t h e new i

f

i n d u s t r i a i i z a t i o n and u rban iza t ion of Canadian s o c i e t y ( ~ o r o w i t e l968:24). But "

t h e s e immigrants found t h a t t h e Canadian movement was no t i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e i r

support and was even l e s s i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e i r i d e a s * fo r a f u t u r e Canadian - s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y .

The q a j o r r a d i c a l f o r c e i n Canada a t t h e t u r n of t h e century was

- soc ia l i sm.and t r a d e unionism as in t roduced by B r i t i s h immigrants. Thei r i d e a s -. ,

were cohsidered t o be accep tab le i n Canadian s o c i e t y simply because thky were

B r i t i s h ( ~ o r o w i t z 1968:24). For t h e f i r s t decade of t h e twen t i e th century

, B r i t i s h c h e o r i e s were t o r u l e t h e s o c i a l i s t and r a d i c a l movement i n Canada. It ' / / ,' was a.movement which o f f e r e d immigrants l i t t l e except hope of a s s i m i l a t i o n t o

a f u t u r e Anglo Canadian s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y t o which they would continue t'o be

subservTent .

The primary

Canada (SPC) I,, d i d

s p e c i f i d problems

-

s o c i a l i s t o rgan iza t ion i n Canada, t h e ' S o c i a l i s t Pa r ty of '

not address itself t o t h e immigrants, unions .or t o t h e -

of t h e Canadian environment (~vakumovic 1975 : 2 Angus

1981:4). The immigrants could have - - o f f e r e d t h e p a r t y a l a r g e new mass of

support b u t they were conside'red p e r i p h e r a l t o t h e B r i t i s h Canadian def ined

movement and o f t en seen as a n t i t h e t i c a l .

', The Ukrainian r a d i c a l l e a d e r s h i p , e s p e c i a l l y , found themselves i n -

i nc reas ing c o n f l i c t wi th English ~ a n a d i s s i n t h e SPC. Avery (l979:60) s t a t e s

\ - t h k t t h i s was a r e s u l t of t h e "e thnocent r ic appeal of t h e Ukrainian

s o c i a l i s t s " --. . which brought them i n t o . c o n f l i c t with t h e Anglo saxon l eade r sh ip

but it w a s c l e a r t h a t t h e ethnocentr ism was more pronounced i n t h e English

Canadian s e c t i o n of t h e p a r t y . An a r t i c l e of October 1909 i n t h e Ukra in ian '

s o c i % l i s t paper Rabochy Narod (working people) a c e r b i c a l l y commented t h a t \

"some c h a u v i n i s t i c a l l y - i n c l i n e d - English comrades t r y t o push us a s ide" . The a

Ukrainians f e ' l t t h e i r membership f e e s only went t o support t h e English

. community while t h e i r own cornmuni t i e s ' " l i v e i n i l l i t e r a t e darkness" (~ rawchuk . \ .

19~9:'12-3). The " i r r e c o n c i l a b l e " r e l a t i o n s h i p Avery recognizes between t h e two

groups ;as not a problem of e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s but i n d i c a t i v e of a n inc reas ing \

immigrant disenchantment with t h e l i m i t e d and p a r o c h i a l c h a r a c t e r of t h e

B r i t i s h Canadian dominated S o c i a l i s t Pa f ty of,Canada.

The Finns were j u s t as disenkhanted and a t t h e 1908 Toronto convention \

of t h e S o c i a l i s t Pa r ty of Ontar io , which they h o s t e d , . t h e y at tempted t o ,

c r i t i c i s e t h e SPC f o r i t s parochial ism and o f fe red an a l t e r n a t i v e p la t form of

s o c i a l recorms. The Finns , however, were unsuccess fu l ' i n changing t h e SPC

platform and were condescendingly c r i t i c l z e d f o r " t h e i r c lannishness with so

few a b l e t o t a l k English (which) w i l l make it hard f o r us t o make them r e a l i z e

t h e non-revolutionary p o s i t i o n they have taken" ( ~ i n d s t r o m - ~ e s t 1981~: 117).

What was being disregarded was the fact that it wag the Finns and ~krainians

who were - addressing themselves to revolutionary questions in seeking to -

broaden the movement. The British-dominated SPC"remained intransigent and drew

away from the immigrants by arguing that they did not know what they were ' * doing.

-

In the face of this opposition the immigrants began to develop an ethnic .

consciousness which became parallel, if not integrated, in its development - I r

with class consciousness, Class consciousness had-developed in response to the

prejudicial.politica1 and economic structure of large-scale Canadian =

-

capitalism. Large numbers of immigrants had tried to commit to class

consciousness but found themselves in conflict with the Anglo parochialism of

the Canadian radical organizations, They found that they had to're~ond to the

prejudicial restrictions of Anglo society both in the guise of Canadian

authorities, who would not allow the immigrants to assimilate except according

tp limited criteria and positive and negative stereotypes (woodsworth 1909),

and' Anglo --. radical leaders, who would not let them participate in the class

movement on an $quitable basis, Accordingly the immigrants were forced to

create an ethnic consciousness, the only possible response that was open to

them at this time, which developed in parallel to and became integrated with

class consc~ousness (~erdichewsky 1978: 387). , %

It is necessary to remember that the so-called 'ethnic organizations' xu-

whlch existed at this time were either purely political in nature, such as the

Ukrslnian an? Finnish zffiliates of the SPC, or else they were'small

aid-benefit societies designed to care for an ethnic individua,l if he died in -.

Canada. jGroup d;stincQons were either regipnal or language based but rarely

ethnic dependent. There were few of what we would now call ethnic ,

o~~anikations in Canada, that is without a purely political motive, and none

within t h e Porcupine Camp. The inc rease of e t h n i c consciousness, however , saw ,

t he expansion of p r imar i .1~ p o l i t i c a l , a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t o a g r e a t e r contern f o r

e t h n i c group and e t h n i c community soc- cohesion. This was not a t o t a l l y

conscious development b u t r a t h e r a n added element of t h e s i t u a t i o n a l cons t ruc t - 'i

thk i n d i v i d u a l a n d group u t i l i z e d i n response t o con tex tua l change. A s such

e t h n i c i t y was now being developed a s a n op t ion a longs ide c l a s s . Nevertheless

t h e e t h n i c s remained committed t o widescale c l a s s consciousness, a t least C

u n t i l it was considered disadvantageo&, at which goint they would u t i l i z e

e t h n i c i t y a s a b a s i s of economic and p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n on a more l o c a l i z e d

l e v e l .

The beginning of t h i s change could be d iscerned i n t h e r e s t r u c t u r i n g of

t h e major s o c i a l i s t i n ' s t i t u t i o n s . I n t h e f a c e of Anglo oppos i t ion t h e -. Ukrainian s o c i a l i s t branches met i n convention i n Winnipeg onNovember 12 ,

1909 and reorganized themselves i n t o 'The Ukrainian s o d l Democratic Pa r ty of

Canada (USDP)' . The l e a d e r s of t h i s movement were t h e Ukrainian

i n t e l l i g e n t s i a , i n d i v i a u a l s whp had'been prepared t o j o i n i n t h e gene ra l

~ a n a d i a n r evo lu t iona ry movement bu t who had been rebuffed by t h e Anglo r a d i c a l

c l a s s o rgan iza t ions . A s a r e s u l t t hey chose t o c r e a t e t h e i r own o rgan iza t ions

and t o r e c r u i t members through a speci f ic .program of educat ion among t h e

Ukrainian p r o l e t a r i a t (~ rawchuk 1979: 14) . They s t a t e d t h a t t h e i r motivat ion

was no t n a t i o n a l i s t i n c h a r a c t e r b u t r a t h e r what they termed t h e i r "wider

c l a s s i n t e r e s t s " : t h e USDC's second r e s o l u t i o n f o r c i b l y reminded t b e *

Ukrainians of t h e i r c l a s s s t a t u s and c a l l e d on them t o " s o l i d l y u n i t e with

workers of o t h e r n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' t o r i d themselves of t h e c a p i t a l i s t yoke"'

( ~ r a w c h u k 1979: 1)) . The new organ iza t ion sought t o t ransform t h e i r own

n a t i o n a l group i n t o p a r t of a g e n e r a l revolu t ionary movement t h a t t h e Canadian

r a d i c a l s had not chosen t o adopt . But i n so doing they a l s o began t o maintain

- -- -

an expressly ethnic identity and interest in the new environment. mile the

USDP's written ideology was not ethnic in character its ldcal organizations

became indicative of developing ethnic consciousness which, while continuing .. to serve as a basis for class action, also began to pursue their own goals in

the local enviqonment. I a

Some radical immigrant-leaders continued to try to change the Socl a list -

Party of Canada from within but finally, in 1910, most of the Toronto

immigrant branches of the SPC were expelled for what the English Canadian

leadership considered to be their uncompromising attitudes. The Finn locals of

the SPC withdrew over SPC parochialism and allied with the Canadian Socialist

Federation. In October l9ll they formed an umbrella organization 'The Finnish 5

Social Democratic Party of Canada (FSDP) ' . The Finns, like the Ukrainians, stated,that their new organization would continue to be a class organization.

In keeping with this a s s e r G t h e objectives of the FSDP'were stated to be $

the assimilation of Finns to Canadian society, to help in their advancement U

and education, to encourage Finns to participate directly in Canadian society x

and to ally with all other Canadian workers in the class movement (~ertanen - & .+.

and Eklund 1942 : 5). However, another major objective of ' the FSDP was stated as

providing a cultural and social life for the Finnish community, .an objective

in keeping with the rise of a new ethnic interest.

A change had occured inathe structure of Canadian society which both the

Anglo dominated SPC and Canadian authorities had not chosen to recognize.

Large numbers of immigrants were becoming integral elements of Canadian

society but few Anglos of any political persuasion chose to accept their

presence. Some Anglo socialists did, however, and, realizing the need for a

xidescale revolutionary movement, joined with the ethnics on December 30 - 31,

1911 to form the interethnic 'Socia3 Democratic Party of Canada (SDPC) ' . The

major i ty of t h e members of t h i s new p a r t y were Finns and Ukrainians,

immigrants who had no t accepted t h e parochial ism o f t h e o l d organiza t ion , -

Nevertheless t h e SDPC branches of Finns, Ukrainians, Po les and Jews were . -

I

c a r e f u l ' t o leave t h e g e n e r a l ope ra t ion of t h e p a r t y t o t h e Anglos and began t o

opera te wi th in t h e i r new s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . Th i s was due i n p a r t t o

language d i f f e r e n c e s and f e a r of r e a c t i o n by t h e h o s t s o c i e t y b u t it was a l s o

due t o a n i n t e r n a l war iness of *Anglo commitment t o t h e ~ ~ p a r t y . The e t h n i c s

began t o develop l o c a l h a l l o rgan iza t ions which became bo th q u a s i - p o l i t i c a l

and c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , These new organ iza t ions were a f f i l i a t e d through

n a t i o n a l r a d i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s b u t they were r a r e l y u t i l i z e d i n t h e p u r s u i t of

n a t i o n a l c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . I n s t e a d they would become t h e foundat ion of e t h n i c

c&nmunity a t t empts t o acqu i re l o c a l resources ,

Th i s i n t e r e s t i n l o c a l r e sources , however, were s t i l l subse rv ien t , a t

l e a s t f o r a t ime, t o gene ra l s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y . - W i t h c r e a t i o n of a new ,- ,

n a t i o n a l p a r t y t h e c e n t e r of s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y i n Canada had moved from t h e

west c o a s t t o t h e P r a i r i e s and Northern Ontario where t h e e t h n i c s were t o be

found i n l a r g e numbers ( ~ n ~ u s 1981:3). The new p a r t y came i n t o a l l i a n c e with

the t r a d e union movement: e s p e c i a l l y t h e western Federa t ion of Miners which

had a g e n e r a l s o c i a l i s t ideology as we l l as a n open e t h n i c po l i cy ester 1979:29). I n the Porcupine Camp many English Canadian workers began t o t h i n k

of themselves and t h e e t h n i c s a s a &ngle working c l a s s uni t&k%hrough

soc ia l i sm, t r a d e unionism and t h e means of production a g a i n s t t h e mine

management as they f e l t a growing sense of - i n j u s t i c e a g a i n s t t h e c a p i t a l i s t

, system.

The B r i t i s h immigrants and t h e English Canadian migrants from Southern ?

Ontario had come t o the.Porcupine Camp expect ing t o make a comfortable and

even wealthy l i f e a s a r e s u l t of t h e horn in , t h e nor th . Thei r v i s i o n of - : - *

themselves as the chosen people of New Ontario who would benefit f-rom the

area's wealth fell before the onslaught of intemperate conditions and

insensitive mineowners and elites (~ohnson 1972:169). This led to a growing *

feeling of solidarity with the ethnics who endured more direct discrimination . - T .

and in turn led to a panethnic all5ance on an occupational and id9ological

level. This solidarity soon erupted into a militant class activity within the

Porcupine Camp which attempted to redress local and general societal

imbalances.

Footnotes

-2- Some exper t s d i d not th ink t he camp could poss ibly succeed. Sometimes it did not appear as i f it would. Many of the mines were simply 'paper' s tock mines which bi lked i nves to r s and r a r e l y began production. It was of ten thought t h a t t he Porcupine would go t he m y of so many previous Ontario gold camps f o r o thers had been as promisipg but were abandoned without having the added problem of being a gold bearing quartz camp as had many of t h e e a r l i e r abandoned gold camps i n Ontario. It was a mining truism t h a t "quartz veins i n Ontario never pay t o work" ( ~ e ~ o u r d a i s 195?:150).

111. PANETHNIC CLASS SOLIDARITY

Alliance

The miners in the Porcupine Camp were still committed to large-scale

class action o.vef and above their developing ethnic attachments (~orcese .

1975:19). While there were ethnic differentiations these distinctions were not

as clear or as absolute as they would become in future. At no single point,

either nationally or regionally, was, large-scale class consciousness as

cohesive as in the per2od prior to World War I very 1979: 39: 64). The I

. conditions of class consciousness versus the development of industrial

capitalism were clearly marked. The struggle over the nature of radical

socialism in Canada had been won, for a time, by the immigrants and the

relationships between ethnic, political and union membership were contiguous

and often indiscernable ( ~ n ~ u s 1981 : 14; Penner 1977:50-8). The miners, in

particular, formed a distinctive group within the socialist and class movement

in Canada characterized by a solidarity which cut acrosg all ethnic

boundaries.

The intolerant.socia1, economic and political conditions of Canadian

society seemed clear and straightforward to all the miners in the

Camp. The Hollinger, Dome and other mine interests, with their

and management in-Toronto and the United States, became symbols of a

capitalist enemy and mine repression was a reminder of the.need for class

solidarity. The economic exploitation of the workers was plain as was the F=

attempt to suppress their major political, ethnic and union representatives

i throughout Canada. This was t h e e r a o f c a p i t a l i s t growth and t h e worker 's ..

response w a s a r a d i c a l c l a s s view of t h e n a t i o n and wbrld i n which a l l t h e

p ieces seemed t o f i t exac t ly . It was a p o s i t i o n of 'us ' , be we Finns,

Ukrainians, p English ~ a n a d i a n s , a g a i n s t ' them' , t h e c a p i t a l i s t s , i n t h e

gu i se of t h e mine managers and o&ers.

I n t h i s e a r l y pe r iod of t h e camp most of t h e B r i t i s h and English

C Canadian l aboure r s were ou t s ide t h e c o n t r o l of t h e mines and c l o s e l y

i n t e g r a t e d with +he immigrants i n s o c i a l i s t and union a c t i v i t y . They a>d t h e

i i i g r a n t s were a l l miners as a whole and saw the-problems as a whole which

were t h e problems of a c c i d e n t , unemployment and e x p l o i t a t i o n by t h e c a p i t a l i s t

s t r u c t u r e . The English Canadian workers, i n p a r t i c u l a r , were hore co~nscious of "

t h e i r c l a s s than of t h e i r c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . They ssw themselves i n . competi t i8n with upper c l a s s e s r a t h e r than detween e t h n i c groups (~olemo-n

French Canadians d i d no t engage i n t h i s c l a s s a l l i a n c e becaus3 t h e 1 I'- . 2 a-

* . - ; r

Cathol ic church w a s a l l i e d wi th t h e mineowners and vehemently opposed t o t h e

o rgan iza t ion of a c l a s s s t r u g g l e . Th i s w a s perhaps t h e g r e a t e s t weakness of

t h e c l a s s movement i n the 'porcupine Camp. While t h e v a s t ma jo r i ty ro f .F rench

Canadians would e a s i l y f i t i n t c t h e des igna t ion of working c l a s s and s u f f e r e d - .) a s m;ch and more than ochers , t h e jr l e a d e r s , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e church, were

- a l l i e d wi th t h e English e l i t e and mineowners and were a b l e t o keep t h e i r - % a

p a r i s h i o n e r s from engaging i n t h e :lass movement. '

The dependence of t h e mining %amps on t h e d i s i n t e r e s t of t h e immigrant 4

sojourner i n jo in ing a s t r i k e and t h e p b i l i t y t o use them a s ' s cabs ' t o +-

r ep lace s t r i k e r s f a l t e r e d t o e t h n i c s who were more m i l i t a n t and educated about

t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o t h e means of production and t h e importance of s t r i k e

a c t i v i t y (1nn i s 1936 : 353). Immigrants who had been used as s t r i k e b r e a k e r s i n a

previous mining camp were now likely to be the militant ethnics working for r

class solidarity in the Porcupine Camp. 1 .

The almost instantaneous nature of this alteration was not only a result

of a change in 'the immi$rants, from immigrants to class supporters, but it was

.also due to a new percepkiop by Canadian society. qn a time of socio~economic

crisis, urbanization and industrializatisn, the host society found a new and .

growing component within their midst. *They had come to depend upon this

component but also came to see it as threatening their system. It was a time "s,'

of confrontition which came to be perceived by the host society as

'radicalism', something endemic to the particular character of the immigrant.

The radicalism was said to be something that they had picked up elsewhere and

brought over,.as if a disease had come to infect and destroy the body of

Canadian society. This symbolic analogy was often used by Canadian.society'

aga&nsi the ethnics butthe 'infection' had truthfully been bred by the

Canadian context. A perceptual distortion was now developing in Canadian 2

society as the dominant groups began to view all ethnics as illegitimate -?

' J extremists to a degree that was out of keeping .to their actual influence

except in certain areas such as the Porcupine Camp (~gmundson 1977:253).

Finnish and Ukrainian Socialists

Few ethnic communities in Canada became as effective purveyors of class , * .

2nd socialist ideology, while maintaining their ethnic identity and

cohesiveness, as did the Fi'nns and Ukrainians. In tbe early decades of the

P~rcupine Camp they were the strongest supporters of re&olutionary class -

consciousness (~indstrom-3est 1981 : 3). C

Tqe Finns were the first major ethnic community to form in the Porcupine - E 2

2an~. They came in$o the camp in large numbers and settled &to specific

enclaves. They also continue3 to be xell versed in radical class theory e

9

promulgated through t h e American Finnish and English Canadian s o c i a l i s t . - . .

* newspapers. Many' had migrated from Finnish mining

S t a t e s o r from bush camps'where they had o f t en discus~sed po

,the night . They mai-ntained a comrnitment,both t o a genera l c l a s s movement as

wel l as t o t h e i r l o c a l h a l l s which Became the foundation of i n i t i a t i v e s - t o

acqkire resources a$ t h e comrnunfty l eve l . ,

' a I r

The kirst Finnish H a l l . i n che Porcupine Camp. yas completed i n 1912 i n -

P o t t s v i l l e (now p a r t of South porcupine); it was t h e o " f i r s t worke , s h a l l i n

.+ .\ the TimminS area" ( ~ o s k i 1980 : 5) . Others followed . The h ~ 1 l s : ' h e l ~ e d " .*

.. .

educate the Finns t o t h e new environment i n which they ~ & d themse \

as ,sojourners but a s committed pa r t i c i pan t s i n Canadian soc ie ty . -

commqnity . The h a l l afforded a l l a place- where they could t a l k , 'read and . - .fP.

discuss ideology. These discuss ions includeduomen. as they A r e accorded equal

0

s t a t u s wi thin t he community. "

7

* . ' Not a l l the Finns weke lef$-wing, f o r spme had aome t o escape what they

'I.

-

. I 1

saw a s an increas ingly rad ica l i zed homeland. 'I'heAe conse%vatives were i n a v

C -

minor i t y . i n the camp and had-.no formal i n s t i t u t i o n t~ propagandize on theisr ,

C P . . ideo log ica l behalf wi thin t he Finn c o k u n i t y . Their a l l i a n c e w a s along

%)

r e l i g i o u s l i n e s and because t he r e was as ye t no Finnish ~ u t h e r a n mission i n - ,

. Canada'they went t o t he English Pro tes tan t churches. A small, minority were

B f ., members of a Finnish Presbyter ian group which met i n privrate homes whenever

~ i n n i s h pas to rs 'came t o the camp on t h e i r missiopary rounds through t he north.

% These cons:rvative-or 'Church F inns ' , as they were ca l l ed , were a minor and

B e Q > '

i n s u l a r group which l e f t the f i e l d open f o r represen ta t ives 'of t he FSDI' i n t he . . , .

camp t o p rose ly t i ze i n the h a l l s and boarding houses.

. Co-operative.boarding houses were common among t he Finns whereby a group

would buy shares . in a house an8 each individual would g e t bed, meals and

i

r l - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - -- - - - +- -

necessary comradeq f o r a small-charge. These houses became f e r t i l e grounds I

E r propsgZin3a a n i s c u s S i O n S s % XG?.Tsm, a t heism and syndicalism were a l l '4 1 ?

matters f o r debate wi thin the Finnish community and even between e thn i c ;

communities, such as with the Ukrainians.

&

Thousands of Ukrainians came t o Canada i n the l a t e nineteenth and ea r ly

twentieth century t o farm i n t h e Western P ra i r i e s . After i n i t i a l set t lement

many began t o move i n t o i n d u s t r i a l a r ea s , bush camps and mining communi<ies *

across Canada. This brought them i n t o contact with s o c i a l i s t or iented

Ukrainian propaganda promulgated by a new Ukrainian i n t e l l i g e n t s i a and

associa t ion. 3

- -

The 'Ukrainian Soc ia l Democratic Pa r ty ' , founded i n November 1909, grew

' rap id ly i n t h e small mining towns and bushcamps of Northern Ontario. The

Ukrainians were rlot'as l i t e r a t e as t h e Finns but those t h a t were l i t e r a t e re+d . from the Ukrainian papers and discuss ions ensued. The Ukrainians d id not

f

c rea t e a h a l l i n t h e Porcupine Camp u n t i l a f t e r World War I bu t , i n = a much

- l e s s formal manner than the Finns, t h e y a l s o became indoctr inated into- the - -- ---

&

r a d i c a l milieu. The Ukrainians were not as in t e rna l l y divided as t h e Finns;

they were mostly former peasants who quickly become c l a s s conscious i n I

r eac t ion t o t h e Canadian socio-economic system (~rawchuk 197924).

d Though there may not appear t o be surface s i m i l a r i t i e s between Finns and

Ukrainians, a spec i f i c c l a s s and e thn ic a l l i ance developed between the two

groups and,was t o have important e~onomic and p o l i t i c a l consequences i n the

camp. The Ukrainians became the major a l l i e s of the Finns i n the Porcupine . - ,&' , Camp. I n t he first t en years of set t lement t h e Finns shared t h e j r h a l l s with P+

-- --

t he Ukrainians untf 1 the I-at€er couId b u i l d thelfr oK T u ~ i c a ~ e n t e r t a i n m e n t

w a s arranged mutually among the' English, Finnish and Ukrainian Socia l

Democratic organizat ions .wi thin the Union &ll t o r a i s e funds f o r t he union D

and t h e s o c i a l i s t o rgan iza t ions . S p e c i a l b e n e f i t dances were h e l d a m o n g s t a l l - - -

t h e groups when s o m e i n d i v i d u a l was c r i p p l e d i n a mine acsidentr a n d &id: n& -- -- -

have t h e money t o pay f o r a n ' a r t i f i c i a l arm as t h e r e was no a c c i d e n t

compensation, Y

The F inns and Ukra in ians were bound by t h e common exper ience of immigration

and a d a p t a t i o n t o Canadian s o c i e t y , bo th as immigrants and miners and l a t e r

\

as 'dangerous f o r e i g n e r s ' r e j e c t e d by o s t s o c i e t y . The Ukrainian and

F inn i sh rad5 'cals became t h e fulcrum of s o c i a l change i n t h e camp and t h e . i.

source f o r many new a c t i v i t i e s .

The degree of F inn i sh and Ukrainian suppor t f o r c l a s s consciousness i.n

North America i s a n impor tan t sub-issue i n Marxis t a n a l y s i s . It forms t h e

b a s i s f o r t h e theo ry o f ' p r e r a d i c a l i z a t i o n ' ; t h a t t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e c l a s s 2,

r e l a t i o n s h i p is determined by " t h e s o c i a l o r i g i n s of t h e workers who

c o n s t i t u t e t h g o r i g i n a l cohor t s" (Galenson 1942 : 110). S p e c i f i c a l l y t h i s has

meant t h a t t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o l e t a r i a n background de termines t h e degree of

d i s c o n t i n u i t y . Those i n d i v i d u a l s wi th t h e l e a s t d i s c o n t i n u i t y , such as t h e - - - - - -

Danes and Swedes who had only a moderate l abour movement i n t h e i r c o u n t r i e s

be fo re t h e i r p e r i o d s o f immigrat ion, w i l l exper ience t h e l e a s t d i s c o n t i n u i t y

wi th a n i n d u s t r i a l h o s t s o c i e t y (Galenson 1942 : 110). I n c o n t r a s t t h o s e who /

exper ienced a r a d i c a l movement i n t h e mother count ry , such as t h e F inns o r

Ukra in ians , would be most l i k e l y t o cont inue i n a r a d i c a l movement i n t h e

country of immigration because t h e i r exper iences would be s o much similar.

Th i s p r i n c i p l e , however, fai ls t o recognize t h a t t h e F inns and t h e

Ukra in ians formed t h e l a r g e s t immigrant p r o l e t a r i a t communities while t h e

Danes and Swedes formed much s m a l l e r communities. The l a r g e r communikks were

i n g r e a t e r d i r e c t c o n f l i c t w i th t h e hos t s o c i e t y and t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p may O

have done much : t o r e s t r u c t u r e b o t h e t h n i c and clas; r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n t o new

a l l i a n c e s and goals. Fur ther it i s d i f f i c u l t t o d i s t ingu ish between cause and - - - - - P

3

e f f e c t because t h e Finns and Ukrainians came i n t o immediate contact with a I

i 7

Canadian r a d i c a l movement which co-opted t h e i r e thn ic s t r u c t u r e s as bases f o r

-7 r ad i ca l propaganda. F ina l ly , perhaps t h e pr inciple ' s g r e a t e s t weakness is that

it does not explain t h e changing a n d i n t e r r e l a t e d na ture of e thn ic and c l a s s rn

Immigrants were being in tegra ted by t h e i r c l a s s and e thn i c assoc ia t ions

i n t o t he host soc ie ty and i n t o a p o l i t i c a l s t r uc tu r e t h a t was a l l too evident

within t he camp. What they s a w and experienced was c l e a r and e a s i l y t r ans l a t ed &. .%

i n t o EL c l a s s view of Canadian c a p i t a l i s t socie ty . A change _was atcur ing i n - - -

Canadian socie ty which was centered on t he f r o n t i e r communities. The change

was a growing c l a s s po la r iza t ion and con f l i c t . Even the host soc ie ty was '

forced t o not ice t h i s s h i f t as w a s evident i n t h i s excerpt from a speech

del ivered a t the Empire Club i n Toronto bp a member who had j u s t returned

a f t e r a t ou r of Northern Ontario and had rea l ized ' t ha t new c l a s s d iv i s ions -- - - -- -

0 - - - - - - - - - - -

were being induced by i n d u s t r i a l growth.

Class d i s t i n c t i o n s a r e coming in:, We have a s e r v i l e class and a r u l i n g c l a s s . Now, t h a t may be a th ing t h a t cannot be avoided. I a m inc l ined t o th ink t h a t t h i s i s t he case, byt it is a th ing t h a t we want t o watch. This s p l i t t i n g i n t o ca s t e s , i n t o an upper c i r c l e and a lower c i r c l e , i s not very wholesome. There w a s no such th ing ' in Ontario u n t i l t h i s last boom i n mining and manufacturing. (calemon 1912 r 165)

The e thn ics and t h e i r Anglo a l l i e s were much b e t t e r versed i n t h e

concepts of a revolutionary c l a s s s t ruggle than many who were t o follow them.

They f e l t they had a mission t o f u l f i l l , a destiny placed on t h e i r shoulders - --

i n which a l l working c l a s s people would jo in together and take pos i t ive ac t ion . - - -- - -

. (~rawchuk 1979:13). Ethnic i ty w a s t o be a subservient element of c l a s s

s o l i d a r i t y t o be used t o br ing about the c l a s s revolution but t o be hurr iedly

discarded afterwards. This w a s a c l a s s consciousness ready and wi l l ing t o take

$ 2 d p o l i t i c a l ac t ion. I n t h e Porcupine Camp the culmination came with the r i s e of

union a c t i v i t y and t he 1912-13 s t r i k e .

The Union

The first major union i n Northern Ontario w a s 'The Western Federation of '6,

Miners (WFM) ' -(founded But te , Montana 1893). A t t h i s time miners moved f r e e l y

from camp t o cagp and country t-o country and t he Western Federation of Miners ..

b e w e t h e main i n t e rna t i ona l union. The premise of t he union was l a rge ly

Marxist i n character and it w a s a l l i e d t o t h e synd i ca l i s t ' In te rna t iona l

Workers of t h e World (IWW - 'Wobblies' ) ' , which saw unionism as p a r t of a

large-scale c l a s s movement r a the r than a separation i n t o t r ade unions. It w a s

an approach which recognized only t h e c l a s s of workers and d id not separate

them i n t o e thn ics and English. The Western Federation of Miners cons t i tu t ion

spoke of s o c i a l equa l i ty and t h a t no one was b e t t e r than another because of

r ace , colour o r creed. "Any member uho re fuses t o work k i t h , o r discriminates

,. -aga ins t another member because of race , creed, colour, sex o r na t iona l o r ig in , d

P s h a l l be subject t o t r i a l and d i s c ip l i ne , a s prescribed i n t h i s cons t i tu t ion "

Union a c t i v i t i e s were or5ented t o the migratory pa t t e rn s of the.miners.

I n i t i a t i o n f e e s and dues were low, membership cards t rans fe rab le and union

organizers would wander and organize on an informal b a s i s ( ~ v e r ~ 1979:53). One

ind iv idua l , commenting upon t he informal condit ions of union membership i n the B

Porcupine Camp, remarked; ff .*

-. I was j u s t a k id out from the c i t y and there were no unions where

I was. I d idn ' t know what a union meant o r what it was, anything. And somebody, I th ink by t'he name of Tom McGuire, he was a 'walking delegate ' -- I . t h i n k they used t o c a l l them. He'd walk a l l around the mines and c o l l e c t the dues and t h a t . He came i n t o the room - the re were four of us i n the room - and he co l lec ted t he dues from the other fel lows. I d idn ' t say anything. I d idn ' t know what it w a s about. He says - 'You beJong t o t he union? - oh, he w a s a rough broken old d e v i l you know - 'You belong t o t he union?' I s a i d , 'No. ' , 'Well you b e t t e r bloody well jo in . ' And he

was a b ig man and scared t h e s h i t out 6f m e . So I joiiiedl T di-dn't - - -

know what I was joining. I d idn ' t have the l e a s t i dea of what it wean% o r any%h%ng. Qf e o w e , I fettffd&-, - -- & P - - - - - -- -

The union d id not waste time on ideology but took d i r e c t a c t i on f o r

spec i f i c grievances i n which t he s t r i k e was taken "as a f o ~ e r u n n e r o f , a kind

of primary school t r a i n i n g f o r , t h e general s t r i ke" which would br ing about

t he end of the c a p i t a l i s t system f ~ v e r y 1979~53) . Only a t t h e beginning of a %

s t r i k e would t he union begin t o r e c r u i t members. This was an e f f ec t i ve

deployment as t h e w o n uas l e s s open t o d i r e c t r e p r i s a l s by t he mine

~ colnpanies.

The first mine union i n t he northern camps was t h e Cobalt Miners Union,

l o c a l 146 of t he Western Federation of Miners which was formed on March 29,

- 1906, Its f i r s t co l l e c t i ve a c t i o n i n 19074,had ended i n f a i l u r e and t he *

displacement of the unionized men by l a r g e r numbers of Finns, Ukrainians, , . % - * . -

I t a l i a n s and Poles; i n an attempt by the mineoksn&s, t o guarantee union ,

i n a c t i v i t y . But these same e thn ics became r ad i ca l l y m i l i t a n t and c l a s s

conscious upon en te r ing the Porcupine Camp. - -- - - - - - -

Porcupine Miners Union, l o c a l branch 145 of t he -Western Federation of

Miners w a s formed i n Apri l 23, 1910 among former members of t he Cobalt Union.

The union w a s English Canadian or iented but welcomed immigrants i n t o th\e

- - ranks. A s a r e s u l t l a rge numbers of Finns' and Ukrainians soon joined. They

were a l l one i n t he c l a s s s t ruggle , Yet while the Porcupine union w a s becoming

* increas ingly mi l i t an t and c l a s s or iented i ts own In t e rna t i ona l Union was

becoming l e s s aggressive. The Western Federation of Miners had already broken

from the In te rna t iona l Workers of t he World i n 1908+because it feared IWW

mili tancy. The Porettpine m i o n , M e v e ~ , was s%ill eewmitked fe*

revolutionary c l a s s movement 'and it responded by a t t ack ing t he Wv. They -

emphasized t h a t the only union t he 'masters' feared w a s t he I n d u s t r i a l Workers

- D

of t h e World. They ca l l ed f o r t h e u n i ~ n t o be subservien; t o the, g r ea t e r F -- --

workers' s t rugg le i n which the s t r i k e was t o be the most important t oo l . The

union leadership and membership i n t h e Porcupine Camp were ideo log ica l ly

prepared f o r a s t r i k e which was not long i n coming.

1912-13 S t r i ke A

In.1912 the Temiskaming and Northern .Ontario ~k:lwa~ w a s completed t o

the edge of t he Porcupine Camp. This allowed f o r the cheaper t r apspor ta t ion of d a'

goods and'reduced the cos t of l i v i n g i n the camp. Most of t h e mines had a l s o

come i n t o f u l l production by t h i s point and the re w a s l e s s need f o r workers t o

be en t iced by the promise of s l i g h t l y higher wages. There w a s a labour g l u t

and t h e mines wished t o t ake advantage of it by lowering wages espec ia l ly

s ince they f e l t t h a t a s t r i k e was unl ikely t o r e s u l t because of t he seeming

weakness o f ' the union and the l a rge numbers of fo re ign workers who could be

used a s s t r ikebreakers . They d i d not r e a l i z e t h a t changes had occured which ,

strengthened the union and i n t e r e t h n i c c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y .

The smaller mines had joined tog;ther i n 1910 Co form the 'Mine &nagers

Association' t o sderve t h e i r co l l e c t i ve i n t e r e s t s . The l a r g e r mines, such a s

the Dome and Holl inger, were not members of ' the assoc ia t ion but they s e t the

wage s c a l e s u f o r t he region. The smaller mines were forced t o pay higher wages

than the l a r g e r mines i n order t o acquire workers and above those i n the other

p a r t s of Ontario on t he o r i g i n a l preinise t h a t the cos t ,of l i v i n g i n t he

Porcupine a r ea was appreciably higher. With completion of the ra i l l i n k s these I

smaller mines attempted t o reduce wages t o t h e ' l e v e l paid by the Dome and

Holl inger.

On August 1, 1912 t h e new r a t e s were posted by the mines. The union

p?otested vehemently and ca l l ed f o r an a r b i t r a t i o n board. The l a w had p;ovided

t h a t the mine . c o m p a ~ e s must give t h i r t y days not ice of any change i n wages o r

working hours but t he Mine Managers Association had disregarded t h e l a w . The - - - - - - - - --

t h r e a t of a s t r i k e and l e g a l a c t i o n forced t he assoc ia t ion t o postpone t h e

cuts . u n t i l September 1.

representa t ive from t h e

An a r b i t r a t i o n board was then ca l l ed cons i s t ing of a 4 2-

-? -2 mines, t he union and t he government. +-

* c-

The a r b i t r a t i o n board members could not agree on t h e f i n a l repor t as the -+ i

"union representa t ive refused t o s i de with t h e chairman and mine represen ta t ive +

whose repor t favoured t he mine's and..followed the mine wage sca le . They a l s o i - -

/' -T

i n s i s t e d t h a t heal th condit ions i n t he camp were exce l len t and t h a t , from + -

t h e i r ana lys i s , mining d id not appear t o be "un unhealthy occupation" I

* '

Diily Nugget 4 October 1912). The miners had expected nothing l e s s f e e l i n g i

- 7

t h a t t he " ' ( u )n in t e r e s t ed l t h i r d par ty was i n t he se rv ices of t he bosses"'

( ~ a r r y 1913a:606). That t h e bosses had received the a r b i t r a t i o n repor t t e n

days before t he union, g iving them time t o prepare and post t he wage c u t s t o

take e f f e c t immediately, only f u r t h e r served t o confirm t o t he miners t h e

nature o f . t h e i r posi t ibn.

The union-held a p o l l and t h e vote-was -190 f o r and 12 a g a i n s t strika - - -

ac t ion . The union went on s t r i k e November 15, f912L'givi@ t h e reasons t h a t it f

a w a s because of t he "reduction of wages, abominable

accommodation, a l s o f o r t h e e igh t hour work day". The Holl inger, being t he

*biggest mine though not a member of t he Mine Managers Association, was chosen

as t h e s i t e of t he f i r s t a c t i on and a s t r i k e cordon was s e t a t t h e gate . The

work fo rce w a s reduced i n one day from 478 t o 118 (Canadian Mining Journal 1

April 1913, p. 199). The s t r i k e soon spread t o t he Dome and t he o ther mines. -

Four of t he mines, Pear l Lake, Schumacher, Three Nations and Porcupine, who

wanted t o go i n to immediate production, gave i n t o %he demands but the s t r i k e . -

continued.

The union 'reported t h a t they soon had 1,200 men on s t r i k e i n t he camp.

The high number of s t r i k e r s was not maintained as many men could not a f fo rd t o p 1 - - - 1

aontinue t h e ac t ion . Not choosing t o jeopardize t he s t r i k e they simply Q

withdrew what money they had from the banks and moved on t o o ther camps -or t he

bush. Bf January 1913 some 500 of t he 1,200 s t r i k e r s had repor tedly l e f t t he

camp.

Despite t he union 's wide i n t e r e thn i c support the mines and Anglo e l i t e

emphasized t h a t the s t r i k e w a s i n s t i ga t ed so le ly by ' fo re igners ' and ' a l i en s ' .

The 'whites ' i n t he camp prepared themselves f o r an onslaught by- the

' fo rd igners ' . The non-str iking English Canadian membeis of t h e community began

t o ca r ry guns and buy ammunition. The react ion reached such a fever p i t c h t h a t -_ the po l ice were forced t o give a warning and fo rb id the s a l e of ammunition i n

r de r t o keep condi t ions from e sca l a t i ng (cobal t Daily Nugget 16 November,

One hundred de t ec t i ve s from the Thie l Detective Agency of Montreal,

p o f e s s i o n a l s t r ikebreakers , were brought i n by the Holl inger a week c f t e r t he . -

0

s t r i k e began t o provide prcf tec t ion t o the remaining miners and t o pressure the

s t r i k e r s i n t o re turning. The Ontario Provincia l Pol ice (OPP) a l s o -arrived but

they allowed the Thie l de tec t ives f r e e r e i n . The mines brought i n t r a i n loads

of labourers t o work i n the m h e s from Cobalt a i d wherever they could findsmen

wi l l ing t o work, most o f ten newly-arrived immigrants who d id not know t h a t a 1

s t r i k e was going on. Large numbers of Bulgarians and I t a l i a n s were brought i n a

s t r a i g h t o f f the boats from Montreal o or onto Daily S t a r 3 December 1912,

2 . 4 ) . The l a r g e s t supp l ie r of scab labour f o r the mines was reported t o be Leos C

Xascioli a n b h i s b ro thers who brought i n I t a l i a n s f o r the Hollinger. The men

would be brought i n through backroads, miles behind mine proper ty , o r through

2 hole i n t he fence. Any route t h a t was used by the s t r i k e b kers was

i .media te ly stopped as t h e s t r i k e r s s e t a cordon across the roads and trails

t o see t h a t none got through. One informant remembered t he s t r i k e r s t r y i n g t o -

s top t h e new labourers coming i n on t he t r a i n .

The s t r i k e r s posted men a t t h e places where they thought t he t ~ a i n might have t o slow up and they would shout a t them t h a t they were 'scabs, scabs, scabs ' and some of them would jump of f t h e t r a i n s a t d i f f e r e n t points . So t h a t by t he time t h e t r a i n got t o South Porcupine and t h e cross ing t o t he Dome Mines, the re weren't

d , & too many. I ' , , . , " A Such d i r e c t a c t i pn of ten forced the mines t o b r ing t h e ra i l c a r s

D 1 ' s t r hgh t on t o mine proper ty and l e t t he new men o f f on t h e minesite. The

I .. i . .A

s t r i k e r s turned t o more v io len t means throwing rocks a t t he t r a i n s as they

rushed by and yanking men, o f f .

Oh yes. The Dome got i n a branch from outside. We stormed the t r a i n s A o n e night and t he r e were dozens there . We yanked them out. The t r a i n wouldn't l e t them o f f . They had a spec i a l t r a i n . Well, they had spec i a l coaches on t he t r a i n and' they cu t it out a t t h e s t a t i o n i n South End (south porcupine) and were going t o run them i n from the re , with a spec i a l engine you see. Run them r i g h t i n t o t he Dome on t h a t spur l i n e . . .They ( the s t r ikebreakers ) had a l l kinds of excuses about not knowing anything about t h e s t r i k e .

Father Ther iaul t and t he Catholic Church a t tacked t he s t r i k e i n support - .

of t he managers. Harry of Father Ther5au l -P~ Ukrakmanpar ishioners , i n -

qeaction t o h i s s tand, l e f t t he church r a the r than give up t he s t r i k e . With

church support t he mine operators f e l t assured t h a t t he s t r i k e would seen be

broken and chose not t o make any concessions. The Hollinger Company t o l d its

stockholders t h a t t he s t r i k e w a s only an "inconvenience" and t h a t t h e i r

pos i t ion was "excellent". I n s p i t e of many ins tances of l o c a l violence, the

Porcupine Advance disclaimed the seriousness of t he s t r i k e i n one of t he few

remaining a r t i c l e s on t he s t r i k e .

The repor t s going out t o t h e outs ide press regarding condit ions here as a coll~equence of t h e m i n e r s s t r i k e have l l s e e n ~ r e a t l y -

exaggerated both as t o reference t o lawlessness, r i o t i n g and dest ruct ion t o property. The camp throughout was never more order ly and qu ie t . The men of course have been pe r s i s t en t i n t h e i r demands and have t r i e d t o make the S t r ike as complete as possible . On the other hand the mine managers a r e endeavoring t o secure enoygh help t o keep t h e i r p l an t s running i n which, i n some cases ,

they have been successful . (porcupine Advance 22 1912,p*l)

November ' ' d

The union responded by publ ica l ly s t a t i n g t h a t a l l a s se r t i ons t h a t the . . > . '

s t r i k e was i n imminent danger of f a i l u r e were wrong. P

The mines a r e not running a t fu l l s t rength o r even ha l f s t reng th , '

The town of Porcupine is i n a s t a t e o f ' se ige . Thiel de tec t ives walk its s t r e e t s and at tempt t o rush poor I t a l i a n s and Bulgarians

- i n t o t he mines a t t he point of the revolver; scores of armed de tec t ives have been sworn i n as deputy po l ice o f f i c e r s and they - a r e t r y ing t o t e r r i f y t he union men i n t o submission, but t he s o l i d a r i t y of the men is intact...?"n_e mine owners have not secured t h e labors of one s k i l l e d man s ince the s t r i k e began and t he men a r e more hopeful now then ever before. They a r e only f i gh t i ng t o prevent a cu t i n wages and any man t h a t f i g h t s aga in s t them is aiming a blow a t t h e whole working c l a s s i n Canada. o or onto DaiPy S t a r 3 December 1912, p.6)

t ' A c r i s i s was building. The s t r i k e r s were doing a l l they could t o h a l t

the import of workers and la rge ly succeeded, forc ing the mines t o use more

fo r ce fu l t a c t i c s . Thiel de tec t ives and gro'ups of ' d epu t i e s ' , o f ten l i t t l e

except mine sponsored thugs, now began t o take d i r e c t a c t i on on t he s t r e e t s ,

provoking f i g h t s i n order t o fo r ce t he workers back.

The i s sue came t o a head on December 2, 1912 when a l a rge t r a in load of

s t r ikebreakers were brought i n t o t he camp on a spec i a l CPR t r a i n . The t r a i n

* w a s f lagged down by s t rLkers near South Porcupine and i t s windows smashed by

rocks and clubs. Sixteen of t he men on the t r a i n immediately went over t o the

union. Another t r a i n of scabs w a s rushed through. The men were brought i n t o

Timrnins and quartered a t the Hollinger owned Goldfields Hotel before beginning

work a t t he Hollinger. S t r i k e r s went t o the ho te l t o t a l k t o the new men and

inform them of t he s t r i k e and t e l l them t h a t they were t o be used as scab

labour. The s t r i k e r s were ab le t o persuade the men not t o work &&he

Hollinger. Thiel de tec t ives t r i e d t o get r i d of the s t r i k e r s and ge t the men

back t o work. Thiel men and s t r i k e r s began f i gh t i ng i n f r o n t of the ho t e l ; the

de tec t ives drew t h e i r p i s t o l s and shot i n to the crowd, wounding th ree s t r i k e r s

(porcupine Advance 6 December 1912, p. 1 , b , 8). - - - - - - - -- - -

h

b a t t l e when he attempted t o s top t he de tec t ives ' indiscr iminate shooting. One

det 'ective pointed h i s gun a t t he mayor and pul led t he t r i g g e r bu t t h e gun had.

a l ready been emptied. Four Thiel de tec t ives were @isarmed and a r r e s t ed by t he

Ontario Provincia l Pol ice . The de tec t ives were no longer allowed t o p a t r o l t h e

s t r e e t s o r roads and were r e s t r i c t e d t o t h e mines t o avoid any fu tu r e c lashes

with t h e miners. f

When the de tec t ives werg brought t o court they l a i d t h e burden of blame . . m.

"C I

1

. & - <

' 3 ' on the mayor of Tinunins f o r not d ispers ing t he mob. They s a i d t h a t a l l they

1. - were doing w a s p ro tec t ing t h e i r own l i v e s and those of t he s t r ikebreakers . -i

i

They f u r t h e r boasted they had done a g rea t service as condit ions before they

came saw mobg i n con t ro l of t h e mines. Upon t h e i r a r r i v a l , they c i t ed , they

werecable t o re tu rn 260 men t o work a t t he Dome and 250 a t t he Hollinger

(porcupine Advance 13 December 1912, p. 1 ) . The mayor responded that t h e Thiel t

men were t h e troublemakers i n t he camp. "In dozens of occasions I have seen - -- A- - - -

them a s s a u l t with t h e i r batons and i n some cases shoot a t c i t i z e n s who were 1 I 4

doing nothfng a t a l l . " o or onto Globe 5 December 1912)

The Ontario Provincia l Pol ice took over the s t r e e t p a t r o l s but t o the

miners t h i s was changing one e v i l f o r a s l i g h t l y l e s s e r one. On December 7 a

t ra i rhoad of s t r ikebreakers , under t i g h t OPP protect ion, were taken i n t o the

Hollinger and on December 11 another t ra in load of men was escor ted t o the Dome )

with l i t t l e in te r fe rence from the s t r i k e r s . A s one member of the union

publ ic i ty committee pronounced, "So t he plug-uglies abandoned t h e f i e l d and -

t he po l ice took t o scab herding and a r e sav ing the mining c~~ ssl& a•’ -- -

L 2

money thereby and placing t he burden upon the tax-payer" ( ~ a r r ~ 1913a r 606).

The po l ice repbrtedly attempted t o force English Canadian ? t r i k e r s t o go back

v t o work and t o d iv iae t h e s t r i k e r s along e thn ic l i n e s but t h e c l a s s - l i n e s -

held. A s t r i k e l eader s t a t e d t h a t " in t imidat ion by t he po l ice as well as - - - -

t h e i r a t tempts t o d i s rup t the workers on race l i n e s have f a i l ed . " (Barry

1913b:653) ,r,

Under pre8sure from the Porcupine unidn l o c a l r epresen ta t ives of t he

Western Federation of Miners l o c a l s frompGowganda, Swastika, S i l ve r Centre

and Elk Lake met December 1 i n Cobalt i n an e f f o r t t o encourage sympathy

s t r i k e s . Economic condit ions i n these a reas , however, d i d no t al low the

miners t o support any co-ordinated actfin*. The Porcupine union was gaining

l i t t l e regional support and it-%ecame increas ingly disenchan3ed wi th - the i r

mother union-for i t s l a ck of '&upport.

The s t r i k e r s , however, resolved t o ca r ry on, "The Porcupme Miners who ( i .

C

speak i n a dozen d i f f e r e n t tongues a r e standing %ogether as one man." (Barry >

1913a:606) The s t r i k e w a s widely publ ic ized by the Miners Press Committee i n

the ~ n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t Review and o ther s o c i a l i s t newspapers i n Canada j.

a s an important marker of the g r e a t e r c l a s s s t rugg le ; an ind ica t ion of ' the

- --

con f l i c t between the workers and t h e c a p i t a l i s t s . "Workers of Canada be a l i v e

t o your c l a s s i n t e r e s t s ; t h i s i s your f i g h t a s wel l as ours." ( ~ a r n i a

D i s t r i c t Ledger 25 January 1913) This attempt t o invoke large-scale c l a s s

i n t e r e s t met with l i t t l e success and condit ions i n the camp began t o

de t e r i o r a t e f o r t he s t r i k e r s .

The i n i t i a l s t r i k e support of $3 a week w a s soon depleted and a more

cooperative arrangemept was necessary with the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t t he s t r i k e

was going t o l a s t longer than expected. The union open&; up the "Hotel S t .

Louis" near the railway s t a t i o n t o feed and care f o r t he s t r i f fe r s and t h e i r -

fami l i es . Large numbers of m$ went i n t o t he bush and trapped r a b b i t s which

were used t o feed the s t r i k e r s . Only through such ac t i on were they ab le t o

4' - - --- - - - - - - - - - - - ---

survive the winter. The mine managers r e t r ea t ed i n t o t h e i r - s i t e s and - - -- - -- >--- ,- -- A~

s e t up boarding houses f o r t h e men so t h a t they would not have t o go off t h e L ,$ -

s i t e . The mine managers a lgo began t o take ' l e g a l measures aga ins t t h e s t r i k e . "

l eaders i n order t o d i s r u p t and f r u s t r a t e t he s t r i k e .

P.A. Robbins, t h e Ho.llinger manager,. issued a cour t summolis t o t he

a s t r i k e r s , charging them with v io l a t i ng t he Indus t r i a l Act bf Canada by going . on s t r i k e without n o t i f i c a t i o n o r a r b i t r a t i o n and aga ins t tKe u n i b n for

" inc i t i ng o thers t o go on s t r ike" . This was . t h e first ins tance i n which t h e

- -

a c t had been used f o r t h i s reason. Tkie union s a w t h e r u l e simply as a n excuse

t h a t allowed the Hollinger t o s e n s empioy_ees "for , q u i f t i w g o r k w i t h o u t -

r I ' e -

asking t he boss if he has suf f ic ign t , supply o f ' scabs t o take t h e i r p lacew. ir

*

The I n d u s t r i a l Act and t he government'both *were seen as "weapons i n t he . I &

a r sena l of the masker c lass" @any a 19136: 652). u

~ e v e r % h e l e s s s t r i k e demoliat&ti&s continued throughout t h e winter with 0:

/" parades running from t h e Union-Hall t o t he mine gates . The placards held

- - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - during t he paradeg were i n EGLish, F i i T s k n d Ukrainian. -The f i r s t s ign

leading t he parade would of ten read "Workers Of\The World Unite". Another

would s t a t e "The Cap i t a l i s t Is The Only Foreigner", an i n t e r e s t i n g comment

aga ins t a t t e & t s t o break down panethnic so l i da r i t y . ~thez-s ' would comment, -

"Don't Be A Fasc i s tw* "Join The Miners Union" and "Join The Demonstration" . /

( ~ a r r ~ 1913b:653). Women joined t h e i r husbands and r e l a t i v e s on t he picket 9

- l i n e s and a t t h e railway t r acks i n a renwed e f fok t t o keep t h e scab t r a i n s r

e P

from en te r ing t he dbmp. The s t r i k e r s were becoming increas ingly h i t a n t . - - - - - - - - - - - -

5

The line-up of a l l t h e ex i s t i ng soc i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s &ins; t h e workers is shmrirrg the boys the cia-m s c c k t y b~ t k --

than a mil l ion words could have done. S t r i ke s a r e wonderful eye-openers and t h i s i s going t o %5 a g rea t benef i t t o r t h e s t r i k e r s when t h e f i n a l c o n f l i c t comes. { ~ a r r ~ l9l3a: 606)

I The charges t h e Hollinger Mining Company had brought aga?nst*i ts miners

3 '7 fo r going on s t r i k e were biought t o t r ial i n ea r ly January but a f i n a l

decis ion was postponed f o r a few weeks. The major cases were against W i l l i a m - - - - - - - -- - -- - - --

Holpwatsky, an organizer f o r t h e Western Federation of Miners and Pe te r

Cleary, a l o c a l union member. There were s i x t y other cases pending and

., , A d d postponed. One union orgariizer commented;

i AppareqtPy +the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s 'of Canada a r e not i n a hurry t o . . ' ,

have these cases decided; 5.f t h e cases go 'against t h e s t r ik&rs and .

t he so-called i n c i t e r s , t h e Miners Union intends t o appeal them. This w i l l give t h e working c l a s s an o p p o r t h i t y t o study and ' invest igate t h i s v ic ious l a w which t he c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s have P enacted i n t h e hopes of or ippl ing t h e organized labor movement.of

- t h e Dominion and give t h e employers of l abor a n oppo r tmi ty t o s e t t h e place and t h e date of any i n d u s t r i a l s t r u g l e - t h a t t h e i r r ebe l l i ous wages s laves may force upon them. Sarnia D i s t r i c t Ledger 25 January 1913)

f On January 21, 1913 Holo&tsky and Cleary were found g u i l t y and f i ned

$500 or th ree months a t hard labour.. A miner, Percy Crof t , w a s f ined $50 o r

'

two months'hard labour f o r going on s t r i k e . The men were o r ig ina l l y t o be js . *

taken t o t h e Sudbury ja i l t o serve out t h e i r sentences bu t t he Sudbury mining

companies feared t h a t t h e convicted s t r i k e r s ' presence Would i n c i t e union '

. a ;c t iv i ty . A s a r e s u l t they were moved t o North Bay. An appeal was immediately '. - - - -- - - -- -- - - -

s>

launched but no b a i l was s e t and t h e menmremained i n jai l u n t i l it was heard.

The appeal was heard March 31 a t which time the C conviction was upheld

2- but t he Holowatsky and Cleary convictions were over urned. Evidence showed f

t h a t a s t r ikebreaker had been coerced by pol ice t b say t h a t he heard

Holowatsky i n c i t e men t o a c t s of violence. Fp. P

I n s p i t e of these d i f f i c u l d i e s the s t r i k e r s contended t h a t the re were 4

700 men out on s t r i k e . The mines and the Department of Labour representa t ive

s t a t e d t h a t the re were only 100 men on s t r i k e . The number of s t r i k e r s was

ce r t a in ly less than +he o r i g i n a l 1,200 a& probably less %ban 708 but no% 100.

Such a smal l number of s t r i k e r s would have allowed the mines t o ignore the

s t r i k e r s but t he mines continued t o br ing i n men from as f a r away as Vancouver 0

( ~ a r n i a D i s t r i c t Ledger 15 ~ e b r u a r ~ ) .

necess i ty forced more and more men t o -- -

a r e a s r a t h e r than break the s t r i k e o r

4

The s t r i k e only broke down when_economic- 2

leave the camp f o r emp1oyment.i.n o ther --- - -

--- -

wait f o r vic tory. Others began t o c ross 3

t he p icke t l ine and, under po l ice protect ion, went back t o work. ,

I n March 1913 a l a rge group of s t r i k e r s went back t o work at t h e 3 k

. McIntyre, Plenaurum and Jup i t e r mines. These men,

- both t o the .union and t h e i r c l a s s , were beaten by

went t o work. Sixty of t he s t r ikebreakers decided

Violence seemed c e r t a i n as a l a rge crowd began t o

was forced t o read t he Riot Act and had t he crowd

the s t r i k e r s whenever they

t o confront t h e s t r i k e r s .

who were cons ide red ' t r a i t o r s -

gather . The mayor of ~immins

dispersed by hol ice . The s t r i k e r s r ea l i z ed t h a t t he only way they could maintain t he s t r i k e

+as by large-scale i n d u s t r i a l a c t i dn throughout t h e mining industry i n

Northern Ontario ( ~ a r r ~ 1913b:654). I n Cobalt t$e s o c i a l i s t wing of t he union

pressured t h e union l o c a l

miners. The Cobalt miners

twice turned down pu t t i ng

June 1 but the motion w a s

t o go out on sympathy s t r i k e with t he Porcupine . - had previously turned down such a s t r i k e and now

'

such a motion t o a vote. F ina l ly a vote was taken - -- - --

defeated, The porcupine Miners I k o n had l o s t i t s

last chance t o maintain the s t r i k e by making

The s t r i k e was over within a week. The

leaving only the l o c a l po l ice i n charge. The

t o go back t o work: married men were given a

it a l a r g e r c l a s s i s sue . ti

OPP were withdrawn June 11

union leaders t o l d t he union men

th ree day start over s ing le men

i n f ind ing work. The mines s a i d they would r eh i r e t he men but not any of those

they considered t o have been prominent i n t he s t r i k e . The a c t u a l bene f i t s the

miners received were about f i v e cen ts more an hour over t he mine schedule c *

a f t e r 181 days of s t r i k e . The e igh t hour day came i n l a t e r as an a c t of

Parliament. . b

The 1912-13 S t r i ke was a d iv i s ive point i n t h e h i s to ry of t he Timmins

a r e a b u t over t ime it began t 6 be r e s t r u c t u r e d t o s u i t l o c a l i n t e r e s t s . It-

came-to be seen by Engl ish Canadians as a r a t h e r minor development r a r e l y

mentioned i n any 6f t h e ' l o c a l h i s t o r i e s . One e l d e r l y English Canadian

informant r e fused t o admit th'at any Englishman had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e s t r i k e . I

English Canadians were prominent i n t h e s t r i k e . b u t they were even more

prominent i n t h e r eac t iona ry opposi t ion . Now they would r a t h e r fo rge t . t h e "old

t roub les" . A s one member of t h e l o c a l h i s t o r i c a l s o c i e t y s a i d aboat t h e

English o ld t imers she had t a l k e d t o , "They can remember every wave of a f l o o d , <

every flame of t h e l 9 l l F i r e , b u t not a t h i n g about t h e s t r i k e . " Many of t h e

r ecords dea l ing wi th t h e s t r i k e were eventual ly destroyed i n a poin ted e f f o r t t

t o d iminish i ts h i s t o r i c a l importance.

On t h e o t h e r s i d e of t h e i s s u e t h e r a d i c a l e t h n i c elements began t o see

t h e s t r i k e as simply a n a c t i o n by the. ethni ,cs themselves which d i d no t involve

t h e English o r , converse ly , t h e s t r i k e had f a i l e d - a s a r e s u l t of t h e English

Canadians g iv ing i n t o t h e " f i v e cen t l o l l i p o p " i n c r e a s e i n wages. The s t r i k e G.

yas t o be used by t h e r a d i c a l e t h n i c s i n a l a t e r pe r iod t o prove t h a t English

- Canadians, as a group, could never be t r u s t e d t o commit themselves t o c l a s s

c ~ n s c i o u s n e ~ ~ o r sha re resources equ i t ab ly . The s t r i k e which had done so much

t o c r e a t e s o l i d a r i t y was i n c r e a s i n g l y r e l ega ted t o a v i r t u a l non-event i n

l o c a l h i s t o r y because of t h e danger it and i t s symbology represented t o t h e b

h o s t community. Nevertheless t h e ques t ion remained as t o whether, a f t e r such a

d e f e a t , t h e panethnic c l a s s a l l i a n c e which had develaped dur ing t h e s t r i k e . would su rv ive and be a b l e t o t ake a c t i o n ?

S t r i k e Aftermath

The r a d i c a l c l a s s movement of t h e per iod p r i o r t o World War I w a s not

sus t a ined i n t h e Porcupine Camp once i ts g o a l s , - b o t h s p e c i f i c , t h e s t r i . ke , *

and genera l , a s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n , went u n f u l f i l l e d . Panethnic s o l i d a r i t y , -

which had been recognized as t h e backbone of t h e 1912-13 s t r i k e , now came

under d i r e c t pressure from t h e mines and hos t community. The English Canadian

working c l a s s i n t h e camp were coei-ced i n t o g iv ing up t h e i r c l a s s commitments

q i n t h e i n t e r e s t s of Anglo-conformity and acqu i r ing jobs and o t h e r l o c a l <

resources a t t h e expense o f . t h e e t h n i c s . The mines and a u t h o r i t i e s chose t o

g ive up some of t h e i r l o c a l power and c o n t r o l t o those Anglo miners who would

leave t h e c l a s s a l l i a n c e while t h e e t h n i c s came under increased a t t a c k . - *

With t h e end of t h e s t r i k e t h e mines began t o pay c l o s e r a t c e n t i o n t o " - -

keeping t h e miner, e s p e c i a l l y t h e English Canadian miner, under t h e i r

con t ro l . The Holl inger introduced a ' l o y a l se rv ice ' system, o s t e n s i b l y t o

reduce ' l abour tu rnover ' . Af ter a s i n g l e yea r of s e r v i c e a man w a s given a <

bonus of f i f t e e n c e n t s pe r day, a f t e r two y e a r s & h i r t y c e n t s and a f t e r t h i r t y 4.

year s for_ty-five c e n t s (1nnis 1936: 360). This was designed t o g ive miners t h e c'

i ncen t ive t o s t a y on t h e job and no t dev ia t e e i t h e r through s t r i k e o r union

a c t i v i t y and r i s k d i smissa l . --

Living condi t ions were improved with t h e r c o n s t r u c t i o n of bunkhouses f o r . -

- -

t h e workers and houses f o r t h e o f f i c e staff and s e n i o r miners. Houses were 3

designated f o r married men and t h e i r f a m i l i e s which meant mostly t h e Anglos

as few of t h e e t h n i c s had come t o Canada wi th t h e i r f a m i l i e s . When e t h n i c --

familie's were r e p a t r i a t e d they moved i n t o houses t h e e t h n i c miners had b u i l t

themselves , o u t s i d e mine p r o p e r t i e s and mine c o n t r o l . I n c r e a s i n g l y t h e

English Canadian miners were - l i v ing , .work ing and s l e e p i n g under t h e shadow of

t h e mine wi th mine housing and mine sponsored s o c i a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l . * L

a c t i v i t y . The Anglo s o c i a l strata of t h e community w a s r e i n f o r c e d and t h e

e t h n i c s were r e l e g a t e d t o t h e i r own devices .

P r e s s u r e w a s a l s o a p p l i e d by t h e mine companies through maintenance of

a n e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of l abour w i t h i n t h e mines as a means t o c o n t r o l t h e " a

e t h n i c s and union a c t i v i t y . The s t r i k e had proved t h a t t h e mines could no *

longer depend on immigrants a c t i n g as meek p r o l e t a r i a t . A s a r e s u l t t h e

nominal e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of l abour t h a t had developed du r ing t h e foundat ion of T

t h e camp was soon underpinned wi th developing r a c i a l assumptions which had 9

emerged wi th t h e s t r i k e and were now t o become f i r m l y en t renched . Inc reas ing

Anglo rac ism, e s p e c i a l l y duri& Worlq War I , became impor tan t e lements i n t h e

man i f e s t a t ion of a more d i s t i n c t e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of l abour i n t h e mines. 0

Finns , Ukrainians and o t h e r Eas t e rn Europeans were des igna ted as t h e muckers

i n t h e mineshaf t s as t h e y had " s t rong backs and weak minds",. I t a l i a n s were i n

t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n and g e n e r a l u t i l i t y gangs on t h e s u r f a c e which they were

s a i d t o p r e f e r as they "came from-a sunny country". The French Canadians were J

i n ca rpen t ry as they were "good wi th wood" and t h e Anglo-Saxons i n t h e r o l e

of bosses as ' they "won't work i n -a mine". A B r i t i s h Royal Commission i n 1917

was t o l d t h a t i n t h e P,orcupine Gold Mining D i s t r i c t of Ontar ib ;

The mine workers a r e a most cosmopolitan popula t ion . For common l abour and s h o v e l l e r s , I t a l i a n s and Russian's are mostly emyloyed; underground d r i l l i n g i s mostly done by F in l ande r s , Swedes and Aust r ian Po le s ( ~ k r a i n i a n s ) . Canadians, Engl i sh , I r i s h and Scotch a r e employed a s mechanics, woodworkers i n t h e m i l l s and f o r o t h e r su r f ace o p e r a t i o n s , while t h e e n g i n e e r l s ' s t a f f s a r e p r a c t i c a l l y a l l Canadian. (1nn i s 1936 : 362f)

- &r stteh e e r c i o n the Anglo working c l a s s began tciTem5e themselvesp-

1

from t h e r a d i c a l c l a s s movement and came t o be u t i l i z e d as a prop f o r t h e

l o c a l d i v i s i o n of l abour , forming a n in termedia te e l i t e group which would - - * <

d e a l wi th t h e e t h n i c s i f they th rea tened t h e mines or'community, They became

t h e 'gatekeepers ' ensur ing who could o r could no t advance through t h e mine -

hierarchy ( ~ n d e r s o n 1974:73). English G n a d i a n miners were now seen t o

advance quickly from 'muckers' ( shove l l e r s ) t o bosses i n a few months while -

it would t a k e t h e e t h n i c twenty y e a r s , i f a t a l l .

The d i s t i n c t i o n wi th in t h e community w a s now i n c r e a s i n g l y between t h e -

f o r e i g n e r s and t h e whites . Those English who d i d not f i t o r d i d not wish t o .

be f i t t e d i n t o t h i s new schema were os t r ac ized . Many moved i n t o t h e bush and

became prospectors o r t r a p p e r s . The conception of t h e whi tes ve r sus t h e

f o r e i g n e r s seemed endemic t o t h e new economic circumstances i n Northeastern -

Ontario. One English Canadian commentator s t a t e d t h a t he d i d not want t o use *

t h e word 'white man' i n h is . speech but f e l t t h a t it *was necessary a s i t was- - - -

- . -

p e c u l i a r l y used i n Northern Ontar io (Calemon 1912:164). White was not a

colour des igna t ion but de l inea ted t h e dangerous f o r e i g n e r s and had t h e i

connotat ion of conservat ive , r eac t iona ry developments a g a i n s t t h e onslaught '

of t h e non-whites. This des igna t ion f l u c t u a t e d with t h e context and community

s t r u c t u r e but i n t h e Porcupine Camp it meant a l l t h e ~ n i l o Saxons e l i t e and

in termedia te e l i t e a s we l l as t h e honorary des igna t ions given t o t h e French C

Canadian e l i t e a l l i e d with t h e English.

Inc reas ing ly a n e l i t e c l a s s of mine managers,Aprofessionals, l a r g e

businessmen and c l e rgy r a n the p e l i t f e a l and mc5al life ( a s they def ined 577)

of t h e community. They formed t h e town counc i l s and t h e boards of t r a d e as -

wel l as t a k i n g p a r t i n p rov inc ia l ' and f e d e r a l p o l i t i c s . The e l i t e s t r u c t u r e

of t h e community revolved around t h e l o c a l 'Golden Beaver Lodge o f t h e

Assoc ia t ion of Free and Accepted Masons' ( ~ a s o n s ) . The first mayors of t h e , ,

town ;f Timmins were founding members of t h e ~ a A o n s lodge and those t h a t

followed cont inued t o be s t r o n g members. I n 1920 t h e worsh ipfu l master of t h e

Masons w a s E.L. Longmore who was m i l l s u p e r i n t e n d e n t - f o r t h e Ho l l inge r ,

T i w i n s town c o u n c i l o r , mayor of Timmins frdm 1927 - 1929 and l a t e r S H o l l i n g e r

mine manager. I n t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d t h e c 6 6 connect ions of a n i n d i v i d u a l were

o f t e n as important as t h e i r occupa t iona l experience and t h e Masons were by . .

f a r t h e most i m p o r t a n t . 4 ~ o be an Anglo-Saxon P r o t e s t a n t w a s t o be tw ice

b l e s sed . I f a youngster a l s o happened t o have a f a t h e r who w a s a member of '

- n

T t h e ~ a s o n i c Order, he w a s t h r e e t imes b lessed ." ( ~ e s t e 2 1979:28)

a* a Another c l a s s c o n s i s t e d of t h e small businessmen, mine s h i f t b o s s e s s? and c a p t a i n s . They were a l l i e d t o t h e e l i t e and f u l l y dependent upon it f o r

t h e i r i n c l u s i o n ( o r exc lus ion ) i n t h e c lubs and a s s o c i a t i o n s which s i g n i f i e d

t h e i r acceptance as w e l l as-advancement w i th in t h e mine. Here t h e major

c r i t e r i a was one of Engl i sh Canadian 'wh i t e ' i d e n t i t y even moreso than i n t h e

e l i t e c l a s s ( ~ n d e r s o n 1982:18). They were 'the b u f f e r t d t h e groups below

which were both e t h n i c and lower c l a s s . The labour c l a s s i nc luded French

Canadians and Engl i sh Canadians, e s p e c i a l l y t hose who were no t cons idered

s o c i a l l y o r p o l i t i c a l l y ' p rope r ' ( i . e . u n i o n i s t s o r s o c i a l i s t s ) as w e l l as

t h e inumerable f o r e i g n e r s who made up t h e major p o r t i o n of t h e group. Other

groups i n t h e community were t h e p e r i p h e r a l and marginal s e r v i c e groups such

as t h e Chinese r e s t a u r a n t e u r s l a n d laundrymen and t h e Jewish and

Syrian-Lebanese merchants.

The d e f i n i t i o n of white was not t o t a l l y exc lus ionary as it a l s o

inc luded those e t h n i c s who conformed t o t h e p r e c e p t s of t h e h o s t community. 0

I n d i v i d u a l s such a s Char les P i e r c e , a Russian Jew who,became owner of a

- 106 -

general s t o r e and o the r p roper t i es i n Timmins by borrowing t h e money from t h e

Timmins b ro them ~ h o o m the Hollinger , became o n s e-tke4eeding &tiz;ena

i n t he camp, He sat on numerous town councils and committees. A newspaper

a r t i c l e confirmed t h a t he was a "good o ld scout" as wel l as one of t h e

o r i g i n a l "pioneers" o f - t h e d i s t r i c t and as such it gave him community '

sanc t i f i c a t i on (porcupine Advance 30 January 1913, p. 1 ) . Another yas Leo s 4'

Mascioli who, because of t h e help he had given the ' minespin supplying ' *

s t r ikebreakiks during t h e s t r i k e , began t o receive l a rge con t rac t s from t h e

mines f o r construction work. Mascioli brought i n I t a l i a n workers who worked

f o r his construction company u n t i l they had paid t h e i r t r a v e l expenses and f .

obligakions and they would then be allowed t o work i n t he mines while

Mascioli brought another group over from I t a l y .

I n s p i t e .of t he overwhelming importance of l a rge ly Pro tes tan t

organizations, such as the Masons and orangemen, t he a l l i a n c e between t he

English e l i t e and French Canadian Catholic establishment, l e d by Father. --s '

Theriaul t , continued. The i n a b i l i t y '&f the s t r i k e r s and s o c i a l i s t s t o - - - -

incorporate the French Canadians i n t o the c l a s s a l l i a n c e was a major f a i l i n g

of the s t r i k e and f u t u r e ' r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y . This f a i l u r e enabled t he Catholic

Church t o increase i t s influence t o such an ektent t h a t its au thor i ty was

acknowledged by the mines and l a rge ly Protes tant e l i t e . . **

I n t h e face of these developments t he e thn ics began t o doubt t he c l a s s

consciousness of t h e i r English Canadian s o c i a l i s t a l l i e s : They had a l l spent .o"

s i x months through a f reezing winter aL\ied on c l a s s p r inc ip l e s but Anglo Y.\

commitment was f a s t d i s in tegra t ing . The g ' h n i c s began t o say t h a t the ~ k ~ l i s h -

t ,* Canadians were only i n t e r e s t & i n the union as a means t o increase their pay

packets r a the r than as a foundation f o r t h e i r c l a s s

not s ign i fy t h a t the r ad i ca l c l a s s a l l i ~ n c ; was w& ' .

s t i l l a l i v e i n t h e Porcupine Camp even a f t e r its seeming d e f e a t i n t h e I

" s t r i k e . The s t r i k e had i n many ways b e n e f i t e d c l a s s consc iousness as it --- t I.

f o rged t h e bonds of s o l i d a r i t y between l o c a l Gthnic communities; a t l e a s t

between t h e F inns and Ukra in ians and , i f no t a l l of t h e Engl i sh Canadian

working c l a s s , a t least many of i t s .members. The e t h n i c s s t i l l thought of 'S

coopera t ion with o t h e r groups on g e n e r a l c l w s p r i n c i p l e s . he commitment of

t h e Engl i sh Canadian group had f a l t e r e d a f t e r t h e s t r i k e b u t t h e i r suppor t

was s t i l l important . -With World War I , however, t h e f i n a l v e s t i g e s of Anglo

commitment co l l apsed . A new c o n t e x t , which cont inued t o be Anglo de f ined b u t

based on a new C a ~ a d i a n n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , was t o be emphasized a g a i n s t t h e

e t h n i c s and t h e i r c l a s s p r i n c i p l e s . n.

Deser t ion Under F i r e .

When w a r w a s d e c l a r e d August 4 , 1914 s o c i a l i s t s throughout t h e world

abd iea t ed t h e i r i n t e r n a t i o n a l c l a s s p o s i t i o n s f o r n a t i o n a l i s t c r i t e r i a i n a

massive "dese r t i on under f i r e " (Angus 1981:7). Th i s s u r p r i s e d no one more

than t h e immigrant s o c i a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n Canada. They had l e f t t h e i r own 1

n a t i o n s and made a commitment t o t h e more d e f i n i t i v e i n t e r n a t i o n a l c r i t e r i a

of c l a s s consc iousness , e s p e c i a l l y a g a i n s t t h e ' Imper i a l n a t i o n ' conckpt. But - ,

now t h e immigrants found t h a t t hey had t o respond t o a new Canadian 4 -

.t - na t iona l i sm which developed d u r i n g t h e war and was d i r e c t e d ' a g a i n s t them.

With t h e outbreak of war t h e War Measures Act was in t roduced i n August

1914, a l l owing t h e Canadian gbvernment a f r e e hand t o do what it deemed 1

, necessary f o r t h e " s e c u r i t y , de fence , o r d e r and wel fare of Canadan.=The

i n i t i a l government response w a s t o ban t h e impor ta t ion of s o c i a l i s t m a t e r i a l

from t h e United S t a t e s . A s a r e s u l t t h e Canadian s o c i a l i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e '

e

Finns and Ukra in ians , l o s t an impor tan t con tac t wi th m i l i t a n t s o c i a l i s t . ,

a c t i v i t y i n t h e United S t a t e s . Canadian s o c i a l i s t pape r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s I

a l s o found themselves under i n c r e a s i n g s c r u t i n y and l o s i n g membership- (Angus - -

I n September 1914 a n Order- in-Council-prohibi ted Germans and Aust r ians

(which inc luded many Ukrainians) t o c a r r y f i rearms and, i n October, ano the r I.

order s e t up a s p t e m of r e g i s t r a t i o n and de ten t ion of 'enemy a l i e n s ' . % -

*+ " Internment camps were s e t up under m i l i t a r y a u t h o r i t y in-which Germans and I

Austr ians who were n o t necessary f o r t h e war e f f o r t , unemployed o r seen as

dangerous, were t o be he ld . I n t h e e a r l y yea r s of t h e war t h e r e was a n 2

unemployment problem i n t h e Porcupine~Canp and t h e i n t e r m e n t camps,

p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e f a c i l i t y a t Kapuskasing, were an e f f e c t i v e means t o d e a l + t

wi th t h e d i s a f f e c t e d unemployed, e s p e c i 2 l l y t h e r a d i c a l e t h n i c s . One - -

. ukra in ian informant commented on t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s h i s people f aced ;

Most of our people came from t h e Austro-Hungarian Empire and were c l a s s i f i e d as Aust r ians i n s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h a t they hatkd t h e Austr ians. But they were i n t e r n e d i n t h e concent ra t ion camps j u s t because it was thought they were Austr izns. Hardly anybody knew

t what they were .because our people came from t h e Western Ukraine and were c a l l e d Ga l i c i ans and"a l1 s o r t + o f names depending on t h e r eg ion .

- - -

It became p e r i l o u s f o r an a l i e n t o walk t h e s t r e e t s of Timmins and not , ,

have t h e proper papers of n a t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . If he w a s German-, Austr ian -

o r Ukrainian it became doubly dangerous. Those who d i d no t r e g i s t e r o r were

found o u t s i d e t h e camp without p o l i c e permission were immediately placed

.- under a r r e s t and s e n t t o t h e internment camp.

,

I n s p i t e of t h e a r r e s t of t h e i r n a t i o n a l s t h e l e a d e r s of t h e Ukrainian

S o c i a l Democratic Pa r ty chose i n 1915 t o pursue an ant iwar po l i cy and

i n c r e a s e t h e i r r evo lu t iona ry c l a s s p ros le tyz ing among t h e Ukrainians .- -

(Krawchuk 1979 : 55-6). f e d e r a l government r eac ted with t h e f u r t h e r - -

internment of l a r g e numbers of Ukrainians., even i f they were not Austr ian

c i t i z e n s . I n Timmins those a r r e s t e d were o f t e n people who had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n

t h e 1912-13 s t r i k e and were a l s o members o f t h e USDP whLch w a s be ing

c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a dangerous o r g a n i z a t i o n even though i k had & yet been --

outlawed (Krawchuk l979:57). A s one informant lamented, "A l o t o f t h e

Ukra in ians were pu t i n t h e concen t r a t ion camps du r ing t h e first war. You s e e

a l o t of them were S o c i a l Democrats and a l o t of them opposed t h e war a t t h a t - t ime a n d t h a t w a s one o f t h e reasons.". '

The n a t i o n a l b a s i s of c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y w a s be ing s h a t t e r e d wi th a n 1

ons laught on bo th s i d e s . The government and g e n e r a l media began t o a t t a c k t h e

e t h n i c s openly. Yet i n t h e f a c e of t h i s a t t a c k t h e n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t

o r g a n i z a t i o n s f a i l e d t o respond t o t h e a t t a c k s on t h e i r e t h n i c c l a s s a *

b r e t h r e n . The S o c i a l Democratic P a r t y of Canada cont inued t o support t h e war

e f f o r t ( ~ n ~ u s 1981 : 15) . I n t h e camp English Canadians who had p rev ious ly

s i d e d wi th t h e e t h n i c s i n t h e s t r i k e now took up t h e p a t r i o t i c banner and

enlisted i n $he army. The h o s t comhunity i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y a t t a c k e d a l l

e t h n i c s . The Chinese i n p a r t i c u l a r came under i n c r e a s i n g f i r e and

s t e r e o t y p i n g because of t h e i r v i s i b i l i t y . I n 1915 t h e employment of 'whi te i

g i r l s ' by Chinese r e s t a u r a n t e u r s suddenly became a t o p i c of major d i s c u s s i o n

a t t h e Board of Trade as t o whether it w a s l awful and under what cond i t i ons . '

It was l e g a l , it was r e p o r t e d , on ly when t h e d i n i n g room was open and

u n p a r t i t i o n e d . Other a t t a c k s were addressed openly a g a i n s t t h e Chinese :n

newspaper adver t i sements .

I t c o s t s $500 t o l and a Chinaman i n Canada. Every s h i r t , c o l l a r , s h e e t e t c . s e n t t o a Chinese laundry is so much towards t h a t $500. Every $500 means ano the r Chinaman. Why not p a t r o n i z e t h e San i t a ry Steam Laundry?

The Board of Trade have been d i s c u s s i n g t h e ques t ion of white g i r l s i n Chinese r e s t a u r a n t s r ecen t ly . The S a n i t a r y Steam Laundry a s k s what about t h e whi te men g iv ing t h e i r l aundry t o Chinese? (porcupine Advance 6 ~ u ~ u s t ' 1915, .8)

I

I n t h e midst of t h i s r i s i n g r e a c t i o n againsk t h e e t h n i c s t h e r e a l s o w a s 1 j 1

a great .eed f o r 1 .abour i n t h e mines. L&rg e numbers of kglisk Canadians

had l e f t t o f i g h t i n t h e m r which meant t h e r e m r e - p h n k y a f j n b s avai.lable,

Many of t h e e t h n i c s who had been i n t h e internment camps were given jobs i n Q.

' t h e mines. Even those who should have been i n t e r n e d because of t h e i r Aust r ian k

c i t i z e n s h i p o r p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n were allowed t o q tay on t h e job because of

t h e p res su re a p p l i e d , b y t h e mines themselves who des ignated them as important

t o t h e i r opera t ions . One Ukrainian informant commented on t h e s e l e c t i v e ,-

1

employment of h i s f a t h e r ; &

You see they never touched my f a t h e r . My name is German. My g r e a t grandfa ther w a s German and t h e name i s s p e l l e d t h e German way bu t they came a f t e r t h e Aust r ians and not my f a t h e r because t h e mines needed him. He w a s doing a l l k inds of work t h a t no one e l s e could do and they never touched him.

- -

They were warned, however, t o behave themselves and cons tan t ly reminded

of t h e i r marginal p o s i t i o n . The judicialLmagistr&.e th rea tened t h e e t h n i c s

with i n c a r c e r a t i o n i n t h e internment camps i f they caused any t r o u b l e which

meant any form of d i s tu rbance , s t r i k e a c t i v i t y o r movement away from t h e i r

jobs. "If you do no t behave and keep coming before me you w i l l be de ta ined i n - - - - - -

a camp a t 25 c e n t s a day i n s t e a d of working here a t $2.25." (porcupine I

Advance 11 June 1915, p . 1 ) Anything f o r e i g n was .automat ica l ly suspect .

Pressure w a s app l i ed a g a i n s t t h e e t h n i c s t o demonstrate t h e i r l o y a l t y by

e n l i s t i n g i n t h e army, as t h e I t a l i a n s were doing, o r by speaking English

always and buying w a r bonds with t h e i r " i l l g o t t e n gains". Even t h o s e with

c i t i z e n s h i p were suspect and were threa tened with i t s removal and t h e i r

p o s s i b l e depor t a t ion i f they d i d not show more appropr i a t e s i g n s of

obeisance. t

The proper types of e t h n i c s , those not des ignated as a l i e n s , @e those --

who had not gained r e p u t a t i o n s a s r a d i c a l s and whose mother c o u n t r i e s were

a l l i e d with t h e B r i t i s h . I n t h i s r o l e t h e I t a l i a n s f i t we l l f o r they had made

- 111 -

up. a l a r g e number of t h e s t r i k e b r e a dur ing t h e 1912-13 s t r i k e . -

3 J

~ c c o r d i n g i ~ t h e l o c a l I t a l i a n Soc ie ty , W e d by Leo M a q i ~ l i , w a s s e e n as a

repu tab le organiza t ion . A s part of this cons ide ra t ion t h e I t a l i a n s were never

addressed as a l i e n s ,or f o r e i g n e r s b u t as element of able-bodied

men" ( ~ o r c g i n e ~ d v a n b e 3 ~ e * t e b e r 1915,

" The French Canadians%ere a a l s ~ i nc reas ing t h e i r ' own repufa t ion and 4 r

a l l i a n c e wi th t h e ~ n ~ l i s h i n t h e camp. French ~ a n a d i a n s i n Ontario had been

a 1 i e n a t e d . b ~ t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of Bule 17 i n 1912 which r e s t r i c t e d French

language schooling. I n t h e Porcupine Camp, however, they and t h e i r l e a d e r s

had remained un i t ed wi th t h e English Canadians i n t h e town counc i l and

Cathol ic church. I n t h e midst of wartime s t t a c k s by Southern Ontario . "

newspapers a g a i n s t French Canadians who were opposing consc r ip t ion t h e

Porcupine Advance f e l t dkty bound t o show t h e type of French t h e r e were i n

Northern Ontario who were not of t h e "Henri Bourassa type" b u t of t h e

' p rope r ' t ype , which was B r i t i s h def ined , One i n d i v i d u a l who opera ted a < .

lumber camp was presented a s a good example a s he helped r e c r u i t e r s , t a l k i n g -

English and French a on st h i s men and g e t t i n g them t o e n l i s t . He was $ charac te r i zed as one who "speaks French sometimes and t h i n k s B r i t i s h klways."

(porcupine Advance 11 Apr i l 1917, p 5 ) .

The English Canadians wewre r ede f in ing t h e &ontext of Canadian s o c i e t y

i n t h e i r own n a t i o n a l images and a p a r t from any framework which wouli inc l6de

t h e e t h n i c s as equal p a r t i c i p a n t s . The English Canadian-working c l a s s was now

opposing t h e i r former e t h n i c a l l i ' es . .For them t h e r a d i c a l movement was no

longer t o be a n international'revolutionary c l a s s s t r u g g l e b u t r e v e r t e d t o a .

na t ional , s o c i a l i s t development i n t h e B r i t i s h 1 a b o u r . t r a d i t i o n . Local ly the

e t h n i c s found themselves o s t r a c i z e d from t h e Porcupine'Miners Union whi.ch ; .

busied i t s e l f bu i ld ing up i t s r e s p e c t a b i l i t i ; The union moved-away f r o m ' t h e . 0'

3'

-8- aQ

% P

aO r - -I

k .+ d 2 3' C

2'

radicalism of t h e I W and a l l i e d with t he more conservative ' ~ n b r h a t ~ o n a - - , -

'American Federation of Labouk ( A F L ) ' and had an b t o l e r a n t p e r c e p t i b of -, -- a .

e thn ic workers.. ( ~ b e l l a and 'Ifillar 1978: 4-5).

The 'enemy a l i e n s ' within t h e Porcupine Camp continued t o f i n d

themsk1v;s necessary p a r t ' o f t he war s t ruc ture as empl~yee=~,i.:ih t he mines. -

Yet they were heavily c r i t i c i z e d f o r t h e i r a b i l i t y t o ae$ui'& l a rge sums of ir 3 -5 A'

money through" hard work and t h e maintenance7 of a seeming i n d i f f e p n c e t o -& -3

4 r

Canadian society. This a cqu i s i i i on and i d f f e r e n k e was understandable , % .h

because many were saving money t o send-back home e i t h e r t o improve t h e i r -LA

farms o; br ing t h e i r f ami l i e s t o Canada. A s well t h e a t t i t u d a df C a n a k a n -=

socie ty made any d i r e c t involvement d i f f i cu l t . . Those who had t r i e d t o becdme-+.

involved, t h e ones who had some measure of.commitment t o t h e nat ion and who 3 - -

were working towards c i t i zensh ip , were o f ten t he same r a d i c a l individuals

4 t h a t t he host community was d i r e c t i n g i t s a t t e n t i o n against . Those who

'

- behaved sensibly , which came t o mean going about ' t he i r work i n t he mines 3

- -- - - - -3?3 - - - -- - - - - -- - "I

7

without t a l k of? unPons o r radicalism, were o f ten l e f t alone but even , t h i s d id *

5 3

, . not guarantee t h e i r f u tu r e . * /

-- a -

I n January 1917 t h e Dominion government introduced compulsory -

-"

r e g i s t r a t i o n f o r a l l fore igners . The government argued t h a t 'National

Service ' r e g i s t r a t i o n was necessary i n case they had t o mobil i ie t he foreign

work fo rce f o r t h e war e f f o r t . The publ ic sentiment was t h a t &he foreigners

were gaining 'benefi ts from t h e country while doing l i t t l e f o r it i n r e tu rn . and t h i s woul39 be a way t o mobilize them i n t h e na t iona l i n t e r e s t . Hany -- - -

af-ie,m immediately asked f o r pasepor ts rather than risk cequ1s~1& - - -

recruitment. They had l e f t t h e i r nat ive lands t o escape mi l i t a ry conscription

and t h i s seemed another form of conscription even though it w a s never

$-

e /

enforced. 9

i

I n Apr i l 1917 t w o Dominion o f f i c e r s kntered the Porcwpine Campand * i

/'*

began t o r e g i s t e r a l l - t h e enemy a l i e n s . About 600 - 700 were regi&tered i n \-/-

t h e firgt few months and given ca rds which they had t o c a r r y a t a l l t imes .

Any a l e n who d i d no t have a p r o p e r r e g i s t r a t i o n ca rd w a s l i a b l e t o a $500

f i n e and be ing s e n t t o t h e internment camp. They were warned no t t o g a t h e r i n

crowds; not t o hold mketings and not t o d i cuss t h e war. They were t o p resen t P t h e i r c a r d s t o any p o l i c e o S f i c e r o r m i l i t a r y man on demand and had t o r e p o r t

on t h e t e n t h of each month t o t h e p o l i c e s t a t i o n where t h e i r ca rds were t o be . i n i t i a l e d and stamped. They could not leave town without w r i i t e n permission

0

from t h e Chief of P o l i c e and any i n f r a c t i o n was t o r e s u l t i n f i n e s of $25 - 1-

$500 and poss ib le internment . ..6

I n address ing t h o s e who ob jec ted t o th i s .p rocedure t h e l o c a l newspaper "

' l a i d t h e blame f i r m l y on t h e i r shoulders . The e d i t o r made c l e a r t h a t what t h e

hos t community e x p e c t e d G a s t o t a l aLsimi la t ion ' and conformity t o a Canadian

i d e n t i t y (which w a s v i r t u a l l y impossible) t o which they were no t t o d e t r a c t

from o r g r e a t l y add towards. I

I n dea l ing wi th t h e problem of a s s i m i l a t i n g t h e va r ious peoples and r a c e s here in""Canada perhaps t o o much s t r e s s has been l a i d i n t h e p a s t upon what Canada should do o r could do. The people who came here a l s o have t h e i r d u t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . If they seek t o become Canadians they w i l l f i n d a h e a r t y welcome and

- s i n c e r e encouragement from a l l o ther 'good Canadians. They w i l l f i n d freedom of speech, l i b e r t y of conscience and t h e r i g h t t o worship as they p lease . They w i l & f i n d + p r o s p e r i t y and progress . They can b u i l d homes and be as happy as Canadians. But i f they a t tempt t o here i n Tirnmins, i n Canada, und& t h e B r i t i s h f l a g -- a s e p a r a t e l i t t l e Syr i a of t h e i r own, o r a L i t % l e I t a l y , o r a l i t t l e Russia , o r a L i t t l e Poland, o r a L i t t l e France, o r a . l i t t l e anyth ing e l s e , t hey t h e n must remember t h a t t h u s s e t t i n g themselves a p a r t at t h e i r own inconvenience, they may expect a l s o t o be set-apart a t t h e convenience of o t h e r s . Canada's g r e a t hope r e s t s i n Canadians. If any man here knows a b e t t e r l and than t h i s . l e t him go t o i t , nor s t and on t h e order of h i s going. No man has t h e r i g h t t o accep t a c o u n t r y ' s b l e s s i n g s without a l s o sha r ing i t s d u t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , There i s room f o r a l l , oppor tuni ty

- 114 -

f o r a=, freedom f o r a l l , bene f i t s f o r a l l - if they a l l a r e Canadians, ( ~ o r c b l p h e Advance 4 July 1917, +,4) - - - - -- -

- This emphasis on Canadian i d e n t i t y served as v ind i cakon f o r Angld S I

ac t ions t o que l l t he e thn ics and t h e i r c l a s s a l legiances . Po l i c i e s had been

introduced on t he na t iona l l e v e l and ac t i on taken on t h e local- level t h a t

appsared t o have l a rge ly destroyed r ad i ca l expectations. These p o l i c i e s and*

ac t ions , however, had only hindered r a the r than destroyed t h e r a d i c a l d

commitment of t he e thn ics . They continued t o discuss p o l i t i c s with members of &=

the Finnish and Ukrainian s o c i a l Democratic P a r t i e s o r read e thn ic soc3a l i s t

newspaper a r t i c l e s which F nted on t he nature of t he c l a s s system; a c l a s s W -

system which w a s becoming evident i n t h e i r own pos i t ions as a minor i t i es -

- unde-r se ige by t he dominant Anglo soc ie ty (~vakumovic 1975:8). Former a l l i e s

among the English Canadians had given up the s t ruggle t u t r a t h e r than

d i s i l l u s ion ing t he e thn i c s it began t o i n s t i l l a more measured conlmitment.

They waited f o r what they considered the inev i tab le time when t he c l a s s .

revolut ion would f i n a l l y unfold.

Radical Resurgence

The year 1917 w a s t o 2 a highpoint i n t he working c l a s s movement i n

Canada. The depression of t he ea r ly w a r years had passed by 1916 and

unemployment became nonexistent as wartime indus t r i e s began t o experience

l a b w shortages. This r e su l t ed i n a resurgence of m i l i t an t c l a s s a c t i v i t y

which w a s counterpointed on t h e i n t e rna t i ona l scene by t he success of the

Russian Revolution (&us 1981 : 17).

On lea rn ing of t h e success of the Russian Revolution, many F i m s and

Ukrainians i n t h e Porcupine Camp resurrected t h e i r internatiana.1 class

consciousness and d i rec ted t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o mi l i t an t c l a s s a c t i v i t y . The ir

Canadian government s a i d t h i s . m5litancy w a s -due t o the foreigners being egged

on by o rgan ize r s from t h e United S t a t e s based ' I n t e r n a t i o n a l Workers of t h e

World'. " In September 1917 it was repor t ed that f o r e i g n m h r e r s were jo in ing

t h e IWW i n droves i n t h e nor thern Ontario communities of Cobalt and Timmins"

( ~ v e r ~ 1979:73). The IWW a c t u a l l y had no apprec iable o rgan iza t ion i n Timmins ,

a t t h i s t ime bu t its ideology, i n support of c o l l e c t i v e i n d u s t r i a l unionism >

and widescale c l a s s a c t i o n , w a s favoured by t h e e t h n i c miners. The e t h n i c s

had seen t h e Porcupine Miners Union d r i f t f a r t h e r from t h e IWW t o a n

i n c r e a s i n g l y conformist IMMSWU bu% events i n Russia served t 6 confirm t h e

u t i l i t y of a c l a s s based union movement.

The l o c a l union l e a d e r s h i p a t t h i s t ime cops i s t ed of men such as

William DeFeu and Len Newton who were s o c i a l i s t s i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l B r i t i s h

sense of t h e word as w e l l a s s t r o n g Roman Cathol ics with c l o s e t i e s t o Father

T h e r i a u l t . They were p a t r i o t i c and f u l l y supported t h e war e f f o r t and

a t t a c k e d t h e r a d i c a l s w i t h i n t h e union. To f u r t h e r t h e i r ant i-Bolshevik

i n t e r e s t s they a l s o i n v i t e d important speakers t o address t h e union and i t s

members on t h e proper ( i . e . ~ r i t i s h ) form of labour a c t i v i t y .

The main speaker of t h e Porcupine Miners Union throughout 1917 was no

l e s s a f i g u r e than James Lord, one of t h e founders and p r e s i d e n t of t h e - IMMSWU and a v ice-pres ident of t h e American Federa t ion .of Labour. He w a s

t o t a l l y opposed t o r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y express ing t h e opinion t h a t labour unions

should improve t h e workers ' m a t e r i a l l o t r a t h e r than engage i n d i r e c t

p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . He s a i d t h a t t h e union should d i s c u s s ques t ions of wages '

and work cond i t ions , " the p r a c t i c a l mat ters" , r a t h e r than wai t f o r u topian

i d e a s t o come t o f r u i t i o n . Th i s w a s p a r t of t h e gene ra l ideology of t h e AFL

i t s e l f which was then be ing in t roduced i n t o Canada and which "opposed r a d i c a l

p o l i t i c s , compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l unionism" and "refusedz't-o

organize t h e unsk i l l ed and t h e non-white races" ( ~ b e l l a and M i l l a r 1978:b-5).

i t h e union and

union t h e w a r

the f i g h t f o r

were anathema t o t h e e thn ic radica1s:but t h e message ca r r i ed -

pushed the e thn i c s f a r t h e r t o iAe-.-peripher& Em Lard anh_thethepp

was a p a t r i o t i c obl i&t ion which ca l l ed f o r t h e i r l oya l t y i n

"democracy, freedom and jus t i ce" but the r ad i c3 l e t hn i c s /'

continued t o see t he w a r as an impe r i a l i s t concern.

The ac t i ons of t h e government i n introducing t he Wartime Elect ions Act

i n September 1917 t o ga in a majori ty i n favour of conscr ip t ion only f u r t h e r

* antagonized the e thn i c s as t h e a c t took t h e vote away from conscientious -

objec to rs , p a c i f i s t s and a l l c i t i z e n s of enemy o r ig in i f na tu ra l i zed a f t e r

March 31, 1902 o r i f they normally spoke an enemy language. This destroyed

-

what l i t t l e commitment many of t h e e thn ics had t o the Canadian p o l i t i c a l -

s t r u c t u r e i f it could s o e a s i l y d isenfranchise them. It l e d t o increased

rad ica l i za t ion ;

The success of t he Russian Revolution a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t l y increased

r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y i n t he e thn ic communities. To t he e thn ic r ad i ca l s , "the

Bolshevik takeover i n Russia w a s greeted as the s i gna l f o r what they believed - -

t o be t he impending triumph of t he working c l a s s s t ruggle round the world."

( ~ a i n e 1981a:99) Fallowing t he news of t he revolut ion t he Ukrainian and

Finnish Soc ia l Democratic P a r t i e s gained a l a rge number of new members. The

p a r t i e s sought g r ea t e r autonomy from the Socia l Democratic Party of Canada -- -. -

- which they recognized w a s moving t o t h e r i g h t . e

The r i s e of the bolsheviks gave the e thn ic r a d i c a l s a concrete

development i n which t h e i r Marxist dogma was no longer confined t o r he to r i c

but could be seen i n t h e f r u i t i o n of a new s o c i a l order as had been promised.

It was now c l e a r t h a t t he system i t s e l f could be overthrown through direct -

means as the Russian Revolution had proved. There were'now s t r a t e g i e s and

ac t i ons ava i l ab le which could be used t o r e s t r uc tu r e soc ie ty and the e thn ics

were quick t o t a k e up t h e new banner of fe red them and l e t t h e Engl i sh waste

t h e i r t ime i n "what were cons idered d i l e t a n t e acbiv-i ty and reae-b-ioffa~y

p u r s u i t s .

The e t h n i c r a d i c a l s at+empted t o g a i n c o n t r o l of t h e Porcupine Miners Y

Union i n t h e hopes of u s ing it as a base of o p e r a t i o n from which they could

foment s t r i k e s and c o n f r o n t a t i o n s t o b r i m b o u t t h e f i n a l c l a s s r evo lu t ion .

I n March 1918 a l a r g e group of F inn and Ukrainians % r i e d t o i n f i l t r a t e t h e

union. Union a u t h o r i t i e s , however, r e fused t o a c c e p t them because of t h e i r

' b o l s h e v i k i ' a t t i t u d e s , The r ad ica l ' s were s t i l l a b l e t o i n c i t e s p o r

s t r i k e a c t i v i t y , demonst ra t ions and conf ron ta t ions ( ~ i m m i n s 1935 : 36

The major c o n f r o n t a t i o n occured i n March 1919 when a speaker

Consovitch, under t h e a u s p i c e s of t h e l o c a l FSDP and USDP, came. to t h e camp

t o a d d r e s s t h e s o c i a l i s t movement i n suppor t of t h e Russian Revolut ion. He

a t tempted t o add res s a l a r g e group of Engl i sh s o c i a l i s t s and u n i o n i s t s a t t h e

Union Hall, c a l l i n g f o r t h e overthrow of t h e e x i s t i n g o r d e r , t h e end of t h e

war and suppor t f o r a Sov ie t s t y l e of government. He was t a l k i n g t o t h e wrong

group; he w a s j e e red o f f t h e s t a g e and t h e union r ea f f i rmed i ts t r a d i t i o n a l

s t and i n suppor t of n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y , l a w and o rde r .

Consovitch spoke La te r t o a more r e c e p t i v e g a t h e r i n g a t t h e Timmin's.

Finn H a l l . He spoke i n Ukra in ian , F inn i sh and English t o a packed meeting

ga the red t o commemo~ate t h e Russian Revolut ion. He r ~ v i e w e d t h e Russian

r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement and i ts spread of l i t e r a t u r e and a c t i v i t y throughout

t h e world. He cursed a l l Kings and c a p i t a l i s t s s ay ing they were bloodsuckers

who t h e workers would p u t i n t h e t r e n c h e s once they came t o power. He c a l l e d

f o r no c o n s c r i p t i o n , no p o l i c e and no law b u t f o r a new o r d e r af t h e w r l d as

e ~ e m p l i ~ i e d by t h e Sov ie t Republic. He w a s drowned i n thunderous applause as

t h e assembled Gelcorned t h i s new a s s e r t i o n of t h e pauc i ty of t h e o l d c l a s s

- 118 -

orde r and t h e promise of a new one.

The hos t community irnmediat&ly r eac ted t o q u e l l a p o s s i b l e c r i s i s . m e - - -

l o c a l p o l i c e were i n a t tendance at t h e d F i n n Hall meeting and t h e morning

a f t e r h i s speech, as Consovitch was about t o l eave on t h e t r a i n , he was '

. 0 .

a r r e s t e d on a charge of having made s e d i t i o u s u t t e rances . He was taken b e f o * ~ 2

a magi s t r a t e and remanded f o r a week without b a i l because of t h e se r iousness 5

of t h e charge. +L ,

I n t h e af te rnoon a l a r g e crdwd o f . F i m s and Ukrainians gatliered a t t h e

F i r p H a l l and marched t o t h e p o l i c e s t a t i o n demanding t h e r e l e a s e of

Consovitch. The p o l i c e , however, had a l r eady been t o l d by e t h n i c informants

t h a t a v i o l e n t demonstrat ion was go ing t o t ake p lace and t h a t t h e

p a r t i c i p a n t s might r u s h t h e jail. When t h e crowd came t o t h e p o l i c e s t a t i o n

they found t h e p o l i c e wa i t ing f o r them. The mayor addrssed t h e crowd and

urged t h a t they behave l i k e good c i t i z e n s , reminding them of t h e b e n e f i t s

they enjeyed i n Canada and not t o t r y t h e i r "European t r i c k s i n t d i s land"

\ 4 (porcupine -Advance 20 March 1918, p. 1) . He threa tened t h a t any .attempt a t

- - - -

rushing t h e j a i l would r e s u l t i n t h e i r own deaths .

When t h e mag i s t r a t e a r r i v e d l a t e r t h a t day he r e fused t o s e t b a i l u n t i l

t h e 'mob' had dispeFsed. It f i n a l l y moved a c r o s s t h e s t r e e t under t h e T

watchful eyes of t h e p o l i c e and t h e Anglo c i t i z e n s . Consovitch's b a i l was s e t

a t $2,000 and t h e money gathered from among t h e e t h n i c popula t ion . The

p r i s o n e r was re l eased and escor t ed by h i 6 suppor te r s back t o t h e Finn H a l l ,

Fear ing t h a t t h e etshnic r a d i c a l s might t u r n t o v io lence a " s p e c i a l corps" of

200 - 300 deputy cons tab les w a s organized. The Dominion Po l i ce a l s o s e n t i n -

o f f i c e r s . Many of t h e 'white people ' i n t h e camp began t o car ry ,arms with

them a s we l l i n response t o a perceived t h r e a t t o t h e i r s o c i e t y (porcupine I

Advance 20 March 1918, p . l ) .

A prelimary hearing for Consovitch was held the following week but he

refused to recognize the legality of the judicial system and refused to take

an oath or make a declaration.'The defendant was remanded over for trial2

without bail. Before any trouble could develop fiftyto sixty plainclothes

officers began to round up every foreigner who was near the courtroom or on

the streets. They picked up 500 - 600 indviduals and released them only when

they could show proof of their good standing. Five were placed under military - ' arrest and others tried for infractions ihf their alien parole. M& were

brought up on trial for their involvement for several weeks thereafter and

the Dominion police remained in the camp making a thorough roundup of all

'troublemakers'. In order to avoid any further trouble Consovitch was later

fined $2,000' (the amount of his bail), given a suspended sentence and ordered

not to addres; any more p~biic meetings but by then he was far from the

camp.

The ethnics were now attacked on all fronts for simply being aliens and

not even enemy aliens. All their actions were now'suspect especially if they

seemed to be in any way competing with Canadians. A letter to the editor made , . -

it clear that the attack was based as much on matters of non-assimi$ation and

economic competition as any other criteria.

The multiplicity of their store3 hasia tendency to increase their habit of grouping together and makes it more difficult to assimilate them into the life of the country as well as giving them a less cleanly and satisfactory service than they could receive in the more up-to-date British'stores...The number of aliens in business in town is fairly appalling, particularily when the character of their businesses in general is considered. The aliens here undoubtedly 'get the money' but chiefly through such business routes as poolrooms, ice cream stands, tobacco and beer shops and other businesses often unnecessary or sometimes wasteful and hurtful to the community. The fear is not unfounded that when the war ends the British part of <he population will be pinched and poor and the foreigners will have lots of money. (porcupine Advance 15 May 1918, p.1) ,/

Within the ethnic communities repressive action by the Canadian society

and r a d i c a l a c t i v i t i e s i n t he homeland l ed t o the r i s e of small g&ups-which

sought conc i l i a t ion Nith t he host community. Among the Finnish and Ukrainians 5

+. c i v i l war i n the mother countr ies i n the aftermath of t he Russian Revolution

d

had s p l i t t h e countr ies between t h e 'Red Guard', a l l i e d t o t h e Soviet , and a

conservative 'White Guard'. This forced a s p l ' t within t he l oca l ' e thn ic t communities as some ind iv idua l s now chose t o emphasize and be recognized

expressly as 'whites ' ins tead of ' r ed s ' . This was an advantageous

presenta t ion a s it f i t well i n t o t he already ex i s t i ng symbolism t h a t had a %

developed i n t h e camp between t he B r i t i s h defined wxites and t he e thn ics who .

were being designated as dangerous reds. ,

These e thnic whites were of ten the more prosperous members of t h e i r -

communities and had t he most t o kose i n any d i r e c t oconfrontation with the

host socie ty . A s a - r e s u l t t h e i r l eaders took pains t o emphasize t h e i r

d i s t i n c t i o n and loya l ty . The i r ' s was an e thnic nationalism which was weighted

towards p o l i t i c a l goals synonomous with those of t he host soc ie ty and aga ins t

the r ad i ca l s ; they i den t i f i ed themselves as antagonis ts t o t he reds. The . - -

Finnish Presbyterian church group, l e d b y missionary pastors. Hart and ,̂ . t f

Heinonen, took pains t o express t h e i r memberships' l oya l t y t o Canada and

B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s . ' j ( ~ ) n important part of t h e i r work is t o show any

doubtful members of t h e i r people t h a t gra t i tude, , common sense and common.

-% i n t e r e s t demand t h a t a l l i n t h i s country be t r ue Canadians" (porcupine ,

Advance 28 ~ovember 1917, p. ,I ) . Those e thn ics who continued t o emphasize e i t h e r t h e i r nonassimilatory

- or r ad i ca l nature were i dv i t ed t o leave f o r Russia. "In view of t he -

overcrbwded condit ions of both t he asylums and the jails i n Canada, the re -

seems t o be no reason why any attempt should be made t o hold'them from

going." (porcupine Advance 31 July 1918, p. I ) It was c l e a r t h a t t he Canadian

s o c i e t y w a s no t ready t o accep t t h e r e s t r u c t u r i n g of s o c i e t y t o a l low f o r a .. .

more e q u i t a b l e arrangement. Here t h e i d e a l of Sovie t Russia s tood as a n

example; a p lace where a l l e t h n i c s could p a r t i c i p a t e as e ual+ To t h e 1$ - e t h n i c s Russia w a s no longer t h e 'prisonhouse of n a t i o n s ' as t h a t was a term

which seemed b e t t e r a p p l i e d t o Canada:As a r e s u l t many of t h e more r a d i c a l l y

committed e t h n i c s , F inns and Ukrainians i n p a r t i c u l a r , d i d dec ide t o leave I

f o r Russia dur ing 1918 and t h e postwar -period:

The i r knowledge of t h e Communist movement and ideology, however, was

o f t e n only a n i d e a l i s t i c pre tence as can be shown by such i n s t a n c e s as t h e

woman who went t o Russia wi th a l l h e r f u r n i t u r e and c lo th ing . She g o t t o

Russia bu t he r t h i n g s d i d ' n o t and she r e t u r n e d ' d i s i l l u s i o n e d and no longer i n

sympathy, Another t ime a , w i f e l e f t h e r husband behind and took h e r baby son

t o Russia but she d ied soon a f t e r a r r i v a l because of adverse cond i t ions and (

h e r b r o t h e r went and brought.*back t h e c h i l d . I n another i n s t a n c e a younger

b r o t h e r went t o Russia but found he d i d not l i k e it and a n o l d e r b ro the r went

t o Russia t o g e t him back. The a l d e r b r o t h e r was imprisoned b u t f i n a l l y

escaped and re turned t o Canada without t h e younger b r o t h e r who was never

heard from a g a i n . . d 1 Th i s d i d not prevent t h e feder,al government from in t roduc ing f u r t h e r

p o l i c i e s a s they began t o show concern over what they perce ived as-a growing

revo lu t iona ry movement i n t h e count ry , e t h n i c a l l y based and a l l i e d t o t h e

IWW. I n po in t of f a c t t h e r e w a s l i t t l e t h a t t h e government could po in t t o a s .=

a d i r e c t t h r e a t t o n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y f o r most of t h e t h r e a t s were on t h e

l o c a l community l e v e l , a s i n Timrnins, and had been d e a l t w i t t i l a r g e l y wi th in

those conf ines . But t h e growing f e a r s expressed by Anglo Saxons and r ightwing

e t h n i c l e a d e r s on the ?dangey.of ,a revolu t ionary movement l e d Prime Ministkc

Borden t o appoint C.H.bCahan, s wealthy Montreal lawyer, t o i n v e s t i g a t e t h e .. c *

matter . He ta lked t o businessmen, po l ice o f f i c i a l s and ' respectable ' labour *

l eaders who warned him of t h e " d i s t i n c t and well-organized Bolsheviki

movement i n Canada" very 1979 : 73) . Cohan's f i n a l repor t s t a t e d t h a t while the government had been ab le t o

dea l e f f ec t i ve ly with enemy a l i e n s an even g rea t e r danger w a s posed by

"Russians, Ukrainians and Finns employed i n the mines, f a c t o r i e s and other

i n d u s t r i e s , i n Canada" who were being "thoroughly sa tu ra ted with S o c i a l i s t

doc t r i ne s which have been proclaimed by the Bolsheviki f a c t i o n of Russia" ,

V ( ~ n ~ u s 1981127-8). It w a s made c l e a r t h a t t h i s was a spec i f i c d isease of t he

& l l i b l e e thnics . The repor t was more hyperbole than f a c t f o r t he government

w a s a l ready f u l l y convinced of what it wanked t o do and simply wanted an

excuse. The excuse i t s e l f w a s f l imsy as i n h i s in ter im repor t Cahan had

admitted t h a t he could Tind no evidence t h a t e thn ic a l i e n s had acted i n

-, contravention of t he War Measures Act and suggested t h a t t h e i r menta4 unres t '

.. was a r e s u l t of the "growing be l i e f t h a t the...government i s f a i l i n g t o dea l

e f f ec t i ve ly with t h e f i n a n c i a l , i n d u s t r i a l and economic groblems growing out

OF the war" ( ~ o s t a s h 1977:53). Nonetheless, t he f i n a l repor t gave the

government the necessary excuse f o r d i r e c t ac t ion aga ins t t he e thnics .

On September 2 5 , 1918 an Order-in-Council prohipi ted publ icat ions i n le4 .; %

. d i f fe ren t a l i e n languages. On Septembera 2 7 , 1918 another 0r6r- in-counci l was "i

i ssued which declared t h a t a number of e thnic r ad i ca l organizations includipg n *

t he 'Ukrainian Socia l Democratic Par ty ' and r ad i ca l unions such as the

' I n d u s t r i a l Workers of the,,Worldl were deemed unlawful organizatiofls. A.month

l a t e r t he 'Finnish Soc ia l Democratic Party ' was added t o t he l ist .

In t e r e s t i ng ly t he 'Socia l Democrattc Party of Canada' was not included as it

was by then bas ica l ly a B r i t i s h Canadian party and ea s i l y f i t i n t o t he r a the r -

s t r i ngen t l im i t a t i ons s e t by the government.

The Orders-in-Council alio did not allow any "meeting or assemblage of

0 any kind except church meetings-or meetings for religious services only" in -

which the 'language used was an enemy alien laqguage or the Finnish, Russian ,/

and Ukrainian languages. The regulations were punishable by a fine of u.p to

$5,000 and imprisonment for up to five years (palmer 1975: 196-7). Government

authorities followed this with. immediate actioh against the radical ethnic

organizatins in all the major centers of foreign activity including the

Porcupine Camp,

It was a basic assumption of the government and the local authorities

that w e Porcupine Camp was a major center of bolshevik activity and a base

of operations to other areas. With the introdGction of the new acts there was

an immediate raid of local boarding houses, A number of aliens were arrested

including two leaders of the local USDP, M. Kustryn and M. Maruschak, as well

- as members of the FSDP. "The work done in Timmins has uncovered much of the

evil plans and made its (~olshevik) suppression elsewhere a simple matter."

(porcupine Advance 23 October 1918, p.2) It was becomimg evident to the

ethnics that they were being singled out for persecution. ,

The reactionary response of the host society was symbolic as well as

. material. The ethnics were no longer portrayed as the 'men in sheepskin'. The

neQ symbol was that of the 'dangerous foreigner' who had arisen as a threat

to Canadian society ( ~ v e r ~ 1979:14). This change permitted any,

action the host society decided to take against the perceived ethnic

challenge to Angld conformity. These actions took place in the guise of

crisis; wartime and radical threats to the peace and good government of the

nation. It was an action which would continue to occur intermittently until

replaced by more benign policies and restrictions.

Ethnic Ostracism

The immediate af te rmath of t h e *war, wi th $he irmpending r e t u r n o f tlie

s o l d i e r s and t h e p r a e n e e of s i&f i s&ly large'gmps of e % h n i c & l i e m , saw

a con t inua t ion of t h e process of b a i t i n g a g a i n s t t h e e th rkcs . They were

perce ived t o be dangerous o b s t r u c t i o n s who must be pushed a s i d e t o make room

f o r t h e good ' B r i t i s h ' s took k - t h a t were r e t u r n i n g from t h e w a r as y e l l as

immigrants from t h e o t h e r na t ions of Western Europe who would s u r e l y be

coming to_Canada and would c e r t a i n l y make much b e t t e r c i t i z e n s . It was made

c l e a r t o t h e e t h n i c s t h a t t h e i r presence was no longer needed and t h e i r . .

r e t u r n t o t h e i r own c o u n t r i e s w a s expected as quickly a s p b s s i b l e . A major

nor thern mining p u b l i c a t i o n made t h i s c l e a r when it argued;

Have you anx Aus t r i ans , Germans o r . o t h e r enemy a l k e n s working f o r you? Has a r e t u r n i n g Canadian, a b l e t o f i l l a n A u s t r i a n ' s job, a p p l i e d f o r i t ? Have you turned down t h e r e tu rned s o l d i e r ? - 1 f you . answer 'yes ' t o any of t h e s e ques t ions , you a r e no t doing your n a t i o n a l duty. It i s up t o you as we l l as every o t h e r employer t o g e t r i d of t h i s 'Red' element and replace' it by a Canadian one. Perhaps you have replaced a l a r g e number.of a l i e n enemies t h a t you admit tedly had t o h i r e i n war time t o keep going, b u t you haven' t done your duty u n t i l you have r i d , e v e r y a l i e n of h i s job i f a Canadian a p p l i e s f o r it. F i r F t h e Reds! Keep t h e North White! '

( ~ o r t h e r n Miner 14 ' ~ u n e 1919, '

Now much of t h e postwar infoFmation pn- e t h n i c s ii t h e l o c a l newspaper

por t rayed them as s t u p i d and i r r a t i o n a l whereby t h e bolshevik in f luence on

them was seen a s unders tandable as it "inflamed t h e minds of t h e ignoran t o r

unba?ancedU ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e Advance 12 March 1919 ,p . 3) . This w a s p a r t of an

i n c r e a s i n g genera l p re jud ice as t h e l o c a l j u d i c i a l system and newspaper would

comment on e t h n i c s - b e i n g brought t o t r i a l i n terms -of t h e i r moral d u p l i c i t y

and showed a p rec i s& arrogance and unacknowledgement of e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s . I

Ethnics became i d e n t i f i e d a s "Austr ian, Russian, Roumanian, Ukrainian o r

something l i k e t h a t or d i f f e r e n t " , "a Russian, Serbian o r something" o r for

t h e i r t a l k i n g " c h i e f l y i n Russian o r some o t h e r t e r r i b l e ' t o n g u e " and f o r

t h e i r " imita t ion of English f lavoured with t he deaf and dumb *alphabet " where

it w a s not always easy t o t e l l what they meant by t h e i r "mumblingsWe They

were continually lambasted f o r t h e i r f i gh t i ng and then ly ing (whioh became A *

known a s "Austrian s t o r i e s " ) t o a u t h o r i t i e s t o protect%-dh other , The extent

of t h i s prejudice can aEso be gagged by t he f a c t t h a t when f i r e threatened an

e thn ic s ec t i on of South Porcupine i n 1919 a township 'councilpr remarked,

'Only t he foreigners l i v e there . Let it burn. ' .

Some e thn ics were i d e n t i f i e d as good examples and s e t a p a r t f o r - ' t he i r

r a r i t y . One individual , who had died i n a mysterious mine accident , w a s P

i d e n t i f i e d as a Russian-Pole ( ~ k r a i n i a n ) , "of the super ior c l a s s t o those

associa ted with him here". Phis d i f fe rence , it w a s s a id , caused o thers t o -

ignore him and t o t r y t o ge t him i n t rouble with the l a w as "others of h i s

countrymen who were jealous of h i s respecta.bil i ty sought t o have him s e t back

a b i t " . (porcupine Advance 17 September 1919, p.6).

The e thnic r ad i ca l s were unable t o communicate t o each o t h e ~ i n

d i f f e r en t communities. Under suppression by the government and l o c a l

a u t h o r i t i e s , Bolshevik l i t e r a t u r e had to -be sneake4 i n and hidden. It was

of ten d i s t r i bu t ed by being placed i n env&T?$kfand dropped on t he s t r e e t s t o I .

be picked up by i n t e r e s t ed p a r t i e s . This d id not , however, prevent people iQ --.

from being a r res ted . I n September 1919 a Finnish-Americanewas broaght t o ., J-

P t r i a l f o r bringing "objectionable Mi l i t e r a t u r e " i n t o the camp. The 1

magistrate sentenced him t o two years as "it p s not intended t o allow . agi taStors and s ed i t i on mongers t o cause disturbances and unrest" and t h a t i the .

l i t e r a t u r e was "tending t o inflame the ignorant and embittered t o modes of

ac t ion t h a t would be unconst i tu t ional and in ju r ious t o t h e country" * - a . - ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e Advance 2 September 1919, p .2 ) . The "ignorant and embittered" r e r e & ,

,of course t he e thn ics ; they were not ignorant but they were becoming

embittered.

The ethnics were being ostracizedrfrom the host community in increasing 3 -

-- -

numbers, Their national socialist organizations were w&ikened and the local

membership was forced to retrench into the ethnic communities. Both the

Finnish and Ukrainian organizations, newly resurre~ted~after wartime Pea . , .. 1,

restrictions as the 'Finnish Socialist Organization of Cahada (FSOC)' and the

' Ulrrainan Labour Farmers Temple Association (uLFTA) ', found themselves

excluded from the national a socialist and labour movements (seager 1981 r 39). ' . . On the local-level as well -&bn and political activity was left to the

~ n ~ l i s h Canadians and the results only further served to ostrkciue the -t

ethnics. . . - f 5

'L . .

Anglo Reinteeation +*, - . In the Porcupine Camp after the war there was a reinteation of those

w.

English Canadians who had previously participated in the radical movement.

The elements for this reintegratibn had already been introduced d&ng the c B C I.

war with the growth of nationalism and racism directed against the ethnics. -

The postwar period saw a continuation and refinement of this-proceXsT- .i

The returning veteran was to be the key element of the postwar econoiuic 3

and political reconstruction. He was welcomed as a laureled hero. Previous

transgressions of class radicalism and unionism were forgiven. In Timins the

veterans formed the local 'GoldfieIds Chapter of the Great War Veterans

Association (GWA) ' . The veterans had the potential o f becoming a new socibl force in the community as their ranks cut across.class lines'and included

=

L miners, mine executivy, merchants and politicians. To the Anglo Canadians of -

the camp, whose opinions are well-recorded in the Porcupine Advance, the a .

t - - 2 -

veterans were peoplk who would do the 'proper' thing at home 3 s they had done ', --,

I

during the war. Their expectations were matched by the behaviour of the t .//

returniG soldiers who, unlike the veterans Gho had joined forces with

ethnics in the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 (~0~a.n 1980 : 100-1 ) , responded

by joining with the mine managers to halt the spread of ethnic radicalism.

As repayment the mine managers created positions for the veterans by

ridding the mines of ethnic workers. The veterans, however, were returning to

a cowunity in which economic conditions were worse than when,they had left.

There was a higher cost of living and wages ha8 not kept pace with inflation.

The questYon was how were the grievances to be addressed; by'conciliation

with the.employers or by direct class action in alliance with *he radical

, ethnics?

Already in the town elections of 1919 the leaders of the local union,

L.S. Newton and W. DeFeu, had been voted into office along with mine officer,

and future Bollinger manager, E.L. Longmore. But this was not indicative of a

confrontation between the miners and mineowners. Rather it was an indicative

of local accogmodation. The council included French and English Canadian

leaders in labour and business as well as strong Catholics such as Newton,

. .. who'was one of.the founders of the Catholic Men's Club, and strong

Protestants like Longmore who was a lay preacher in the Presbyterian church.

The local alliance between French and English Canadians was enlarged

into a wider collective arrangement which continued to exclude ethnics. The

, Fresbyterian Men's Club and the Catholic en's Club banded together, under

the direction of Father Theriault, snd built a memorial clubhouse to .

connemorate the war and to meet the Geterans' needs. This was only one of the

points of increasing alliance between Catholic and grotestant and French and

3ngEsh. The alliance was such that in 1919 the Timmins town council %,greed

to eccomodate the French-speaking populace by hiring, for the first time, a

2olicenan who spoke both French and English.

- 128 -

Father Ther iaul t even ac ted as spokesman f o r l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s t o t he k

public. When the town council wanted t o add land t o the Pro tes tan t cemetery 7 - i n 1920 they asked Father ~ h e r i a u l t t o a c t as representa t ive t o t h e Catholic A

1

.owners of t h e land. When he d id not ge t a good p r i ca he advised them t o

expropriate r a the r than pay t he high asking price; When t h e Timmins Golf Club t

.e

was b u i l t by the Hollinger Mine i n 1920, as one of t h e more exclusive

establishments f o r t h e e l i t e , one could o f ten f i nd Ther iaul t playing golf

the re with t h e mine managers. Ther iaul t pushed f o r union accommodation with

the mine management aga ins t t he t h r e a t of d i s rup t ive s t r i k e ac t ion , H i s

influence was only one element i n a n increas ing program d i r ec t ed towards t he I

returned veteran and miner.

Speakers again came t o t h e Union Hall t o preach i n favour of t he 1 -

B r i t i s h forms of social$sm t o t h e returned veterans. A B r i t i s h Labour Par ty A

represen ta t ive spoke t o a publ ic meeting i n April 1919 a t which he warned t h e

re turning so ld i e r s ngt t o l i s t e n t o t h e bolsheviks i n t he community and t h a t - - - -

the be s t way t o change th ings w a s through co&AAtutional means. The speaker

pointed out t h a t " foreigners came here t o b e t t e r t h e i r condit ions not t o t e l l

ug how t o run our country" (porcupine Advance 2 April 1919, p a l / 9 April

1919, p .2) . A female s o c i a l i s t speaker from England s t a t e d t h a t she knew t h a t

the workers were now a l l r ea l i z ing ' t he inequi ty of t h e i r pos i t ions but t h a t

t he i n e q u i t i e s should be addressed by peaceful means. She emphasized t h a t the

B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l approach was t o g e t only a " f a i r share i n the good things

of t he world". (porcupine Advance 30 April 1919, p. 1).

The labour and s o c i a l i s t movement was moving i n t o a measure of

r e spec t ab i l i t y t h a t could not have been considered poss ible i n years

previous. The preacher of t he Presbyterian church gave a sermon i n 1919 i n

support of t he union which he characterized as having a good moral foundation

and t h u s

t o brgan

D

of appropr i a t e i n t e r e s t t~ t h e church, He s a i d

i z e t o r e d r e s s "wrongs and i n j u s t i c e s v , He sepp

t h e men had a r i g h t

o r t e d t h m e whe m u l d

uphold t h t working m n

kind of men". He asked

i n Parl iament b u t warned of those who were "the wrong

t h e miners " t o work wi th t h e church and t h e chyrch t o

work wi th t h e workers f o r a s o l u t i o n of the 'problems of t h e day and t h e

darning of a b e t t e r day" ( ~ o r c u p i n e Advance 7 May 191 9, 2) ,

The Porcupine Miners Union became concerned no t wi th t h e p l i g h t of t h e

working c l a s s but wi th s p e c i f i c i s s u e s . When union l e a d e r DeFeu addressed

'The Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Relat iotps ' , which had been c rea ted t o

examine t h e u n s e t t l e d labour s i t u a t i o n i n t h e nor th , he s t a t e d t h a t

a i s s a t i s f a c t i o n among t h e workers was a t t r i b u t a b l e t o l a c k of union

recogn i t ion by t h e mines, t h e low wages and t h e need f o r proper h o s p i t a l

accommodation, e s p e c i a l l y f o r t h e workers' f a m i l i e s (porcupine Advance 21 May

1919, p .1 ) . P res iden t Lord of t h e IMMSWU re turned t o t h e camp and c a l l e d f o r

c r e a t i o n of I n d u s t r i a l Councils of both labour and c a p i t a l t o which both

would submit t h e i r cases (porcupine Advance 21 May 1919, 1 ) . The movement

had been g iven up f o r t h e i n t e r e s t s of t h e moment a s even t h e p res iden t of r

t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l union was a sk ing f o r c o n c i l i a t i o n wi th t h e employers.

~ i i i t a n t t r a d e unignism and r a d i c a l c l a s s a c t i v i t y i n coopera t ion with ' the

e t h n i c s was be ing given up i n t h e i n t e r e s t of 'bread and b u t t e r ' i s s u e s .

Ethnic doubts were f u r t h e r enlarged when those English Canadians who

should have been o s t r a c i z e d by t h e i r previous union and r a d i c a l c l a s s

a c t i v i t y were..resurrected i n t o employment. i n the mines. The English

l eade r sh ip of t h e union were a b l e t o r e t a i n t h e i r job p o s i t i o n s i n s p i t e of I

openly t a l k i n g about t h e union while t h e ekhnics would be f i r e d f o r even

whispering.about t h e union. The mine managers and t h e English miners were now

acknowledged a s be ing "on t h e b e s t of terms" (porcupine Advance 18 June 1919,

// Their i n t e r e s t s were seen -as being one and t h e same and it w a s t o prove

such t o the de t r iment of t h e e t h n i c s and t h e union movement, 3

I n s p i t e of worsening economic cond i t ions an& r is ing-f i scontent among

t h e miners t h e l e a d e r s of t h e 'Great War Veterans Associa t ion (GWVA) ' , with

i t s c ross -c l a s s i n t e r e s t s , dec la red t h a t t h e camp could not a f f o r d any labouF

u n r e s t . They s a i d t h e r e tu rned s o l d i e r s were anxious t o avoid it because they

needed money and s t a b l e employment a f t e r t h e i r experience overseas . Ins t ead a

GWVA r e s o l u t i o n w a s d ispa tched t o t h e Board of Trade c a l l i n g f o r a conference

between merchants, miner owners, labour and o t h e r i n t e r e s t s who were

concerned wi th t h e high c o s t of l i v i n g which was seen as caus ing t h e c 0

*

i n d u s t r i a l un res t . (porcupine c= Advance 25 ~ u n e ' l 9 l 9 , p. 4)

Given t h e breadth of t h e i r suppok-t n e i t h e r t h e mines o r miners could

r e j e c t t h e GWVA r e s o l u t i o n . The conference was held J u l y 2 , 1919 i n t h e Town

Council chambers with r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from t h e town counc i l , Board of Trade,

-

GWVA, t h e union and t h e mines. The meeting w a s cha i red by t h e GWVA pres iden t .

The miners ' r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , Len Newton, s t a t e d t h a t a l l they were asking f o r

w a s "a chance t o l i v e " . The conference, however, d i d not d i s c u s s union

gr ievances bu t r a t h e r t h e p r i c e of goods and ended wi th t h e c r e a t i o n of

committees t o i n v e s t i g a t e t h e p r i c e of commodities i n t h e camp and what t o do

about t h e gene ra l c o s t of l i v i n g . The mine and labour r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were t o

meet t o g e t h e r a t m a l a t e r d a t e t o d i s c u s s t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r concerns.

The nexh week t h e eommittee r e p o r t s were presented. They c a l l e d f o r t h e

bu i ld ing of f o u r b i g roomi%ghouses and a r e s t a u r a n t , more houses, a s we l l as

f o r a g e n e r a l remedy through "personal economy and t h r i f t " . They emphasized

t h e in f luence o f ' o u t s i d e f o r c e s recommending t h a t t h e government reduce

f r e i g h t and express r a t e s i n t o ' t h e camp and l i m i t p r o f i t s i n manuracturing,

wholesal ing and o t h e r i n d u s t r i e s . The committee r e p o r t s d i d l i t t l e except

/ , whitewash t h e problems; They recognized t h e d i f f i c u l t econ6mic cond i t i ons b u t

1

l e f t i t f o r o t h e r s t o d e a l w i th them.

When t h e mine managers and union r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s met on J u l y 11 they

only "agreed on t h e i r e a r n e s t d e s i r e t o agree". (porcupine Advance 16 J u l y ,

p.1) When t h e miners and managers met a g a i n t h e fo l lowing week, t h e managers

were a b l e t o move t h e miners ' r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s away from pay demands by

c la iming t h a t t h e "mining d o l l a r " had shrunk by one- th i rd o f . t h e 1917 d o l l a r '

and monetary concess ions were o v t of t h e q u e s t i o n . . I n s t e a d t h e y o f f e r e d t o

open s t o r e s t o a l l o w goods t o be s o l d a t lower p r i c e s t h a n those f o r c e d upon *

them by ' o u t s i d e r s ' . They s a i d t h a t t h i s would be e q u i v a l e n t to : the i n c r e a s e

i n wages suggested by t h e men. The mines would a l s o s e t up a f r e e h e a l t h -- -

i n su rance b e n e f i t p l a n f o r i t s workers and t h e Ho l l inge r promised t o s e t up a

new h ~ & ~ i t a l . The union was f o r c e d t o a c c e p t t h e c o n d i t i o n s which only

weakened i t s own p o s i t i o n .

A s a r e s u l t of t h e mine - union agreement h e Ho l l inge r and McIntyre

mines bought s t o r e s i n Timmins and Porcupine, r e s tocked and reopened them i n

September 1919. The s t o r e s o f f e r e d a 15% r e d u d i o n from t h e p r i c e s former ly

charged. Coupons were s o l d by t h e mine paymasters a t e i g h t y f i v e c e n t s f o r a

d o l l a r s worth of coupons which t h e n could be exchanged a t t h e s t o r e s f o r a

d o l l a r s worth of goods.

The mine s t o r e s were a s o p o r i f i c inducement t o t h e 6 i n e r s . They were a L

boon t o t h e marr ied men i n t h e camp, e s p e c i a l l y t h e Engl i sh miners , who had

s e t t l e d wi th t h e i r f a m i l i e s and had mine-owned housing. They were 11of of

b e n e f i t t o t h e unmarried men, e s p e c i a l l y t h e e t h n i c s , who had l e f t t h e i r

f a m i l i e s behind and l i v e d i n co-operat ive and board ing houses. The e t h n i c

miners went t o t h e mine s t o r e s most ly f o r t h e i r c l o t h i n g b u t t h e i r food %as

s u p p l i e d wi th t h e i r board o r they bought t h e i r meals i n t h e r e s t a u r a n t s . -

;B The Porcupine Miners Union found i t s e l f caught i n a

helped t o c r e a t e as it became c l e a r t h a t t h e c o n c i l i a t i o n

s i t u a t i ~ n it had

had been a t i t_s_

expense and not t h e mines, The mines had success fu l ly extended t h e i r . C

paternal i sm over t h e Engl ish Canadian miners. The union would continue t o be

outmaneuvered by t h e mines. Whenever t h e union l e a d e r s h i p drew up i ts demands . - o r t a l k e d of s t r i k e , t h e Dome, Hol l inger and McIntyre would i n c r e a s e t h e

employee d iscount i n t h e mine s t o r e s as we l l a s g i v e a s l i g h t pay i n c r e a s e

without wai t ing f o r a formal r e q u e s t , I n March 1920 t h e i n c r e a s e was

twenty-five c e n t s f o r muckers and f i f t y c e n t s f o r s k i l l e d workers p e r day. I n

May 1920 it was inc reased t o f i f t y c e n t s i n an a t tempt t o outmaneuver t h e

union and hold onto more workers. -

- -

The mines began t o b u i l d l a r g e townsi tes t o house t h e i r Anglo workers P

and a few of t h e l e s s r a d i c a l e t h n i c s . The Hol l inger , i n p a r t i c u l a r , began t o

b u i l d a l a r g e number i n t h e northwest s e c t i o n of Timmins. There t h e miners

who had proven themselves by good s e r v i c e with few marks a g a i n s t them, such

as union o r s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y , could be found. The mines even provided - -

r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . r By 1920 it was a l s o becoming c l e a r t h a t t h e English Canadian ve te rans

who had been h i r e d by t h e mines i n l a r g e n d b e r s a f t e r t h e war d i d not wish

t o remain on the job and work under t h e same.condit ions as t h e e t h n i c miners.

They f e l t it was demeaning f o r them t o start from t h e bottom of t h e ladder .

A s a r e s u l t t h e mines were fo rced t o h i r e inc reas ing numbers of e t h n i c s b u t ,

i n o rde r t o c o n t r o l them, they a l s o began looking f o r t h e proper types of

English miners who could " inc rease t h e e f f i c i e n c y of t h e mining staffs and

a d j u s t t h e labour s i t u a t i o n " i n t h e i r favour (porcupine Advance 2 7 October

1920, p .1 ) .

The mines d i d not wish t o depend on e t h n i c miners o r have t o accept d -

t h e i r i n e v i t a b l e advance w i t h i n t h e mine h i e ra rchy t o p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y .

They had t o provide a new b u f f e r between t h e e t h n i c miners and t h e

management, They found t h e i r answer in3 the t i n mines of Cornwall, England

( ~ n n i s 1936 : 362) . w

fl

The mine managements knew t h e Cornwall a r e a w e b as some had r ece ived

t h e i r educa t ion i n t h e Engl i sh mining schools . They knew t h e miners had

exper ience i n hard rock mining and were of good 'whi te ' s t o c k as w e l l as

be ing consc ious of t h e i r own c l a s s p o s i t i o n s . They s e n t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n

e a r l y 1920 t o h i r e miners , promising t o pay t r a v e l expenses as w e l l as

provide accommodation. The mine managements b u i l t bunkhouses t o handle t h e

i n i t i a l i n f l u x u n t i l houses were ready. When t h e Cornishmen began t o come i n

November 1920 they were moved immediately onto t h e t o w n s i t e s 'so t h e r e would

be l i t t l e con tac t wi th o t h e r groups.

The Cornishmen were moved qu ick ly on te t h e h o u s e s i t e s . The i r l i g h t ,

water and c o a l was provided by t h e mines. A minestore was a l s o b u i l t on t h e

Dome s i t e where they could buy necessary goods wi th coupons from t h e mine. It

was r a r e f o r them t o s e e much r e a l money a s t h e mine took c a r e o f a lmost

every th ing . I n t u r n t h e Cornishmen r e t a i n e d a n awareness of t h e i c l a s s 7 p o s i t i o n s , t a k i n g o f f t h e i r caps whenever aomine manager came by ( ~ o b e r t s

1979 : l ) .

Th i s group e f f e c t i v e l y supplanted t h e e t h n i c s who could no longe r be

a s su red of moving up t h e promotion ladder . ,The s t r e e t rumours t h a t preceded

t h e Cornishmen's a r r i v a l t h a t t hey would "d i sp l ace men a l r e a d y employed"

seemed t o be a l t o g e t h e r t o o txue f o r t h e e t h n i c s ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e Advance 10 3

November 1920, ,p .4) . One i n d i c a t i o n of t h e hard f e e l i n g s t h a t r e s u l t e d

a g a i n s t t h e s e new men was t h a t one of t h e worst t h i n g s one e t h n i c could c a l l

ano the r w a s a 'Cousinjack ' - a derogatory term f o r Cornishmen which r e s u l t e d

from t h e i r t r y i n g t o b r i n g over i h e i r r e l a t i v e s , 'CoGsin J a c k ' , t o work i n

t h e mines, P -

Groups of Cornishmen, Lancashiremen and Welshmen were brought i n

throughout t h e e a r l y 1920s t o supplant t h e e t h n i c s . They formed t h e i r own

clubhouses and a s s o c i a t i o n g such a s t h e Cornish Socie ty , The Lancashire

s o c i e t y and The Welsh Club. They found themselves c a t e r e d t o by t h e mines i n - -;\ Z

a ma,nner on t h e b a s i s of t h e i r English i d e n t i t y ( ~ c ~ o r m a c k 4

1981:52). ~ h e i l ea rned t h a t t h e mines and community ass igned s t a t u s and r o l e

according t o Anglo i d e n t i t y and they emphasized t h e i r own advantageous aB

i d e n t i t i e s e x p l i c i t l y w i t h a commensurate l o y a l t y t o t h e mines and managers,

which had been r a r e .

But t h e r e n t w a s low, s o people were very anxious t o l i v e on company proper ty . Even though t h e boss w a s looking down t h e i r neck a l l t h e t ime. And they f i g u r e d t h a t t h e Dome was t h e beginning and end of everyth ing , Vithout t h e Dome they j u s t cou ldn ' t l i v e . A s people used t o say , t h e i r c h i l d r e n went t o bed and s a i d , 'God b l e s s wmmy , Gob b l e s s daddy and God b l e s s t h e Dome. ' ( ~ o b e r t s 1979:1) .

2 j.

Afte r t h e i n i t i a l u n r e s t of t h e postwar pe r iod t h e Anglos and t h e

mining companies seemed t o become more powerful t h w ever . "It w a s - a s - i f - t h e - -

g a i n s of t h e e a r l y twentieth. century had been e rased and t h e , c l o c k had been

turned back t o t h e n ine teen th century." (Abella and Millar 19?8:'217) The

degree of t h i s con t ro l .was such t h a t al though Tirnmins continued t o be

cons idered a m i l i t a n t community i t s record of d i r e c t a c t i v i t y was abysmal 1

(Abella 1973: 88-1 10; Avery 1979: 73) . It would be 40 y e a r s between t h e

1912-1913 s t r ike2and a comparable s t r i k e i n '1952 (and t h a t by a 'tame' union)

with only i n t e r m i t t e n t walkouts i n between. The e t h n i c s continued t o p lace a

g r e a t d e a l of emphasis on r a d i c a l c l a s s mi l i tancy bu t they a l s o r e t r enched- %

wi th in t h e i r e t h n i c communities and i n s t i t u t i o n s and c r e a t e d new s i t u a t i o n $ l

responses t o con tex tua l change.

- 135 -

* 'B '

V . THE EXTENSION OF ETHNICITY

Ethnic H a l l P rog res s ives

Socia l i sm i n Canada took a sha rp t u r n i n t h e postwar pe r iod towards a #

more conse rva t ive na t iona l i sm and Anglo-conformist o r i e n t a t i o n ( ~ o r o w i t z

1968:24). This conse rva t ive s o c i a l i s m ~ a m e t o dominate Canadian s o c i e t y and c

though, as Penner (1977:76) comments, it "con t r ibu ted t o t h e d e f e a t of 1

4 Toryism and i ts replacement by l i b e r a l democracy as t h e predominant ideology

( o r c o n t e x t ) i n Canadian s o c i e t y " , it a l s o cont inued t o e f f e c t i v e l y l i m i t i e t h n i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . While coming t o accept t h e e t h n i c s as a necessary p a r t

of Canadian s o c i e t y , t h i s newly produced l i b e r a l con tex t cont inued t o expect

they would e i t h e r a s s i m i l a t e o r ope ra t e as circumscribed ' e t h n i c g roups ' ,

secondary c u l t u r a l e lements whose a c c e s s t o economic and p o l i t i c a l poPer

would cont inue t o be bound by s t r u c t u r e s and symbols de f ined by t h e dominant 1 s o c i e t y .

n a t i o n a l r a d i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o p s such as 'The Communist P a r t y of Canada (CPC) '

(founded i n 1921) which sought t o ove r tu rn t h e con tex t . I n t h e Porcupine Camp

Some e t h n i c s chose t o ope ra t e under t h e s e r e s t r i c t i o n s . Others jo ined i i 1 1 !

a t l e a s t many more responded by r e t r e a t i n g i n t o ' t h e i r e t h n i c enc laves and I

i n s t i t u t i o n s and developing new i n s t i t u t i o n s ( e .g. .co-operative.s) t o a c t i n

t h e i r i n t e r e s t on t h e community l e v e l . The e t h n i c h a l l s i n t h e Porcupine Ca,mp

became important c e n t e r s of l o c a l i z e d rad ica l i sm (p rog res s iv i sm) ; suppor t

which was concealed behind an e t h n i c facade but which could be r e s u r r e c t e d .

i n t o a n a t i o n a l and i n t e r e t h n i c c l a s s movement when c o n d i t i o n s ( t h e y a s su red

themselves) were deemed appqopriate.. In essence this was the deveIopment of a

local resporrse system which could incl.&uded a v m k t y of p o l i % i d , d

economic and social criteria but which enabled individuals and groups,to

responded to these criteria on a situational basis. Though progressive

activity could often be identified as being left-wing in nature, at least

politically, it shohd be more properly understood in terms of local attempts

to.acquire and retaiQ resources.

With completion of the Timiins ULFTA Hall in 1922 and the building of

many new ethnic halls throughout the camp, the Ukrainians and Finns began a

major

halls

life '

halls

program of institutionalizing their culture and politics within their

and communities. The hails offered alternatives to the 'Canadian way of

which was defined and dominated by forces outside their control. In the

culture ana politics came together and became synonomous. Political

activity was one of the many activities members of the halls could

participateoh and often appeared to be as much a cultural activity as music

and dancing. -

In the halls individuals could readily converse on radical politics

with ifipunity as the Canadian authorities were un kely to be listening. P Adults and children were taught to write Ukrainian and Finnish and to read

revolutionary literature and socialist newspapers. Plays were shown in their

native languages which served to maintain a general class consciousness as

the works would often emphasize (in an exaggerated fashion) the plight of the

workers-and farmers against t h ~ evil landlords who. were symb~lic of k - , / . .

i l I

capitalism. The plays were almost all serious and dramatic, aiming for a i

moral pint, showing that life was hard and the struggle lang hut that the

final victory could be won.

The promise of a final revolutionary victory remained but it could not

serve the ethnics on a daily basis. Instead they came to depend on the halls .

maintaining their ethnic interests in the cornunity entriroment. As a resuzt

the halls became the foundation of a' new'local form of politics and social

life which became characterized, among the Finns in particular, as "hall

socialism" (~aine 1981a:96-7). The halls offered a total way of life in which

people could enjoy their chtural activities surrounded by like minded

individuals while being indoctrinated into "a collective political view of the

world. This contradictory relationship, as between class and ethnicity, can

be seen in this description of the American radical Finnish halls but which

also applies to the Finnish and Ukrainian halls in the Porcupine Camp.

In this culture of Finnish radicalism there was no particular indoctrination of the young in our ethnic heritage other than the origins of the music, dance and drama we saw or heard and performed and the European style gymnastics in which we participated and competed. Childrens' and youth organizations at the radica1,'Finn Hall' was political not ethnic...It was tacitly understood and emphatically stated that we were internationalists who rejected narrow American or Finnish patriotism..,If one were to judge Finnish American radicali from this impact upon the 2 young who were exposed to i t p hence, then the judgment would have to be that this movement was thoroughly American and was pushing the young generation of radical Finns outward into American political and social life even while leaving them an ineradicable consciousness of ethnic origins. (ROSS 1977 : 169-170)

It was an ethnic internationalism with class political goals that was

cohesive and remarkably strong on the community level but could not pose a

threat to the larger host society or its ostensible capitalist and

~n~lo-dominated institutions without panethnic alliances outside the halls.

This panethnic alliance was an impoptant part of the' radical structure of the

Communist party though it was not always a common development on the

local-level. Yet, within the Porcupine Camp, it was the norm and the strength

of the interethnic alliance helps to explain the continuing ethnic

confrontation with the host community. v

P

- 138 -

The Finns and Ukrainians s t r o n g a l l i a n c e wi th in

t h e camp as they bad t h e same ethnic- and palit ical goals in h o t h the l o c a l -

progress ive and wider r a d i c a l c l a s s movement,. They were s o c l o s e that i n 1926 *

they jo ined toge the r t o form a co-operative. I n t h e l a t e 1930s they bought a

p iece of proper ty t o g e t h e r and he ld t h e i r p i c n i c s and f e s t i v a l s a t what 4

became-known a s t h e 'Finnish-Ukrainian P icn ic Grounds'. One l e f twing

Ukrainian informant commented on t h e c loseness and d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e

two communities; v

The Finnish and Ukrainian people were very c lose . They exchanged c u l t u r a l work and were i n t h e t r a d e union movement t o g e t h e r ... They . ( t h e q ~ i n n s ) were e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t e d i n s p o r t s and c a l i s t h e n i c s and we ( ~ k r a i n i a n s ) would put on a concert with o r c h e s t r a and

-

c h o i r . We were more i n t e r e s t e d i n t h a t type of c u l t u r e than be ing -

a t h l e t i c a l l y minded.

I A s o t h e r e t h n i c communities, such as t h e ' Croat ians , grew- i n t h e camp

they a l s o developed r a d i c a l d i v i s i o n s which a l l i e d with t h e Ukrainians and

Finnish i n t h e union, co-operat ive, l o c a l progress ive and genera l r a d i c a l

movement. The e t h n i c h a l l s would remain a s t h e major i n s t i t u t i o n a l bases of

t h e e t h n i c communities. - -

e

I n t h e f a c e of cont inuing h o s t s o c i e t y pressure a g a i n s t c l a s s ideology < c

and with l i t t l e chance f o r a s u c c e s s f u l p o l i t i c a l response on t h e n a t i o n a l

l e v e l , t h e l o c a l e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions were forced t o mute t h e i r p o l i t i c a l

s t r u c t u r e s and emphasize t h e i r c u 2 t u r a l base i n o r a e r t o f i t i n t o t h e newly

rev i sed Canadian l i b e r a l context which perceived them, a t l e a s t

p r o v i s i o n a l l y , a s acceptable groups working wi th in Canadian s o c i e t y and not

a g a i n s t i t . They came t o be- seen as charming c u l t u r a l anomalies, c o l o u r f u l

q a r t i c i p a n t s with equa l ly c o l o u r f u l costumes, ins t ruments , music and p lays

( ~ o s t e r 1926; Gibbon 1938).

This change occured i n t h e e a r l y and middle 1920s when t h e paranoia

f l * a g a i n s t e t h n i c s which hadofo l lowed t h e war had changed, a t l e a s t among t h e

\

mine managers, i n t o a c r y i n g need f o r immigrants due t o a l abour sho r t age

prompted by t h e h igh t u r n o v e r . o f . E n g l i s h Canadians i n t h e Northern On ta r io

mines v very 1979: 91 ) , New immigrants a g a i n tu rned t o t h e mines f o r

employment. They c r e a t e d and added t o e x i s t i n g e t h n i c enc l aves and he lped t o B

develop a new e t h n i c s o c i a l o r d e r a t t h e l o c a l - l e v e l . . , t

Ethn ic Enclaves %

The mining companies i n t h e north', f aced wi th a dec reas ing l abour f o r c e

because of English Canadian d i s i n t e r e s $ , began t o p r e s s f o r t h e e a s i n g of '+s

immigration restrictions. The negatYve r e a c t i o n of organized l abour and

r e t u r n i n g v e t e r a n s , however, f o r c e d t h e government t o con f ine immigration i n

1921 t o t hose who were cons idered a "bona f i d e a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t " o r ':farm -

l aboure r " wi th s u f f i c i e n t means and assurance f o r employment ( ~ i n d s t r o m - ~ e s t

1981a:8). Th i s d i d no t s t o p inimigration as t h e g o v e r m n t t u rned a b l i n d eye

t o i n d i v i d u a l s who q u a l i f i e d t o e n t e r ' t h e country as a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s b u t

i n s t e a d supp l i ed cheap l abour f o r t h e mines, r a i lways and bush camps. A South 1

- Forcupine o f f i c i a l o f t h e Department of Mines recognized t h i s f a c t when he

s t a t e d i n G24 t h a t " A s a Canadian I d e s i r e t o s e e - t h i s count ry go

ahead. . .bu t not a t t h e expense of b r ing ing i n F inns , o r any. o t h e r s e t t l e r C

marked f o r farming when t h e r e a l i n t e n t i o n i s t o make miners of them, o r even d *

lumbermen; " ( ~ i n d s t r o m - ~ e s t - 1981a:8) But t r a v e l a g e n t s i n Europe were a l r e a d y - * -

----fT d i r e c t i n g i n d ' v i d u a l s t o Canada and e s p e c i a l l y t h e Northern Ontar io r eg ion i R 2 _ eve r i n c r e a s i n g numbers. A Norwegian informant remembered how one agent

induced him t o go t o Timmins;

He asked... 'What p l ace i n Canada a r e you going to? , ' . 'Wel l , I s u r e . d i d ' n o t h o w , as I had no f r i e n d s o r r e l a t i v e s t h e r e . Nei ther d i d

my p a r t n e r . So when we h e s i t a t e d t h e agent s a i d , 'Why d o n ' t you go t o Timmins? That i s a new-mining town and t h e r e i s l o t s - of work t h e r e e i t h e r i n t h e mines o r i n t h e bush o r you can t a k e a.

homeskad if you want t o . There is l o t s of v i rg in country. ' Well t h a t sounded p r e t t y good so we each bought a t i c k e t t o Timmins.

-

These men were i n i t i a l l y migrants r a t h e r than immigrants. They o f t en - - --

came i n l a rge groups f & m t h e i r home v i l l a g e s and regions i n Finland, . '

Yugoslavia, Norway, Sweden, I t a l y and o ther countr ies . These groups would be * "

l e d by an experienced migrant who had been t o North America a number of times a

before o r someone who &w t h e language (Harney and Troperh 1975 : 60). The

l eaders offered advice on where t o f i n d employment and, once a des t ina t ion

w a s reached, would inqu i re about jobs,

Often twenty o r t h i r t y men from a s i ng l e region would a r r i v e at once

and be met a t t he t r a & s t a t i o n by r e l a t i v e s o r acquaintances who would -

provide a place t o s t a y and he lp them f i n d jobs. Others--would be met b y '

compatriot boardinghouse owners and hotelkeepers. These h o t e l s and

boardinghouses would o f f e r t h e newcomer a place t o s t ay and a chance t o gain

,information from fe l low countrymen. These immigrant ent rpreneurs helped t o

* wri te l e t t e r s , send money back t o f ami l i e s , and i f , as they o f ten d id , t he

' immigrant chose t o remain i n Canada, would help t o r e p a t r i a t e t he family o r

arrange a marriage with a g i j 1 from the o ld country. The men came with littZF

thought of s e t t l i n g permanent3y. They hoped t o s t a y only a few years t o make

enough money but few were ever t o re tu rn .

- ( ~ i n n i s h ) It was hard leaving t h e >family behind but I wanted t o come and t he r e was no o ther way f o r it. I wanted t o make a for tune here and then go back t o t he old country. That w a s my plan. I w a s going t o work here i n t he mines a number of years and then . r e tu rn .

ta tali an) I d i d n ' t th ink I w a s going t o s t ay i n Canada. Not f o r . 1 years. I always thought I ' d make a l o t of money and then go home.

I n the f i r s t years I sen t money home f o r my wife t o buy land.

I n t he period l9lO - 1920 immigration t o Timmins w a s 1,194 but i n the

?eriod 1921 - 1930 it almost doubled t o 2,071 ( f i g . 12) and t h e a c t u a l

were r e l u c t a n t t o have themselves o f f i c i a l l y enumerated and t h g would o f t e n I .

go t o extremes t o avoid t h e census taker . Whenever a census taker entered a

h o t e l o r boarding house by %he f r o n t door, l a r g e numbers o f me; would l eave

by t h e back door. ~ h u & t h e actual 'numbe=s o f immigrants was l a r g e r than t k e a

, o f f i c i a l enumeration. 9

\

The l a r g e number of new immigrants l e d t o t h e development of new e t h n i c - - - - - - .-- - -. - - -- -- A -

.encTa-S ( f i g i -5 ) - wirtliin t h e Forcupihe~Cam~%s-disti~ctive e t h n i c communities - - - a - - * - - -- -- - -

became more d i sce rnab le and cohesive i n t h i s per iod . It would be i n c o r r e c t t o

s e e t h e s e enclaves as a b s o l u t e t e r r i t o r i a l i t i e s a s they inc luded many from -

al lowed fo? p a r t i c i p a t i o n outsid; of t h e eac laves and' between d i f f e r e n t s

. e t h n i c 'communities.

-. The Anglo Saxons had c r e a t e d t h e first enclaves ; ones which were P

c l e a r l y demarcated and suppor ted a d e f i n i t e c l a s s and e t h d i c d i s t i n c t i o n . I n , 1

4

Timmins t h e Holliriger towns i t e , northwest of t h e Timmins bus iness d i s t r i c t , 1 -

w a s cha rac te r i zed by such i h s t i t u t i o n s as t h e Hol l inger Community H a l l and !

B r i t i s h n a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s such a s The Cornish Soc ie ty , The Welsh Club and. 4

-

The Lancash i re5soc ie ty . The o t h e r Anglo a r e a was t o t h e e a s t i n t h e H i l l I

i

v #

D i s t r i c t and cons i s t ed of s a l a r i e d s t a f f a s we l l as lawyers, doc to r s and

businessmen.,This enclave was near t h e Anglican Cathedra l , Oddfellows Hall

and ;lasons H a l l and s i g n i f i e d t h e e l i t e elements-of the,cornmunity. An a r e a 9

which bnlg a few yea r s before had been rock and qush and then bkcame a 1

- - - - l z r g e l y e d n t r o l l e d by c l a s s 4 i v i s i o n s .

The Finnish s e c t i o n of Timmins developed i n t h e a r e a northwest of t h e . -

bus iness d i s t r i c t bounded by Fourth Avenue. - ( ~ l g o n ~ u i n ~ o u l e v a r d ) - - - t o - - t h e - -

-- --

-- -- -

FIGURE 5 Timmins E t h n i c Enclaves

w n i i s t r i c t ..,..... .... . Anglo Saxon E l i t e (The H i l l ) . Holl inger Townsite.........,..... I t a l i a n Section o on eta). ........ Ukrainian Sect ion (Squareheads) . . ...... Finnish Section innto town). ....... Old Town Boundary..........

-- --- south, Elm S t r e e t on. t h e v e s t , Eighth Avenue on t h e nor th and Pine S t r e e t on

-

t h e e a s t (fig. 5 ) . This was 'Finntown' and it was character ized by numerous , b

l o g houses and &d and t h r ee s t o r y co-operative boardinghouses surrounding

t h e Finn &ll and, l a t e r , t h e Harmony Hall. The a r ea Ha* d i s t i n c t i v e of o ther .

Finnish enclaves i n Porcupine and South Porcupine as wel l as farming - se t t l ements a t Barber ' s Bay and Drinkwater P i t .

Surrounding t he Timmins Finnish settlbement. were East European - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -- - -- L- - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - --

u- The Ka -J-b- rit-y -,-, of'." -- -- ->-- - immigrants KicK as ' theaCzechs , RGGiiriiianT'and UkrainiZiis . Ukrainians were t o l b e found t o t h e southwest i n t he a r ea a r o ~ d the ULFTA '

H a l l on Mountjoy south of Fourth ( ~ l g o n ~ u i n ) . This a r ea became known as the - -

'Squarehead' sec t ion

To t h e easv of 2,

mostly%y Croatians.

--

of town ( f i g . 5).

Timmins t he town of Schumacher came t o be populated

Their houses spread a l o n d h e main thorougfifarq. of F i r s t t.

Avenue which was l a t e r t o be dominated by t he Croatian Hall. It w a s an a r e a

t h a t was t o be character ized by a l a rge number of immigrant ho t e l s and a high

-ppt&atinn demi&-w-hPr.,lrEP+Wn--t;sff hilt on s i - n g l ~

l o t s .

- --

The Eastern Europeans placed g r ea t emphasis on-owning their .own -

property and houses. They bought land and would bu i l d a small house on the

back of t he ,lo.t while tu rn ing the f r o n t i n t o a vegetable garden. When they

had enough money they b u i l t a l a rge house on the f r o n t l o t which they could

then r e n t out . This was a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c development among.many of the d

Eastern Europeans but espec ia l ly among the Croatians of Schumacher. - - - - - - - -- -- --

A major French Canadian se t t lement w a s to--the west of Timmins-on t he -

--- --

Mattagami River i n Mount joy township ( f i g . 5 ) . This was the ' r ive r - ra t ' a

sec t ion of town and was character ized by Quebec-style homes with a lower and ,=

- p- -- - -- --

upper veranda. This a r ea was c lose t o - t he lumber m i l l s where many French

Canadians worked. The l a r g e s t se t t lement of F'reich Canadians was around t he

main Catholic Ghurch i n t h e cen te r of Timmins.

The I t a l i a n sec t ion q s i n t h e 'Moneta' area south of the Timmins

business d i s t r i c t . The a r e a was named a f t e r a l o c a l mine which was ca l l ed

that by i t s oyner when he heard some of h i s I t a l i a n workers say money,

'moneta', while playing a game of cards.-He adopted t h e name f o r h i s mine

which came t o employ a l a rge number of I t a l i a n s and t he surrounding a r ea -

-- - - became -known - a s - k n e t a ( f&-g~--~) . Another group -sf Xtaliass- could--be -fwnd---in--------

Schuraacher and South Porcupine. The m a jar di f ference between ,the people$n -

these enclave? was t h a t t h e South Porcupine I t a l i a n s were mostly from --

Southern l t a ly while t he Timmins I t a l i a n s w e r e from Centra l and Northern 6

I t a l y and, with t h e reg iona l d i f fe rences and d i s tances between t he two

communities, they d id annot r e ad i l y mix. A l l t he I t a l i a n enclaves were t yp i f i ed 1 . T

by small grocery s t o r e s , bocci l o t s and l a rge gardens. ( ~ i ~ i a c a m o 1982) 3 1 1

* rC

Smaller groups of Chinese, Syrian-Lebanese and Jewish entrepreneurs - : . a >

2-

could be found i n the Central Business ~ i s t r i c t s of a l l t he towns. It has .: i

- been est imated t h a t they con t ro l l ed up t o 75% of t he l o c a l businesses with

g rocer ies , hardware s t o r e s , i c e cream par lours , c lo thing shops and candy - -

s to r e s . Ukrainians and I t a l i a n s pa r t i c i pa t ed i n l oda l business as well , 5 $

notably grocery and bhtcher shops. T li -- . ? ...

There was a l s o a small pocket of Native Indians southwest of Tipmins on 3,

L

the shore of the Mattagami River, They were winter res iden t s ; women and f

3

chi ldren s taying i n t he se t t lemeht while t he men went out on t h e i r t r ap l i ne s . rl

P -- -- -- - - - - - - --

I n summer they a l l moved up t h e r i v e r . The ~ndian'population has never been - I

, of s i gn i f i c an t importance i n t h e Porcupine Camp as t he rese rva t ions were far ' i

.

removed t o tEe south and north and few Indians s e t t l e d i n the camp i t s e l f s.0'

I( -

-- - - -- -ppppp -- --- -

The i n r u s h of immigrants and t h e c r e a t i o n of e t h n i c enc l aves and

a s s o c i a t i o n s a l lowed t h e h o s t community, whose op in ions a r e w e l l r ep re sen ted

i p t h e l o c a l newspaper, t o c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e camp as a n open .cosmopolitan a r e a

wi th few, i f any , problems. An a r t i c l e by a Timmins r e s i d e n t i n t h e C h r i s t i a n

Sc ience Monitor, r epub l i shed i n t h e Porcupine Advance of December 10, 1925,

d e a l t w i th t h e manner i n which t h e a u t h o r had t augh t h e r c h i l d r e n some of t h e

I customs of t h e e t h n i c groups i n t h e camp. The newspaper lauded h e r e f f o r t s as

"from unders tanding comes mutual r e s p e c t and harmony". The a r t i c l e went on t o * a

p r e s e n t a view of t h e e t h n i c s and t b e i r d i f f e r e n c e s i n keeping with t h e

l i b e r a l c o n t e x t ; it emphasized t h a t " a l l l i t t l e g i r l s a n d - boys - of - whatever -- - -- - - - - - - -

count ry have very similar d e s i r e s and ambi t ions though -they d r e s s i n

d i f f e r e n t c l o t h e s and speak i n d i f f e r e n t languages" (porcupine Advance 10

December 1925, &). The h o s t community began t o accep t t h a t n a t a l l e t h n i c s C

were dangerous f o r e i g n e r s b u t " t h a t many were accep tab le members of

t r a d i t i o n a l and a p o l i t i c a l e t h n i c groups; i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r dancing, music

A banquet i n honour of t h e Yugoslavian-Consul-General, h e l d i n

Schumacher and hos ted by t z e Croa t i an community, a l s o drew rave reviews i n

t h e Porcupine Advance newspaper f o r i t s arrangement , music and e t h n i c

dancing. One of t h e banquet p a r t i c i p a n t s , Fa the r O'Gorman, t h e I r i s h Ca tho l i c . .

founder of t h e N a t i v i t y Church i n Timmins, argued, i n one of t h e first b u t ,

no t l as t p ro e t h n i c c u l t u r e s t a t emen t s , t h a t * the e t h n i c p ' resenta t ion was p a r t

o f t h e h e r i t a g e oP Canada and t h a t t h e hope of t h e country l i e d i n good \.< - - - - -

c i t i z e n s h i p as shown by t h e people p re sen t (porcupine Advance 19 May 1927, - - - - -- - - - - - --

p. 1). L a t e r i n t h e same year a conce r t pu t on by t h e r a d i c a l Ukrainians a t

t h e ULFTA H a l l w a s a l s o lauded f o r i t s o r c h e s t r a , dancing and costumes wi th

no mention of t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s p rev ious r a d i c a l . a c t i v i t y ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e Advance

18 August 1921, p-.2), he e v e n t &d k e n expre_ssL,ys_tage&w _ t h ~ ~ ~ ~ d i a - -

Ukrainian group i n a n attempt t o gain acceptant; from t h e host community. - - - - -- - -- - - - -- - - - - - - --

This new cosmopolitanism and adherence t o contextual conformity was

perhaps be s t expressed i n an a r t i c l e i n a Toronto newspaper i n which Timmins r

was presented as a modern a r ea whose e thnics were ass imila ted t o such an t

extent t h a t they cheerful ly pa r t i c ipa t ed i n c a p i t a l i s t speculation. The

a r k i c l e spec i f i ed that i n t he l o c a l brokers ' o f f i c e s one could f h d ;

- - - - - ... i n those cha i r s , bohunks, p r i e s t s , a r i s t o c r a t i c looking- -

o f f i c i a l s from t h e g r ea t mines aLl s i de by s ide , shoulder by - -

shoulder...Perhaps Timmins has 4,000 foreign population, the e lde r s of which v i s i t t he brokers ' s l a t e s da i l y and t he chi ldren a

of which cannot be dis t inguished from any born i n Canada and therefore Canadians t o t h e i r snub noses and va l i an t yellow ha i r . oran an to S t a r e e A 1 y - s ~auembez-@a), - - - - - --= ---- - - -

The p ic tu re was complete. It . w a s of a community 'and nat ion i n which a

new term began t o en t e r the language, 'mosaic'. The term had f i r s t been used

i n 1922 as a metaphor f o r t he polyglot population of Western Canada (Haywood . .

1922) and i n 1926 t he word w a s use.d more generally by K.A. Foster i n - her book . * ' ,

'Our Canadian Mosaic' (1926). These were t he f iYs t a r t i c u l a t i o n s of t h e ' L - ----

mosaic, analogy which accepted e thn ic groups a s pa r t of t he Canadian s o c i a l

Wbr i c though within t he condi t ional st 'ructures of Anglo-conformity. For the

f i r s t time the e thn ic group concept w a s being formulated and elaborated upon"

i n condi t iona l , r e la t ionsh ip t o a new l i b e r a l context ( ~ e n n e r 19771 76). The

context , however, served t o l i m i t t h i s recognit ion t o an a p o l i t i c a l framework

which r e s t r i c t e d both c l a s s and e thn ic at tempts t o behave as i n t e r e s t groups,

a t l e a s t on the na t iona l l eve l . The nominal recognit ion of e thn ic groups did

- l i t t l e t o help them gain economic and. p o l i t i c a l resources in-the_nat;ionap-

- - - -

sphere. The ethk.cs were s t i l l forced t o undergo continued hardship i n the - - --- -

mines,, Their major response was t o maintaiq t h e i r enclaves and i n s t i t u t i o n s

a s 2 bas i s f o r acquir ing access ' to l o c a l resources and addressing l o c a l

a

Gatekeepers , Bl indpigging and Hikhgradinq --

A f t e r t h e i n i t i a l u n r e s t o f t h e p o s t w a r p e r i o d t h e a u t h o r i t y o f t h e -

mines w a s e s t a b l i s h e d g r e a t e r t h a n ever . This was a t ime when t h e mines and

t h e Masons were i n s t r o n g a l l i a n c e , a l lowing Engl i sh Canadians a predominate

occupa t iona l s t a t u s . T h i s w a s t h e t ime when t h e b l ' a ck l i s t and t h e use of aid

in fo rman t s , ' s t o o l p i g e o n s ' , a g a i n s t union and r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y was common.

Low wages and l a c k o f chances f o r advancement o r any p o s s i b l e c h a n g ~ in- the - -

s o c i a l system f o r c e d many e t h n i c s t o t u r n t o informal means o f c ircumventing

l o c a l r e s t r i c t i o n s . For some b l indp igg ing (bootlegging) and highgrading IC

( s t e a l i n g g o l d ) hecame impo&anL&e~na%i .v~ s s u r e e s eS f n~orne #& helpe&+11=-=-

t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance of e t h n i c enc l aves and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Through

t h e s e mechanisms sav ings were more e a s i l y accumulated and houses cons t ruc t ed

o r en l a rged and. b u s i n e s s e s developed. The money was a l s o used t o pay o f f

employment ga tekeepers t o enable i n d i v i d u a l s t o g a i n b e t t e r jobs.

The mines had o f f e red t h e e t h n i c s b e t t e r employment t h a n they had known -- p- p-p------p----- --- -

---- -

i n t h e i r mother c o u n t r i e s o r i n Canadian bushcamps and railway gangs b u t t hey

had soon become occupa t iona l ly t rapped . They wkre h i r e d as unskil1e.d l abour

b u t qu ick ly became s k i l l e d l abour . The employers became dependent on t h e

miners who had t o be more s p e c i a l i z e d because of t h e h ighe r technology

necessary t o e x t r a c t t h e go ld i n t h e Porcupine Camp. The employees became

dependent on t h e mine as they i n v e s t e d t h e i r t ime a% e f f o r t and began t o

occupa t iona l ly i d e n t i f y t h h s e l v e s s o l e l y as 'mine r s ' . The i r o p t i o n s f o r

o u t s i d e Bnployment became - l i m i t e d --- -- by p e r s o n a l p re fe rence as ~ e l l _ a _ s _ e c o a o m i c ~ ~ ~ _ ~ ~ ~

c r i t e r i a . There was l i t t l e chance f o r advancement except w i t h i n t h e mine - - - - - - - P -- - - --

h i e r a r c h y which was c o n t r o l l e d by Anglo conformity.

. A f t e r World War I t h e mine companies had hoped t o l e t t h e Engl i sh

t h e mines, e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e lower ranks. Ins t ead they were p laced i n h ighe r +: ,

echelon p o s i t i o n s where t h e mines could be a s su red of t h e i r l o y a l t y and coulct g

u t i l i z e them t o keep t h e e t h n i c s i n l i n e , 2

2

The upper p o s t s i n t h e mines were alf he ld by Anglos. while t h e ma jo r i ty "i

4 of t h e work fo rce was e t h n i c . Although many of t h e English Canadians a l s o

- - - - - i - 2

-

began as muckers-, t h e job f o r them became a ' s t e q p i m s t o n e ' t o h igher . - - p o s i t i o n s while f o r t h e e t h n i c s t h e job w a s u sua l ly a ' t r a p ' ( ~ n d e r s o n

- 1974171). It was common f o r a n Englishman t o quickly r i s e from mucker t o

advancement were not wholly r e l a t e d t o language o r educat ion as l i t t l e *

educat ion was necessary except i n t h e most s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s and t h e language a 2

of communication i n t h e mines was English which t h e e t h n i c s had quickly 1

learned. k one Ukrainian informant s a i d , "It was always English bosses. No 4 7

chance f o r u s here . We s tayed i n thk mine doing t h e heavy work. There were 1 - - - - - - - - -

" . =,

English who worked wi th u s b u t they would g e t b e t t e r jobs and%ecome bosses 8 B

b

very quickfy." Jobs , e s p e c i a l l y $he s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s , were important l o c a l

resources and t h e i r c o n t r o l was an - impor tan t e x e r c i s e of l o c a l power and

a u t h o r i t y . +

The occupat ional r e s t r i c t i o n s f o r e t h n i c s could no t have continued

i n d e f i n i t e l y a s s e n i o r i t y would have i n e v i t a b l y guaranteed t h e i r advancement.

But t h e r e w a s cons iderable f e a r among t h e B r i t i s h Canadian mine managers i n

t h e camp t h a t the- f o r e i g n e r s and t h e i r raclkcxl i d e a s , - e s p e c t a l l y m m s m y ~

minor pay i n c r e a s e s and s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s b u t t h e e t h n i c s could not be

c o n t r o l l e d s ince they were n o t as i n s t i t u t i o n a V y dependent an t h e mines.

- - - -- - - -- - - --- -- -- - - - -- - - - - -

Even when t h e mines a t tempted t o r i d themselves o f c e r t a i n e t h n i c --

' t roublemakers ' , t h i s was t o prove d i f f i c u l t a s a n i n d i v i d u a l f i r e d i n one

mine camp would move t o ano the r , such as Rouyn-Noranda. The troublesome

e t h n i c could bypass t h e employment boss with h i s b l a c k l i s t by changing h i s

name o r i d e n t i t y (e.g. from Ukrainian t o p o l i s h ) . I

Even i f they had been t o t a l l y success fu l i n r idd ing themselves of €he

e t h n i c s t h e mines could not g e t many English Canadians t o r ep lace them. - - -- -

+

I n s t e a d t h e mines sought t o h i r e more ' s u i t a b l e ' einployees " t o shore up t h e

q u a l i t y of i ts work fo rce" (Clement 1981:41). The recru i tment o f Cornishmen,

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -

, e f f e c t i v e l y supplant t h e e t h n i c s who could no longer be a s su red of mobi l i ty

a s t h e English quickly rose t o s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s ahead of them. 0

Advancement now came t o depend, more than a t any previous t ime, on

l o c a l ' ga t ekeeper s ' , i n d i v i d u a l s who were a b l e t o channel o t h e r s i n t h e mine

h ierarchy bu t who were not always ready t o apply t h e r u l e s equ i t ab ly . They $r

t h r e a t e n ope ra t ions . Few rose above t h e i r i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n of mucker without

c a r e f u l s c r u t i n y . If they d i d advance any boss could hold them back on $he

Lancashiremen and Welshmen frem England i n t h e 1920s allowed t h e mines t o - -

s l i g h t e s t of excuses. A s such t h e gatekeeper had t h e power t o ensure whether

a job i n t h e mine was t o be a ' s tepping-stone ' t o o t h e r jobs which were

b e t t e r pa id and perhaps e a s i e r done, o r whether a job would be a ' t r a p ' i n

which one could spend t h e g r e a t e r p a r t of ones l i f e ; a l i f e guaranteed t o be

shortened as a r e s u l t of adverse working condi t ions . - -- --- --

The mine h ie ra rchy had a number of ga tekeepers , any one of whom could

- - - - - --

block advancement. Formally t h e mine 's h i r i n g agen t s were i n a p o s i t i o n t o

engage i n d i v i d u a l s f o r a job and spec i fy t h e type of work, whether it w a s t o

be on su r face o r i n t h e s h a f t . Once i n t h e mines t h e r e were o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s

- 150 -

could no t be f i l l e d . Mine cap ta ins and o thers above him could also l i m i t an 3 2

ind iv idua l as t h e i r support was necessary f o r advancement. -

But informal mechanisms were a l s o ava i l ab le t o p a r t i a l l y overcome the se &

%,---

r e s t r i c t i o n s . Ekhnics could come t o guarantee t h e i r pos i t i ons o r promotion .

' 8 through an i n d i r e c t process of payments t o t he employment gatekeepers, though ii

* - - 4

+

t h i s was t o become widespread only during the ' l a t e r depression. A t t h i s tima -

jobs were read i ly 'avai lable bu t it was of ten negessary t h a t a gatekeeper - 3

i n i t i a l l y , and on a conltinuing basis.; be bought .off with small g i f t s such as 1 -. 3 - -- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -

blankets made by the miner ' s wife, o r . l iquor. payments would guarantee h i s 7 $ -3

f u r t h e r Bmp1oyment.- This process became known.as "whiskey sepi.p15$yW i n which 2 t

, - - P - an ind iv idua l could ga in favours by giving g i f t s of good yhiske> I b s t e r -

A

"L--= - 1979~29). G i f t s were a l s o ngcessary if a man wanted t o g e t i;n'to a b e t t e r ' -

* , sec t ion of the mine whefe he could more e a s i l y f u l f i l 4 h i s contract and g e t ' a

bonus. Sometimes the e thn ics were forced t o s t e a l gold f o r t he employment - - --- - - - - - --- - - - - - - -- - - - --

i

boss , perhaps on a percentage ba s i s . -

Another pos i t i ve mechanism i n t he e thn ic i nd iv idua l ' s favour was the -s -

% general communication l h k s wi thin and between e thn ic communities. Ethnics i n

a l l the gold mines i n t h e a r ea and throughout the nor th , maintained

communication l i n k s so t h a t information w a s ava i l ab le on employment

prospects , where t he be s t wages were, the bes t working condi t ions and even - which gatekeeper it was bes t t o approach with g i f t s . ~ h f s information was

extrenleIy importan€ and channeled t h rough the e thn ic -k lTs . - - - -p---p

e

+ 3 m & k g & - m + f k ~ r ~ r n t a f a c t o r i n tire e t h i c b ' * \

i favour. It developed i n i t i a l l y because the s a l e of u k was prohibi ted

A within f i v e miles of a working mine but t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n only seemed t o $

- 151 -

-

guarantee t h e f luorescence o T . %linipigiF';Too€Ieggltng esT,abl%SiRefis ;-T5ee -- ---

. f

m j n m -$&?y r e s t r m b d t o -buri-fuaZk

import ing it i n t o t h e camp'but this-%ever seemed t o be enough so they turned

t o t h e use of s t i l ls o r t h e *steeping of r a i s i n s and f r u i t t o produce a potent

homebrew. Bootlegging became so common t h a t it w a s sa?d (by t h e h g l o s ) t h a t ",

every o t h e r house i n t h e e t h n i c enclaves w a s a b l indp ig . The e t h n i c s do not

deny t h e i r ex is tence . "There was a l o t o f ' bliridpigging Q here because they had -

t o keep t h e town going. A t t h a t t ime t h e r e w a s not much community a c t i v i t y as

now so t h e bootlegging kept t h e town going." I

Almost hand i n hand wi th b l indpigging was t h e a c t i v i t y of gold - - - -- -- - - - - - -- - - - - - - - -

s t e a l i n g ; highgrading. %any of t h e h o t e l s i n ths camp were s a i d t o h a v e b e e n

b u i l t on t h e proceeds of b l indpigging and continued on t h e proceeds of

highgrading. The gold i n t h e Porcupine was e s s e n t i a l l y lowgrade b u t 83

occass iona l ly t h e miners would h i t a s t r e a k of highgrade o r e i n which t h e

gold could be found i n ve ins . This gave t h e miner, i f he was so i n c l i n e d , a s C

chance t o break o f f a few nuggets of gold and hide them i n h i s lunch bucket - - - -- --- -- -- -- - - -- - -- - - - -- --

unb.1 he had a chance t o t ake it o f f t h e proper ty t o s e l l . The gold wou ld~be

s o l d t o i n d i v i d u a l s who s p e c i a l i z e d i n buying gold , o r t o hote lkeepers who

would a c t as middlemen t o t h e b lack market. -. r ighgrading became an accepted p a r t of t h e economic s t r u c t u r e of t h e

e t h n i c communities Bo such a n e x t e n t t h a t it was s a i d t h a t t h e mines d i d not

inc rease s e c u r i t y but l e t t h e men highgrade r a t h e r than g ive them pay r a i s e s .

To many it was a form of insurance and workman's compepsation t h a t t h e mine ,

d i d no t provide.

remem* %d a- h& t $ e h o t e l owners highgraded - t h a t ' s how t h e They were%al l miners then and you d i d n ' t make money enough t o b u i l d a hofel an a miner ' s wages. You could only make money s t e a l i n g gold. The mine expected you t o - s t e a l .

- 152 -

A 4

s

. a

. - a 3 a 3i

-It wasn ' t- harcl a t that--time . T coulct kve-wz1keeikomee witTiap--p----pp- 4 d lunch p a i l f u l l , of gold because we didn't have t h e s ecu r i t y a t 9

-%ha& ~ h ~ € ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ d i & ' t CI-&*U & g

mould be h l a s t i n g and f i n d a good-vein and break off a good $iece X s and you would put it away .and at q u i t t i n g time go and p i c k i t up -= !.k

and take it home. 4 5

A l a r g e number of people highgraded o r , i f they d i d not do so, they 4 $ i

were accused of it. It was too c l e a r t o t he e thn ics t h a t any improvement i n q f "'

an - ind iv idua l ' s house o r l i f e s t y l e could only r e s u l t from highgrading, "I'll , 5 I*

- t e l l you t h a t anybody who had a basement and they were burning coa l ( ins tead - A

M

of cheaper wood), they used t o say t h a t the3 were woeking a highgrade stope."

This was p a r t of the view of - ' l imited good', within t he e thn i c communities but

it w a s a - viewwhich, - while not respect ing t he highgrader, cou ldunders tand+- -: - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

- - c=-r- - - -- -- --- --- - - - - - A ~ 7

and empathize ( ~ o s t e r 1965:297). The mines reacted only i f t he ind iv idua l - . appeared t o be l i v i n g too far beyond t h e i r means o r were s t e a l i n g gold

- openly.

, om-e people d id g e t caught and f i r e d because they were buying new . c a r s and bu i ld ing houses and t he mine manager knew they must be highgrading t o d o - i t because they sure couldn' t do it on t h e i r wages. The mine manager would have t he pol ice check up on you i f

I e -- -

- - i t - w a s -to cr-obvious .-- *

Without the ex t r a cash flow from blindpigging qr highgrading the 2

e thn ics could not have long survived the prejudiced economic and p o l i t i c a l

condi t ions i n the camp. But these mechanisms were only of l imi ted value. Most

sought more d i r e c t means of adapta t ion. One of the most important

developments, one t h a t would serve as both an economic and p o l i t i c a l

i n s t i t u t i o n f o r t he e thn i c s , was t o be the 'Workers co-opera the ' . The Founding of Workers co-op

The e thn ies i n c r e a s i n g l ~ s a w themselves os t rac ized from a community and - .- -- - - - - --- -- -

$

s o c i a l order which w a s i n t e r e s t e d i n them only f o r t h e i r labour. They

accordingly sought new instruments f o r t h e i r economic and p o l i t i c a l goals i n >

d

* .

the community. h e such instrument w a s a co-operative s t o r e , o f fe r ing t he

miners economic pro tec t ion an$ a chance f o r advancement, on t h e i r own terms, 0 - - --

a t a time when o ther channels, pa r t i cu l a r l y p o l i t i c a l and union a c t i v i t y ,

were r&s t r i c t ed .

Co-operative i n i t i a t i v e s i n &ning;?amps had preh.ously been t i e d t o '

t r ade unionism. Most had been formed i n t he Maritimes and B r i t i s h ~ & u n b i a by r*

Br i t i sh - . miners with s t rong co-operative backgrounds. I n ~ o r t h e r n Ontario L

* a f t e r the war fou r consumer co-operatives had been organized i n North Bay,

Cobalt, Sudbury and Coniston under union auspices but had folded by 1922 due

t o poor management, i n s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l and bad leadership , a l l l a rge ly a '_

b

r e s u l t of weakening t r ade unionism. The co-operatives which followed thed i n - - - - - - - -- -

- -

the north were a f f ec t ed by broader based c r i t e r i a , such as poli?tical activism

and consumer unres t and par t icular ly by- *local e thn ic - i n t e r e s t s .

It i s useful a t t h i s time t o def ine what we mean by a 'co-or 11

I

The dic t ionary d e f i n i t i o n is of an organization "formed t o enable -its members '

- -to -buy-r- s e l l - t o bet%eFadva&age Ay- elZainatilig-midblerne&~s-praE-i~

( ~ e r r i a m - ~ e b s t e r Dictionary 1974:167). I n e f f e c t a co-operative i s a 'concern

t h a t - i s owned 'collecti ;elyl by i t s members who share i n i t s prof i t s . The

major p r inc ip l e s of co-operatives were well mapped out by the t u rn of t h i s

century. They were general ly known as the 'Rochdale'Principles'. The main

pr inc ip le w a s one of democratic con t ro l through t he $ r inc ip le of 'one man - J

one votf , no matter how many shares an individual member held. This w a s the

most important r u l e as it was the main response t o the t r a d i t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t . - - - - - - - - - - -

view of the pre-eminence of invested c a p i t a l ; a na tu r a l extent ion of . - . . -

p o l i t i c a l democracy i n t o economics (perkins, 1960: 122).

Once .s ta ted the' r u l e inev i tab ly l ed t o the p r inc ip l e s of -'open

membership', i r r e spec t i ve of an ind iv idua l ' s race , r e l i g ion o r p o l i t i c s . This - - -- - -

was an attempt t o m a i n h i n a p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g ious n e u t r a l i t y i n order t o

keep t h e movement open and f r e e from pr iva te , r e l i g ious and politic-a1

i n t e r e s t s (perkin5 1960: 123/ MacPherson 1979~ 2) . - With t h i s i d e a l t h e co-op

sought t o place i t s e l f outs ide those i n t e r e s t s it s a w as corrupt ing t h e

world. It m,s a n object ive t h a t was hard to-mainta in i n a time of change and

c r i s i s . bl - - - - -

Many of <he same condit ions which l e d t o t he c rea t ion of co-operatives --

- i n o ther mine camps were present i n t h e Porcupine Camp. Goods d i s t r i b u t i o n

was expensive 2f not exp lo i t ive and general merchants monopolized t rade. --- -- - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - -- - - p- -

- p-p -pp

oreo over; t he r e s iden t s of t h e camp were mobilized by o ther c r i t e r i a , such a s

e thn ic i n t e r e s t s , p o l i t i c a l activism and occupational i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a

group o r a c l a s s of miners. Co-operatives offered them a wider means of

obtaining protect ion and comfort along with economic advantages. and a new

s t a t u s . What was missing was t h e dxiving force of cohesive union a c t i v i t y but

ingredient i n t h e Porcupine Camp.

5 There had a l ready been l imi ted co-operative a c t i v i t y i n t h e Porcupine

. Camp with co-operative boarding houses among the Finns .so t h e concept was

'already fami l ia r . It w a s n a tu r a l -then t h a t t he suppor%&k a l a rge - /

co-operative was l ins t iga ted by t h e s o c i a l i s t or iented Finns who.knew the

worth of co-operative s t o r e s as they were common i n Finland as wel l as t he '*

~ i & i s h communities i n t he United S t a t e s from which many had migrated. The - - - - - - - - p-- -

Finnish organization of Canada's cons t i tu t ion s t a t e d t h a t one of i ts - - - -p - - -

objec t ives was, "TO advance t he standard of l i f e of t he Finnish-speaking

people of Canad& by encouraging and developing co-operative en t e rp r i s e s - t 1

tending t o secure t h e i r mate r ia l i n t e r e s t s ; " ( ~ e r t a n e n and ?3klund 1942 : 5). ?

- 155 -

- -- - - - a - - - -- ----- - -- - - - - -- - - - - - -

The idea quickly expanded t o include t he Ukrainian r ad i ca l s who saw the - A- - - - -- - -- - - -- -

co-operative not only as an economic 'benefit but a ldo one of f he f e w .

organizat ions t h a t might' a c t as. a iangible platform f o r p o l i t i c a l - i n t e r e s t s .

tia1.reasonir-g f o r - t h e co-operative, however, was purely economic and

so it a l s o received t h e support of Scots and Erglishman, espec ia l ly the more

recent B r i t i s h inynigrants who had been versed i n the c l a s s i c Rochdale

concepts and who d id not r e a l i z e t he .extent of t he p o l i t i c a l mili tancy of - - - -

t h e i r e thn ic a s soc i a t e s ,

The o r ig ina l founders, who came together i n ea r ly 1926;consisted of Y

about f if ty-two individuals . Their first a c t w a s t o c i r c u l a t e from house t o .' -

- - - - - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - -

house where'they a&ed f r i ends and neighboursdif they were in teres t>d i n Q 3

suppor$ing ,a co-operative s t o r e r a the r than the usurous general s t o r e s . I f , * - they answered i n t h e a f f i rmat ive they were then asked i f they would buy

' -

shares i n t he new co-op a t $10 apiece. The Finns were pa r t i cu l a r l y ' *

successful i n r e c r u i t i n g supporters and e f f ec t i ve ly gained dominance of the

- co-operativsr t o the-extent-tha-t-came- t o 2 e - c h a r a c t e r i z e d * ~ s a ~ ~ i r u r i - s ~ -

co-operative ' , though it was an i n t e r e thn i c i n s t i t u t i o n .

. Few organizations were t o be more important o r more successful than

Workers Co-operative i n bringing together p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic

r e l a t i onsh ip s and surviving t he changes i n the environment. It came t o be t he

d e f i n i t i v e i n t e r e thn i c and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n a community of d iverse

e thn ics -and p o l i t i c s .

The co-op was incorporated in-November 1926 with ,225 shareholders and - .

-- - - - - - -- - -- - - - - _f

$4,000 i n c a p i t a l . It w a s o f f i c i a l l y named the 'Workers'Co-operative of New - -- - -

Ontario Limited' f o r t h e common denominator of membership was t h a t they were

workers i n the mines. I n p r ac t i c e t h i s . was l e s s of a c l a s s statement than an - ' occupa t iona l - fac t , Workers developed on purely Rochdale p r inc ip les allowing

. - only- 6% i n t e r e s t on the s b r e s , s e t t i n g a~ide5~0f-pr_ofi,taforan-~-

Educational F'und and 20% f o r t he Reserve Fund, with the r e s t divided among - - - -- ---- < . - - 3

t he customers. It was t o be-governeg by a board of seven d i r ec to r s , two of + * f

. .. whom were t o be e lec ted each year by s ec r e t b a l l o t . \

: The first manager, Charles Haapanen, came from Babcock, Michigan and

introduced many of t h e i dea s t h a t were developing i n t he Finnish co-ops i d

the United Stateg,, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e need t o keep p o l i t i c s out of the co-op.

Workers r ec ru i t ed members whose p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s ranged from conservatSve -

t o Communist and t he r e w a s always a t h r e a t of p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t t h a t had t o

be control led.

The -first Workers Ccwxper,ative she was-open& ;in 21imminsak~~rckaa+--'-

Third S t r e e t i n 1926. Workers quickly developed a home de l ivery se rv ice f o r

i t s customers i n the nearby towns. I n January 1928 a branch s t o r e was bpened Y

i n South Porcupine.

Within the co-op spec ia l . ca re was ta&"h t o account , f o r t h e e thn ic *- -.- ---- -- makeup of i ts shareholders and c l i e n t s . The majority of employees were Finns + . - a

- - - - - - - L - - -- A ;* 2 - -- - -- - - -- -p i

but *hare were also"Ukrainiaks and English and l a t e r Croatians and an e f f o r t -", h, 4

wgs made t o maintairi a proper employee balance .from each group. If one e thnic 3

< -Y I

employee qu i t or was f i r e d he was replaced 6y another of t he same

na t i ona l i t y . C!usto&rs qould always be assured of being served i n t h e i r

nat ive language by a c l e rk , butcher o r del ivery t ruck dr iver .

Each na t iona l group held separate meetings t o discuss cot-op business i n e

a

t h e i r own language. The bykws, s t a t u t e s and minutes of t he co-op were 8 ' I u

t r ans l a t ed i n t o F i m i z h and Ukra in i anas well as English. The annual and - -

semi-annual meetings were mostly i n ~ n & . s h but ind iv idua l s were e lec ted t o - - - - - -- -

a c t as i n t e r p r e t e r s during t he proceedings. The i n t e r p r e t e r was an important .

middleman r o l e as. t he pos i t ions 'could- be used t o change information and - " -

3 6

- 157 - -

- - -- - - - - - - - -- -- - - -- - -- - - - - -- -. -- - channel t r a n s l a t i o n s t o t h e suppor t . of c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n s , as would

happen i n thepaear - fu tu re . * -

Care was taken t o d i s s i p a t e any i s s u e t h a t might c r e a t e i n t e r e t h n i c

c o n f l i c t . For example, i n 1930, when a Ukrainian member complained t o t h e ,

,

annu51 meeting t h a t t h e f i n a n c i a l s ta tements were wrong, t h u s c a s t i n g :I aspe r s ions on t h e F inn i sh manager, it was decided t o c a l l a committee of

t h r e e Finns and t h r e e Ukrainians and one person from o u t s i d e t o s e t t l e t h e 2

matter . Th i s shows t h e e x t e n t t o which t h e s o c i e t y would go t o maintain - P i

e t h n i c a c c o u n t a b i l i t y and harmony. / ~ e s ~ i t e Haapanen's f e e l i n g s a g a i n s t p o l i t i c s it was impossible t o keep

Q - - -

-

p o l i t i c s completely ou t of t h e co-operat ive. The r a t i o n a l e of t h e co-op w a s

l a r g e l y s o d i a l i s t i n na tu re . he' co-op board supported t h e gene ra l ' p r i n c i p l e - of May Day c e l e b r a t i o n s , keeping t h e s t o r e open only a h a l f day on May I as a - concession t o t h e i r customers. They a l s o supported t h e F inn i sh and Ukrainian

s o c i a l i s t newspapers Vapaus and t h e Ukrainian Labor News wi th con t r ibu t ions

from - t h e co-op's Educat ional Fund. These were t h e most popular e t h n i c - -- - - -- -- - -- - -- - -- - - -

newspapers and t h e co-op's c o n t r i b u t i o n s helped t o maintain t h e co-operative d

s e c t i o n s i n those papers . Through t h e papers t h e co-op communicated t o t h e i r

e t h n i c members i n o rde r t o p u b l i c i z e and educate t h e i r customers on -

co-operative a c t i v i t y and p r i n c i p l e s . Q

Despi te a t t empts t o n e u t r a l i z e p o l i t i c s t h e r e w a s a developing

disagreement - i n t h e co-op over t h e p o l i t i c a l ve r sus economic ob jec t ive of

Workers which was evident among t h e ideo log ies of t h e co-ops l eade r sh ip .

-- - - - - -- -

Under Manager Haapanen expansion became a major co-op o b j e c t i v e because he . -

wihed t o b u i l d a Wide m s u m e r Ease. R e fev thzt s t o r e s which were t o t a l l y

independent would even tua l ly run i n t o t h e problems of apathy; inexper ience ,

c r e d i t and ideology t h a t had des t royed many of t h e e a r l i e r a t t empts a t

co-operatives i n Canada - - - - - - - - -

t h e chainstore approach --

- 1

( ~ a c ~ h e r s o n 1979 : 6 0 ) . Haapanen consequently adopted - - - - - - - - - . --

which was common among t h e American Finns, Nick - - - - - - --

Thachuk, an employee and secre ta ry of t he co-op and a l s o a representa t ive of - .

t he Ukrainian Labour-Farmers Temple Association, was as in t e r e s t ed i n

expansion as Charlie Haapam, but h i s object ives were p o l i t i e a l i n nature.

Thachuk was a staunch member of t h e ~omrnunist pa r ty and, i n accordance with

par ty po l icy , he believed t h a t Workers should expand i n . o r d e r t o support . 3

large-scale r ad i ca l acti_vity. - - - -

When i n 1929, Workerg leaders responsed t o enqui r ies from Kirkland Lake

e thnic assoc ia t ions , Thachuk was sen t t o see i f a s t o r e could be es tabl ished

- - - i n t h a t community, - - He -- met - with - - - t h e - - l o c a l - ULFTA -- l eaders an& recognized t h a t - =,== - - --- -- - - - 2 - - - - -

7 . <

the a r ea had a s t rong r a d i c a l and pro-union e thnic population even though the

mines held an espec ia l ly t i g h t r e i n on the community. Thachuk considered the'

co-op an i d e a l way t o lend i n s t i t u t i o n a l cohesiveness t o t h e separate . .

ff 3 Kirkland Lake e thn ic and s o c i a l i s t organizations; Haapanen -considered t he

-' expansion only i n economic terms as an enlargement of t h e co-op's consumer

base F - ~ Wo~ers-Co-;operatiVevest~e was soonopened ,-Tke - f i r s t t o be T 2

establ ished outsid'e of t he Porcupine Camp. Though ostensibly an economic .

expansion t h i s w a s i n f a c t t h e beginning of an attempt t o expand the ba s i s of

Workers i n t o c l a s s p o l i t i c s and dea l with the p o l i t i c a l i s sues t h a t were * ..

emerging i n Canadian socie ty .

The p o l i t i c a l r i f t i n t he co-operative was al ready an open i s sue i n

Ontario. The Northern Ontario co-operatives were i s o l a t e d from the general -.

co-operative movement i n Canada. They were control led by immigrants who had - -- - - - - - - - - -- - - -- - - - -- ----

l i t t l e i n common with t h e farmers who ran the nation@ movement. The na t iona l -

' Co-operative Union of Canada ( cuc ) ' recognized t h i s rift and attempted t o

b r ing t h e northern co-ops p o l i t i c a l l y c loser t o those operating i n t he south.

The l e a d e r of t h e CUC, George Keen, was h e s i t a n t , however - _ - 1 - because - - A - t h e _-- --- ---- - -- -

Northern Ontar io co-operal ives inc luded ~ommunists . He f e l t t h e Communists

would s p l i t t h e Canadian co-operat ive movement'as they had i n t h e United

S t a t e s ( ~ c ~ h e r s o n 1979:104). I n 1927, i n an e f f o r t t o avoid t h i s

conf ron ta t ion , Kern fo rced . th rough a n amenbent i n t h e CUC c h a r t e r which

f o r b i d * p o l i t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n a t i t s conferepces. He a l s o w a s c a r e f u l t o a l low

only member o rgan iza t ions t o use t h e logo 'of t h e CUC whleh define.d.them a s ,

" t r u e co-operatives". This a c t i o n only served t o push Workers i n t o t h e

Communis% sphere of in f luence .

Wor-kers and t h e e t h n i c s were becornink i s o l a t e d by cond i t ions ou t s ide

t h e i r con t ro l . Fear a•’ -the Cammunists w a s - a s d i v i s i v e as- any a c t i o n $he - ---- - - -

Communists could have taken. The CUC's i n a b i l i t y t o draw Workers i n t o i t s

f o l d , was d u e ' t o i t s own t r e p i d a t i o n r a t h e r than any r a d i c a l i n i t i a t i v e .

S i m i l a r l y tse e t h n i c s were l e f t open t o t h e very a c t i v i t y t h e hos t s o c i e t y

f e a r e d due t o changing economic cond i t ions and l a c k of hos t s o c i e t y

<

acceptance of t h e i r economic $nd p o l i t i c a l i n t k r e s t s . This r e s u l t e d i n --p--- - -- -- - - -- - -

m i l i t a n t a t t empts t o renew r a d i c a l c l a s s e f f o r t s i n t h e region .

-+ " I n t he midst of continuing Anglo pressure on t he e thn i c s t o adapt along -8 2

x -

e thn ic group c u l t u r a l - l i n e s , t h e only na t iona l i n s t i t u t i o n t o o f f e r t he - -

T

- -4'

e thn ics an a l t e r n a t i v e t o Angla -canadian conformity and accept t h e i r e thn ic - r P

i d e n t i t y as a b a s i s f o r organizat ion and i n t e r e s t group a c t i o n on t he - na t iona l -- - l e v e l , - - w a s t h e Communist - - -- - Par ty - - - - of Canada (CPC) a . --- The CPC, - - however, - - -

- - - -

was t o prove no more amenable t o t h e i r new par tne rs ' i n t e r e s t s than any o ther - r host soc ie ty i n s t i t u t i o n . They drew upon the e thn ics f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l

t

L labour j u s t as t he mines drew upon them f o r t h e i r economic labour. The +

/

-

e thn i c s were t o f i n d t h a t the CPC was as Anglo dominant and conformist an . -3 ti'

Ontario i n May - June 1921. I n t h e beginning the par ty w a s weak and i t s

operat ions c landest ine but t h i s changed when the Anglo Saxon pioneers of the '

CPC r ea l i z ed t h a t they could not operate without e thn ic commitment. A s one ' 2

par ty organ argued, "Let us confess t h a t we a r e not i n t he same c l a s s with - / ,

these men inns and ~ k r a i n i a n s ) when it comes t o work - spade work - and

perseverance. Let u s r e t r i e v e ourselves 'and p u l l along t he workers."

(~vakumovi c 1975 : I 2 ) - - - - - -- - - - -- - -- - - .-

The Communist pa r ty convened a conference i n Toronto i n December 1921 - -

t o l ay t h e foundations of a l e g a l na t iona l pa r ty with e thn ic inpu t . ,

Ga'

Bepresentativ%s from the 'Firmis$ S o c i a l i s t Organization of Canada (FSOC) '

and t h e 'Ukrainian Labour Farmers Temple Associa t ion (ULFTA)' i n t h e - - - - - - - - - - - --- -

Porcupine Camp were p resen t a t t h e conference and committed themselves t o t h e /,/ - - - -- - - - pc - - - -

new 'Workers Pa r ty of Canada (wc)' which would a c t as t h e l e g a l organ of t h e _

Communist Pa r ty of Canada ( u n t i l t h e CPC was l e g a l i z e d i n 1924). The J .-

manifesto of t h e p a r t y c a l l e d f o r a " s t rugg le toward t h e es tabhshnient of t h e

Workers' Republic of Canada". To t h i s end t h e p a r t y was t o be one of gene ra l

c l a s s a c t i o n i n which " m i l i t a n t class-conscious workers . . . sha l l be s u b j e c t t o

t h e d i s c i p l z n e and d i r e c t i o n o f t h e n a t i o n a l executive1' ( A ~ S . 1981 : 347). I n

recognit idn- df t h i s f a c t t h e n ine man p'rovisional execut ive of t h e p a r t y

inc luded ULFTA l e a d e r John Boychuk a6d FSOC s e c r e t a r y A.T. H i l l . The p a r t y

a l s o a t t e m p t a t o des t roy - a l l o t h e r - r a d i c a l - organ iza t ions which drew upon - - - - -

' e t h n i c suppor t .

When t h e e t h n i c s had been'discouraged from u t i l i z i n g t h e Porcupine . b

Miners Union a f t e r World War I a s a b a s i s f o r a l a rge - sca le c l a s s movement B

because of t h e English Canadian worke r s l .p re jud iced r e a c t i o n s , they turned t o

t h e 'One Big Union (OBU)' a s an a l t e r n a t i v e . The OBU gained 'a l a r g e number of

- e t hni-ccf oQwe r s af ter-j;t s -crea t i onm+&-becausepi+ was- i-rrterestecF i - r t h ~ -

l a r g e r c l a s s i s s u e s and w i l l i n g l y a s s o c i a t e d with e t h n i c s o c i a l i s t 0

~ r ~ a r i i z a t i o n s . . The OBU w a s a b i t t e r opponent of t h e American Federa t ion of Labour t o

which t h e Porcupine union was s t i l l as soc ia t ed . Yet s t r a n g e l y enough t h e

major opponent o f t h e OBU w a s t h e Communist Par ty of Canada which considered -. .

t h e OBU t o be t o o i d e a l i s t i c , e s p e c i a l l y as it th rea tened t o siphon o f f much

.- -. of t h e p a r t y ' s e t h n i c membership. The union w a s doomed a s a p o l i t i c a l f o r c e

- -- -- - - - - -

as t h e CPC d i d a l l t h a t i t could t o des t roy i t s in f luence i n t h e Porcupine - - --- - -

Camp. "Workers' (communist) Pa r ty o rgan ize r s were ins t rumen ta l i n combatting

t h e spread of t h e One Big Union i n t h e Porcupine Mining d i s t r i c t i n Northern

- 162 -

Ontario. " ( ~ o b i n 1968 : 197) . I n acknowledgement of t he CPC's acceptance of e thn i c support t h e

- -

Finnish and Ukrainian na t iona l organizations became 'language f ede radons ' of

t he WC i n February 1922 though they continued t o r e t a i n a l a rge measure of

autonomy (kvakumovic 1975: 28). The Finnish S o c i a l i s t Organization was an

espec ia l ly strong a l l y of t h e new par ty a n d i t came t o provide over 60% of

$he CPC membership. FSOC members were compelled, i f not required, a t l e a s t a

between 1922-25 ( ~ a i n e 1981: log) , t o jo in the par ty ( ~ e a ~ e r 1981 :39), The - u L

FSOC, however, w a s a l s o c a r e f u l t o maintain its independence by ailowing B

l o c a l h a l l s t o be f a i r l y autonomous and by co l lec t ing par ty dues from its

FSOC's support of t h e par ty (and t he lack of English support) was such t h a t

i n 1922 it donated $2,000 t o launch the English language Communist paper The - Worker ( ~ v e r ~ 1979: 120).

@ The ULFTA was not as numerically s t rong a s t he FSOC but it a l s o

provided many of t he CPC members t o the extent t h a t Finns, Ukrainians and r

- J e ~ s " ~ c o m p r i s e d be twem80 md-9€-p-eer-ceritof - t h e m t y 1 ~ e r n ~ r s " a t a n y o n e , ,

time (~vakumovic 1975:35). This w a s t he unique character of t he CPC. The 1

leadership had recognizeb t h a t mass support could be garnered through simply

acknowledging t he pecu l ia r e thn ic nature of r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s i n the Canadian a

environment. A s a r e s u l t , with t h i s simple ac t ion , t he par ty e f f ec t i ve ly *

co-opted t h e suppo~L of the progressive e thn ic communities and t h e i r

i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the .Porcupine Camp.

The Communists even attempted t o introduce an e t h n i c a l 4 based union - -- -- - - - -- - - -.

movement a t a time when t he labour unions were ' largely nonexistent i n t he -- - -- - -- -- - - - -

north, I n January - February 1926 t he Communist con t ro l led , Alberta based,

'Mine Workers Union (MWU): sen t i ts vice-president John Stokaluk ( a Ukrainian

Canadian communist) t o organize t h e Porcupine Camp. He he ld mass meetings i n - - - - - - - - --- ,/- -- - - - - n- -

South Porcupine and Timmins . and . was a b l e t o form two l o c a l s of 200 men,

-

mostly Finris and Ukrainians, i n t o t h e innGp3ndent 'Poicupine Miners Union' . I

~ u t t h e MWU was unable t o ga rne r support i n Larder Lake, Cobal* o r Kirkland

.Lake as t h e mines were t o o s t r o n g i n those communities.. The Timmins - South

Porcupine o rgan iza t ions f a i l e d t h e same ykar they were c r e a t e d (seages 3

1981:41). The f a i l u r e of t h e labour movement would d e a l a severe blow t o t h e 4 11

genera l c l a s s movement i n t h e Porcupine Camp because t h e Communis> p a r t y 3 .: - :

could no t address a-major l o c a l i n t e r e s t , %.e . un ion iza t ion . 1 i

Never the less t h e Communist p a r t y , through i ts e t h n i c co-optat ion, 1 ' i n i t i a l l y gained a wide fo l lowing i n Northern Ontario and t h e Porcupine Camp.

O f t h e p a r t y ' s n ine a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s , t h r e e a lone were i n t h e popula t ion <. .

spa r se a r e a of Northern Ontario. ULF'TA and FSOC h a l l s were made a v a i l a b l e f o r

Communist meetings and they provided cbncer t bands and s i n g e r s f o r p a r t y

meetings. Yet t h e h a l l s were no t prepared t a g ive u p ' t h e i r l o c a l c o n t r o l t o

t h e l eade r sh ip of t h e p a r t y . The d i s s o l u t i o n of Anglo c l a s s support dur ing

t h e w a r h a d made t h e e t h n i c s susp ic ious of t h e commitment p f t h e pa r ty l ' s

l a r g e l y English l e a d e r s h i p e s p e c i a l l y s ince t h e e t h n i c s continued t o provide

t h e v a s t major i ty of t h e p a r t y ' s suppbr t , f inance and i n s t i t u t i o n s . To ensure

t h a t t h e Anglos would no t g a i n c o n t r o l t h e FSOC was r e s t r u c t u r e d i n 1$23 i n t o 1- 'The F inn i sh Organizat ion of Canada (FOC)' , which would a c t a s a hold ing 1

!

company f o r its a s s e t s t o ensure t h e CPC d i d not a c q u i r e them ( ~ a i n e i

i 1981a:100). Though t h e e t h n i c h a l l s i n t h e Porcupine &rnp were major c e n t e r s , !

I

of propaganda and p r o s l e t y z i n g f o r t h e Communist p a r t y they remained even ! * -- --

more important as i n s t i t u t i o n s committed ethnic' community i n t e r e s t s . The F

p a r t y ' s e t h n i c suppor t w a s based l e s s on commitmen3 €0 t h e n a t i o n a l bTsTs

of c l a s s and inc reas ing ly t o a l o c a l dimension of ethni6i t .y . This was

-

ind icq t ive of a - cont rad ic t ion t h e Communist Party of Canada s a o n h a L b - - - --.

address. i

- -- --

- % 4

Ostensibly t h e Communist pa r t y w a s an organization formed on the, * t h eo r i e s of general c l a s s r e l a t i onsh ip s but it was dgpendent on l o c a l e thn ic

a s soc i a t i ons f o r its surv iva l and success. On the one hand it depended on the 7

e thn ic organizat ions ac t i ng as c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , maintaining l'anguage

and customs t o r e c r u i t members, and on the o ther it wanted them t o a i d the -,

& .

I

e thn ics i n immediately a s s imi l a t i ng and becoming p a r t of t he l a r g e r Canadian 4

c l a s s s t r uc tu r e . The e thn i c s were being asked t o bel ieve i n t he na t iona l

t e n e t s of c l a s s ye t much of t h e i r commitment remained t o t h e l o c a l community

- and i n s t i t u t i w l l w e l - Tbek responses= w m also inweasi-13- des&pe++e == --

address l o c a l condi t ions and ga in l o c a l resources. It w a s an i r r e conc i l ab l e

problem i f t he t a sk s e t f o r t h e -party was t o be a revolutionary c l a s s

movement across' t h e nat ion.

1t'was c l ea r t h a t while t h e par ty attempted t o ga in t he support of the E)'

Canadian working c l a s s it a c t u a l l y drew i$s support from l o c a l e thn ic

- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - -

communities. The major i ty of t he Canadian working cl+ss opted f o r indigenous

p o l i t i c a l movements which seemed more appropr ia te t o Canadian soc ie ty a? they

d id not c a l l f o r a revo lu t ion which.would placg then a t a disadvantage. The 8 . ,

s o c i a l i s t movement i n Canada was an 'establishment ' concern and increas ingly

became so with c rea t ion of the 'Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF)'

i n t h e 1930s ( ~ o r o w i t z 1968: 26) . The CPC was inev i tab ly seen as a fo re igners '

pa r ty r a t h e r than one which should concern ' t r u e ' Canadians.

To a nat ive Canadian a Communist was somaone -who_qQk& English-- - - -

with an accent , used Targop incomprehensible t o most q n a d i a n s , read newspapers i n what seemed t o be exo t ic languages and who l ived lh~a- o f town €Fiat go-aheaX dlanaZZns were only too eager t o leave. (~vakumovic 1975 : 36)

'The extent of t he CPC's dependence on e thn ic support and t he e thn i c s '

commitment to the community basis was made evident in 1925 when, after - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - -- - - -- - - - - -- -

Lenin's death and the rise of Stalin, the communist International - - - - - -

organization (cornintern) set up a "bolshevization" program which directed

that all "language federations" were to be abolished in order to create a . general class movement. The only Communist party in the world to stand even

~drtially &&st the new Comintern policy wasL the Csmunist Party of Canada

which recoghized its dependence on the ethnics and the grassroots

associations- (hgus 1981 : 181'). The party leadership became divided between t-

- 6

<*

the old leadership, led by Jack MacDonald, who disagreed with the

bolshevization policies and who were supported by the ethnic organizations, D

and a group - led by Tim Buck-which supported the new Stalinist order and came - -

-- -

to increasingly control the party ( fiakurnovic 1975 : 56) . Allied with Buck against the old leadership and the ethnics were

members of the 'Young Communist League' (YCL), The YCL had long been in

confrontation with the ethnic associations especially the ULFTA which had

created its own Youth Section when the YCL demanded control of the ULFTA

- - -- -- -- -- youth t~ngus 1981' i203) . WestFrn-EnglmCanaFiian ~Conisniii~sts, llke Tom McEwen ,

also allied with Buck in part because of their confrontation with the

Ukrainians over who would lead the Prairie division of the party (~ng-us

1981:229). Macdonald'had supported the Ukrainians in a debate as to whether

a Ukrainian or Anglo Saxon, should be the.partyqs candidate in the

Winnipeg municipal elections ( ~ n ~ u s 1981 :227)=. The Anglo choice had been Tom

Mc Ewen . The ethnics became worried about the partyls change of direction. They

- - - - - -

felt the Comintern did not trulyunderstand the peculiar standing of D

immigrants in Canada, They argued that the Comintern had underestimated the. - r

. :

poker oftCanadian capitalism and overestimated the revolutionary response of

e. the non=ethnic workers, The e t h n j c c s @ e r e r e l u c ~ a n € ~ t ~ f a ~ ~ ~ a n o ~ t h e ~ -

react ionary c r i s i s s ince it would inev - - - - - - - -- - --- - - -

i n s t i t u t i o n s and supporters. They ca lhL ' lns tead f o r g r ea t e r g rass roo ts 3 4

control under e thnic leadership , e s sen t i a l l y seeking t o re t rench class within I - - f

the e thn ic community l eve l . They presered t o respond t o contextual change 23

I- 3 jr-

s i t u a t i o n a l l y r a the r than commit t o centra l izat ion 'under par ty con t ro l which 2 x

would only -put more power i n t he hands of an Anglo leadership they d id not J

-

f e e l was committed t o c l a s s kdeology o r responsive t o contextual change. They 3 , , C

made c l e a r t h a t they thought t he circumstances i n Canada was e s sen t i a l l y +.

unique because t he diverse immigrant composition of the Canadian working a & -

. P

The e thn ics ' pos i t ion f a i l e d t o gain the support of t he ~ o k n t e r n . I n 1

April 1927 t he par ty was f i n a l l y forced t o endorse the Comintern's

bolshevization s t ra tegy . This began a process of increas ing S t a l i n i za t i on b

within t h e CPC. I n 1928 t h e Sixth Congress of the Comintern, meeting i n - - - - - - - - - - - - --

9 0 - Moscow, extended t h i s s t r a t egy i n t o an international-movement by s t a t i n g t h a t 1

the working c l a s s was en te r ing a new e r a of revolutionary s t ruggle . It ca l led D

on Communists t o take over the s o c i a l i s t -and-file as t he s t ruggle would

be fought along t he l i n e s of " c l a s s versu ass" (Avakumovic 1975:56). This

served t o strengthen t he pro-Buck fo r ce s i n t he par ty and t he e thn ics were

a t tacked as in t rans igen ts . Ba

The c r i s i s came t o a head 'a t t he Sixth Convention of t he CPC which met

i n Toronto i n March 1929. The e thn ics , and the U k r ~ i n i a n delexates i n *

p a r t i c u l a r , found themselves -- subjected t o "uninterupted jeer ing and - - -- --

r id icu l ing" as they came under a t t a c k from the S t a l i n i s t s f o r , t h e i r i n a b i l i t y

t o speak ~ n ~ l i s h cor r&ct ly o r understand policy f u l l y (Angus 1981:241). They

i

were a l s o a t t a c k e d f q r t h e i r c o n c e p aver- t h e i r local e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s - - ---A--

which t h e S t a l i n i s t s s a i d - w a s "abso lu te ly --- - incornpatable wi th work i n a

~ o r b n m i s t Far ty" (Angus 1981 : 292). I

The Ukrainians, i nc lud ing de lega tes from Timmins, wanted t o walk ou t

b~ MacDonald persuaded t h e Ukrainians and Finns t o s t a y on t h e promise t h a t

,' the" p a f t y would inc lude t h e i r viewpoints . ID t h e v o t i k f o r t h e Cent a1 'i Executive Commithee'the vo tes from t h e Finnish and Ukrainian deLegates were

-k

a l l f o r MacDonald. Th i s inc luded Timmins d e l e g a t e s , Smeek ,\Thachuk, S ivula ,

Maamba, Hel in , Wuori, Parnega aqd Oksenen, which w a s t h e l a r g e s t group of

d e l e g a t e s a t t h e convention. MacDonald ga ined- two- th i rds of t h e execut ive

a n d t h e s o z d backing of t h e F'innsand Ukritinians b u t , i n s t e a d of f o r c i n g - -

Buck and t h e S t a l i n i s t s o u t , he sought a compromise which even tua l ly doomed

any p o s s i b i l i t y of e t h n i c modi f i ca t ion of p a r t y p o l i c y ( ~ n g u s 1981 :242-6).

A t t h e J u l y e l e c t i o n of t h e P o l i t i c a l Committee, MacDonald sought a

representa t ive-commit tee which would inc lude e t h n i c r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . Buck

responded by denouncing Ukrainian l e a d e r M. Popowich and F inn i sh l e a d e r A.T. - - - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - - --- - -- --

H i l l . The Ukrainians and Finns decided t h a t they had had enough and thought

it would be b e t t e r t o l e t Buck have h i s way i n o rde r t o u l t i m a t e l y d i s c r e d i t

him. Tim Buck and h i s suppor te r s t h u s acqui red c o n t r o l of t h e P o l i t i c a l

Committee and Buck became t h e new General Sec re ta ry of t h e p a r t y ( ~ n g - u s 1981 :

252-4). t

r The Communist p a r t y now began t o re-emphasize a n a t i o n a l r a d i c a l c l a g s

o r i e n t a t i o n . The Finns and Ukrainians were pushed i n t o t h e background a s \

Engl ish became t h e language of r ad ica l i sm. Few of t h e e t h n i c s knew English - - T - - - -

-- -

wel l enough t o speak a t CPC meetings and t h i s only served t o f o r c e many i n t o , .

l e a v i n g t h e Those who rEmained-were not wholly suppor t ive of t h e

r eo rgan iza t ion as they saw t h e i r p o l i t i c a l base be ing des t royed i n t h e

-L a-ttempt t o p lace occupation over language-as Ahearganizational-mechanism-0%: - -- -

I - . the par ty . - - & - -- - - -

The bases of p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n were no longer t o be t h e l o c a l e thn ic

organizations s ince they were considered too "bolshevik" and not "c lass

oriented" ( h m s 19811302). But it was one th ing t o have members of t h e 3 ir

Q 3

e thn ic organizations as l o y a l members of t h e par ty and qu i t e another f o r t h e .x

I . $

par ty t o t r y t o take t h i s t o mean t h a t they would give up t h e one f o r t he + . 'Jl

- - other . How could they give up t h e i r e thn ic organizations and make them behave -

--

as p o l i t i c a l assoc ia t ions when t o do so would i l l e g i t i m a t e t h e i r own power i 3'

h

9 - ji base and,strengthen.only t h e weak English Canadian Communists? :

~ a k t ~ o r t h e Comjntern on any major t heo re t i c a l i ssue. They were wel l *

t o l e t t h e par ty be t h e major a r b i t e r of c l a s s theory. But they were ,

not ready t o see t h e i r e thn ic base usurped. They were being ordered t o f u l l y

commit t o c l a s s c r i t e r i a bu t r ea l i z ed that if such a commitment took place

and- the c l a s s revolut ion d id not succeed (and there w a s as ye t no ind ica t ion

t h a t it would), they would' have nothing t o f a l l back on. z P * f

The na t iona l e thn ic organizat ions , *he FOC and ULFTA, eventually, i f - 5 Z

only p a r t i a l l y , reconci led with t h e CPC-under Communist In te rna t iona l

pressure . They agreed t o support t he Buck leadership and t o promote t he par ty

l i n e i n r e tu rn f o r t h e i r independence. The d i s s iden t s were forced t o recant - <

t h e i r opposit ion t o cen t ra l i zed leaJe rsh ip and t he Comintern confirmed the

bolshevizat ion policy i n even s t ronger terms. The Ukrainian and Finnish

oxganizations were ordered t o "Canadianize " & t i e their struggles-xi=- - - - -

-- -- - - - --

- -

- ---

those of t he "general p ro l e t a r i an s t ruggle i n Canada...and t h e s t ruggle of

the i n t e rna t i ona l p ro l e t a r i a t " . To t h i s end it ca l l ed upon t he implementation:

of English c l a s se s and ending c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y which w a s character ized as

?.

4 - - - - - - - - --- - - - - - - -

"bourgeois t rash" v very 1979 : 130-1 )'. The qthnic members of t he par ty , t

a, - A

-- --

X howev&, simply moved b a c d i n t o t h e i r l o c a l h a l l s and .a poli t ical-qua-social - 0.

cu l tu re in-which t he CPC played a 'decreas ing ro le . &

The CPC had f a i l e d t o r e a l i z e t h a t t he aspect of p o l i t i c s t h e i were P

introducing w a s incompatible with t he type of p o l i t i c a l cu l t u r e which w a s ,

common i n t he ha l l s . Thk? nature of id ;?4bgy f o r both, while s t a t e d i n s imi l a r -

terms, were e s sen t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t . Where-one sought a concrete c l a s s *

a coasciousness the o t6er sought an ethr; ically mitigated form of c l a s s f . ;..

i n t e r e s t . 5 C

t

had always been ready t o takte p a r t i n t he c l a s s -

English Canadians who never wished t o

them. The English Canadian working c l a s s had never seen ?

now t h e new leadership were redef ining t he par ty away

from the e thn ics which seemed i n keeping with previous host soc ie ty

on the e thn ic communities. " I ron ica l ly t he CPC w a s no more

$0 lerant-o f cult.ural p lural ism - than-Lt s-A,ng10-6~adi;an-bmrgeois-e~1erny-.~'-- - - - - L -

very 1979 : 141 ) L c Y

I n ea r ly 1929 t h e paid membership of the CPC was 2,876-but by t he '

b

beginning of 1931 it w6.s only '1,386. This showed a major drop.+in membership I' - r'

but it w a s even more d r a s t i c as there had beena700 new memberships i n t he

in tervening period. I n t h i s two year( period "a t l e a s t 75 per -cen t of t he \

rComunist Par ty ' s membership was expelled o r dropped outt '- " (~ngys 1981 : 199). ,, -

I Tine par ty l o s t a ma jo r i t y .o f ; , i t s ' e t hn i c membership but those t h a t remained : - ' .

- - -

\ were more committed t o t h e par ty than ever and the e thn ic percentage of

membership relilained s t a b l e a t 90 - 955. S t i l l it was c l e a r t h a t the majority

of -Ukrainians and Finns f e l t c l o se r t o t h e i r l o c a l c u l t u r a l a f f i l i a t i o n s than

'3 %hei r general p o l i t i c a l leanings. The. e thn ic h a l l s would continue t o r

3 - - support t h e par ty but they s o u l d _not _be c - o m t e d o L a s f i rm-polfi isa-bases.--- - -- A

P

New bases had t o be u t i l i z e d and t h e only ones l e f t i n Northern Ontario were -

e i t h e r t h e unions, which were weak o r non-existent, o r t h e co-operatives.

/ Comunist pa r ty support , however, was still badly s p l i t by fact ional ism;

r e susc i t a t i ve ac t i on could only take place i f t h e CPC regained s u p p o r k i n t h e . - ?

camp.

t -

c l a s s

1928 Hollinger F i r e : The Revival of Class

The major crisis which renewed i n t e r b s t i n t he Communistparty and

c r i t e r i o n i n t h e Porcupine Camp was t h e Hollinger Mine F i r e d i s a s t e r of

February 10, 1928. I n t h a t mine d i s a s t e r th i r ty-nine men died, including '

-- - - - e igh t Finns, four Croatians, two Corfiishmen and -one W r a h i a n . The d i s a s t e r - _-- - ;

w & s t o have an immediate traumatic e f f e c t on t h e community and galvanize ' the -<

r ad i ca l f a c t i on i n t he camp.

The ~ i n n i s h community w a s e spec ia l ly angered by t he d i sas te r . -The 8

Finns who had died were placed i n t h e i r cof f ins outs ide t he Finnish Hall on / ,

February 14 as mute testimony t o t h e - p r i c e t he Finns had dpdd t o t he mines. - -

" - -- -- - --

A t t he secu la r funera l se rv ices , held on February 15 a t the Finn Hall , sople. a 1.

400 people were i n attendance t o hear Gpk'akers who used t h i s occassion a5 a %

p o l i t i c a l platform. They ta lked "not of t he g l o r i e s of God bu t -o f the e v i l s +

of capital ism" oron onto Daily S t a r 15 February 1928, p. 2 ) .

3 - A man went to'each co f f l n and read t he notes on t h e wreZths. One

- expressed t h e sentiment, "You managed t o escape the-bu tcher c l a s s i n your own

G

country. Wow suffocated, th; v ic t im of. a s t r ange r ' s gain . I* {seager 1981 :42).

A s t h e cof f ins were taken out they were joined by the c o f f i n of t h e sing-le

Ukrainian death,'Michael Swiaty, brought fromSthg ~ k r a l k i a n H a l l t o be buried

with t he Finns i n a mass grave whzch would stand as an example of t h e i r

ethnic anq. c l a s s a l l i a n c e . The t h r ee s le ighs holding t he co f f i n s were l e d by

2 - - - - - - - - - -

t h e Finnish b r a s s band and followed by some 2,060 marchers% t h e grave where

they were BuYied. The FOC pa-ye& for- separate stones for e a c k ~ F & ~ n n n s and

a la$e Stone memorial t o commemorate t h e "Victims O f The Hol l inger *

Disas ter" . Despi te t h e e x t e n t of t h e t ragedy t h e r e was t o be no marker f o r

t h e dead except t h a t - s e t up by t h e FOC which would s t a n d as a s i l e n t symbolic

c ~ n d e m n a ~ i o n of t h e n i n e s and t h e c a p i t a l i s t system.

On Tuesday a f t e rnoon February 14 a mass.meeting w a s he ld by t h e ,

workers, l e d b y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e I W W , t h e OBU' and t h e MWp. Throughout

t h e meeting speakers denounced t h e c a p i t a l i s t system and t a l k e d of t h e

d i s % s t e r us ing words such a s 'murder ' . Addresses were i n Engl ish , French, I P

- -

Finn i sh , Ukrainian, ~ussia$'&d Yugoslavian b u t it w a s t h e Communist speakers

; and in te rp reAers l i k e Nick Thachuk, who spoke t o t h e Ukrainians,and H. Halen,

who spoke t o the.Finrrs , who were a b l e t o use t h e p la t form t o advance t h e

~ommuni'st p a r t y by.=presenting arguments t o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e e t h n i c

communities. A t t h e end t h e meeting adopted a muted bu t d e < i n i t i v e r e s o l u t i o n . u

i n which thewradica l union p rgan iza t ions f i g u r e d prominently. - - -- -- --

- - -- - -- --- --

We, t h e miners of t h e Porcupine d i s t r i c t , i n mass meeting H assembled endorse t h e fo l lowing r e s o l u t i o n . . .Whereas, on t h e 10th

of February 1928, a t t h e Hol l inger Mine, a t e r r i b l e d i s a s t e r took p l a c e , i n which 39 miners l o s t t h e i r l i v e s through negligence of t h e Hol l inger mine and of t h e Mining i n s p e c t o r . Be it resolved; t h a t we, t h e miners of t h e Porcupine d i s t r i c t , demand t h a t t h e

t - government i n s t i t u t e a p u b l i ~ i n v e s t i g a t i o n and t h a t we, the. miners of ' the Porcupine d i s t r i c t , have r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a t t h e same; t h e s a i d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n t o c o n s i s t of a committee of t h r e e

71 appointe L from I . W . W . , O .B .U. and t the Mine Workers Union of Canada. The i n v e s t i g a t i o n t o t ake p lace i n Ti&ins and t h e doors t o be open t o t h e pub l i c . And we f u r t h e r r e so lve t h a t t h e p a r t i e s r e spons ib le f 6 r t h e +mping of inflammable m a t e r i a l i n t h e mine s h a l l be punished and s h a l l be removed from t h e i r p resen t ~ o s i t i o n s . On beha l f of t h e committee; Signed by t h e fo l lowing, +

A . 3. S t u a r t , Joe Kennedy, D. D. Thachuk. (porcupine Advance 16 F e b r u r y 1928, 3.8) r -

A ,

-iapaus, t h e FOC ne:?spzper, a few days a f t e r t h i s meeting s t a t e d t h a t P

b e 5 i s s s t e r had cause3 "a g r e a t awakening f o r t h e workers, t h e l i k e of whish Z 4

- A -- - - - -

we have )never seen i n Northern Ontario" eager 1981 :41). I n f a c t t h e -

- - --

co&nist . leadership was ab le foptake only l imi ted

s t i l l split by t he ideo log ica l schism.

Nevertheless Finnish Communists attempted t o

opinion aga ins t .thes mines with mass demonstrations

advantage-as t he par ty w a s m

r a l l y opposit ion and r ) .

and p ro t e s t s . They d id

, l i t t l e more than Idraw t h e a t t e n t b n of the mines and host.cornmunity who began

t o take t he view t h a t a l l Firms were dangerous r ad i ca l s . One Finn I

interviewed equated t h e 1928 d i s a s t e r as both the Hollinger ire and t h e f a c t

that "the Finnish Communists s t a r t e d marching and p ro t e s t i ng so t h a t t h e

Hollinger starts t b say a l l t h e Finns a r e Communists so it was d i f f i c u l t t o -- -- - - - - - - - -

f i n d work." Another Finn s t a t e d , "I remember i n 1928 a t t h e Hollinger ~ i r e

and t he Communists -in- t h e h a l l who with rough language would be blaming t he

Hollinger f o r t he deaths; P r e t t y soon a l l the Finns got put on t h e b l a c k l i s t

and it w a s hard t o f i n d work." The Finns were bui lding up a perceived,, i f not -

t o t a l l y r e a l , r epu ta t ion as commited and dangerous r ad i ca l s . A s a Finnish

minister i n %he c a a p d u r k g tA-&s+pe~iod-commented : -- -

A l abore r of Finnish na t i ona l i t y was formerly regarded as preferable t o o ther fo re ign labore rs , but now the object ion is made t h a t they a r e t a i n t e d with Socialism, Bolshevism and Communism. If a man professes t o be a Communist he w i l l be refused employment every time. I n c e r t a i n plaees where-employers f a i l t o -

m9ke a d i s t i n c t i o n and th ink t h a t a l l Finns a r e Bolsheviks, they . *fuse t o employ any Finns. Thus a l l Finnish immigrants s u f f e r because some a r e ~ommunists. ( ~ e i n o n e n 1930:86)

Work resumed a t t he Hollinger February 16 with assurances t h a t a l l

those 'who had been made i d l e during t he in tervening period would-be paid

( ~ o r c u ~ i a e Advance 16 February 1928, p .I ) . The mine a l s o gave- assurances -to -

t he widows and f ami l i e s t h a t it would pa^ f u l l coWensaAL-cmL T h k cons i s ted --

of an i n i t i a l payment o f $200 and then compensation payments of $125 f o r each . ,

widow t o cover funera l exqensessand $40 a month f o r each dependent c h i l d

u n t i l t h e age of s i x t e e n . Th i s only served t o f u r t h e r i n c i t e t h e Finns as - --pL---p--- 2

many of t h e Finnish widows d i d n o t have t h e proper c e r t i f i c a t e s t o prove t h a t

- t hey were married t o t h e dead miners.

The Finns were a n t a g o n i s t i c t o r ey ig ious in&i$ut ions and so had no t

always been married l e g a l l y , o f t e n l eav ing it t o community acceptance. "The

Finns i n Porcupine had a custom t h a t whenever a couple was allowed t o go t o

t h e sauna toge the r . . . they were considered t o be married. " ( ~ o s k i 1980 : 44) *

This w a s h o t enough f o r t h e Compensation Board which d isa l lowed t h e i r . 3 .

r eques t s . This only f u r t h e r confirmed t o t h e Finns t h e na tu re of t h e

c a p i t a l i s t system and they began t o demonstrate more openly which only served. - . _

t o add tq, t h e i r r a d i c a l r e p u t a t i o n s .

The Hol l inger F i r e d i s a s t e r i n l a t e r yea r s becamecredefined as a n

important bu t nominal event i n t h e h i s t o r y of t h e community. It became i"t_

accepted a s an example of t h e hazard of minJng and t h e r e w a s s a i d t o be

l i t t l e r e a c t i o n as t h e people simply cpntinued a s u s u a l , a l i t t l e sadder bu t

not embi t t e ~ e d towards t h e mines. - A s o n e Finn, -who w a s - not-azmember of-thFp- #J ,

r a d i c a l s e c t i o n , s t a t e d , "There was l i t t l e resentment a t t h e mine. It was

j u s t accepted a s one of t h e hazards of mining. I d o n ' t remember anyone be ing

b i t t e r about anything." Yet f o r t h e r a d i c a l s it was an event which epitomized rn

both t h e i r c l a s s and e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s i n t h e community. The Hol l inger F i r e

d i s a s t e r was seen i n l a t e r yea r s by t h e more r a d i c a l e t h n i c members of t h e

c o m u n i t y as a " ru th le s s ' t ragedy" caused by c a p i t a l i s t s t u p i d i t y of which * -

t h i s was t h e worst bu t no t f i n a l example f o r " a l l who go. down i n - t h e mines

a r e heroes - t o j u s t surv ive was t h e accomplishment" ( ~ r e m ~ r 1-966, p.17) . 4

I n t h e f a c e of h o s t community r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t F innish extremism t h e

.conservat ive Finns i n t h e camp, t h e ' w h i t e s ' , chose t o re-emphasize t h e i r

* l o y z l t y t o Canadian s o c i e t y i n o rde r t o c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h themselves from

the Communists+ and' avoid r e p r i s a l s . The Finnish uni ted Church min i s te r s t a t e d - i - - - -- -

publiclY at a Kiwanis luncheon t h a t most Finns made good Capd i an c i t i z ens . I

Are a l l Finns ~ o & u n i s t s ? I have been asked t h i s quest ion o f t en i n Canada. I would l i k e t o answer with an emphatic NO, There a r e a n b b e r of Finnish Communists'in Canada but t he r e a r e j u s t as many l o y a l and i n t e l l i g e n t Finns who w i l l have nothing t o do with them o r t h e i r propaganda. (porcupine Advance 25 October 1928, p.9)

I n recogni t ion of t h e i r proffered l oya l t y the white Finns were

immediately assured by t h e h ~ s t co&unity t h a t they would be supported. An -

a r t i c l e i n t h e Porcupine Advance emphasized t h a t t he whites F'inns should be

aided by the community because t h e red Finns were in t imida t ing them. The 'i

whites were s a id t o be-more numerous but not as bg i s te rous and as - such

deserving of the l o c a l community's support. The a r t i c l e went on t o in terview

a United Church missionary who confirmed t h i s pos i t ion .

He be l i eves t h a t t h e Reds can be routed i f openly a s sa i l ed . 'After a l l , I don ' t b e l i eve , ' s a i d he, ' t h a t ha l f of t he Finnish immigrants i n t h e d i s t r i c t a r e Reds; it i s t h e Reds who make a l l t h e hul labaloo, while t h e i r compatriots who a r e l o y a l t o t he country a r e saying nothing. ' (porcupine Advance 20 December 1928, p .2)

- - - - - -- -- - - -- - ppp

The Finnish radical ism i n Northern Ontario which followed t he Hollinger

d i s a s t e r reached i t s zen i th with t h e a r r e s t of t he e d i t o r of the FOC paper

Vapaus i n December 1928 i n Sudbury on t he charge of u t t e r i n g s ed i t i ous l i b e l .

aga ins t t he roya l family, This w a s an important spark which marshalled Anglo

publ ic opinion i n the nor th aga in s t t he r ad i ca l s . There was now a c a l l f o r

d i r e c t a c t i o n aga ins t t he reds . There was no longer t o be a minimal to lerance

5u t an increas ing reac t ion . A reso lu t ion d r a f t ed by t h e Loyal Orange Lodge

meeting i n Timmins on February 12, 1929 took it even f a r t h e r ; - -

Whereas k k e Dammist o rga~ i za+ i cm %he %%r&g-m -

espec ia l ly t he Finns, working under many e lus ive names - Workers' Union, I nde~enden t Workers, e t c . - have been openly breaking t he law of t he land and naking themselves very object ionable by t h e i r th rea ten ing and in t imida t ing a t t i t u d e towards Chr i s t i an n i s s i ona r i e s and min i s te r s labouring among t h e i r fellow-countrymen

and a l s o toward those who a t t e n d t h e s e r v i c e s o f - t h e Chris't-iaii Church ;

W e r e c a m e a d that -p=urs be ~ 8 t t g h ~ ~ b e a ~ t t p ~ 6 o v e r m ~ ---- - --

of th'e Province, t h a t a c t i o n may be taken s o t h a t l e a d e r s of t h i s pe rn ic ious movement may be brought t o j u s t i c e and deported;

And f u r t h e r we recommend t h a t t h e Government be asked t o enac t l e g i s l a t i o n compelling a l l f o r e i g n newspapers and p e r i o d i c a l s t o be p r i n t e d i n Engl ish as w e l l as t h e language of t h e people f o r whom t h e paper i s e d i t e d .

On May I, 1929 Cammunists were repor ted t o have c a r r i e d ou t a f u r t h e r ,

i f not t h e u l t i m a t e d e s c r a t i o n wi th t h e burning 'of a B r i t i s h flag. people

were now c a l l i n g f o r t h e burning of t h e Communist h a l l s i n r e t 2 l i a t i o n . .

The Coqmunists and t h e h o s t Cornunity were both b a t t l i n g f o r cori t rol of

t h e e t h n i c communities; one as a c l a s s of workers subse rv ien t t o a p o l i t i c a l --

movement and t h e o t h e r as an e t h n i c c a t e g o r i d f t h e hos t s o c i e t y . The

Communist p a r t y ' s bo l shev iza t ion p o l i c i e s had done much t o des t roy e t h n i c

commitment t o t h e g e n e r a l p o l i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s of c l a s s b u t t h e e t h n i c s had

no t g iven up t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e t o l o c a l progressive ' i s s u e s . Nevertheless many

remained uncommitted t o e i t h e r t h e p a r t y o r hos t s o c i e t y .

The Communist p a r t y w a s a l r e a d y a t tempt ing t o r e g a i n t h e i r suppor t , - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - -

g, Par ty l e a d e r T i m Buck was r epor t ed t o ' b e i n t h e camp i n 1928, h id ing from

h o s t s o c i e t y r e a c t i o n i n t h e Red Scare of t h a t y e a r , and d e l i b e r a t e d wi th

Thachuk and t h e Finnish l e a d e r s . He s o l i d i f i e d h i s p o s i t i o n and d i d much t o

r e p a i r t h e l o c a l r i f t i n t h e p a r t y ( ~ o b e r t s . 1 9 7 9 : ~ ) . But t h e h o s t community

was a l s o seeking t o g a i n e t h n i c suppor t . With t h e beginning of t h e 1929

3 e 2 r ~ s s i o n l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s became more vehement i n t h e i r a t t empts t o de f ine

s n i , by de f in ing , c o n t r o l t h e e t h n i c conmunities. They th rea tened t o c l o s e

53-m t h e r a d i c a l e t h n i c schools u n l e s s they began t o show €hel"r con tex tua l -

c c & o ~ a i t y through such I R D ~ S as teaching -'proper' msie, '0 Canada', LGod - -

%-re The King' and e t h n i c f o l k songs, but not r a d i c a l songs.

There i s a groxing opin ion t h a t t h e s e f o r e i g n schoo l s a r e no t

- 176 -

occupied with teaching l o s l t y t o m - d a , , C a n a d i a n s w o u l d ~ b c ~ - -- - - -- --

- -U

pleased t o have Ukrainian chi ldren taught t h e c l a s s i c s 5 n -I

music...But f o r arttention t o be centred on 'Red' songs would not i

- - -- -- - - - - -- - -- - be so pleas ing t o Canadians.. .That 'is w h a t t h e Advance would l i k e t o see - a thorough inves t iga t ion of such schools as those

?

conducted by fo re igners with t h e idea of determining t h e purpose - r' -5

behind t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . ( ~ o r c u p i ~ n e Advance 12 J.une 1930, p. 12) -

The community recog-&zed t h a t t h e majori ty of these Communists were not

c i t i z e n s of Canada but whereas some sa id t h i s guaranteed t h a t they would A

never come t o power t h e a u t h o r i t i e s spec i f i ed t h a t t h i s only made the

s i t u a t i o n even more se r ious as they would t u r n t o direct-means t o - g a i n power a

.-

espec ia l ly when they seemed ab le - t o ' c a l l out hundreds and thousands of

ind iv idua l s f o r parades. There was a d i s t i n c t i o n made i n t h e i r mind between

e l ec t i ons and t h e ' r i g h k of Ca&&ans-and e thn ics and t k e i r poss ible - - - - --

revolutionary t h r e a t s t o t he context of Canadian socie ty . "The f a c t of the > -*.

-c:.

matter is t h a t . t h e Communist doctr ine to-day is making i ts only inroads on

the fo re igner and on (t 'heir) ch i ld req especia l ly . This makes it a double

menace. " ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e Advance 16 October 1930, p .l5)

Nevertheless t he 1928 Hollinger d i s a s t e r had reawakened t he r ad i ca l - - -- - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - -- - --

movement'in the Porcupine Camp and t h i s was fu r the r re inforced with t he

onslaught of .the 1929 Depression, The Great Depression served as an object

lesson t o Communist supporters i n t he camp who looked upon it as the *

deathknel l of t he c a p i t a l i s t system and a s igna l f o r the coming c l a s s s

revolution. Many of t h e e thn ics became reconciled with t h e Communist party. A

v indicat ion of t he p a r t y ' s stance on t he dominance of c l a s s ideology had

appeared t o occur with t h e seeming col lapse of the ' c a p i t a l i s t economies' i n

October-1929 j u s t as t h e Comintern had predicted. The revolutionary class - - - - - -- --

mov-.ment w a s - a g a i q g a i n i n g - - - - aa'eren'ts i n the e thnic communities. - - - -- --- -- - --

% &be'

Yet, i n s p i t e of " the inc&ase in ' r ad i ca l suppbrt, t h C CPC had few

i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t he camp on which it could depend and u t 5! l i z e . The par ty had

reconci led with t h e e thn ic h a l l s but the h a l l s s t E t wourd n i t beplraced - - '4

CI

about jo in ing t h e l a r g e r movement, The only organization t h a t could o f f e r the

pa r ty a l o c a l base of operat ions w a s Workers Co-operative and it was towards

t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t they d i r ec t ed t h e i r a t t en t i on . u,

The Radical Takeover of Workers Co-02

The 1929 Depression d id not a f f e c t t he Porcupine Camp t o the same f

extent as it d id ~ o u t h e r n * ~ n t a r i o f o r the mines continued t o produce. Worker&

Co-operative a l s o continued t o operate as it had been ab l e t o accumulate an

effective-monetary surp lus , e spec i a l l y i n i t s educationqJ fund, during i ts

f i r s t years o f operation. Workers continued t o have a good cash flow even

during t h e depression al though it w a s forced t o g ive more c r e d i t t o i t s . customers than w a s o rd ina r i l y adviseable. To a i d i t s customers a ' d i s t r e s s

fund' of 2% of p r o f i t s w a s s e t a s i de w i t h the manager empowered t o decide on

c r e d i t Sqs and give c r e d i t which would be charged t o t he d i s t r e s s fund. e.2 pos i t ion t o support and inf luence o ther ,o rgan iza t ions , such as t h e r a d i c a l

e thn ic assoc ia t ions , many of which were i n f i n a n c i a l t roub le and looked t o

t he solvent co-op f o r ass i s t ance . One of the f i r s t t o receive a s s i s t ance was

t he Kirkland'Lake Finnish Club. Workers agreed t o lend it $3,000 even though

-- the club owed an equal amount of money-to Workers Kirkland Lake s t o r e . With

'such f i n a n c i a l resources it was i nev i t ab l e t h a t co-op would come t o t he . a5 ten t ion of the Cdmunist pa r ty a s a vehic le f o r t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . Changes

1D

were a l ready7 6ccur$ng inZt6e'Comnunist par ty t o favour t he inclus ion o f

eo-operatives i n m r a f c f s s ideology and in the ee-spera t ive t o a5d th? - -

Torimnlst f a c t i on .

- I n t h e l a t e l92Os, and i n l i n e with i ts general r e s t r uc tu r i ng , the

- 178 -

Comintern took the position that a class"revolution was imminent, and the-

1929 Depression reinforced'this belief, the CPC felt it had to reassert - itself. St contended that the party was the pre-eminent factor in the general

radical movement, the vanguard of the new revolution which it saw shapingdin L

Canada and demanded that all thase who had been "friendly" towards them,

including the co-ops, now recognize its leadership. ft castigated the ethnics

for their "utopian approach" which saw co-operatives as a movement in

themselves; the CPC wanted the co-ops to be instruments of the larger class

struggle. ( ~ v e r ~ 1973 : 129-31 )

On August 10, i930, Nick Thachuk, Workers iecretary and leader of the 0 .

local Communist faction, attended a conference ?n Port Arthur called by the

board of dkrectors of the ' International Cb-operative Trading Company ' . This was .a radical Finnish co-operative controlled, in large part, by former F ~ C

-. secretary A.T. Hill and his supporters who had reconciled with the party and - L- -- - - 9 - - - - - -- - -

sacked its efforts to emphasize general class over local ethnic P

organization. . .

The conference repudi$ted the Co-operative Union of Canada which had

earlier repudiated the rPght o$ co-operatives to discuss politics. The

conference specified that co-operatives should become politically !'militantw

and act as "instruments in the struggle". The concluding paragraph of the

final announcement, signed by Nick Thachuk, in effect drew up a manifesto for

the takeover and operation of co-operatives in the revolutionary class-

interest. \

While combatting the illusion that the co-operative movement can emancipate the working-class, it must be stressed that workers' co-operatives can be develop@ together with other militant

I

, . - 179 --

- - - - - - - -- - --- - - -

workers' o rgan iza t ions i n t o genuine and e f f e c t i v e ins t ruments i n t h e s t r u g g l e f o r t h e overthrow of ' the c a p i t a l i s t system and t o

--

e s t a b l i s h our workersC and poor -ers ' sov1e33epubl ic of Canada. Workers' co-operat ives have g r e a t t a s k s be fo re them and i n

'otder t o f u l f i l l t h e s e t a s k s we must g e t t o work a t once. Our first t a s k w i l l be t o c l e a r t h e committees (board of d i r e c t o r s ) of a l l r eac t iona ry and oppor tun i s t elements who a r e a c t i n g as stumbling 'blocks t o t h e p rogress of t h e working-class movement, Our co-operat ive employees can be much more a c t i v e t h a n they h a w been. We a r e commencing t o s e e s i g n s of f e a r on t h e part of t h e employees t h a t t h e manager and members of t h e board of d i r e c t o r s a r e looking sideways a t those who t a k e a prominent p a r t ih t h e workers' s t r u g g l e s . Worker co-operative s t o r e s should he closed on Play F i r s t and a l l members, i nc lud ing employees, should t ake p a r t i n t h e demonstration. (porcupine Advance 21 May 1931, p . 1 ]

The conference w a s a Communist p a r t y p la t form which supported t h e

p a r t y ' s s t a n d ' o n co-ops as p a r t of t h e working c l a s s movement. It was l i t t l e - -

wonder t h a t they s t a t e d t h a t t h e only o rgan iza t ion which could develop t h e

co-operat ives as i n t e g r a l elements of t h e working c l a s s movement was t h e

Communist pa r ty . The co-ops were t o be ' t aken over from those cha rac te r i zed as

" reac t iona ry and oppor tun i s t elements" which were, i n e f f e c t , a l l those who

were nc& iembers o r d i d no t acknowledge t h e Communist p a r t y a s l e a d e r of t h e

c l a s s movebent. This was a c a l l f o r a - t akeover a n d t h e c a l L w a s soon-heeded-- ---

i n t h e Porcupine Camp a s cond i t ions wi th in Workers Co-op had a l s o changed i n

t h e r a d i c a l f a c t i o n ' s favour . - a ' p . ~~4

> i Xanager Haapanen, who had been manager s i n c e Workers incep t ion , had t r

i

tendered h i s r e s igna t ion t o t ake e f f e c t J u l y 15, 1930 with t h e i n t e n t i o n of Z

i r e t u r n i n g t o t h e United S t a t e s . This removed t h e major s t a b i l i z i n g element !

wi th in t h e co-operat ive a s Haapanen had been a b l e t o keep t h e d i f f e r e n t 1 a p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n s i n l i n e . Eiis replacement, Koivis to , w a s brought i n from

t h e United S t a t e s b u t by t h i s ' t i m e Thachuk and t h e Communist f a c t i o n had I

-

ieclded on t h e i r own course of a c t i o n .

The r a d i c a l s immediately i d e n t i f i e d Vorkers new manager, Koivis to , a s +

sn o b s t a c l e because he ms r ~ o t a member of t h e p a r t y and would not

B

D I

4 -

- - -- --- d

acknowledge par ty hegemony. 1K&n e f f o r t t o remove him, a whispering campaign

was s tarxed agarnst -film; ~ ~ a T ~ ~ ZnCXis suPporters claimed that t he manager

was not doing h i s job and t h a t he was "not earning 5 cen t s a day". Koivisto

f i n a l l y handed i n h i s res igna t ion e f f ec t i ve January 1, 1931, s t a t i n g t h a t he

was ill and could not remain f o r t he winter. This time t h e manager's pos i t ion

was advert ized on ly - in t h e Finnish r ad i ca l newspapers, Vapaus i n Canada and

Tyomies i n the United S t a t e s .

A problem developed f o r t h e r ad i ca l f a c t i on when Charles Haapanen, t he -

former manager, reapplied f o r t h e manager's posi t ion. He was i n i t i a l l y h i red - ;

by the board of d i r e c t o r s , wvfich w a s not ye t control led.by t he r ad i ca l s . -

Haapaanen returned t o Tirnmins t oo t ake up h i s pos i t ion bu t t he r a d i c a l f a c t i on *

did not want him back i n o f f i c e and they attempted t o stall h i s appointment. . *

Thachuk forced t h e bo%rd of d i r ec to r s t o not confirm Haapinen and ask

-- - i* , . -l&ivisto t o remain f o r a time by ensuring t h a t Haapinen's supporters ,

I

espec ia l ly from South Porcupine, d id not si t on t h e board. Be informed the

board of d i r ec to r s t h a t they could not confirm Haapanen's appointment as t h i s - - - -- - - - - - -- -

w a s not a meeting of t h e "enlarged board" s ince only t he pres ident , who had d > -

fo r tu i t ous ly r e s i b e d , o r t h e

a The r a d i c a l fak t ion succeeded

=+lame-duck' manager u n t i l t he P Q

supporters t o e l e c t t h e i r own

secre ta ry , himself, could c a l l such a meeting. '

i n keeping Waapanen out and Koivisto i n as a

annual meeting when they could gather t h e i r

manager.

*Wpaqen w a s a popular f i gu re among the l e s s r a d i c a l members of t he

co-op and t h e r 'gdiial group's s t a l l i n g of h i s appointment widened t he

-- - - - - - - p o l i t i c a l s p l i t i n t h e co-op. Yaayanen's supporters had hoped h i s r e tu rn

xight stem the t i d e of radTcaTTsm they saw r l s i n g Fn €he co~operat ive . - --

Already many individuals who had loaned t he co-op money requested t h e i r loans

bs paid back immediately and o thers demanded increased s ecu r i t y on t h e i r

- - - - - - - - - -- - - -

loans. They s a id t h a t propaganda was beifig c a r r i ed out under t h e auspices of d

- - -- - - -

t h e co-operative and. t h a t t h i s p o l i t i d a c t i on jeopardized t h e i r investments -- .

i f the hos t soc ie ty decided-to t ake ac t i on aga in s t t h e Communists.

Amidst t h i s f u r o r , ,A.T. H i l l , t h e former FOC secre ta ry and Communist

Par ty o f Canada pol i tbureau member, came t o t he Porcupine Camp i n February t o

d i r e c t pas ty members and supporters. The p a r t y a l r e a d y had a base of support

within Workers, e spec i a l l y with Thachuk as sec re ta ry . H i l l among t he Finns -

and Thachuk among t h e Ukrainians prepared t he f a c t i o n f o r t h e takeover, of

workers. They urged t h e i r suppor ters t o buy shares i n t he c i -operat ive and, '

i f they had mult iple shares , t o s e l l these t o o ther suppor ters . - -

They understood t h a t one of t h e major s t r eng th s of co-operatives, t he

p r i nc ip l e of one man one vo te , w a s a l s o one of i ts major weaknesses,' They

+ knew t h a t only a few people ever showed up a t the annual genera l meeting and % .

, I - -

made sure t h a t t h e i r own people had votes and would be p resen t . The o r i g i n a l

i n t e n t of t he r u l e w a s f o r an open and democratic organizat ion where no one

person c o u l d c o n t r o l a thers , Bawever,fherule-alsoallowed a n y - y ~ c a l , -

ind iv idua l and h i s fo l lowers t o ga in power by showing up a t meekkhgs and *+ -5

vot ing as a block. The o ther members of the co-op were unprepared t o take

concerted ac t i on and many d id not r e a l i z e the extent of t h e r a d i c a l f a c t i o n ' s

s t reng th .

Qn February 22, 1931 t h e rad ica l ' ' takeover ' of Workers took place at

t he co-op's annual meeting i n Timmins. It caught t h e general membership by w*

su rp r i s e . A s one informant, present a t the meeting, remarkedp - . --- -- --

= ~ o n e of us knew what was going on. go goes t o a s t o r e meeting? So usual ly t he r e were twen%y-five @r t h i r t y people. -- - s o 2 t h i s -- - - - Sundax --

ineeting was i n t h e Finnish H a l l andwe,.went the re sunday morning and the place was packed. ~verybiody j u s t looked because they coq ldn ' t f i g u r e out what was going on. They ( t he r ad i ca l s ) had - somehow made members, because the re i s only one vote per member, of t h i s (communist) group and when they put th ings t o a vote they

- 182 - .

- L

- -- _ - -- --

c

passed everything. I n f r o n t of a l l our very eyes they took over- , .

t h e _ s - ~ - - - - -. L - - - - - h a

The informant remembered one rad4.cal woman who rose t o speak a t t h e '

meeting alid argued t h a t it dXd not matter i f t he business d id wel l as, long as

they ( the rpdical.s) had ~ o n t r o l because they needed an i n s t i t u t i o n on which d

. . they,could bu i ld p o l i t i c a l support. The informant O r a l s o recognized t h a t the ,

co-op w a s being taken over l a rge ly through-the ac t i ons of ou t s iders who had - - -t been brought i n t o he lp the l ~ c a l f a c t i ~ o n i n its e f f o r t s .

*#os t of these people were not Finns, they wqre ou ts iders from Toronto where t h e i r l eader (A.T. H i l l ) was ,' They got hold of some - of t he g u l l i b l e around town and sa id , ' I ' l l give you so much fo$' - your- share ' , .though I don ' t kriow how they d id it , how they got ,$h& .

i: - - - - - - - - - - shares , none o;f u s Enow. But they had 3 h e <vote5 an'd-put everything - -

t o a vote. * '. < ' -

. These votes were on any and a l l i s sues and on ' t h e - s l i g h t e s t po ln t s of e

order. The meeting dragged on *well into t he night . This w a s one of t h e ploys

o f t he r a d i c a l f a c t i o n as of ten t h e only par t i c ipan ts - who remained t o vote on

many i s sues were t h e i r own supporters. En a shor t time t he complete ra ison - . d ' e t r e of the insti;~tf~,o~haet-&angeh-f-r0~10~:~ economic- to-xkdescale T----------------

p o l i t i c a l ac'tivism.

The~Comrnunists took con t ro l of t he Board of Directors and the I

all- important Educational Committee and its burgeoning fund which they now

used t o support t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . The fund w a s nsed;immediately when $300 w& ' . * * -

/'

donated t o the loaa! unemployed, $100 of which went t o t he Workers I

Co-operative Boardhg House t o supply meals t o t h e unemployed. This w a s p a r t --

.y of t h e p a r t y ' s at tempt t o organize t he unemployed and involve them i n t he

A wider r a d i c a l movement ( ~ o b e r t s 1979:37. Fund money was a l s o d i s t r i bu t ed t o / = -

support s t r i k e a c t i v i t y i n a r ea s from Toronto*&o Alberta and i n support of --9,

t he Communist par ty associa ted 'Workers ~ e f a;& League ' . Whereas there had previously been l i t t l e knowledge o i t h e c o a p

7

d i f f i c u l t i e s became publ ic knowledge. I n a l e t t e r t o t h e e d i t o r of t h e

~ o r c b ~ i n e Advance an ind iv idua l s igning himself only as "A Fellow

Co-operator" (but most .probably Charles Haapnen) addressed an open l e t t e r t o ,

members of the Workers Co70;perative which t he e d i t o r s a w as being "of g r ea t V

importance". The l e t t e r drew a t t e n t i o n t o t he recent events occuring_within - - - -- - - - - - - - - . -

' t he co -~pe ra t i ve~which it emphasized were going t o haye-':disastrous a f f e c t s -

on the fu tu r e of t he Society" (porcupine Advance 14 March 1931, -p.13). The

wr i t e r c a l l ed f o r t he membership t o "bes t i r " i t s e l f o r witness t he s o c i e t y ' s

This was an at tempt t o dera i l . t he r ad i ca l takeover of Wdrkers by . .

bringing t h e i s sue t o t h e a t t e n t i o n of t he English Canadian membership and'

t he host community i n t h e hope t h a t they might r e a c t and help t o regain -

control . Immediate support from t h e cornmuni.ty w a s not forthcomirlg. The &

nonradical membership d i d not have t he numbers t o - fo r ce a new meeting o r even. - -- -- ppp

-pp - LA-

- - -

be assurred of success i f one was ca l led . The new board was ab le t o s ta l l -

them and cdntinued t o bu i l d up t h e i r support. Within t h e co-operative shares -

were t r ans f e r r ed between ind iv idua l s and t h e t r a n s f e r s quickly authorized by

t h e board t o allow the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n t o secure its posi t ion. The d i s t r e s s -

-

fund, 'a reserve fund t o be loaned t o members i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y , was

strengthened and sk ra t eg i ca l l y u t i l i z e d t o gain supporters.

2 Tkchuk wzs designated as head of t he Educational Committee,which . .

-e aFtj;tr-iGing rqpkrmeems wit11 L~IIP~OFS t W i ~ a

month and s e t t i n g up co-operative courses during t he summer i n coordination

The Educational Fund was used t o support na t iona l s t r i k e a c t i v i t y ,.

during t h e depression as per Communist pa r ty policy t o fo r ce t he economic ,

8 crisis t h a t would supposedly l e ad t o t he f i n a c l a s s revolution. Workers gave

money t o CPC sponsored organizat ions such as the 'Young Communist League

- f YCL) ' , 'Workers Unity -League (MU&) ' and a' Canadian Labour Defence League - -

- - (CLDL)' a i d ' of ten s en t delegates t o t h e i r meetings. Workers a l s o sen t a'

l e t t e r of g ree t ing (with a d o l l a r enclosed t o show t h e i r support) t o t he -

Soviet Union on t h e anniversary o f t he revolution and c rea t ion of t he Soviet - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

- - - -- - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - -- - - - -- -A- --

7---- -

Union. ' I

U. Tynjala w a s h i r ed as t h e new manager beginking September 1931. He

came from Fort Williams and 'another of t h e r ad i ca l Northern Ontario Firinish , %

co-ops and a s such he was of t h e 'proper ' p o l i t i p a l ideology. The f ac t i on w a s

making sure t h a t any change w a s i n keeping with the new p o l i t i c a l nature of ' \.

-- - -

the C 6 - O p e r a t 1 T e ~ M e m b ~ l p n t he , Communlstparty ~ w a s n m ~ ~ r n p P o ~ t ; a . s &

occupational exper t ise . - With t h e succesful r a d i c a l takeover of Workers Co-operative there was a

* new f e e l i n g f o r t h e inev i tab le v ic to ry of t he t o t a l c l a s s movement. For the

Communists, Workers was t h e f i r s l ? loca l s t e p on the road -to t he new Soviet

S ta te . It was one of t he many successes t h a t t he Communist pa r ty experienced . '

C,

throughout t he country.

I n ea r ly 1931 t he membership of t he CPC and many mass orgarii z a t i ons i nc r ea sedand Communi s t -mi l i t an t s d ? splay e&-more--- d r ive and ingenuity than i n t he previous years. The r e s u l t was a

-- - . . . - +---dLLacer

audiences ready t o l i s t e n t o what t he Communists had t o say. (~vakumovic 1975 : 87) , ,

The 1929 ~e-press idn and t he events vhich followed permitted a p a r t i a l

B

* ethnic reconci l ia t ion towards the CPC i n s p i t e o; the .party ' s negation of 4 9 ?

ethnic input , This was f o r w d by harsh economic conditions and a revivedb

caass consciousn~ss i n the face of what appeared t o be a c l a s s i c Marxist 3 4 -53

developmentfis ear ly success would f a l t e r i n the face of host society $ 1 3

reactions and divisions within the ethnic communities. This created.a new , P . -g

*development i n which c l a s s and e thnic i ty were t o emerge as f u l l y separate f *

-- -A frameworks of in t e re s t - m d under -cdntextua~ inf h e n c e , lead-to t h e sflitti= + -" > -- - - L - - 3

i!

of the ethnic communities between radica l (c lass ) , progressive (ethnic -

I n a s h o r t t ime, which on a nat ioni l l e v e l f i t s t h e pe r iod 1929-33 grid - - - - .

- 0 n . a community l e v e l t h e period-1928-32, t h e na tu re of t h e e t h n i c and c l a s s

r e l a t i o n s h i p t o Canadian soc ie ty -cha ed i n confronta t ion wi th t h a t s o c i e t y , * It i s l i t t l e wonder t h a t Avery (1979) chose t o end h i s book on immigrants qnd

- -- - - - - -- - - - -- - - - - -- - -- - - - - - - - - -

-- - - -- - - 7- - -

labour radica l i sm i n t h e yea r 1932 f o r by then t h e Canadian s o c i e t y had made

c l e a r

those

t h a t it "harboured deep susp ic ions of i ts foreign-born, p a r t i c u l a r l y

who dared chal lenge t h e p r e v a i l i n g f r e e e n t e r p r i s e system" ( ~ v e r ~

3 ) \

Many e t h n i c s began t q seek new r o l e s which were completely a t var iance

coincided with hos t s o c i e t y endeavors t o ensure a s t r o n g opposi t ion t o t h e

e t h n i c r a d i c a l s a t a t i m e when they were i n g r e a t e s t c o n f l i c t with Canadian

s o c i e t y . These new r o l e s were t o be l o y a l i s t , c u l t u r a l l y based and i n v i r t u a l

oppos i t ion t o c l a s s c r i t e r i o n .

New l o y a l i s t e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions , p ro fess ing t h Q r f u l l and t o t a l

obeisance t o t h e hos t s o c i e t y , were quickly formed a t t h e community l e v e l and

allowed inc reas ing a c c e s s t o r e sources , such a s p o l i t i c a l leg i t imacy. They - - - - - -

- - - - - - - - ' - were a l s o given new resources by t h e h?st community, notably jobs. The

a \ - - - - - -- - -- - - - --

l o y a l i s t o rgan iza t ions were given t h e r i g h i t o confirm a n e t h n i c i n d i v i d u a l ' s

p o l i t i c a l a c c e p t a b i l i t y and t h u s could l i m i t h i s access t o jobs i n t h e mines;

a resource a l r eady l i m i t e d by economic condi t ions . I n l i e u the reof t h e

l o y a l i s t s were t o maintain a v i ~ i l on t he ac t i ons of t h e rad ica l s . They bemn - -- - -

4P t o t r a n s l a t e r ad i ca l l i t e r a t u r e f m o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s and offered advice on

appropriate responses. This a l l occured i n t he important first years of t he -

depression when t he s t r u c t u r e of t h e l o c a l community as wel l as Canadian '

socie ty was under negot ia t ion. - /---

I n t h e Porcupine Camp the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n ' s at tempts t o gain support -

- - - - had been aided by t he advent of t he 1929 Depression which renewed ideolFgica1

- 3-

commitment. More importantly perhaps, it a l s o forced l a rge numbers of Finnish

and Ukminian bushworkers i n t o t h e camp t o look f o r work. These unemployed

- - - - -

- Bttshworkers=&came -sapporters o f tM+orn~ni&=party -wkj;cze~~tempCetd-to---- ---

organize them under t he 'National Unemployed Association (NUA) ' . In t he

Porcupine Camp the NUA w a s l e d by J e r ry Humphries an Oxford graduate and I

former executive i n t h e Hollinger o f f i c e before he had been f i r e d ( ~ o b e r t s

' 1979:3). Throughout 1931 t h e CPC, NUA and a l l i e d organizations demonstrated

openly i n the camp f o r changes i n t he p o l i t i c a l and economic s3ructures of

Canadian socie ty .

On April 15, 1931 one of t h e l a r g e s t demonstrations was held i n -,

Timmins by supporters of the f la t ional Unemployment Association. They

pe t i t ioned f o r f i e e unkmployment insurance, a seven hour day and f i v e day - week and a minimum wage of . $25 even i f a man was not working. The

demonstration s t a r t e d from t h e Ukrainian H a l l and w a s l e d by Finnish

Communist l eader A.T. H i l l . They were met by massive reac t ion from the host -

Crowds of English Canadians and l o y a l i s t e thn ics jeered and pel ted t he - - -

marchers u n t i l t he pol ice dispersed t he p ro t e s t e r s and a r r e s t ed 5

pa r t i c ipan t s , including H i l l . The remaining p ro t e s t e r s went t o a r a l l y but \

t h e i r banners, c a l l i n g f o r the,,pverthrow of the c a p i t a l i s t system and support - 188 -

f o r t h e R u s s i m Sov ie t , were t o r n do by t h e crowd (porcupine Advance 161 - - - - -- -- - - - %

A p r i l 1931, p. 1). The Porcupine Advance newspaper s a i d t h a t t h i s w a s a parade F

of a few hundred who were 'saved' by t h e po l i ce from harm by t h e thou&&ds of

t h e p u b l i c l i n i n g t h e route . The Finnish paper Vapaus presented it as a 2 "

k,' . P r i

parade of 6,000 d i s r u p t e d by p o l i c e b r u t a l i t y . Neither w a s a n o b j e k i v e . I -.,

e v a l u a t i o n b u t t h e parade was i n d i c a t i v e of t h e c o n t e s t betweeen opposing " .

ideal-ogies. - - , - - - - - -

. - - - Local a u t h o , r i t i e s were jo ined i n . t he i r a t t a c k by a n e ~ l y formed e t h n i c

oppos i t ion . These groups, which sprang up i n s h o r t o r d e r , were concerned

enough by -- t h e hos t - - - s o c i e t y - - - - - r e a c t i o n s - - t o a mounting - - crisis t o try-to-prove - -- --

t h e i r l o y a l t y i n a d e c i s i v e manner. New l o y a l i s t e t h n i c communities;

a s s o c i a t i o n s , i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n t e r e s t groups were c r e a t e d and began t o

d i r e c t l y h inder t h e a c t i v i t i e s of t h e r a d i c a l and p rogress ive communities. .'

They began by o f f e r i n g l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s and newspapers informat ion and

I t r a n s l a t i o n s of m a t e r i a l used by. t h e e t h n i c r a d i c a l s . I n a n a t tempt j u s t i f y

a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e e t h n i c r a d i c a l s , -

On May 1, 1931 a crowd "of s e v e r a l thousand" s p & t a t o r s were on the-

s t r e e t s ready t o h a r a s s t h e May Day marchers. They threw eggs and s t o n e s , not

a l lowing t h e parade t o start and shouted do& t h e speakers , The p o l i c e

f i n a l l y r e fused t o l e t t h e proceedings continue. A t t h e same time t h e

f e e l i n g s a g a i n s t t h e r a d i c a l s had reached such,a f e v e r p i t c h t h a t t h e r e was

'---, -- t a l k ( i n s t i g a t e d no dou$,t by t h e e t h n i c l o y a l i s t s ) t h a t t h e progress ive Finn , - - % -

- - - - --- - - -

a d U k r a i n i a n Ha l l s i n Tinunins were prepar ing f o r armed revo lu t ion and had - -- - - -- - -

a been 6aching l a r g e s u p p l i e s of arms. A s a r e s u l t of t h e s e rumours t h e p o l i c e

r a ided t h e h a l l s dur ing May Day b u t found no arms (porcupine Advance 21 May

1931, P * W * . .

- 189 -

-- -- - - - - *- - . -- - - - - -

- -- C - .. it 'I

-5 - -- - - -- - - - - - - - --- - --- - -- - -p-+-+L-- - ---- - - 7

v -4 - It i s fn t e r e s t i ng t o note t h e extent of the newspaper- r epo r t s on t h e

- -- - -- - - -- ,q -- * "

May Day parades a t t h i s time. There had been l i t t l e previous mentiori of t h e . ' 3 4

\ : + - j - 7 6 7 . - p -%?

parades i n t he Porcupine Advance even though they occyred each year and o t en .x

had a l a rge number of pa r t i c ipan t s . If they were mentioned it was only a -i - - $3,+.<,. - LA -

shor t note on 'some group' which w a s having a small pafade. Yet i n t he e a r 5 - +

1930s t h e paper began t o s t r e s s t he parade and other r a d i c a l - p r o t e s t s , as ,-

events of a p o l i t i c a l and socia1,importance; t h r e s t o s o c i a l or&r and good - A

<

d

government which required a s u i t a b l e reac t ion by t he community. The increase - a

i n r epo r t i nge i s symbolic of t he importance of t he growing confrontation over - 4 t

- -~Cho_ ~ ~ u l h c o n t r o l t h e ~ ~ o n t e x t ~ a l b a s i s - - of s o c i a l a c t i on i n Canadian soc i e tyo - --- - --

- The a u t h o r i t i e s i n t he camp were a ided by t he wider reac t ion of t h e host

' socie ty as similar con tes t s were occuring throughout Canada. ( ~ v e r ~ 1979;

Angus 1981)

On August 11, 1931 the leadership of t he Communist Party of Canada,

including A.T. H i l l from Timmins, were a r r e s t ed by t he ' on t a r i o government and -

-- - - -

charged under sectioT98-ofthFcrimina1 code with b E h g ~ f ~ i c e r s m m e m b ~ r s >

of an "unlawful associa t ion" and par tners t o a s ed i t i ous conspiracy

(~vakumoyic 1975:87). The judge, cornmenti& on A.T. H i l l , s a i d , "He's one of . 0

those d i s t u rbe r s up i n Timmins eh?.. .HeVs well paid f o r h i s se rv ices by a 1 s he l t e r i ng country, he owns nothing and w i l l play t h e d e v i l with everything."

(porcupine Advance 10 ~ecember 1931 , p. 1 ) . ' Seven of t he accused, including

H i l l , were given terms of f i v e years and another accused was given two years.

They appealled t h e i r sentences and were granted b a i l of $20,000. B a i l was - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - L-

paid b ~ t h e - Communist f r o n t 'Canadian Labour Defense League (CLDL) 'which a l s o - -- 5 *

i n s t i ga t ed appeals. A l l sentences, however, were upheld except f o r t he charge

of s e d i t i a u s conspiracy. The accused a l l went t o pr ison and.deportation was

recommended by the government a f t e r t h e i r re lease . Deportation became a major

, . - * <

- -

= - - ------- - - -- - --

t h r e a t t o a l l e t h n f c s who were a f f i l i a t e d t o t h e CPC though it was r a r e l y

- -

c a r r i e d out.---- L - ,

~ u t h o r i t i e ~ i n - t h e Porcupine Camp responded t o t h e Ontario government ' s

i n i t i a t i v e with a massive crackdown of t h e i r own. On March 3, 1932 a "hunger

march" demonstrat ion of unemployed men organized by t h e Communist p a r t y , l e d

by Nick machuk and s t a k i n g from t h e Finn ail i n T i m i n s , was met by

p o l i c e ; The marchers were d i spe r sed and Thachuk a r r e s t e d and f i n e d (porcupine - - - - - - -

Advance 10 March 1932, p. 1 ) . The 1932 May ' ~ a y Parade w a s r e f u s e d a parade B

permi t b u t t h e o rgan ize r s decided t o proceed. I n response twenty-two s p e c i a l

cons tab les from t h e l o c a l Royal Canadian Legion were appointed by l o c a l

a u t h o r i t i e s and, a i d e d by town p o l i c e and OPP o f f i c e r s , met t h e marchers with .

b r u t a l f o r c e . .Seven people were a r r e s t e d and c a l l s f o r t h e i r depor t a t ion were '

I made.. I n J u l y t h e p o l i c e ch ie f of Rouyn-Noranda came t o Timmins and a r r e s t e d

Thachuk f o r h i s a c t i v i t i e s dur ing t h e May Day parade i n t h a t community. It I

became open season on t h e r a d i c a l s ; a symbol of ones commitment t o Canadian

\.

The whole procee s of t h e r e d element i n Timmins and o t h e r f lor th Land towns has shown t h a t they have no o t h e r purpose o r hope o r d e s i r e except t~ i n s u l t and i n j u r e . For y e a r s they were permi t ted f u l l freedom i n Timmins. They scorned everyth ing l o y a l o r decent . They a s s a u l t e d t h e i r own countrymen t o f o r c e them i n t o

1

Russian p o l i t i c a l work...Force is t h e i r one argument; Not content with t h e i r g r i p on t h e f o r e i g n element t h e s e f e l l o w s at tempted 4 i a s t year t o t a k e over t h e whole town. They openly announced t h e i r i i n t e n t i o n t o s e t t h e law a t naught. They found t h e B r i t i s h people, ! however, of a d i f f e r e n t me t t l e . Also t h e i r own countrymen who wanted t o be decent and l o y a l c i t i z e n s took h e a r t of g race when

- I f

t hey found t h a t , they would have p r o t e c t i o n frm t h e small but ibru ta l and p e r f e c t l y organized r i n g t h a t s topped a t n o t h i n e t o achieve i t s ends ... Today t h e r e a r e ' o n l y small groups-2f t h e s e , -- -

- 1 a l i e n ingra tes : But t h & s m a l l n e s s of t h e i r numbers should no t l u l l 1 t h e people i n t o any f a l s e sense of s e c u r i t y from t h e r e d r a c k e t . 1 @ o ~ c u p i n e ~ c t v a n c e 5 i ~ l a y r W p . IT- L

i i

I n +he wake of renewed r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y and h o s t s o c i e t y response, a 1, i I

s p l i t i n t h e e t h n i c communities, which ha3 been encouraged by t h e h o s t i-

. ' "- - -

- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - --- - -- - -- -

soc ie ty now became i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d l oca l l y i n l o y a l i s t ethfiic n a t i o n a l i s t . --

organizations p r inc ipa l l y among t h e Finns, Ukrainians and Croatians. ~ h e

Finnish response was p a r t i c u l a r l y acrimonious i n its opposit ion t o %he

r ad i ca l s and obsequious i n i ts loya l t y t o t he host community.

Finnish Reaction

I n 1931 Finnish s o c i a l i s t s , i n growing opposit ion t o t he Communist l e d I

r ad i ca l movement, had broken from the FOC t o a r m t he r i v a l 'Workers and - - - - - - --- - - - - - - -

Farmers League' and a separate newspaper, Vapaa Sana. The new organization

w a s a l l i e d with Canadian s o c i a l i s t s and came t o support t h e s o c i a l i s t

- was espec ia l ly s t rogg , i n South Porcupine and among the Finnish farmers i n t h e

region.

I n Timmins a new h a l l , appropr ia te ly named t h e 'Harmony H a l l ' , became

the foca l i n s t i t u t i o n f o r those s o c i a l i s t Finns who sought conc i l i a t ion with

the host community. It kas formed by Finns who d id not wish t o jo in the

- -ehweh-o-r-ienkeb o r ~ n i z a h n ~ w h ~ e - & t & i n g _ s o ~ a l + s t ~ ~ e ~ > s

Communists i n t h e i r opposit ion t o t he perceived ' r ed ' menace.

These pro-church Finnish groups becam; extremely mi l i t an t with the

?C

establishment i n Apri l 1931 of a Ynited Church Finnish Chapel under-the

d i r ec to r sh ip of Reverend A. Lappala. A t t he opening ceremonies the mayor of

Timmins greeted the assembled Finns and wished them "good wishes on beha19 of -

t he B r i t i s h people of Timmins" promising " f r i end l iness and co-operation t o *

a l l who wished t o be good Canadians" ( ~ o x c u ~ i n e Advance 2 April 1931, p.1). - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - -- - - -- --

The message of conformity w a s c l e a r l y s t a t ed and the new minis ter became the

l eader of the e f f o r t t o i n s t i l l t h i s conformity among the Finns.

A scant few weeks a f t e r t he opening of the church Reverend Lappala w a s

a delegate t o t he founding meeting o f the 'Loyal F i n n i s i OrganlzaTion ( ~ o ~ a l

Finns) ' i n Toronto. The new organ iza t ion formulated p l a n s t o " f i g h t t h e - -- - - - -- - - -p--- -- Communist p e r i l " and t o p u b l i c i z e t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e were many Finns who

were n o t Communists and were ' l o y a l ' t o Canadian s o c i e t y . F

5 - On Sunday May 3, 1931 t h e l o c a l chapter of t h e F inn i sh Loya l i s t Socie ty +

w a s formed i n Timmins with seventy-three members. Its main r e s o l u t i o n , as

o u t l i n e d i n i t s minutes and promulgated t o t h e Canadiap and Ontario -

governments a,s we l l as t o t h e l o c a l community, s t a t e d ; - - - A

.. We t h e l o y a l F inn i sh p e o p l e ' i n tfie Porcupine Camp a t a mass '

meeting i n t h e Moose Hall, Timmins May 3, 1931 most emphatical ly dec la re our d isapproval of and express our d i s q u i e t a t , t h e i n s u l t i n g and i n s o l e n t under takings of some of our countrymen. We f u r t h e r d e c l a r e our unswerving l o y a l t y and a l l e g i a n c e t o t h e - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - -- - - -

--

government o f our aaopted coEitFyi t h e ~ ~ m i n i o n 6f-Caiiada, obedience t o i t s laws and r e s p e c t f o r i ts i n s t i t u t i o n s and sacred t r a d i t i o n s . Accordingly we have organized a l o c a i chap te r o f t h e 'Loyal F inns of Canada' which i s a nationwide o rgan iza t ion i n scope dho ' s purpose i s t o g a t h e r a l l l o y a l Finns i n Canada i n t o a n organized a c t i v i t y a g a i n s t a l l d i s l o y a l elements and in f luences among F inn i sh people.

The newspaper s p e c i f i e d t h a t t h e Loyal Finns could count on t h e suppor t

of a l l t hose o w s e d t o " the e v i l work of t h e pdid a g i t a t o r " and i n support - - - - -- - -- - -- -- _ .

d

of any a c t i o n d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t t h e " a l i e n a g i t a t o r s " . These "g i ta tors" were

i d e n t i f i e d on t h e b a s i s of e t h n i c and p o i i t i c a l ideology. The " l o y a l i s t s "

were, by d e f i n i t i o n , no t considered "a l i ens" but "good c i t i z e n s " and "good _C_b

ethnLcs". They maintained a n e t h n i c group nat ional i sm whose p o l i t i c a l g o a l s

were i n tune with t h e h o s t s o c i e t y and i n opposi t ion t o t h e r a d i c a l s . /

The Loyal F inn i sh Organiza t ion ' s l e a d e r s began t o i d e n t i f y 'Xommunists'

t o t h e mine companies and s e t up t h e i r own b l a c k l i s t s . The o rgan iza t ion had

been c r e a t e d primarkly t o ensure t h a t Finns would'nave-access- to- jobsr-As---------

proof of t h e i r "White c h a r a c t e r arrd r e l i g i o u s s p i r i t " ( ~ i n d s t r o m - ~ e s t

1981b:lOl). Finnish workers would o f t e n not be accepted without a note t o *

- -

, O

r l - , - - .-:.>. - , - . - '

- - - -- - - - - - - - - - - -- -- -- -- - - - - - -- - -----L - L- - - --

~&if t h e i r ' p o l i t i c a l r e l i a b i l i t y ' (Laine- 1981a: 101 ; Seager 1981 : 43) .- - - - - -- - - - - - - - --

People at tempting t o jo in t h e Loyal Finn organization were re jec ted f o r bei@

"too f r i end ly with Communists" o r because of t h e i r improper marriage o r

accused of wanting t o j o i n only+to ensure a job. One s o c i a l i s t Finn

remembered -the circumstances ii&~immins.

A t one t ime, i n t h e northern mining d i s t r i c t s , it was p rac t i c a l l y impossible f o r a Finn t o g e t a job without t he approval of ( the) Gestapo, founded i n the s t y l e . o f old Czar Nicholas, - L A - A organized L -

through churches and - the Loyal Finns. -?hey had created t h i s - organization and denounced a l l other groups (5.. e . t h e -FOCI ~ as

" revo lu t ion i s t s while proclaiming t h e i r ' l oya l t y ' t o t h e government. This was accepted as t r u t h f o r some time...Reverend Lappala.. . told t he compapies t h a t t h e i r purpose ,was t o s top t he Reds and t h e Bolsheviks from getking i q t o ' t h e minks, so t he r e

- - - -

woulrrln't-Ee-a-re uarE* aiirn-asrr RaST1r -(xosKiL-rytru-7~)--=- -- -

: - The only recourse f o r r a d i c a l Finns was t o r e t r e a t i n t o the bush and

l i v e o f f hunting, t rapping, prospecting and what bushwork they could f ind .

There was no re laxa t ion of t h e host soc ie ty reac t ipn u n t i l 19% with, I

t h e e l ec t i on of t he Hepburn Liberal government i n Ontario, .which a t t h i s ,time

w a s l i b e r a l i n purpose as wel l as name though it was t o become increasingly

5 react ionary; and t h e ac t i ons of t h e Toqonto Daily S t a r newspaper whose

a r t i c l e s r a i l e d aga ins t t he ' job r acke t s ' , a t t e i p t s t o ,duy and s e l l jobs,

among the Finns. By t h i s time t h e r ad i ca l e thn ics were i n f u l l r e t r e a t and .&

t h e i r a t tempts t o r ev i s e t h e Canadian context no longer perceived as

Communists. The Loyal Finns, however,~continued t o remain s t rong because of

thei-r acceptance %y t h e hosb communi;tyTThey conti*ued-40-emphasis-*ep

- - ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ i r oppanents and their awn -1 riyal t.y CamdLw ~ c i e ~ y .

The only organization t o match t h e Finnish Loyal is t Society i n i t s v i ru l en t

opposit ion t o the r ad i ca l s i n t h e camp w a s t o be found i n t he Ukrainian - --

- .

- 194 - .%

/$&.-4. a 1 . - - - - - - r; = - -

. . i ,A * 9 ">

. -%?

'\ -

- - - - - - - - - - ", L - - - - A - - p p - - p - - - , - --- - --- / - community.

- -- --+

Ukrainian 'P rosv i ta ' Ormnizat ion

By t he ea r l y 193% many Ukrainians i n the camp-had begun t o r e a l i z e t h e ,'-

s ignif icance of t he c r i s i s which w a s bui ld ing up around them, Former and L-

long-standing members of t h e ULFTA, almost overnight , came t o t h e r e a l i z a t i o n

t h a t t he Ukrainian H a l l was a r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l organ i on they could no K i /

- longer support w i t h o u t jeoparaizing t h e i r re la t ionss w i th s the hos3 cqnmunity. - -

Two Ukrainian informants r e a l i z ed t h e p p l i t i c a l nature of t he BLBTA a t about

the same time. ,

-I used t o go and l i s t e n e d t o t h e i r r he to r i c but I l e f t i n 1931 - b2e 6Fx- -=o Gk cnrsaw that they -znLt ' k-now -W-h-a-ttheTx -- - were t a l k i n g about. They-put on dances, music, plays-they taught Ukrainian and a l l ms i n ~ k r a i n i a n . Someone who d i d n ' t know would th ink t h a t it w a s a b ig s o c i a l club bu t t he r e was always t h a t a .'-

undercurrent of overthrowing the c a p i t a l i s t system and b u i l d i n g ' ~ ~ ' a s o c i a l i s t system l i k e they have i n Russia.

-They a l l went t o t h e h a l l and f went t he r e because my mother wanted us t o l e a r n Ukrainian and music but we s a w t h e r e was no - p r i e s t i n it and they d i d n ' t t a l k about God and they alw3ys wanted ' - us t o parade. I had t o g o , t a l l t h e school ch i ld ren had t o go and ,

- - - - pL - - - - - - - - w e m ~ c h e d a n ~ h e ~ ~ ~ s h - ~ a n a d i a n s ) t h r e w -eggs- a h s 3 4 e P a @ - - my brother came home crying. We d idn ' t know what it was u n t i l it . . began t o open up and flower and then we knew it was Communist and l e f t .

I n l a t e 1931 t h e Ukrainian vers ion of the Finnish Loya l i s t Society was

founded, 'The Ukrainian National Federation Prosvi ta Society-' , P rosv i ta means L

enlightenment and t he o rgan iza t ion ' s aim w a s t o preserve "the good

c h a r a c t e r f s t i c s of t h e i r race;,..become the be s t s o r t s of Canadian c i t i z e n s

and t o improve themselves i n every way.. .with t he added aim of l oya l t y t o

t h e i r adopted- country and- apposition-tcr-those who would t n $ x ~ - o r d e f a m ~ i h i s - - - -

- - landl" @xarpk~-e-arch 193.2, g1.5)~ Prosv i ta oppwe&#x-mre

r a d i c a l ULFTA though many of i t s

i n ULFTA c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s and

I 5

suppor ters had been members, pa r t i c i pa t i ng C

learning the Ukrainian language i n t he

, - *-- - - - Lb - - --i_- r _ _I-.-i - A C T - _-k-#L1"-L--=_ & I i i 7

- - - - - - - I _ - -

- - -- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- 1- . ' - --

progressiVQc h a l l . Now they r e u s e d t o even acknowledge them except as . -- - ."

v ,T*

enemies. tt< =

I n kcember 1932, Prosvi ta opened "i ts hall with a. grea t - ceremony,

a t tended by c iv i c , r e l i g ious and mine o f f i c i a l s who syoke of t h e 'colour ' and d ,c..

c u l t u r a l work t he Ukrainians contr ibuted t o Canada. The first Ukraihian - - v 3

CanaQan Member of Parliament addressed t he &thering with apGropriate

deference. "In what a the r country- bu t a B r i t i s h o n e is- t h e r e such eeedam-and- - . - - % -- -

opportunity and help f o r a poor 'boy?. . :~anada i s a country of freedom" and -

opportunity f o r a l l i S s p e c t i v e ef nat ional or igin ," ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e .Advance 1

-- -- De_c_e$er - 1932,_2% ++ L p - - - p - L - - p - - p - p p A p 1 . -L-- - - - - - -- -= - -- -- --- - -----

Where thcfTffTA hoped t o r e s t ruc tu r e Canadian soc ie ty*a long t h e l i n e s . 1

of the Soviet model, P rosv i ta members wished t o a s s imi l a t e economically and *

, s o c i a l l y while k a i n t a i n i r g an i n t e r e s t i n res t ruc tur ing t h e i r homeland i n t o , '

h

they s a i d , a,model of Canadian democracy. One member defined themselves i n

oppos i t ion . to t h e more radical orgapizat ion in t h i s 'way;

- - - -

K7GetFerZisO~iatX3E€h them because they were v e q s t rong B ~ o k u n i s t s and they s e t up parades and outraged t a l k . They wantedc

t h e world t o hear t h a t they were working f o r labbur organization and we d id not th ink t h a t t h i s should be i n Timmins because 'they -

were t r e a t i n g us good here i n t h i s m u n t r y giving u s - t o o l s to-work with and freedom. We could teach our c h i l ~ e n Ukrainian, dancing,

, dramatic plays an s tage . We kept t he chi ldren i n t h e Prosvi ta . - organization and they d id n6t go o u t ~ i n t h e s t r e e t s looking f o r : . t roub le o r bad company. We were a c lose kni t organizat ion and we wanted T i e i n s and t h e government $.o kfiow..we-were g r a t e f u l f o r what they were o f f e r i ng us.

When the l eader of t h e na t i ona l organization addressed t h e Prosvi ta

H a l l i n November 1933 he s t r e s sed t h e necess i ty f o r l oya l t y t o Canada. He - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - --

emphasized that - t he red Ukrainians had used t h e i r h a l l and a c t i v i t i e s t o - a t t r a c t people and promulgate red pr inc ip les but t h i s new h a l l would be used

i n "counteracting t he e v i l wrought by the reds" (porcupine Advance 16 - - - - - - . -- - -- -- --

November 1933, p. 1). Members of Prosvi ta were emphasizing, t h e i r Ukrainian .

- , .

6 *

b -

- -- - -- - - --- - --- - - -A - - - ' ___1,--- --i-" -.- , >

cu l tu r e and good r e l a t i o n s with %he hbs t com;h&ty so a s + n o t t o be ostracize+:, A

L -- , 3 i n t o u t & categdry of 'dangerous foreigners ' . It was a development common t o

-. / another Eastern European organizat&on', amogg . the Croatians i.n A~dhumaeher.

- Croatian Hall .c 1 _

3

When l a rge numbers of Croatians. were immigrating t o Schumacber~ i n t h e . . .

l a t e 1920s and ea r ly 1930s t h e i r homeland wassin the. th rqes of a s t rong . . 9 .. .

p o l i t i c a l +tionalism' .which f omd e ~ r e s s i o n i h the ' Croatian 'peasant Farty - - - . . L..

- . . - . - . -

(CPP) ' . Many of t he Croatians i&kgrants ' t o Canada remained' commit-ted , C

supporters of t he pa r ty whiIe o the r s began t o s i de with .the l o c a l Coinmunists. -- . . .

lkis d iv i s ion was no* yet permanent a s both gr'oups a l l i e d t o form a mutual > ,

-- ------- - - --- - - - i - - - LA- - - -- -

- - _ - --

- - --- -- - -a- -

benef i t lodge i n t he mid 19209, l o c a l chapter '608' bf t he Croatian Pra te rna l -

union (Hrvatska ~ r a t & a ~a jednica) , which provtdea insurance and b u r i a l , for 4 I *

~ r o a t i a n s i n Canada. - d

The d iv i s i on began t o become p e k n e n t i n t h e l a t e 1920s with t he f i r s t - 'C . '4

attempts t o i n s t i t u t i o f i a l i z e t h e e thn ic community. With t h e establishment.of

Croatian Roman Catholic Par isht3e 'es tabl ished a s wel l%. I n 1928 the Croatians

i nv i t ed a young Croatian missionary p r i e s t t o Schumacher t o e s t ab l i sh a

Crdatian par i sh , l i b r a r y and reading room (~as l j o r i ch 1982:107). The young

p i e - s t came but d id not f i n d t h e necessary support as there were only some P

400 supporters i n the community and they were mostly poor and could not U

a f fo rd t o contr ibute hegvily t o a church. There w a s a l s o a la rge group of I-

r a d i c a l Croatians who d id not support an e thnic c h y r c x s a r e s u l t a chirch .- \--. - - --- -

---- - - - - 0 - - --

was not b u i l t but p o l i t i c a l events i n t h e homeland forced t he c rea t ion of

- -

a n o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n .

On ~ u n e 20, 1928 Stjepan Radic, leader of t h e Croatian Peasant Par ty , . - m -

and two of h i s depui ies were assass inated i n t he Yugoslav Parliament a t . I

, I

- 197 - 1 1

Belgrade. Word of Radic's death spread quickly t o Schumacher a& the

--L --- -- A

community became committed t o c rea t ion of an expa t r i a t e nationalism. Where a

sho r t time before they could not a f fo rd t o support a church they could now

agree upon the c rea t ion of a h a l l t o be ca l l ed , symbolically, 'The Croatian #'

National Home ' (Hrvatski Narodni om) . The Croatians pooled thei r .npney and bought shares i n t he h a l l . They

purchased an o ld t h e a t e r on F i r s t Avenue and began t o remodel it thernselv~s - - - -

- - -- - - -

s ince they did not have the money t o h i r e labourers. This w a s t he depression - +

and many .were car ing f o r r e l a t i v e s who were out of work. They bought

The.'radicals pressured f o r t h e h a l l t o be a Labour-Farmers Temple l i k e

t he ULFTA i n Timmins; committed t o an economic and p o l i t i c a l res t ruc tur ing of .

Oanadian soc ie ty . Others wanted it t o be s t r i c t l y a na t iona l h a l l where a l l

. would be &borne without regard f o r p o l i t i c s . The suppo3e r s of t he peasant I

They were aided, i n 1930, by t h e c rea t ion of the first Canadian chapter of -

t he Croatian Peasant Par ty i n Toronto. '~chumacher quickly followed with the

formation of i t s own chapter i~ 1931. 0

The first pres ident of t he h a l l found himself caught i n t he middle of

t h i s b icker ing and w@ eventually forced t o res ign. The r ad i ca l s were forced 3

out and moved t o , the i r own smai ler TC!roatian Club across t h e s t r e e t . The H~

Croatian HaJl became a ' l o y a l i s t ' organization a f f i l i a t e d , i f not synonomous, - , - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - -

, ' with ' the Croatian Peasant Party. The Croatians were now i d e n t i f i e d by f he

- - - - - - -

host community as people who were "very Sco t t i sh i n t h e i r love %r t h e i r 4

nat ive land and equally desifrous t o be goo$ c i t i z e n s of t h e i r adopted 9

- country" ~ ( ~ o r c u ~ i r i e Advance 8 December 1932, p. 1 ) .

*. , I - .

- - - A-

- - - -- -- - - - - -- --

A t t h e opening ceremonies of t h -- - - - -, - --

p r o v i n ~ i a ~ and f e d e r a l governments a l l p r a i s e d t h e Croat ian people. A .=

v i s i t i n " g . S , Congressman, t h e first Croat ian e l e c t e d t o t h a t p o s i t i o n , was

a l s o p r e s e n t and c a l l e d on t h e people , - '

t h e old q u a r r e l of &rope and seek t o do o u r - p a r t t o b u i l d up it v-Frile and

happy people on t h i ; don t inen t . I t ( ~ o r c u p i n e Advance 22 Ekcember 1932, p. 9) -

When a deputy of t h e Croat ian Peasant Pa r ty v i s i t e d t h e camp i n - J

September 1935;~he spoke r e a s s u r i n g l y t o l o c a l p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s and mine "

manajgers assembled a t a banquet of t h 4

Canada and i $ s people. - - The - - - l o c a l - - -- a u t h o r i t i e s - - - - r e ~ o n d e d - by - - speaking of - -- - - - - - - --

Croat ians as good and l o y a l c i t i z e n s he ld i n high esteem by a l l t h u s "

confirming t h e i r f e a l t y and d i s t i n g u i

- Advance 22 December 1932, P. 9) . ' A l l suchoe thn ic even t s were y i r t u a l l y t h e same i n terms of t h e i r

symbols and presenta t ion . , !bese were t imes f o r e t h n i c reassurances t o t h e

--

- h o s t-c ornmuni t y-OF t h e l'r- l o y a2?yyapoll*calcril t ura- a c t i ~ ~ t y and ~ - -.

a s s i m i l a t i v e v i r t u e s . The banquets and ceremonies were common ' s o c i a l dramas' 1 f o r a l l l o y a l i s t groups vis-a-vis t h e hos t community; a means t o renew and

a d

-* . a r e a s s u r e each of t h e o t h e r s va lues and b e l l e f s i n f i d e l i t y and mutual s\pport 1 .

-X ohen en 1974b : 132) . i

with t h e growth of t h e Croat ian community in , Schumacher th&e was a 1 1

4

growing d i v i s i o n between t h e suppor te r s of t h e ' r ad ica l Croat ian.Club and t h e i I I # T

conservat ive Croat ian Ha l l . The d i v i s i o n went so f a r as t o speci fy c e r t a i n .- -

- - - - -- - - - - - - -- -- - -- - - -

1

h o t e l s a s s t rongholds f o r t h e r a d i c a l s o r t h e Peasant p a r t y though t h e pas ty ' 9

I - - -- - - -

' h e l d by far t h e g r e a t e r l o c a l suppor t . I n keeping wi th i ts a l l e g i a n c e t o t h e I

hos t s o c i e t y t h e Croat ian Hal l became a c e n t e r bf c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y as

c o n c e r t s , dances and dramas became a marker of t h e Croa t i a5 enclave of I

I

- 199 - * 1 I

1 1

4 ' L i t t l e Zagreb'. These c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s -were important assurances t o l o c a l

-

2 \ L- 6

a u t h o r i t i e s of Croatian d i s i n t e r e s t i n any p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y which might be 5 h

5 a

perceived as threatening t h e host socie ty . Even t h e i r suport fop expa t r i a t e Jz j S

nationalism and p o i i t i c s was sublimated within the confines of t h e h a l l and i

+ .', .A

r a r e l y made public. k

f

Other e thn ic c o k u n i t i e s 'developed l o y a l i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s at t h i s time >x -

as well. They were not a s important as these majar-associa t ions which came %o - 1 -. + L _ - -

dominate e thn ic l o y a l i s t presenta t ions but a l l formed a cohesive l o y a l i s t I

presenta t ion t o t he host community. It is i n t e r e s t i n g t o note how similar

community's response t o t h e i r a l l eg iance .

Other Organizations

In August 1932 t he Polish,White Eagle Society H a l l was opened i n

Timmins with t he avowed purpose of combating "the ins id ious e v i l of communism

and t o a i d i n the bui lding of t h e be s t type of Canadian c i t i z ensh ip among i t s i

- - - -- - - - - - - - -A- . -- - ,-

members" @rcupine Advance 25 ~*st 1932, p.l). Civic and r e l i g ious

o f f i c i a l s again addressed a l a rge meeting and praised t h e Pol ish people f o r

" t h e i r loya l ty . The mayor emphasized that5"in t h i s country there is no room

f o r t h e d i s l oya l o r t h e d i sa f fec ted but the re w a s a welcome t o o thers of the

9%

r i g h t kind" (porcupine Advance 25 August 1932, p. 1) . 4

Among the I t a l i a n s i n t he Porcupine Camp the major event i n t h i s per iod b

% w a s c rea t ion of t h e i r own Catholic Church, Sacred Ueart, i n t he Moneta -

enclave i n 1934. This removed t h e I t a l i a n Catholics from t h e os tens ib le - - - -- - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - -- - - - - - --

cont ro l of thp French - I r i s h dominated Catholic churches i n Timmins and '

uni f ied the" I t a l i a n community ( ~ i ~ i a c a m o 1982: 25-63, The next major

development was c rea t ion of a branch of the Fasc i s t 'Sons of I t a l y ' . The most

prominent member of t h i s organization was Leo Mascioli who was a l s o probably

t h e "prominent l o c a l c i t i z e n " who -- - - - - - - - -

a small a r t i c l e on fascism.

Th i s a r t i c l e i d e n t i f i e d t h e

w a s a h l e t o g e t t h e Porcupine Advaflce t o do

I t a l i a n s f i r s t as "good Canadians a l l " and

went on t o t e l l how t h e prominent ' c i t i z e n s a i d t h e r e had been misconceptions . .

spread by t h e r e d s "who know t h a t fasc ism i s aga ins f them t o t h e l i m i t " , . m e

newspaper concluded-with t h e remark, " B r i t i s h people a r e s f r o n g on t h e r i g h t

and p r i v i l e g e s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l and it i s doubtfu l i f t h e P a s c i s t s would -

&

appeal t o them. It would s u i t them b e t t e r * than communism, however." t

(porcupine Advance 29 ~ovember . 1934, P. 13)

I n 1935, wi th Mussol in i ' s a t t a c k on Ethiopia , t h e I t a l i a n community -

- - - - - - - - - -- - -- - - - -- - -- - - - -- - - -- - - - - -P- - -

pledged its support t o t h e F a s c i s t l e a d e r a t a meeting i n Timrnins. A second

r a l l y i n t h e summer of 1936 was a t t ended by 400 I t a l i a n s and a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e

of t h e consul-general of I t a l y addressed them i n suppor t of fascism. The 3

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e w a s a s su red of t h e moral support of t h e Porcupine I t a l i a n

community f o r 'I1 Duce' . The l o c a l paper coritinued t o r e i t e r a t e t h a t " the

- - - - - - - F a s c i s t -be longs t o a ' o e t t e r - g a n g - t h a n t h e ~ o m m u n i s t 4 ' p t ~ ~ r c u p 1 ' n i ~ a 7 n c e 7

January 1937 ,~ p .12) . The l o y a l i s t o rgan iza t ions were t h e beginnings of a n

i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of e t h n i c cornrnrnunities which were accepted and

depended upon by t h e h o s t community. They could be e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d as they

were t h e ones whose h a l l ' s - f l e w t h e Union Jack and had prominent p i c t u r e s of J

t h e King, Thei r ceremonies were opened with ' 0 ' Canada1--aTd c losed wi th 'God

Save The King'. They were t h e one ' s who were addressed by t h e i r consuls and

r e l i g i o u s l e a d e r s and whom h o s t s o c i e t y l e a d e r s tou ted as good and t r u e -- - - -

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e mother country a s we l l a s l o y a l Canadians. They were

t h e ones who could be r e l i e d upon t o put on music conce r t s and show t h e i r

costumes without i n t e r r u p t i o n f o r p o l i t i c a l r h e t o r i c . This c u l t u r a l

- - - - -- - - ? - -- - - - -- - =* - 2 .- -

- - - - --

- - - - - - - - - - - - LL ----L-p--p-----pp------ - -- - 7

presenta t ion was s o important t h a t it was l i t t l e wonder tha't many of t h e - - - - pp --

4 --I.

m people I interviewed see t h i s period as a 'goldenage ' of c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y . -9

2 - --s

For a time the 'dangerous fo re igners ' who had threatened Canadian A 4 Y

*

.% <.7 - soc ie ty , with t h e i r c l a s s dogma, were i n r e t r e a t and t he good and l oya l 'New I

. -

Canadianst were i n ascendancy, presenting t h e i r symbolic l oya l t y through

e thnic dances and cu l tu re . They were al lowe&'access. to p o l i t i c a l a c t i on , < --

- within Canadian soc ie ty though-only i n maintenance of t h e s t a t u s quo, Thus -

- - - - - the e%hnic cgmmunities were soon f u l l y s p l i t between ekhnic and c l a s s (though

e thn i ca l l y mitigated) c r i t e r i o n a s a r e s u l t of t h e i r s i t u a t i o n a l responses t o

The d iv i s ions were i n f a c t much more complex than t h i s d u a l i s t i c

conceptualization in tends . There were now groups which could be i d e n t i f i e d as

Fasc i s t s , S o c i a l i s t s , Communists, pro-Church, and Progressives. The-responses

and de f in i t i ons of these groups var ied with t he s i t ua t i on . A t some point t he

S o c i a l i s t s wwld be perceived (o r perceive themselves) as l o y a l i s t s while at -

. . - - - - -- - - - -pp-pp -pp -p

another time they migh-b support t he Communist par ty and i t s c l a s s i n i t i a t i v e s

i n which case they would be r ad i ca l s . A t o ther times they might support class s

i n i a t i v e s only a t the loca l - l eve l a t which time they would become pa r t of t he A ~ 0

progressive group. Certainly groups such as the pro-Church o r Fasc i s t s would

remain l a rge ly conservative and l o y a l i s t (though World War I1 would diminish

f o r a time, though not des t roy, t he l o y a l i s t perception of t he I t a l i a n

~ a s c i s t s ) . The host community made no such d i s t i nc t i on , however, as groups

were e i t h e r l o y a l i s t o r not . + - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -p

The highpoint of l o y a l i s t expression came on May 6 , 1935 a t a spec ia l & - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

gathering of l oya l c i t i z e n s and organizations i n t he camp i n honour of t he

'King 's Jub i lee celebrat ion. This w a s the ul t imate s o c i a l drama. The c a l l f o r

the gather ing and ce lebra t ion was made by no l e s s an organization than the

structural development of ethnic participation in the Jubilee ceremony

instigated under pressure from an Anglo institution E k e the Legi'on and the

later development of the" Timmins EXhnic Festival in the .19'& instigatedby ' . . . - - another Anglo institutioh, the Timmins Museum. In both: instances the :ethnics "

ch&e to extend the social drama from a limited occasion into a yearly event - 2 - A - a - -

celebrating ethnic identity and an ongoing means to acquire local resources. 'O

- -

The Canadian Legion in 1935 made 5t explicitly clear that the Jubilee

was to be a gathering of all the 'loyal and patriotic' organizations. These 4 -

-we% t6 includeth-e 'BFiTish'~asZocia3ions such zs theTmperiX1~0rdeT o f #e --

Paughters of the hpir@, Daughters of England, 3 "loyal foreign people" and their organizations

Organization and the Ukrainian Prosvita. Those

the Welsh-society and the

such as the Finnish Loyalist

expressly excluded were the 'I

radical and progressive ethnic organizations in a telling reminder of their

place in the community and what they could expect in the future for their

. past activity. To the loyal ethnics the event was to be a thanksgiving to the

Empire and a symbol to the host community of their willingness to maintain

the status quo. They expressed their loyalty by showing off their costumes,

dwcing, singing and orchestra playing as well as participating in the parade

with their own floats. One float was of particular symbolic interest. - -- I was a member of one of the school celebrations for the

Jubilee.. .and the Schumacher Public School put on what was called 'The Melting Pot'. They had a truck pull the float and there was a big circular thing. in the truck - a melting pot - and you had a circle of differen* nati~na-l~ties-going into -the melting-pot- and--- - another circle - all Canadians - coming out,-This was just a c~tinv~circlegoingina.ndom_in_~nllt.. Coi np i n w i k k u l l the different national costumes and coming out in Canadian dress.

The importance of the event was all too evident to the loyalist kthnic

communities as a means to gain acceptance and acquire local resources. he^

+ event; first called the ' Internat ional ~;ncert"and la ter the 'National i- +

2 2

Festival ' . A t these occassions t he d i f f e r en t ethnic? communities, "the 'League +- ,. A

* *

of Nation ' w i th in the camp", as t h e y were called, were lauded f o r t h e i r - , 4

l o y a l t y and con t r ibu t ions by t h e hos t community. (porcupine Advance 30 f

November 1939, p.7) --

The e thnic -- l o y a l i s t s now had an accepted - - + 4

only i n r e l a t i o n t o the host community and socie ty . The l o y a l i s t elements

were given the concession o f being iden t i f i ed as 'New Caqadians' rather t h a n

- - - - --L *-' aTpali ens *I-eTgneE3- ac-si aE:fh-ey bperafz& Wi =t-EI +thz Ilm th-m

group' arena of cu l tu ra l ly defined a c t i v i t y and showed signs of t h e i r

ass imi la t ion . Large numbers agreed and responded by t ak ing English classes,

sponsored by the churches and l o y a l i s t organizat ions , ,

A s a r e s u l t of t he successful diminishment of radical a c t i v i t y and t h e

increase i n l o y a l i s t a c t i v i t y i n t h i s period there was a softening of t he

image of a l l immigrants; they were once again perceived less as a problem and

more as an a c t u a l i t y . The melting po t theory wag s t i l l i n force w i t h the view T

t h a t these 'good and l o y a l ' immigrants would help i n t h e crc?ation of a new - *

Canadian race. A s t he local FIP s tated i n 1939, "This camp might be described

as a crucible i n which a l l t h e races of Europe are melted down t o make good

Canadians." (porcupine Advance 30 November 1939, p.7) But t h e e thnics were

a l s o beginning t o be accepted as p a r t of soc ie ty ; as long as they operated as

members of ' e t h n i c groups' a n d loya-l e t h n i c nat-konalist' comuniGes;- --r--

progressive and radical ethnic organiza t ions and t h e i r suppor ters . The

l o y a l i s t organiza t ions d id not develop large-scale panethnic aSsocia t ions as

d i d t h e progressives who were a l l i e d on larger economic and p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s . -

- -

- - - - -- - - -- - - - - - -

The creation of a new local co-operative did, however, serve this purpose as - - -- - -- -- - - - - - - --

it ~came to oppose the radicals most impostant institution, Workers 4, .

Co-operative.

Consumers Co-operative - w - *

The 'Consumers Co-operative Society Limited (consumers)' was formed in

Timmins on August 5 th , 1931, a scant 6 months after the radical takeover of

Workers'. It was created byo former and founding members of_#orkers, mostly A

Finns, who had ̂ split from the older co-op because they objected to "the

entrance of politics into the proceedings of :the executive of the Workers

Co-operatee of New Ontario Limited: which they felt &d brought _about "the ' , _ - - - - - --- - - - - -- - -- - --

-rule of politics and personal opinion" (porcupine Advance 30 December 1931,

p.1). They said the co-op had lost its associ&on with Rochdab pririciples

and had "taken up with political and other activities that were objectionable

to the bpinions and loyalty of those who believe in the co-operative policy."

(PorcuQine Advance 1 September, 1932, p. 1) 'The leader of this new group was , - - -Ch&rIes Haz~a~nn,whoFeCameet h-o-Op'Fst mayage pp

The creation of Consumers Co-operative was a response to the

radicalization of Workers and host sdciety reactions against "alien

agitators". Consumers took care to emphasize they were purely a 'consumers'

co-operative, o avoid all class oriented and disloyal stigma. They wishing .tC

emphasized that "the so-ciety takes no part in politics and none of the funds

of the company goes to the support of any poiitical groups." (Porcupine

Advance 1 September 1932, p . 1 It attempted to. carry out only the most

clearly co-operative activity with no tinge of disloyalty to the host - - - - -

society. "For this reason this new co-operative has made a strong appeal +o . - people of all classes and conditions and races and has found favour naturally

with the loyal people of the community." (~orcu~ine Advance 30 December 1931,

ensured t h a t no c l ique would be ab l e t o t ake o v e r t h e co-operative, as b d il. i;-

-c ' -i +

hapiened i n Workers, by providing- t h a t nominat iob t o t he board of d i r e c t o r s ,.+ --U

were t o be made a t one of the-two general meetings each year and e leo t ions .:

held a t t h e next meeting. This was designed t o give ind iv idua l s time to. gaiH - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -+ -

in format ion op a nominee 'and allow t h e f o r e s t a l l i n g of another tgkepyer. + - . i- > -

' *

The f i r s t consumers s t o r e w a s opened i n Timmins .on August 10, 1931, t h e L)

seconct i n South. Porcupine January 2 , 1932 and t he t h i r d i n Schumacher on ..

- - - - - - -- - - - -- -- -- - - A - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - -- -- October 298, 19347Theco-op continued -to %end=uiidG-&Fiien7s leadership

using t he chain-store approach of a 'co-op i n every commu@tyt. ^ , ' & n l

Consumers and Workers vied openby with each other f o r money and 1

0

membership. The e thn ic communities, pa r t i cu l a r l y t h e Finns, were soon t o t a l l y

divided i n t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and economic a l legiance between'the two co-ops. , .

The Ukrainians who had l e f t Workers d id 'not jo in Consumers but libcame p a r t of -- - - -- - - - - -- --

thk Prosv i ta organization ihst'ead. A s a r e s u l t when Consumers t r i e d t o expand

t he only a rea open t o them was among the English Canadian community. A s a c u

-

0 .. . r e s u l t they brought i n an educational d i r ec to r , N. Roy Cl i f ton , to'work among

the English Canadians and expand Consumers influence. I n response Workers

h i red t h e i r own educational d i r e c t o r , J. Tes te r , a Communist par ty member, a 3

few months l a t e r . a

The new educational d i r e c t o r of Consumers was t o l d by Haapanen t o . -

fo rge t about educating-the Firiris; as they al~ea&y-knew-about ~ ~ ~ o p e r a t i v e - ~

"The essence of a co-operative movement was control by t he members bu t the ,

r e a l i t y i n Consumers Gas cont ro l by Haapanen." He h e l d 2 f i r m hand .in t he

co-operative, t e l i i n g t h e Finns exact ly what t o do, " A l l t h e Finns d id what -- - - - - -- --

Haapanen s a i d without question o r they were immediately os t racized from the

co-op." Ostracizat ion w a s a heavy pr ice tci-pay f o r t he only option was

membership i n t h e radical.co-op o r t he church. It was'also d i f f i c u l t because - -

Haapanen could'hinder one 's employm7nt prospects,

W p a n e n BmpEasized t o t he educational d i r ec to r t h a t h i s primary jdb

was r ec ru i t i ng new English-members as the eo-op had a l l t h e non-6xmuni-st- --

- T

Finns i n t h e community and needed t h e English f o r f u r t h e r expansion i n a rder

2

" to outcount Workers i n d o l l a r s and names"; Haapanen emphasized t h a t h i s I

- se c o n h task--was -t ~2aLu&zs -hammezaxag -a& Murkers Co=op- at e u e q - c hancpllwhe-- -- - - -

carrying out h i s educational work o r drawing up adver t i s ing copy.

The educational d i r e c t o r commented t h a t , Ln Consumers, "the sodiety 's

a c t s were of ten undertaken f o r t h e express purposes of i n j u r i n g Workers." It

f w a s r epmted t h a t i n one ins tance i n the l a t e 1930s Haapanen had learned t h a t

Workers might be i n t e r e s t ed i n buying a da i ry -opera t ion , He f e l t t h a t such an - -- --pp-p--p--pp--

operation would cripple ' them as it, would not be p ro f i t ab l e . He requested <

L mater ia l from-the f ede ra l government on the requirements f o r es tab l i sh ing a

dai ry and l e t t h i s become known. The rumo,urs seemed t o have forced Workers . - i' .

i n t o going ahead with bufing t he dairy which cons i s ten t ly l o s t money and'was

f i n a l l y so ld a t a l o s s .

On the opposite s i de it w a s j u s t a s antagonis t ic . When Consumers

educational d i r ec to r decided t o go € 0 a co-operative conference i n Guelph,

Workers educational d i r e c t o r asked t o accompany Q i m . Not wishing t o show-any - - -

animosity, he agreed. Haapanen warned him not t o Lalk t o t h e Workers d i r ec to r - - - -- - - - - -- - -.

during t he t r a i n t r i p . But i n t he na tura l course of events he did . A few i I I

i weeks l a t e r an a r t i c l e appe&ed i n Vapaus wr i t t en by Workers educational i

1 d i r e c t o r on h i s ' in terview' with t he Consumers d i rec tor . The,Consumers 1

I

3

- - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - - - - i

i d i r e c t o r was, a p a c i f i s t and h i s i dea s were cas t iga ted i n t h e = t i d e as i

- e

i d e a l i s t i c . He a% Consumers were c r i t i c i z e d f o r not supporting Loyal is t * ', + *

Spain and opposing t h e un i ty of Consumers and Workers. Consunera- ' p r e d

' * , - ? co-operation' basis w a s c r i t i c i z e d because it would "disarm t h e working c l a s s a b

e

-6

and make t h e co-op a t o o l i n t he hands of react ionar ies" .

The Porcupine Camp was e f f ec t i ve ly s p l i t between t h e two'co-operative@. . $ +

. L

- - _-rL

People who belonged t o Workers d id not assoc ia te with those' who belonged toL . - . - -

Consumers and v i s a versa . One d id not walk on ' t h e i r ' s i de c?f the s t r e e t i f

one was not a member of ' t h a t ' co-operative . One a l s o d id not a t t end any 'of f Q

khekr - s m i & s - o r = f ~ r r e ~ ~ = -As o ~ - % ' ~ ~ f - o r m a n t - m a r k ~ ~ ' ~ T h e r e - ~ - --A-

S "

I - and Consumers Co-ops and my paren ts would never go i n t o Workers and never let

me g'o t o t h e i r dances. I f they s a w me, then they clobbered me." 7

r

There was a general f e a r , e spec ia l ly on the pa'rt of t h e l o y a l i s t group, " I

s ince Workers was ost racized from the general community and considered p a r t

of the d i s l oya l element, of being "painted red by t h e s&me brush", i . e , g u i l t 4

by associa.tion. I n an e thn ic community dependent upon repu ta t ions one took

.F P

care t h a t one did not g e t a reputat ion as a red i f one 's assoc ia tes were ,P 5

white, o r white when one 's a s soc i a t e s were red. Often ind iv idua l s newly come -;

i n t o t he community d id not r e a l i z e t he extent of t he s p l i t and were caught i n . * . -

the middle. The Finnish United Church minis ter Beinonen ac tua l l y held a share

i n Workers (which he probably received a s a bequest) and W a s accused of being '

a Communist sympathizer. The b a t t l e l i n e s were drawn and were not t o be -

crossed. One informant, -a r a d i c a l ~ i n n i s h s u p p o r t e r of Workers,-~cognizeb--- . - . t he di f ferences between the two co-operatives on a p o l i t i c a l and c l a s s

-

l eve l .

There were two d i f f e r e n t ideas radicalism. The other wanted t o pol ' i t ics. Consumers was ca re fu l

and not everybody -wanted t o know &

be %re ca r e fu l -- no m i & g with they did not m w w i t h p o l i t i c s c

II

The boom cond i t ions s a w unemployed from a c r o s s Canada f l o c k t o the camp c3-~ - "4 i

I i

looking f o r jobs. Th i s period in t h e camp i s o f t e n look<? upon as a , --

D I

_ _ ..I ---T< F . -cG"- - t - -- I "- - ) e "3 - L 9 F-L -%I,.+ - > , -: - -

-

- ._ - -

- - -- - - --- .+- ------- ---- - --- ,

mytholo&cal goiden ,age f o r many, especia l lyx Anglo r e s i d e n t ~ , f o r where t h e

----- - r e s t &7'X%nada ~ 6 u l d X 5 k E i Z - j ~ b ~ they co i l d f i n i s teady emgloyment .- The 2

' ethnics, horever, o f t e n remember t h e 0th; s i de o f t h e s t o r y 6s well .

Theye were hundreds and thousanas of men a t t h e mine ga t e s ' looking f o r work every day. They were waiting t he r e t o g e t h i red '4

by the bosses who would only get one o r two a day andathen they would move on t o o t h e r h i n e s . The mines were-ready t o f i r e anyone +

f o r t h e simple'st i n f r ac t i on f o r they now had a ready-supply of Y - labour q igh t t he r e i n t h e i r backyard. It waj/wondegful f o r them . -.-

but it was hard on t h e workers; ! - - - - - - - - - - --- = - - - - - ,-

The e thn ic miner, e spec ia l ly t h e r a d i c a l o r progressive e thn ic miner , - - .

found h i s existence i n t he mines threatened as wag& declineil and w o r k h i

condit ions de te r io ra ted . A man di; not ask f o r a holiday o r a few days o f f t o =

- - - - -3

-- -------L-----L--- - - - - - - -

---- - -- --- -

go t o a fune ra l or even f o r one's own wedding. "The mine cap ta ins would,

answer t3at there were 300 men at t h e ga te who d idn ' t want t o g e t married." " '

I Whenever a man died i n an accident hundreds would f lock t o t h e mine ga t e s id

hopes of g e t t i n g h i s jo6. "One man whose brother ' w a s working i n t h e mine / . , ,-' /'

- heard t h a t h i s brother . w a s k i l l e d i n a mine accident. He was a t t he mine ga te -

t h e next morning looking f o r his ' br_othe&s j & ~ ~ ~ T h ~ _ m i n e s ~ b e C a r n F f c a ~ ~ l f -- --- - --

3.

t h e i r workers. Advertising fO3P--jdbs were of ten l i t t l e more than c a t t l e D

c a l l s .

Hollinger Mine announced one morning t h a t they were going t o take t h e name and address of every man who appl ied for.work and they would be h i r ed i n a lphabe t ica l order. I couldn' t s e e t h i s as a .. fa i r method myself because a guy whose name might be Allen could have come t h e day before while t he guy whose name was Zabi tski could have been r u s t l i n g f o r a year. But anyway t h i s add (appeared i n t h e paper and) r e su l t q8 i n 1,300 men being at t h e Hollinger .- Mine t h e next morning., .And at l e a s t th ree of them were taken t o hosp i t a l t r y ing t o .jam t h i s small o f f i ce underneath t he b i n

-- off i c e pf t h e ~ o l l i & r , _ _- - - - - - - - - --- --- -- - - % The ready labour supply afforded t h e mines an opportunity t o r i d '

-

thenselves of 'dangerous fo r e igne r s ' . The Finns i n p a r t i c u l a r were placed

under s t r i ngen t employment requirements whereby only c e r t i f i c a t i o n by t he - - -- A

Q * C I - . - 7 1

-

- - - ; - - Lcay~& Finns could ga5wthew a gob-. -The empf;ope&-bos;se+pref erectto-.figre-- -2-

- ?

- - -- -- - o n l y A g l o X d a n s ~ & L ~ p ~ e n % i f u l s ~ * ~ b l ~ t ~ e ~ e e s , s , s , s , ~. - zsz

C including un ivers i ty graduates. "1f you spoke English you were t he f i r s t o n e --

t o ge t a job. When my hisband brought Out some of h i s fe l low Croatians he had , .. r

-a 4

t o suppogt $hem. There was no breadl ine here. We took care of t he men - -

ourselves."

This info&& mine e@oli'cy of h i r i n g o& Anglo Canadians o r

-- -

untroublesome e thn ics could be surmou6ted and la rge %umbers of e thn ics w - - &

continued t o $e hi red. Employment 'became the most important resource i n t he _ camp and t h e employment bosses became the most important ind iv idua l s i n the

1 B - - - -

mi 3g-ti erar E3T JyheeYY darE eee*-Pe-rs~ded~ ml. $rdh maney; -r--z ==

buying of jobs had been going on i h t h e Forcupine C a p s ince the e a r - y days

of t h e mine$ but i n t h e 1930s it became epidemic. It w a s uncokon f o r English

Canadians t o pay f o r jobs but it was of ten t he only choice t h e e thn ics had a t ~ - ga in employment.

' *

I had t o buy my work here. f e s , pay f o r i t , i f you can bel ieve - --- t h a k E y - b r ~ h e r f i a d - m r n - o t z ~ ~ b ~ a t - t i m ~ n & - ~ s uo* -o

a t t h e Hollinger and he paid f o r my job a t t h e Holl'inger. He was here before I came and while I w a s i n B.C. he sen t me a l e t t e r t h a t i f I d i d n ' t have a job 1 , should come out t o T i m i n s because .

- t he r e was work out here and he-could ge t me a job because the people knew him and t he foreman sa id it was okay. I came here and t he r e were 200 - 300 men a t t he gate looking ' for , jobs . I had t o pay i n order t o g e t t he job.

- There was an i n i t i a l payment of $100 - $300 t o t h e employment Boss t o - ._

show 'good f a i t h ' and t o be placed on the l ist of candidates f o r empl6yment.

Another payment was necessary once t he job was acquired. Sometimes these -

. p a p e n t s . went, d i r e & l g +o t h e employmen+ d i r e c t o r m ' th rough-m -fnkrmediary---

sucbasapriesrt ~&~xo&Lxie his lnfluenc-et. . .

' n d i x i d u a u o b .

There xaS a waiting per iod .of up t o a year between t he i n i t i a l payment a n d .

g e t t i n g h i red . Then once t he payments were made t h e individual would be t o l d . +- I

what-the p a r t i c u l a r 'code' was f o r t he day t o d i s t ingu ish him-from the -- - -- - - --

.:

hundreds wait'rng t o g e t hi'red. The manner i n which a person held a match o r * el v

+$

t o o t h g c k i n h i s mouth o r a c i g a r e t t e i n h i s ear-or something stuck i n t he j

brim of h i s hat were s i gna l s t h a t came t o i den t i fy who w a s t o be picked f o r a v.

. <

-

job. 0

The mine job might last only a few months, bf ten j u s t long enough t o a

-*. pay off a.ccrued debts , then t h e persoKwould have t o start t h e p roce ' s sa l l -

6 - - 7--

- -- -

over agarn. Gett ing t he money $0 pay f o r the job was-the main~problem. The

e thn ics borrowed from r e l a t i v e s , f r i ends o r compatriots i n t h e e thn ic h a l l s -

o r turned t o highgrading-.' Fellow ethGics would provide information on whom t o - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

- - - L-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

- - - -- - - - - - - f- -

approach apd s o f t e n u p t h e boss with g i f t s of l i quo r s o ' t h a t a compatriot

would be a.lowed t o pay - for h i s job. -

\-

I n t he mines izdiir iduals might a l s o have t o pay of f t he s t o i e bosses - .

and mine capta ins t o g e t b e t t e r work areas; Most of the work i n t he mines w a s B

done on contract and success o f ten degended on the type of rock t h a t w a s

otfier fimes the e thn ics might be forced t o s t e a l gold f o r t h e employment boss .

or mine capta ins i n order t o hold onto t he job. During t h i s period

highgrading increased g r ea t l y espec ia l ly a f t e r the r i s e i n t he p r i ce of gold

i n 1934 .cJ t became a much more organized business.-Mountjoy was sa id t o be

f u l l of small

pol ice .

shacks where the gold w a s

condit ions did not favour

re f ined , out of reach of town r -

-

-

t he h i r i ng of e thn ics but informal @ c '

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- - --- -

local, condit ions offered pathways t o circumvent formal r e s t r i c t i o n s . A s a \

- - - - - - - -- --

r e s u l t t he numbers of e thn ics i n t he mines remained f a i r l y s t a b l e i n con t ras t

t o o ther populations l i k e the French Canadians wpo g rea t l y increased t h e i r - -

population i n Timmins during t h i s period but d id not commensurately increase

- t h e i r representa t ion i n - the mice~;

t o 'maintain t h e i r communities. Though the communities became s p l i t between '

. the supporters of r a d i c a l and progrssive c l a s s a c t i v i t y and l o y a l i s t e thnic - - - -

a c t i v i t y , t h e r ad i ca l s , a f t e r a d i t i a l period of suppression, were ab le t o t .

rebound and regain a good dea l of support i n p a r t because t h e i r l o y a l i s t

an tagonis t s . los t con t ro l of t he job market. Further the r ad i ca l s , using . . - * 1

*Workers Co-operative a s a base, were able t o expand i h t o renewed union

ac t i v i t i . 'The r ad i ca l s , however, were unsuccessful i n channelling t h i s

support i n t o a large-scale movement. They were soon forced $0 jo in with the . .

- - - -- - - - - - - - -- -- -

2nd l o c a l i z e t h e i r e f f o r t s t o pursue l o c a l resoPr&s such as,

jobs gna p o l i t i c a l represen ta t ion on the Timmins town council . But t he

r ad i ca l s and progressives found themselves up against a new l o c a l i n t e r e s t .' - group, the French Canadians, who would thwart at tempts t o r e t a i n p o l i t i c a l

-

power i n t h e early.months of World War 11.

. . V I I I . RADICAL CONCILIATION ,

0

Workers Co-op: Class o r E thn ic i tx . I n t h e ea r l y 1930s the Canadian Communist Par ty w a s reduced t o a

- -

shambles, The leadership and t h e i r supporters i n Timmins were-being sing% I /

out f o r harassment and forced from d i r e c t public a c t i on which was l e f t t o t

t h e i r l o y a l i s t an tagonis t s . The r ad i ca l s and progressives were forced t o - - -- - - - - - - - - - pp - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

- - -

re t rench , e i t h e r i n t o t h e h a l l s , o r t he few remaining r a d i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ,

such a s Workers Co-op, and r e s t ruc tu r e t h e i r e f f o r t s i n t o a more l o c a l sphere

of in t&rest . .They emerged t o compete f o r economic and p o l i t i c a l power i n t he I

Porcupine Camp. Their major competition, however, would come not from the '3

e thn ic l o y a l i s t s but from the French Canadian middle c l a s s . The ac t i ons of

the French Canadians i n the camp and the po l i c i e s of the--federal government - - ---p- p p - - --

during the f i r s t years of World War I1 would seemingly des t roy the r ad i ca l - *-

and progressive mov&nt and e thn ic l o y a l i s t s r e p i n e d t he f u l l support of

t he host community but the r a d i c a l s , bo l s te red by union a c t i v i t y , were t o

emerge from the war with renewed vigor a@ carry out one last attempt t o

acquire economic and p o l i t i c a l power. C

After the react ionary per iod of t h e 1 9 2 9 Depressien t he only r -

i n s t i t u t i o n a l support f o r the Communist Par ty of Canada 2nd its r a d i c a l - ---- - - - -

suppor ters remaining i n the ForcGine C%@ wasp the Workers Co-operative. The

mter rkc~F t h e CPC's c ~ n - m l i ~ i m 1 n t o Workers was confirmed a t t he September

24, 1933 general meeting of t h e co-operative. Nick Thachuk was e lec ted t h e -

meeting chairman and he gave a repor t from the Semnd Congress of t h e workers

Unity ~eag-ue' (WUL) , the legal replacement for the still virtually outlawed , - A - - - - -- --

communist Party of Canada, to which he was a delegate. The report dealt with

"the main tasks of the militant working class movement including the role of

the CO-operative in the class struggle". In effect he*resented the Communist -*

party viewpoint that the co-operative should continue tirbe an instrument of

the larger class struggle. The general meeting accepted the report and

recommendations of the WUL Congress and agreed that the Educa"tiona1 Committee

should conduct an energetic and broad campaign to emphasize that the

co-operative was not simply an economic institution but a political force in

the "militant working-class" movement.

On March 24, 1934 thegeneral meeting reaffirmed'the principle of class

struggle as a major rationale of the co-operative. It affirmed the importance

of the Educational Committee and its fund as the major instrument of the

struggle as "through the Educational Committee, the co-operative takes its .

place in the working class movement".

cp- - - -- --

-tin spitTTfrTdEa1 atkempts to utilize Workers as a base of

general class ideology, the co-op's busineks and radical activities remained

localized and largely ethnically dependent. The co-operative's alliance

continued to be primarily with local ethnic organizations such as the FOC,

ULFTA and the Croatian Club whose members held shares and did business with

the co-operative. Co-op meetings continued to be translated into Finnish and

Ukrainian. Whenever an individual was to be hired it was often specified that

he be a member of a particular ethnyc group, i.e. a "good Anglo-Saxon - - - - - - -- - - - -

butcher" or a'"Ukrainian baker". Workers sometimes had to contact other - - - - - --

radical ethnic co-operatives, such as the Ukrainian 'People's Co-op' in

Winnipeg, when they needed an experienced ethnic replacement,

Ethnic employees were hired on the recommendation of the progressive .

/

e t h n i c a s s o c i a t i o n s ; The ULFTA recommended what Ukrainians were t o be h i r e d %

R -- - - - -- ------

and t h e FOCkhat Finns and when a s t o r e was opened i n Schumacher t h e Croat ian +

*

Club recommended t h e Croat ians . The genera l Anglo Saxon h i r i n g was l e f t t o

t h e co-op manager. C e r t a i n l y , o n e of t h e major r a t i o n a l e s f o r h i r i n g , i n t h e ' %

. +- . wake of t h e takeover and progress ive i n t e r e s t , was i e f twing ac%$vity b u t they

were a l s o recommended by t h e i r membership i n e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions . A s a -

r e s u l t t h e y were conscious both- of t h e i r l o c a l e t h n i c i n t e r e s t s - a n d wider -

- -a

c l a s s ideology,

The two consciousnesses need not c o n f l i c t gene ra l ly b u t they i n c h i t a b l y ' d

t h e Canadian c l a s s system. ~hus- ne ob jec t ive of t h e co-op's ~ d u c a t i o n a l . - 8 - . - P

Committee w a s " t o g ive more p m a g a n d a t o t h e European n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n o r d e r . -

t h a t they could a l l b e t t e r f i t themselves i n t o Canadian l i f e " . The l o c a l

r a d i c a l e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions were committed, a t l e a s t i d e o l o g i c a l l y , t o t h e

a s s i m i l a t i o n of t h ~ i r members t o c l a s s c r i t e r i o n b u t i n f a c t they d i d l i t t l e - - - - - - - - ---- ----pp - - - -- -- - -

t o a i d them i n a c q u i r i n g c i t i z e n s h i p o r l e a r n i n g t h e English language. It was

c l e a r t h a t any commitment t o t h e l a r g e r c l a s s ideology would a i d only t h e - Communist ,party which was i n t e r e s t e d & n a t i o n a l r a t h e r t h a n l o c a l concerns.

Local r e sources such as jobs and p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e , however, were more

important m d more e a s i l y understood by t h e people than g e n e r a l i d e o l o g i c a l

p recep t s . Even t h e co-operat ive, which was most committed t o gene ra l c l a s s ,

c r i t e r i o n , remained e t h n i c a l l y dependent f o r its success . -

This dependency con t inued i n s p i t e of c o n t e x t u a l c h a n g e s w h b h agpeared

t o assist t h e r a d i c a l movement. Host s o c i e t y r e a c t i o n s a g a i n s t t h e r a d i c a l s - - - - - - - -pp

had been sof tened i n 1934 with t h e . e l e c t i o n of t h e Hepburn L i b e r a l government

i n Ontar io and t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of Toronto Daily S t a r newspaper a r t i c l e s which -

ended l o y a l i s t c o n t r o l of jobs. Local oppos i t ion t o t h e r a d i c a l s was sof tened

a i

- -

7 - - - -- -- -- - - - -- A~ - - - -- -*

with t h e e l e c t i o n of J.P. Bartleman i n 1933 a s counc i lo r and i n 1934 as - - - - - - - - -

mayor. He e f f e c t i v e l y broke t h e power of t h e o l d mine and e l i t e c l i q u e . He i

4 w a s sympathetic t o s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c s ana a member of t h e CCF pa r ty . The

Communist p a r t y soon found it s a f e enough t o l i s t i ts l o c a l headguarters: in ..

t h e Timmins bus iness d i r e c t o r y as 8 Cedar S t . North and Eonfident enough t o 'i

-have candidates i n t h e 1935 f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n .

I n January 1935 Tim Buck, a f t e r h i s r e l e a s e from ja i l , addressed a - - 4

meeting a t t h e Timmins Finn H a l l where he was acclaimed a s a hero of t h e ,

I 1

c l a s s s t r u g g l e . The r a d i c a l s were conf iden t ; conf ident enough t o expect t o 3 3

win ele&on t o t h e par l iament . I n May 1935 a conv&tion was h e l d i n Timmins, 1 ,a - - - - - -- - - - - - - - -- -

supported by Workers and o t h e r CPC dominated groups t o e1ec t . a Communist I cand2date f o r t h e f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n . They e l e c t e d no l e s s a f i g u r e than Tom 1 McEwen ( a l s o known as Tom ~ g e n under which name he was nominated) n b with

Tim Buck had engineered t h e S t a L i n i s t t a k e o v e r - o f - t h e CPC i n t h e l a t e 1920s. I McEwen replaced A.T. H i l l as p a r t y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n Northeast Ontario

P- whish - i ~ d i c ~ t e s & h e - r - e g i ~ d ~ r n ~ o r f , a ~ r ~ e ~ o ~ h e - par-ty-.-But -McEwen,alongai&.h-- -

\ h i s Communist co l l eagues f n t h e r e s t of Canada, l o s t badly i n t h e f e d e r a l

e l e c t i b n s . McEwen rece ived onTy 842 v o t e s ( ~ v e r ~ 1981:89). Most of t h e s e i 1 i

-

v o t e s were of course from e t h n i c suppor te r s but they were no t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i ! J

of t h e p a r t y ' s a c t u a l s t r e n g t h i n t h e c&mp. One major reason w a s t h a t e t h n i c s i

-

o f t e n could not vote i n t h e e l e c t i o n because they were not c i t i z e n s . Many had ' - J

! - , ; . spen t t h e r equ i red number of yea r s bu t few thought of going through t h e i -

i o f f i c i a l C i t i zensh ip procedure. The progress ive h a l l s and a s s o c i a t i o n s d i d 1.

u

no t p r e s s t h e i r members t o acqu i re c i t i z e n s h i p , acquain t them with t h e - - --- - -

p o l i t i c a l process o r a i d p a r t y candidates t o any major e x t e n t . A s a r e s u l t i

* , t h e CPC l o s t a n important ove r t i n i t i a t i v e which it could never regain .

1

The p a r t y had t o f a c e one o:f i t s most important problems. While t h e

'P a -

-a 3 3 -

iY * :f %"*

- - - > ---- - - - - - - - - - - - -- _- -- - - - P _ _ ~ _ _ _ 3

r ad i ca l movement's overt i l l s t reng th ac tua l l y increased i n t h e c a p during t h e , 'A* 1. - - - L&

- - - - - - - - - - - - -- 3

mid 1930s, t h e l o c a l progressive e thn i c i n s t i t u t i o n s remained t h e baqis of - -x i 3 -

commitment. The CPC and i ts supporters i n Workers were not ab l e t o surmount ' . - a

ethnj-c inf luences as they were dependent on them. The e thn i c s were not about 3

' 6 -

t o completely give up l o c a l e t h n i c i n t e r e s t s f 6 r a general c l a s s idenkiky as . -

they had too much t o l o se and l i t t l e t o gain, p e r e were some who had t r i e d -

t o make t h e commitment, such as Thachuk, but even h i s os tens ib le power was -

P

based i n t he l o c a l ULFTA. Instead t h e pa r ty was forced t o respond- t o l o c a l *. "- - i n i t i a t i v e s and seek rev i s ions on t he community l e v e l , p a r t i c u l a r l y through

\

=presenta t ion on town counci-1. The only l o c a l a rea i n which-the Communist - -- -- - - -- -- - - -

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - par ty h s su&.essful, -if mipimally, wag i n union a c t i v i t y . But unionism was

. - . . not enough t o rescue par ty in te res t s . -

Union and Town Council Act ivi ty

Where.there had been no appreciable union a c t i v i t y i n Northeastern

Ontario f o r more than a decade, t h e emergence of t he CPC cont ro l led- 'Workers

fu r the r a ided when i n 1934 t he p r i ce of gold increased from $20 ' t o $35

without an increase i n wages which l e d t o a growing mili tancy i n t he gold

camps. The Workers Unity League successful ly organized miners i n s.

Rouyn-Noranda i n t o taking s t r i k e ac t i on i n 1935. The s t r i k e was supported

la rge ly by t he e thn ic miners, e spec ia l ly t he Croatians who hgld nine of the

twelve pos i t ions on t he miners' negotiating.committee. There were v io len t

c lashes between t he s t r i k e r s and t he pol ice as the mineowners were supported - - --- - - -- - - -

by t h e Duplessis government. I n t he end t he miners were forced t o give up t h e ' -P p- --

s t r i k e . % ~ h e e t h n i c s s u f f e ~ e d t he ,majority of the r e p r i s a l s which followed

with s ix teen ,Croa t ians a r r e s t ed and 100 deported f o r t h e i r s t r i k e a c t i v i t y .

"The l o c a l Noranda press proudly reported the number of jobs l o s t by

L- ' Yugoslavs' toL Engl ish and -French- Canadians-an&theedrop h r t h e i r n u m b e ~ r " r-- - --

-a ( ~asporich- 1 9 8 ~ ~ ~ ~ m c - ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ n . r n ~ l i l ~ t - , - ~ + ~ - -

t o Schumacher and Tixnmins and adding t o r a d i c a l and union suppor t i n t h e

Porcupine Camp. +. *

Widescale unionism was _ fu r the r hindered when t h e Norkers Unity League

was ordered d i s so lved by Moscow i n 1935 on t h e p r e t e x t of c r e a t i n g a un i t ed '

c l a s s f r o n t under t h e l e a d e r s h i p of t h e Trades and Labour Congress which was rd

. . 6 4 .

a f f i l i a t e d with t h e American Federa t ion of Labom': -'This a c t i o n was designed

.. t o c r e a t e a s i n g l e North American union movemeni under Communist' c o n t r o l bu t

b

it l e d t o t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of independent Canadian unionism and i ts

-- - - - - - -- - -- -

replacement By AmeriFaiTuni-on' a c t i v i t y - uKder t h e c o n t r o l o f ;the C o f i i t t e e of

I n d u s t r i a l ~ r g a n i z a t t o n s (CIO) ( ~ b e l l a 1973: 3).

Although t h e d i s s o l u t i o n of t h e WUL l e d i n i t i a l l y t o a n inc rease i n , *

Communist union a c t i v i t y i n t h e Porcupine Camp i n suppor t of t h e C I O , it was .

G'

t o meet wi th l i t t l e success . Thus when G. Anderson, a prominent Communist

o rgan ize r f o r t h e 'Mine M i l l and Smel ters Union1;came t o t h e camp i n l a t e - -- - -- - - -- --- - - - ---- -

- - 1935 t o form a union l o c a l , he found t h e miners r e l u c t a n t t o j o i n as they

were a f r a i d of l o s i n g t h e i r jobs. Anderson formed two l o c a l s , i n Sudbury and

Timmins bu t t h e t o t a l membership f o r both was l e s s than t h i r t y , mostly =-

unemployed miners who were a l r e a d y members of %he CPC ( ~ b e l l a 1973:6).

Even with i t s smal l membership t h e Timmins union l o c a l 241 immediately

asked f o r mine r ecogn i t ion . It pressured f o r b e t t e r working cond i t ions and

. began t o i n c i t e sporadic s t r i k e s . The union 'was supported by Timmins Mayor

B

Bartleman b u t t h e a t t empts a t sporad ic s t r i k e s were unsucce~sfu1~-Uniorr-

supporters M e r e simpJ+ fixed. & Lhese wgrcc@ent+ a ~ - - + b s e e t ~ ~ ~ ~ n + h n ? m ~ \

Some of t h e men who-were f i r e d from t h e mines were aga in taken on Workers

p a y r o l l o r given f i n a n c i a l a i d . F. Wasyluk, Workers p r e s i d e n t , w a s a

""ww- - . - ,a.

g *I-

3, .t 5

31 2$

- - - - -- - - - - - - - ---.- - ---- -- - promined member of t he new union which came t o f i nd its g rea t e s t support . -

*A,, .* - - a -- -- - - -- - L A,

among t h e Ukrainians and Finns as it was a means of addressing a ' I o c a l ?a: b

. . 9 f -

i n t e r e s t . --

By May 1937 the union l o c a l membership had increased t o 550 members. .-c w,

> . - . - 7

The mines; ~ o w e v e k c o a i n u e d t o refuse t o recognize t he C I O ilnion and were <-

f u l l y supported by Ontario Premier Mitchell Hepburn who counted t he Porcupine

Camp mineowners as some of h i s g e s t f r i ends . Hepburn was espec ia l ly concerned -

- - - - - - -- P

t h a t t he C I O nat en t e r t h e gold mines specifying t h a t t h i s "ga+ng w i l l never - -

ge t t h e i r greedy hands on the mines of Northern Ontario, as long as I am

Prime Mfnister." ( ~ b e l l a 1973: 19) - - . - - - -- -- - - - - - - :- - - -- - - - -- - - - -

-- -- -

The mine managers used t h e i r s t o o l pigeons, mine pa2d informants, t o % .-

impede union a c t i v i t y . It was rumoured t h a t the re w a s an inforiner i n everye .

boarding house and t h a t they would sometimes disguise themselves as salesmen

and go door-to-door, engaging housewives i n conversation t o f i n d out t h e i r .

husband's union a f f i l i a t i o n s ; It w a s an e f f ec t i ve system f o r t he union was

never able- t o -gains-large mernbe r s h i g u n t i 1 W o r l c l W a r J l , 3 h e - m i n e ~ ~ - =K - furthe'c ensured themselves of a l o y a l work fo r ce by granting a f i v e cent an

1

hour increase i n 1938. -

The f a i l u r e of union a c t i v i t y l e d t he CPC t o acqutesce t o progressive

pressure anh pursue l o c a l i n t e r e s t s through the Timmins town council . Ins tead

of electTng t h e i r own candidates t h e CPC and the progressives turned t o

support?ng those candidates they considered' t o be labour and pro-labour

candidates. Mayor Bartleman was considered a good labour supporter and -- - - - - - - - ---- - - - - -- -

endo?sed. Other candidates were supported throiigh c rea t ion of a labour f r o n t v

- --

organization which endorsed labour candidates t o r t he town council . I n 1938 \

they endorsed T. McNeil, A . McCabe and,M, LaFontaine a s t h e i r candidates. Two

other labour candidates, W. Armstrong and J. Tess ier , were running as -

-

- - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - -

independents a s t h e y d i d not want it s a i d they were under Communist - .a

inf luence . The resurf was €hag-ilLn 3-P78 e l e c t i o n 'l'. PlcNeiL, A. IoIcCabe ahd '

W . Armstrong were e l e c t e d t o counci l . There was now a s t r o n g r a d i c a l

r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on t h e Timmins town-council . McCabe i n p a r t i c u l a r was a s t rong

Communist suppor ter though none of t h e counci lors in t rodaced what could be

considered r a d i c a l l e g i s l a t i o n t o counci l . - The e x t e n t of t h e r a d i c a l in f luence i n town counc i l w a s such t h a t t h e

T i m i n g Daily P r e s s c o n s t a n t l y accused t h e Tirnmins counc i l of be ing a a.

"Communist council" . I n September 1939, wi th t h e outbreak of war, t h e mayor

and 4 of t h e counc i lo r s had to -deny t h a t t h e y were Communists o r t h a t i t made *

-- A - - - - A - -

any diFf e rence i n A t h e i r jobs ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e Advance 28 September 1939, p. 1 ) . *'This

would become a f u r t h e r i s s u e i n t h e 1939 e l e c t i o n when t h e French Canadian . *

middle c l a s s came t o power and t h e labour counciJors began t o l o s e t h e i r *

French Canadian React ion t o Radicalism -

- - - - French - - - -- Canadians - - - - have - always - -- -- made - u p a -- l a r g e percentage -- -- of t h e camp

popula t ion , This percentage g r e a t l y increased i n t h e 1920s when t h e l w b e r "

companies brought i n French Canadian bushworkers from Quebec as-cheap p l i a n t

labour t o so lve t h e problems of F inn i sh mi t i tancy and t h e r i s i n g c o s t s of d

bushcamps. With t h e 1929 Depression many o b these French Canadian 1

bushworkers, a long wi th French Canadians from t h e sma l l e r towns i n Northeast - 1 i

Ontario and Northwest Quebec, migrated t o t h e Porcupine Camp. 1 1

The major i ty of French Canadians migrated t o t h e town-of Timmins proper

- - - -- - - - - - - - - -

f 1

and secondar i ly t o t h e township of Mountjoy with fewer t o t h e o t h e r towns o r ,

townships. Some worred i n t h e ~ ~ F i dufing-UiemTitef and homesteaded on farms j

@ i B i n t h e Nountjoy r eg ion e a s t of t h e r i v e r bu t French Canadian a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s !

were never of a s i g n i f i c a n t number u n t i l t h e l a t e 1930s. I n t h e 1931 census

i

+

P i

-. 4 - - - --- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- --- - - - -

of a Tjimmins population of 14,200, which included 5,727 of B r i t i s h m i g i n . -

L (40 3* L t h - -A - . , e r e were 4,975 French ~ a n a d i a n s (35.03). In Mounkjoy French - -

Canadians made up 468 (44%) o f a t o t a l population of 1,062 which increased i n 4

3

# - 1941 t o 958 (55.4%) of a population of 1,729. I n t h e o ther townships such 'as

n.

r

Tisdale they made up- a gopulation of only 497 (8.62%) of 5,761 i n 1931 which 0

only rose t o 756 (8%) of 9,461 i n 1941. By 1941 t h e population of Timmins - w a s . 28,790 and much of t h i s was a commensurate increase i n t h e French Canadian *

- - - - - A - . - 1

population as the French Canadian percentage*remained s t a b l e a t 36.3% of t h e ?

population (see f i g . 9 and 10). \"

Clark (1966:5:0) p laces g r ea t emphasis on t he urban - rural "cuJtural \

-- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - p- --

- - - - - - - -

worlds" of t he northern i n d u s t r i a l community a s a c o n f ~ o n t a t i o n between t he

~ r e n c h a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t and English c a p i t a l i s t soc ie ty (1966 : 50). In t he -'

Porcupine Camp it w a s l e s s o f a c lash than could be suppose4 from research i n ' . -

other Northern Ontario communities ( ~ a v a r d 1977). Father Ther iaul t i n

pa r t i cu l a r had placed l e s s emphasis on t he importance of a g r i c u l t u r a l

tlement s asphe _.had redizecLth9-differences-in s & t L e m L b e k e e n ~ n r t h e r n . - .

Ontario and Northern Quebec ( ~ o w e r 1936:84-8). Clark -is a l s o oblivious t o the< "

influence of the e thn i c s i n t he region saying they simply "accep$ed very

fu l ly . €he succe'ss mores of t he northern i n d u s t r i a l community" so there was no /-

"con f l i c t of values" with t he English and t he only 6onfl"ict was between the

k g l i s h and French Canadians (1966:55-6). I think i t has been made c l e a r t h a t O P

the re was i n f a c t a s i gn i f i c an t amount of e t&ca l ly based c o n f l i c t and only -

p a r t i a l acceptance of t h e "success mores" of the dominant soc ie ty and t h a t - - -- - -

mostly a f t e r 1931 by c e r t a i n groups of e thn ic loya l i&. -1n comparison there

was l i t t l e comrnefsiEaFe "conf l i c t of s u e s " between - the French 9nd English

Canadians f o r t h e i r c o n f l i c t s were muted by i n s t i t u t i o n a l and e l i t e

involvement -

, - . . _ * I I Q . . . -

C .

. ..

- - --- L I - - . - + - - - - - - - - - - - - L - - - -

The French Canadians b u i l t - u p a s o c i a l system which reyolved around t h e . # - . , . -

- > - -- - - - - - ---- " f '

church apd a;&onomic system whichdejtended o i ' t h k . miner! and s i a l l s c a l e - - . .

e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l ; c t i v i t f d such a s t a x i s : sGll car dealer 'shi&, small

/I c d n s t r u c t i o n firns and grocery s t o r e s . These small e n t e r p r i s e s c a t e r e d not . ,

- - only t p t h e French G~r iadian p o p l a t i o n b u t a l so ' tcs t h e dominant English

. 3

' s o c i e t y . They enabled t h e ,&ld up of a s u b s t s n t i a 1 ' ~ r e n c h Canadian middle . .

t 4 .

. , -

' class of s i g n i f i c a n t importance t o t h e s o c i a k and economic strzzcture of - .- - - -- . - - .

Timmins . >

It would be i 6 W r r e c t t o say, as Clark (1966:%65) does , t h a t t h i s . - . + 5 . .r

French Canadian rniddii ? l a s s d i d -% +a- no t s i g h i f i c a n t l y f u h h e r French C h a d i a n ,** - -'L-L - -- - - - , * _ _ - - - +-

t - - - - - - - - - - - - - L-. -- - _ -i;

i n t e r e s t . It is perhaps t r u e t h a t t h e y e d i d not t a k e a n "important lead" in . . . I , . * A-

im$~ro.ving t h e ,soci& and ecoAom'ic p o s i t i o n of t h e whole ~ r e n c h ~ i n a h i a n

popula t ion b u t even t h e n t h e i r inf luknce* was far from i n s i g n i f i c a n t . They d i d

f u r t h e r t h e i r o h rnl*d$le c l a s s ' i n t e r e s t s and helped f o ma in ta in ' tbe ,dominant- . .

group context i n t h & f a c e o f r a d i e . h l e t h n i c p res su re f o r i t s rev i s ion . u b

> >

--- - - - - - - his deve2~~ment--~axrwi-~1-~1e--~eak8ni~uf- th- ~ a t h o ~ i e--Gkurekcs- ---- a.

i n f luence . The Church had been t h e major spokesman f o r t h e French canadian ,

community as we l l a s o t h e r Cathol ic communities. 1% had a l s o been important v

i n t h e maintenance of t h e dominant context through its a l l i a n c e with t h e

Anglo e l i t e . The church ' s in f luence , however, was dwindling, The completion

of t h e I r i s h and '1 ta l i an Cathol ic Churches i n t h e 1930s, s e rv iced by I r i s h

and I t a l i a n p r i e s t s , removed non-French Cathol ics from t h e c o n t r o l o f , t h e s

c e n t r a l c h w c h ; S t . Anthony, and t h e French Canadian p r i e s t s . The French - c , 1

-- - --

Canadian p r i e s t s i n s t e a d turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i n s ~ i t u t i o n a l i z a 4 , ~ o ~ I

- -- - - - 1 o f t h e ,French Canadian c o n p m i t y wi th t h e c r e a t i o n of church o r i e n t e d c lubs 1

\ : and a s s o c i a t i o n s . While t h i s a c t i o n d i d p a r t i a l l y i n s u l a t e ' the community, t h e

I - . e l i t e s and many of t h e p r i e s t s a s we l l as an inc reas ing number of t h e middle

. - a

- 223 - 0

"? 4"

influence of Father Ther iaul t and t h e e l ec t i on of French CanaGan e l i t e s : t o - C ---

4

f the town council. This was beginning t o change with t he ~ i s e of a new middle F -L

c l a s s who .pursued t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l goals. This French Canadian p o l i t i c a l

a c t i v i t y was ao t of C a n a d i a n s ~ c i ~ t y but pras r a the r - - - - i - - - -

an a t t empt t o resources ( jobs and p o l i t i c a l

o f f i c e ) on t h e 2

6

- -- -- The - major i n s t i t u t i o n a l - - - ----- - - b a s i s - - -- - f o r - - t h i s - -- - - - l o c a l i n t e r e s t -- - -- - - -- was t h e -- Catholic

-

"

-- Men's Club, o r i g ina l l y founded by Father Ther iaul t . The club w a s a char i t ab le

0

- d

organization f i r s t known as "Club Champlain" but l a t e r becam~ "LeeCercle

~madikn-Francais" a s t he group's a c t i v i t i e s expanded i n t o pursuing items of

p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t . It sponsored banquets, dances, card n igh ts and spo r t s

a c t i v i t i e s but its prime importance was as p o l i t i c a l spokesman f o r t h e French C

~zna~ian~C~muni%y, -- - --- -

L --- - - - - - -- - --

=I

The 'Cercle' meetings of ten had some 200 men i n attendance. Most of A

these pa r t i c ipan t s were from the.middle c l a s s and few from t h e working c lass .

A s it grew t h e French Can9dian middle c l a s s took over f u l l operation of t h e

Cercle and u t i l i z e d it i n t h e i r growing i n t e r e s t s , taking over con t ro l of t he /'-L

,! organizat ion from t h e French Canadian Catholic p r i e s t s and working c l a s s . The' .

'a French Canadian working c l a s s remained committed t o t he Catholic Church and

the p r i e s t s continued t o a c t as t h e i r in termediar ies with t he Angla-. - - - - - - - - -- - - --- --

= community.. The Catholic p r i e s t s ' influence among the middle c l a s s , however,

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --

even t h a t of Father Ther iau l t , w a s diminished. The p r i e s t s became l e s s

supportive of the Cercle and i t s a c t i v i t i e s as they s a w it becoming a middle

c l a s s i n s t i t u t i o n and as such anathema t o French Canadian C a t h o m s m which . .

d . -r

- -- - -

wished t h e i r soc ie ty To remaincoXe=5iTeXnddanti-E€rep~n%=ial with a

k - - - c o m p ~ i m t p r o T e t a r i a t andrps&&--@msi&r~

I n s p i t$ of t h i s opposit ion French Canad - /

council came t o be s e l ec t ed from Cercle ee&ngs. The e l ec t ed c o ~ c i l o r s went 6 i o Cercle meetings and discussed what hey had done and were going t o do i n .

c o h c i l meetings. A l l t h e important i ssueg were discussed and decisi'ons made v

by Cercle mfeetings.'The councilors would vote i n colbncil based on t he -

- - - 0 - - - - decis ions made a t these meetings. The Cercle was powerful enough t o ga in

b i l i ngua l language conce&ions from t h e English Canadians. I n 1931 it w a s

* ab l e t o ge t town t ax no t ices and water b i l l s p r in ted i n French as well a s

- -- -- - - - . - 7 - -

- - - - - - A p L - - - - - --

English; have a French Canadian a s s i s t a n t f o r the l an assessor and a -

bi l ingua l ' san i ta ry inspector . I n May 1938 they were ab le t o ge t t he council -

t o agree t o a b i l i ngua l i n sc r ip t i on on t he new municipal o f f i c e s by s e t t i n g

up two s igns a t t he main entrance, one reading "City H a l l " and t h e o ther

"Hotel de Ville". i I

I n order not t o appear t o be another clandestine attempt t&evise t he - - - - -- - - - - -- -- - - - -- - - - -- --- -

contextual control of t h e Anglo commuriity the Cercle assured English 1 i

a Canadians t h a t they were not d iscuss ing p o l i t i c a l c mat ters o r choosing i f I

. , candidates f o r munic2pal e l ec t i on , though i n f a c t they were. The Cercle, - 1 .

-- ! t

J

however, soon began t o openly s e l e c t and endorse candidates f o r t o p council i

I

and even mayor though in<tAally these were halfhear ted endeavors 2s they did - Y ' t

n ~ t attempt t o marshal1 French Canadian cohnunity suppor t r I n November 23, ; I

0 i

1938 the Cercle met and e lec ted a f u l l s l a t e of candidates f o r off ice . as 1 - - - - --

"Off ic ia l French CanEdatesm but they- only e lected one c6unciloi!~-Erni-1e~ t t

Srrmee, 'whchad-pl-esmrterl hiusel1 a s buthtfreworkirrgm&anCL -- **

I

3usinessman's candidate thus gaining both middle and working c l a s s votes. The

t o t a l French Canadian vo te , however, could not be marshalled exeept i n a

- ,----

c r i s i s and t h i s came i n 1939. -- - -2

I n 1939 Cercle represen ta t ive counci-lor Brunette, as well as c o u n c i l o r s ~ '.

Roberts and Cousins resigned from t h e town council. They charged, that t he * ~

standing town committees were being decided beforehand by agreement between

, t h e mayor and labour councilors Armstrong, McCabe and McNeil. Brunette had -

l e d t h e p o l l s i n t he previous e l ec t i on but had not b e p made t h e head of t he

powerful Finance Committee as had beenpeeected. The council h a d a l s o f i r e d - - --

t h e town c l e rk f o r ine f f ic iency over t h e i r objections. The councilors

resigned i n p ro tes t and when they could not be reconciled a new e l ec t i on w a s e

The Cercle s e t up t h e i r own s l a t e 'of endorsed candidates which includgd

Brunette as t h e i r mayoralty candidate. The e l ec t i on became r a the r acrimonious

as Bartleman and t h e o ld council were a t tacked f o r t h e i r lef twing d -

connections. Bartleman responded by a t t ack ing t he French Canadian candidates

as unsui table f o r e lec t ion . This w a s a n attempt t o polar ize t h e community but - - - - -- - -- - - - - -

p-

t he l o c a l papers, as wel l as t h e l o c a l English Canadian e l i t e , endorsed the : =

French Canadian candidates r a t h e r than what - they perceived as the "Communist

The - r e su l t s were a v ic to ry f o r the Cercle as they electegl many of t h e i r

candidates t o council and gained t he mayoralty though there continued t o be a

s t rong labour' representa t ion on council with McCabe and Anderson. It i s dl

s i g n i f i c a n t t o r e a l i z e t h a t t h i s e l ec t i on w a s viewed by t he Anglo community - %3

-

not a s 1 a takEover -- b y k h e French - Canadians but as a necessary development - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- --

b e c a k e Bartlemap and - the council were considered t o be too rad ica i . The - - - - - - -- - - - -

French Canadians now held a majori ty on town council and re ta inedz the -

mayoralty u n t i l a f t e r t he war when they v ~ l u n t a r i l y re l inquished it t o the - - .

English Canadians.

-- - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - *The French Canadian middle c l a s s had t aken on t h e r o l e of p r o t e c t o r s of

L - Lp

t h e p o l i t i c a l quo. T h e E n g l i s h Canadian - community haha,Tlowedthem t o

do s o r ecogn iz ing - tha t t hey were t h e only group wi th a l a r g e enough BT -+zz

popu la t ion , which had n o t ' y e t become p o l i t i c a E l y committed, and could h a l t

t h e seeming advance o f t g e r a d i c a l -e lements . The French Canadian r middle c l a s s

succeeded and began a new a l l i a n c e wi th t h e Anglo middle c l a s s which has h e l d

u n t i l t h e p,resent. I -

- '0

-

1 .. 4 The French middle c l a s s were now f u l l y accepted as p a r t of t h e

%

community p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . They had p rev ious ly shared only nominal

p o l i t i c a l power under Anglo a e g i s and t h r o u g h - t h e i r Ca tho l i c p r i e s t L - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - -

i n t e r m e d i a r i e s b u t now t h e y were t o sha re power d i r e c t l y and more e q u i t a b l y .

French Canadian r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on c o u n c i l would remsin h igh and French

Canadian mayors would a l t e r n a t e w i th Engl i sh Canadians. T h i s p roces s would

l a t e r be i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d on t h e p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l l e v e l s . It remained

only f o r t h e French Canadian working c l a s s of miners t o perhaps cha l lenge . .

~ i t h - L h e i r o w formed on t h e b a s i s of g e n e r a l c l a s s p r i n c i p l e s - - -

-

and i n a l l i a n c e wi th t h e r a d i c a l e ~ h n i c miners . Th i s became a: p o s s i b i l i t y

because al-though t h e r a d i c a l s had i n i t i a l l y been i n r e t r e a t , t hey soon found

themselves ga in ing ascendancy i n t h e l a t t e r yea r s of World War 11.

Loyal ty and Reac t ion

When World War I1 began i n September 1939 t h e e t h n i c l o y a l i s t , '

- -

co r ;~mmi t i e s i n Timmins, f e a r i n g t h e h o s t community might i nc lude them as

enemy a l i e n s , immediately r ea f f i rmed t h e i r l o y a l t y and suppor t f o r CanadiarT - - - - ---- - ,

s o c i e t y . Before Canada had e v e n d e c l a r e d war t h e ~ r b - a t i a n - ~ i l l i n Schumacher

- pp

;ent a l e t t e r t o t h e Canadian Legion zone commander s t a t i n g t h a t they were

"prepared and ready t o defend Canada, t h e democrat ic l a n d of our adopt ion ." d

T h i s immediate c_omrnitment t o t h e war e f f o r t saved t h e Croa t ians- from be ing

i d e n t i f i e d as enemy a l i ens , when t h e F a s c i s t Independent S t a t e of Croa t i a was 7

- - - -- - - - - - - -- -- --

formed i n Apr i l 1941. The Czechoslovaks a l s o j e c l a r e d t h e i r l o y a l t y f e a r i n g

t h a t they would be i d e n t i f i e d wi th t h e Germans and endorsing a nat-ional

d e c l a r a t i p n which s t a t e d a l l Czechs, Slovaks and Carpathorussians were " loya l

t o t h e i r Canadian homeland and w i l l support Canada with a l l t h e i r power". An

a r t i c l e i n t h e Porcupine Advance made clear , its support , for a l l l o y a l New

Canadians e s p e c i a l l y those t h a t had proved t h e i r " loya l ty and goodwill".

Thereware people who f e a r t h a t 'it is a weakness-in t ime of war t o have a opu la t ion composed of t h e people of many n a t i o n a l o r i g i n s as is t f e case wi th t h i s p a r t of t h e North. Such f e a r i s unfounded. The t r u t h i s t h a t by f a r t h e g r e a t e r , p a r t of t h e New Canadians i n t h i s camp a r e t r u l y l o y a l t o Canada and B r i t a i n . They

KaFe eKf6yed-%he-fre=ommZnd p e r s 6 a I l i b e T m %f thZ3 country a n r a p p r e c i a t e i ts value . I n r e c e n t t imes t h e r e have been many proofs of t h i s l o y a l t y and goodwil l of t h e New Canadians. (porcupine Advance 7 September 1939, p.12)

The prbgress ive o rgan iza t ions i n t h e camp at tempted t o make s i m i l a r

commitments i n t h e hopes t h a t t h e i r endorsement of t h e r a d i c a l s would not be

taken i n t o account . The FOC and ULFTA assu red t h e a u t h o r i t i e s of t h e i r

- susp ic ious"of t h e i r fnotives and d i d no t accep t t h i s express ion of l o y a l t y ,

They f e l t t h e i r susp ic ion were proved c o r r e c t when, a s h o r t t imeLTate r , a f t e r

t h e Sovie t Union had chosen t o suppor t Nazi Germany, t h e Communist p a r t y c . 0 .

denounced t h e war a s ' i m p e r i a l i s t ' anh c a l l e d on Canada t o withdraw and s t and

n e u t r a l wi th t h e United s t a t e s ; he CPC aff i rmed t h a t con t inua t ion of t h e war

would be a t t h e workers ' ezpense and t h a t t h e " p r i n c i p l e dangers of fasc ism

comes no t from Nazi Germany b u t from t h e war p o l i c i e s o f t h e King Government"

(~vakumovic 1975 : 140). The' f e d e r a l government respond& by a r r e s t i n g - - - -- - - - - - - - -

Communists f o r t h e i r an t iwar a c t i v i t i e s and in t roduc ing t h e War Measures Act

which allowed f o r t h e . a r r e s t - and de'tention of any t h e government perceived as

t h r e a t s . . .

-

- - - - -

The FOC, ULFTA and o t h e r r a d i c a l e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n t h e camp, - - -- PA- - - - - - - -- --

found themselves i n a quandry. They knew t h a t d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n t o t h

would be s u i c i d a l as w a s qu ick ly made c l e a r . They had a l r e a d y found -

themselves caught i n t h e l o c a l r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e town c o u n c i l which b

6ulminated i n - t h e expu l s ion of most of t h e s o c i a l i s t members of counc i l and

. t h e i r replacement by French Canadian middle c l a s s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . A s a

r e s u l t t hey chose no t t o make t h e i r p o s i t i o n s known o r i n any way g i v e cause

f o r any r e a c t i o n a r y a t t a c k . -

Even t h e l e a d e r s of Workers Co-op, r e a l i z i n g t h a t t hey could no t

su rv ive a p o l i t i c a l con f ron ta t ion w i t h t h e h o s t s o c i e t y , chose i n s t e a d t o - - - --

-

emphasize t h e w a r . ' s e f f e c t s on t h e homefront. They tu rned t h e i r a t t a c k 1 J

towards t h e war p r o f i t e e r whom they p i c t u r e d as, " the enemy on the-home . 4

f r o n t . . .an agg res so r of (ou r ) s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g and ( o u r ) democrat ic I

r i g h t s " . 1

The Canadian government, however, was l e s s concerned wi th p r o f i t e e r s f ('; 4

t han - p r w o p t e u r s a n d t hey-soon-tnrn~&theiratt~ent ion -t- -t-h-o-seorga~z=1OnS t t hey f e l t had long been a l l i e & wi th t h e Sov ie t Union. On June 4 , 1940, t h e

Communist P a r t y of Canada was .outlawed as were a l l pro-Nazi and Communist 4 : -

a f f i l i a t e d mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e t h e ULFTA and FOC. The p r o p e r t i e s of t h e i I

banned o r g a n i z a t i o n s was conf i sca t ed by t h e government. The l o c a l CPC, ULFTA, i ?

FOC and Croa t ian Club were outlawed and f o r c e d t o meet s e c y e t l y . A s one ULFTA I

l e a d e r remarked; i

z E 0 1 i

They c losed t h e ~ e m ~ l e du r ing t h e war. Made it a n i l l e g a l 7 4

organ iea t ion . They t o l d me I was a 'Russian ' and s i n c e R u s ~ i ~ u a s - ~ --- 7

a n enemy s o wereewe a l l . They made it very ha rd f o r u s , s t e a l i n g 1

the Temple aad l e t t i ng t h o s e otker { l a p ~ i s t ) g r c x p t a k e w e r . -

he-host community suppor ted only those e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s whose

l o y a l t y was not i n ques t ion . The b a s i c symbol . for t h i s l o y a l t y was e t h n i c ' - 1

group c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y , express ly those o rgan iza t ions who had p a r t i c i p a t e d , - - -- --- - - - --- - -

i n t h e National F e s t i v a l . A t t h e f e s t j v a l e t h n i c groups had v i e d f o r such

symbolic p r i z e s as t h e 'New Canadian Fr iendship p Trophy' d which went t o t h e

group performing t h e b e s t n a t i o n a l music, dance and s ing ing , During the .war

t h e f e s t i v a l took on an even g r e a t e r importance a s a marker of l o y a l t y i n t h e

Porcupine Camp and t h e New Canadian Fr iendship Trophy became a p r i z e f o r ;

non-po l i t i ca l a c t i v i t y . 4

- - - - - -

. - The enthusiasm wi th which I t a l i a n s , Croat ians , Hungarians, -

P o l i s h , F innish , Qzechoslovakians, Roumanians and o t h e r groups have joined i n t h e National FEs t iva l i s proof of t h e t r u e l o y a l - f e e l i n g of t h e s e good c i t i z e n s . From t h e beginning it was very

- - c l e a r l y uJ&derSto0d t h e the- t h e N a - t i ~ l - F e s t i - v a l was f o r those - - - - - - - - - who were devoted ~ a n a d i a c s , devoted B r i t i s h e r s , irrespecti-=-of r a c i a l o r i g i n . It was maze p l a i n t h a t groups whose l o y a l t y wag i n any doubt were n o t wanted - were no t accepted (porcupine Abance 23 May 1940, p. 10 ) .

Only those groups who were p laying t h e proper e t h n i c 'game' according

t o yu les def ined i n t h e prewar pe r iod , were t o be considered l o y a l . This was % .

C

not a ques t ion of which groups were t h e b e s t cu l tu ra l . represen ta t ives f o r t h e

progr e s s l've gFoup3 -hXd astrOngeTT%iIturaltural base t h - a n l l m a n y O ~ ~ e w e r

conservat ive e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions , The ques t ion was whether t h e p resen ta t ion

was t o be d i r e c t e d towards showing l o y a l t y t o t h e h o s t s t r u c t u r e o r as a

seeming t h r e a t t o it. Whether. it would show t h e n o n p o l i t i c a l na ture of e t h n i c

group t r a d i t i o n ' a n d p l a c a t e t h e h o s t s o c i e t y o r be used t o hold t age the r a n \

-

e t h n i c r ad ica l i sm wi th p o l i t i c a l g o a l s which could be perce ived as competing

with t h e h o s t s o c i e t y .

Even t h e f e & e r a l government, r e a l i z i n g t h e 'importance of e t h n i c - - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - ------

ld -

suppor t , became ins t rumen ta l i n c r e a t i n d new conservat ive e t h n i c - - -- -- - --

organ iza t ions . On-November 7 t h , 1940 o f f i c i a l s of t h e Canadian government

helped t o form t h e 'Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC) ' whichd became t h e -

c e n t r a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n b r ing ing toge the r a l l l o y a l Ukrainian

o r i a m z a t i o n i n Timrnins. The UCC w a s t o a c t as spokesman f o r t h e Ukrainian

' n a t i o n ' t o C+nada i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e le f t -wing Ukra in ians ( ~ o l a s k ~

1979:66), It i d e n t i f i e d who was l o y a l and dese rv ing of h o s t suppor t among t h e

h igh ly p o l c t i c i z e d Ukra in ians . i

-

The s u p p o r t e r s 'of t h e outlawed p rog res s ive o r g a n i z a t i o n s a t tempted t o

downplay t h e i r - p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and emphasize t h e i r c u l t u r a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s

b u t t hey had a l r e a d y been i d e n t i f i e d by t h e hos t community on t h e b a s i s of

r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and could not escape t h a t i d e n t i t y . A r e s o l u t i o n

by t h e Timnins 'Ukra in ian Labour Defense Committee (WLDC)' urged l o c a l - - - - - - - -

- ---- -

a u t h o r i t i e s t o h e l p them l i f t t h e ban on The ULFTA on t h e grounds t h a t it was

only "a c u l t u r a l and e d u c a t i o n a l c e n t e r f o r p rag res s ive and democracy l o v i n c

. Ukrainian ~ a n a d i a n s " . The c o u n c i l r e f u s e d t o i n t e r v e n e on t h e i r beha l f

because , as t h e l o c a l newspaper made c l e a r , t h e ULFTA had o n l y been -

p r e s e n t i n g i t s e l f as a c u l t u r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n b u t . h a d never p ro fe s sed o r

-- - - - - -

--proven-the-i-r.-loyaltyY. --A-p-

--

The r e s o l u t i o n p re t ends t h a t t h e banned associa&i.on is s i a l y a c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y designed t o keep a l i v e Ukrainian music, l i t e r a t u r e and a r t . . .But i n a l l t h e v e r b o s i t y of t h e r e s o l u t i o n i s '

t h e r e a s i n g l e word t o sugges t t h a t t h i s Ukrainian o&aniza t ion i s * wholeheartedly l o y a l t o Canada and t o B r i t a i n whose p r i v i l e g e s

t hey have enjoyed and whose p r o t e c t i o n they now c r a v e . . . I f t h e Ukrainian Labour Farmer o u t f i t a r e wholeheartedly l o y a l l e t them say so . There i s ano the r and l a r g e r Uk n i an group he re who a r e l o y a l and t r u e , a n d do no t h e s i t a t e t o p r % l a i m i t by word a n d by

d e e d . ( ~ o r c u p i n e rdvance 13 June 1940, p.12)

I n c o n t r a s t t h e Timmins I t a l i a n s , many of whom had been F a s c i s t

s u p p o r t e r s and were now f d e n t i f i e d as enemy a l i e n s , were reacW1y- accepted-as ' , 1 .

-. ' loyal New .Ganadiaas b & ~ u s e #ey q&& as & k i ~ ~ p o t t p - ~ d ~ ~ $ ^ a l I

- I

I

p z r t i c i p a n t s be fo re t he 'war , e s o p e c i a l l y i n t h e Nat iona l F e s t i v a l , and

p p f e s s e d t h e i r l o y a l t y du r ing t h e M a r . When w a r wi th I t a l y w a s apparent i n -

- - - -- - - -PAP- - - -- - - - -.- J u l y 1940 t h e I t a l i a n p r i e s t Fa the r Fontana had he ld a l a r g e r a l l y a t which

- ---- 500- f t a l i&s professed t h e i r Empire over . t h&&loya l ty t o , '

- s

I t a l y . They were supported by t h e mayor and councilmen who recognized the i . r

e t h n i c group c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e camp, saying they had brought " t h e i r

t a l e n t s , such a s t h e i r love of music and l eave t h e i r b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t on t h e

town". A few prominent I t a l i a n s , i nc lud ing Leo and Antonio Masciol i , who had

been l e a d e r s of t h e l o c a l I t a l i a n F a s c i s t o rgan iza t ion , were p u t under a r k t - - -.

and placed i n a n internment camp b u t they were - re l eased wi th in 6 month; under

pressure from l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s .

Throughout t h i s pe r iod t h e l o y a l e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions he ld numerous - - -- - - - -- - ----A - --

- - - -

parades, suppers and even t s a t which t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s expressed t h e i r -

community's l o y a l t y and commitment t o Canada and t h e B r i t i s h Empire. -

Representa t ives from t h e town, p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments would

respond i n t u r n with eu log ies t o t h e p a r t i c u l a r group and i t s c u l t u r a l ------ \

. c o n t r i b u t i o n s . These were s o c i a l dramas of a type which had been common

The Rumanian Orthodox Church he ld a ' l o y a l t y mass' i n J u l y 1940 a t

which they prayed f o r t h e Royal Fa@ly+ t h e na t ion , t h e Empire and t h e war

e f f o r t and pledged t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e . The head of t h e Ukrainian Greek Orthodox

Church i n Canada addressed a Timmins Kiwanis luncheon' in Apr i l 1941 a t which

he emphasized t h a t Ukrainians were l o y a l and devoted t o Canada and t h a t a l l

New Canadians were u n i t e d wi th a l l other-Canadians i n l o y a l t y and devotion t o

t h e crown, Canada and the ' democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s of t h e n a t i a n . A n a t i o n a l - - pP - -- - - --

- l eade r of t h e Croat ians spoke i n Schumacher i n e ~ u l y 1941 saying t h a t they had - 2

-

rece ived much from t h e i r new c o u n t s a n a professed C r o a t i a n s ' l o y a l t y t o

t h e i r adopted land. On June 1, 1941 a massive p a t r i o t i c parade of 10,000 wqs

he ld by l o y a l i s t a s s o c i a t i o n s and o rgan iza t ions from Schumacher, ~,<uth

2

i - - 9 - -- -- --- "i

Porcupine and Tirnmins in what was known as the "Monster Loyal -,. +. - - - - L

- -

/ -

Demonstration". 3 I 4

The disloyal ethnic element of the camp were institutionally !

- illegitimized. The local organs of the CPC, FOC, ULFTA and the Croatian Club

4 B

I

were outlawed ankforced from the political arena. Workers was the only major 1 "radical or progressive institution to continue operating. The radicals 1

4 appeared to be in final decline but conditions soon reversed themselves. 4

*On June 22, 1941 Germany attacked Russia and in a few months the whole *_..I 3

structure of %he Par effort had changed. Those who had been the detested reds - -- -

plotting with Soviet Russia were now friends and allies in a great cause. The

supporters of the Communist party, the FOC, the ULFTA and the Croatian Club

came out of hiding and joined with their former opponents as the defeice of 1 i i 'I

Russia became equated with the defence of Canada. 6

f 3 '

In the camp the change in outlook towards the radicals was remarkable.

- - Nou speakm zt the ICixqiis-IurichZonuITbF h-card t ~ I k E i F Z b O U € ~ i i k < i Z X ~ - - - ~ -k

i 3

&ng terms. Trotsky and Lenin were now presented as ' republic~ns' who had , ? 1

- overthrown the corrupt czarist regime and that Russia, ~ritain and the Un 5

States had reached an "understanding of the function and purpose of a . ..-

democratic and free world". (porcupine Advance 4 December 1941, p.10). i i

- Workers Co-op was the only remaining radical institution left in the i camp and it began to take the initiative.~~orkers~su~~orters met September 1

8 1 i

26, 1941 and sent a letter to Prime Minister Churchill welcoming his alliance i -- - - - -----

with the Soviet union as "the people of the U.S.S.R. and their Red Army are - - i - - -- - - -

heroically defending themselves and the freedom loving peopres of the world c

against the brutal fascist onslaught". The meeting sent the most

comprehensive resolution in its history to-the Soviet Union. It started with

-.

- - 233 -

t h e words, "Greetings t o a t h e Co-operators and C i t i z e n s of t h e U.S.S.R." and - - - - pp - -

went on t o express t h e i r admira t ion f o r t h e Russian people ' s s t r y g g l e . - - Freedom lov ing people t h e world over see t h a t t h i s b a t t l e w i l l

- . r e so lve t h e f u t u r e course of h i s t o r y , I n defending your homeland . you defend t h e e n t i r e - d e m o c r a t i c world from t h i s r u t h l e s s aggressor . ..We honour you, t h e Russian peoples. We honour your - f i g h t i n g men. We honour your workers and your famers:We r e a l i z e t h a t you a r e f i g h t i n g our f i g h t . '

Workers pledged t o f o r c e Canada t o speed s u p p l i e s t o t h e Russian f r o n t , - -

t o g e t t h e Canadian government t o meet t h e Soviet Union a s a " g r e a t - a n d -

worthy a l l y " and t o f o r c e t h e a l l i e s t t open up a new f r o n t t o t ake t h e

p res su re o f f the. Russians. The rese-dlution c losed wi th a pledge t o f i g h t G

-- -- -- -- A -

fascism everywhere, even i n Canada; ~ a s c i s t s were now being def ined as any

enemies of the r a d i c a l movement.

We pledge our se lves t o t h e t a s k of a l l freedom-loving people, . t h a t of s topping t h e f a s c i s t s now, d r i v i n g them back and u t t e r l y crushing them -- crushing them not only i n Europe b u t any p lace t h e i r v i c i o u s earmark- of economic oppression and b e s t i a l t e r ro r i sm . commences t o make i t s e l f ev iden t .

= The i n t e r n a t i o n a l s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t fascism w a s t h u s merged with -- - - - - - - -- - P - - -- - P -- -- --

i d e o l o g i c a l concerns. Workers campaign a g a i n s t p r o f i t e e r s became an a spec t of

t h e s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t ' F a s c i s t ' p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e t h a t had t o be waged by t h e

r a d i c a l c l a s s movement i n a l l i a n c e *with t h e t r a d e unions and t h e l o c a l

p rogress ives . Workers p u b l i c s t a t emen t s emphasized t h a t "our co-ope&tive ,. . 1

owned and opera ted by working people , must be b u i l t t o a po in t where we and ., t h e t r a d e unions , w i l l guarantee a progress ive community s p i r i t i n t h e d a i l y

\

l i f e of t h e North." Workers f u r t h e r reaf f i rmed 9 t s r e g i o n a l r o l e i n t h e P

duty of every shareholder ,must be t o b u i l d our co-operative o r g a n i z a t i o n , as a means of uni fy ing t h e miners and- farmers i n t h e :v

, n o r t h , of p r o t e c t i n g t h e i r , l i v i n g s tandards and ac t iv , e ly d e f e a t i n g . a l l forms of fascism.

The r a d i c a l F inns , under t h e l eade r sh ip of Workers Co-op i n t e r i m

manager Laakso? gathered together in the Workers Co-op meeting room and set &.

- - - -- - - -

up the 'Finnish V (victory) Club' in December 1941, pledging their loyalty

- and support to the war effort. Other organizations soon followed such as the Timmins branch of the 'Ukrainian Society in Aid of the Fatherland' and the

'Free Croatia, Serbia and Slovenia' movement. Organizations such as the local

'All-Slav Committee' brought together many of the slavic ethnic d

organizations, both leftwing and conservative, in an alliance which supported * '

both.Russia and Canada without need of ideological conflict, e>en though it d

was essentially a Communist front organization. The radicals had thus largely - CT

i

regained the-leade~ship they had lost to the ethnic loyalists before the war - - - -

C t and continued to build upon it.

i The radicalo supporters took an ole i?n maintaining cornnit-y

Q i ,

i

support for the Soviet Union. They orplered such films as '1nside Fighting a j

Russia' and 'Russia Stops Hitler', showing and loaning them to other- . . 1 2 e 1

organizations. ~ h e p held public meetings inviting people to speak about the 1 1 I

Soviet Unio~ under- topi cB-such-as " G f e ~In4he--Sov~&-FFni-0n~-and~'Our-Seeon+ -- + t

Front", showing what the Soviet union was dding-for Canada and leading to 1 I i

-- - ;

infornfal discussions. They raised funds for the 'Canadian Aid to Russia Fund'

and continued to apply pressure to the ~anadian~government through letters .

u calling for the opening of a second front" to take the pressure off Russia;. I .

Workers Educational Director, a CPC member, was extremely active in

wartime activities. He was Radio Chayrman of the Public Relations .section of i I

i the ' National War Finance Committee ' , 'The Navey League ' , 'The Timmins civil ,

Liberty League ' , 'The Timmins Total War Committee ' (the coordinating - - --

organization for the Min~rs union), 'The ~abour Press of South Porcupine' and I i 4

other radical front groups conducting an active campaign for total war and a I

second front.

%

9 - . -.L -

T - - -- - - L A - - - -- -

The members of t h e l o c a l ULFTA were a l s o a c t i v e under t h e d i r e c t i o n of - - A - - - - - - -A -- -

t h e i r l e a d e r Michael Korol kho was a l s o a member of t h e CPC. The o rgan iza t ion 5 6 %---

was s t i l l outlawed b u t eri-gted as 'The Ukrainian Canadian Associat ion ( u ~ A ) ' . \ - . . -

and, i n a l l i a n c e with 'The F i m i s h Victory gatheTed money f o r 'The Aid C

.- , ?

t o Russia Fund' which even r e c e i v e d from t h e mine companies. . % -

The Ukrainian Canadian Associa t ion at tempted repea ted ly t o g e t t h e

ULFTA dec la red 9 l e g a l organiza t ion and have i t s ' se ized proper ty r e tu rned . - It --

m u .

made a number o f ' p r o p o s a l s t o t h e town counc i l , support_ed by t h e C i v i l

L i b e r t i e s Associa t ion , b u t t h e counc i l was r e l u c t a n t t o g i v e t h e i r suppor t . a

I n October 1943, hoowever , t h e .ban on r a d i c a l o rgan iza t ions w a s ' l i f t e d and - - -- - - - - - - - - - + - - -- - -- -- - -

- -

many of t h e r a d i c a l h a l l s were r e t u r n e h t o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e e t h n i c

communities. SpeciaJ c&remonies were he ld i n South Porcupine upon t h e r e t u r n

of t h e F inn i sh Hall and i n Tirnmins upon r e t u r n of t h e ULFTA with t h e mayor,

c o u n h l o r s and o t h e r d i g n a t a r i e s i n a t tendance . This w a s a recogn i t ion of

t h e i r l o y a l t y by t h e h o s t community i n s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h e h a l l s yere

r e t u m d - % n - e x t r e m d y - p o o r s h a p e w i tk t.mturt;lt;l---

e

as' w e l l as most of t h e i r r ecords , C

- - The ULFTA, FOC and o t h e r r a d i c a l o rgan iza t ions experienced a n amazing

r e v i v a l i n t h e midst of t h e war. They had gone through a n e a r l y per iod of

r e p r e s s i o n bu t t h a t had changed i n t o a new awareness of t h e i r c a p a c i t x t o

in f luence and a f f e c t no t only t h e community but t h e na t ion a s wel l . They ,

considered themselves t o be l e a d i n g t h e war e f f o r t a t home, just as t h e ,

Sovie t Union was s a i d t o be l e a d i n g t h e e f f o r t i n Europe. They were abLe t o - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

garner mass pub l i c suppor t but t h i s support was not f o r a n o v e r t l y p o l i t i c a l -

- -

cause though they d i d succeed t o a degreeanot poss ib le before t h e war.

The r e d mknace was no longer mentioned and t h e word ' f o r k i g n e r l became -

sunacceptable. A l l immigrants, no ma t t e r t h e i r f&raeer o r , p resen t

. - Ir --i -,- i-'

- -

4

- - - - + - -

L:, -- --

r -7 - - ---- - persuas ion , were now 'New Canadians'. I n this new 'bonment t h e e t h n i c

& - -- - - -- -- = - A-- " , =

r a d i c a l s were de-emphasizing t h e i r p r e c i s e .et 'hnic co&uni& a f f i l i a t i o n s ,

e s p e c i a l l y as t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s were still o f f i c i a l l y out lawed and were once

a g a i n thinJcing' of c o l ~ & i v e c l a s s a c t i o n on a natibfial Level. .. -

On August 21 -22, '1 943 ' 'The Labour Progress ive P a i t y (LFP) ' &as fdfm8d n " , --

. t o a c t as a p o l i t i c a l g u i s e f o r t h e still outlawed Cammunist P a r t y o f Canada. ...

i ' - - The LPP had - F e n f o p e d t o appea l ' t o a- broader spectrum of - t h e v o t i n g &ic

t - - - . ." _ . . and, i n t h i s w*, "achieve t h e @ea t &i.m of socia1ism" (~vakumovic 1975: 153).

- * It. repudia ted "vio lence , conspireacy. and - secrecy" as we l l "as t h e use of -

- . - - - - L - - A - -- r evo lu t iona ry f o r c e as-it wished_ t o ga in -poJ i t i ca l pane~-praugh - _ - _ _ -

parl iamentary means and b r i n g about reform through l e g i s l a t i o n . The LPP, e -

c a l l e d f o r the adopt ion of a. d i s t i n c t i v e n a t i o n a l fiag a n d - o f f i c i a l an theh 'a? :" - I .

w e l l as such reforms as medicare, o l d age pensf ons, p r o p d r t i o n a l

r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and " f u l l r i g h t s f o r a l l Canadians" inc lud ing t h e r i g h t of -.

C

immigrant suppor te r s t o vote . However, i t w a s a Communist f r o n t o rgan iza t ion

- - - --- ---- - -

- operat-ed-by-paTtyTembEFs-withTim Buck as i t s n a t i o n a l l e a d e r . I I

' % Locally t h e Labour P r o g r e s ~ i ~ e Pa r ty , l e d by Workers Educat ional i 1

D i r e c t o r , began t o support cand ida tes f o r t h e municipal council.~Communists -+a

! 1

were aga in being e l e c t e d t o Tirnrnins City Council. I n t h e - p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i & j i

of August 1943 LPP- support enabled CCF candidate Bob Car l in . t o g a i n 6,000 U

i , J

v o t e s , twice t h a t of h i s n e a r e s t opponent, L i b e r a l candidate and Timm'ins i -

mayor ~ m i l ; Brunet te . The v i c t o r y coincided with inc reased ' success w i t h i n t h e - I

i : n a t i o n a l - l a b o u r movement, e s p e c i a l l y t h e Mine M i l l Union.

- - -- A -- + ---- 3

Mine M i 1 1 Union Revival . i

-. L ,

k - - - - - - - - - - -

The Mine M i l l Union had en te red t h e war i n a weakened cond i t ion a s it

coulji n ~ t ' ~ a i n members i n a labour g l u t t e d camp. Miners, hawever, began t o - 7 .

l eave t o j o i n t h e armed f o r c e s and war i n d u s t r i e s began t o open i n Southern

- 237 -

-

t d - - - - - - - - - - - A - - - - -L - - - -- - - A ----- - - - -

~ n t a r i o a t t r a c t i n g people f ~ o m t h e camp. There was no longer a g l u t of - - - - - - - - A - --

personnel and there w a s l e s s chance of an individual being f i r e d f o r union

a c t i v i t y . A s one informant s t a t e d , "The men decided they d idn ' t have- to f e a r

%

t h e companies so much any more and t h e unions came out openly." -

- C-i

a ;. ~ n i o n representa t ion, however, was spread across t h e whole camp and

consis ted only of a few hundr"ed out of over 7,300 miners i n t h i r t e e n

d i f f e r e n t mines. Each mine kas represented by i t s own committee so t he r e was - - - - - -

+

little cohesive ac t ion . -!There w a s not even a fu l l t ime Mine H i l l organizer ' -

( ~ o b e r t s 1979 : 5). The In t e rna t i ona l Union was r e h c t a n t t o send f i n a n c i a l ' a id s,

t o help organize t he mines. They had sent representa t ives t o Northern Ontario - - - - L - - - . - - - - - - - --

- - - - - - PA - -- -

i n 1940 t o observe mine and u s o n s t reng ths and weaknesses and saw t h a t '9

-uniohizat ion would be d i f f i c u l t as t h e mine companies were s t rong and t he

\p rov inc ia l government h o s t i l e t o t h e unions. They warned t h e miners not t o

s t r i k e and t o s e t t l e any d i f f i c u l ~ i e s "by an energet ic but policy"

r ev iva l of workers Co-op. The two organizations had always been conne&tgd.

Union supporters who l o s t t h e i r jobs because of union a c t i v i t y found help o r

emPloyment i n Workers. The extent of the connection betweea t he two

organizat ions could be seen i n t h a t i n 1941 one of t he ind iv idua l s nominated

f o r t he Presidency of t h e Nine M i l l Union.loca1 240 w a s F. Wasyluk and though

he d i d not become pres ident of t he union he was t h e pres ident of Workers i n

f t

1 ~ 3 6 , 1938-40 (and l a t e r 1 47-53). M. Barabash, a ULFTA leader and jCPC - - - - -- - - - - - - --- -- -- -

member, was pres ident of orkers i n 1941 and a l s o Financia l Secretary of t he - - - - - - -

union. o ther un ion is t s consis ted of Communists l i k e Pete Mongeon who.was a

union t r u s t e e and an organizer among the French Canadian miners.

The Mine Mill had t o ;rely on Workers a s it w a s unable t o gain

ri

-r

- - - -- - -- - -

'4 - I 4 i -. i

* - -. - -- - - - - -- - -

f in&ial,F~Portortf rOrnroml'tt I . -7 gP Z

ed 50 the ' ' '

I I large-scale t e n e t s o f class ideology, Par ty - -members beczme t h e backbone of -

V '3 t he union and were recognized as such. The l o c a l pres ident i n 1941 was Bob 9

, , . 3 Miner who had joined t h e unionlsnly a scant 6 m p t h s before and he became a

c. 1 Communist as *well.

---

.

probably t he most naive kid t h a t ever went. Byt h ' t h e union, it

conc i l i a t i on , the union 1.0

r w o g n i a d and t he owners b e compelZed t o negot ia te but t h e owners refused -

I

'1 -

7

( ~ b e l l a 1973 : 88) . -- ! i

., The s t r i k e began November 18, 1941 and it w a s t o wid i n - d i s a s t e r f o r 1 - - --

tEe ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ s t r i k e s i t u a t i o n was-fisadvantagioiif C F t h e mineowners knew 1

- i

- i drm hey cmud a~ fo rd TO m1.t . Tne -! .-. 1

companies were able t o b r ing i n s t r ikebreakers f ~ o m Northern Quebec'and the t

, . - I st&e dragged on. The- reasbie~ oS -% w-io -p~en&eL)&es*i;L--

.. 1

:

- 239 -. 0

P

-

x . A -.- - - -,

. . - . . > * * " . ."- - , - . - + - .&.A *-+ . 1 _--<

- - - - - -- - - +."-- 7 i3

- % ,\

+ . . - - - - -% +- - - - - \

- ---- -- -- --- - -- - P -- - -- ----A%- '--

- . \ -

psovinc- - to .px&ect theda- nf h i a warn f - Z.

t h e mineoyners, only '&em'ed t o point .out the. f u t i l i t y o f t h e s t r i k e ( ~ b a l l a .&

1973:89) *

The mineowners t r i e d tp'weaken the s t r i k e by propagandizing t h a t t h e 5. .

s t r i k e r s were "foreign'bornl' vhil%hoser t h a t re&ined.at i o r k were of . T

B r i t i s h and Canadian 6 r i g i n ? T h i s was'q unsubcessful strategy as t h e publ ic k . -

* . . .

- - - 1 --1 --- .- -

'came t o support t he un ion is t s . Workers sen t messaps of s b l i d a r i t y t o t he , - -- - -- - -- -- -- - --- - - - - - - --- - - - -- - - . - --- - - - - --- --+ --- ------.--- ---.- - - - 2 ----

Kirkland Lake miners a n d gave them f inanc i a l support. The Kirkland k k e

miners came t o depend on t he l o c a l Workers Co-operative s t o r e as it was one .

' hdnour-=on

food vouchecs. Jt a l s o gave t he union a 5% discount and h i red some of thg 1 .

s t r i k e r s ( ~ o n t e r o 1979 : 80). -

The s t r i k e reawakened union a c t i v i t y %hroughout Canada though it * -

brought t h e In t e rna t i ona l ~ i n e Millsand t h e 'Congress of I n d u s t r i a l i2 . . ,

Organizations (CIO) ' t o t he b r ink of bankruptcy. The Timmins unio?, thpugh.[.

@-*- weak, was ab le t o give monetary support and brought some of t he s t r i k e r s t o

Timmins t o speak on t h e s t r i k e s i t u a t i o n -- and help organize m e .Tinmas --1 L- - - , -.

1 --1

miners. The memberskp i n Timmins increased, quickly i n response as hundreds C -

.of new members joined t h e union. - - . - €3 -

I n February 1945, however, t h e s t r i k e r s gave up. Mine M i l l had f a i l e d 9 -

i n irkl land Lake b i t t h e s t r i k e l e d t o increased publ ic ' p k s s u r e f o r union .. recognit ion. I n 1943 l & s l a t i o n i n Ontaqio made recognit ion of unions

t h a t "the

- bottom f e l l out of t he Mine-Mill organization i n Timmins" ( ~ b e l l a

The immediate e f f ec t was-a Toss of support f o r union ac? iv i t& As

t he Timmins l o c a l Fresident expl$ined; -

- -

L - - 240 - ' t

.. A 1 o t d people cox3 fin' t. s e e any fn%ure a t a l l , I n Timmins, we. , ,

gave them every th inFwe had and by t h e time t h e s t r i k e ~s over , we were f l a t o u t too. O u r membership j u s t dropped a@ droppea-and

- dropped a f t e r t h e s t r i k e . Everybody*.toak a dim view of t h e whole t h i n g , s a i d t h i s was t h e worst d e f e a t ever handed t o labour i n t h e h i s t o r y of Canada. (Robertsa 19

Those who remained were o f t e n t h e most pommitted, e s p e c i a l l y t h e \

-4_

. communists. The I n t e r n Z t i o n a l p r e s i d e n t of t h e Mine M i l l Union, Reid

1_

J of t h e Canadian union, Bob C a r l i n , the-CCF m?mber of t h e P r o v i n c i a l

- l e g i s l a t & e from Sudbury, a l s o depended on Communist support i'n t h e union.

-- ----- --

L-

C a r l i n accepted t h i s suppor t because h e ' f e l t he could "handle t h e party, '

people" ( ~ b e l l a 1973: 9 2 ) . He was assu red f u r t h e r , by Robinson, t h a t t h e -

? I n t e r n a t i o n a l Union would n o t i n t e r f e r e i n t h e Canadian sec5or . This would .-I ,

c r e a t e i ts own problems i n t h e f u t u r e b u t f o r POW t h e Communi-sts provided a q"

s t a b l e o rgan iza t ion , and recru i tment p roced i re , through t h e Communist c e l l * .

.c \ , Sudbury ,

- The government'g i n a c t i o n dur ing t h e irkl land-Lake s t r i k e had made. it

- - c l e a r t h a t it d i d not" cons ider gold an e s s e n t i a l mineral . Nickel , however,

- 9 w a s e s s e n t i a l and t h e only major n i c k e l m i n e - l e f t i n t h e f r e e world -waQ

-

- Sudbury. There was a need f o r miners and t h e f e d e r a l government a e n i a

'

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e t o Timrnins t o g e t miners f o r Sudbury. He was only a b l e t o g e t

a few men t o move t o Sudbury a s t h e a r e a had t h e worst r e p u t a t i o n i n t h e - 4 -- -- --

- -- - - --

- country f o r mine r ep ress ion . The, Mine M i l l l o c a l , under.. i t s p r e s i d e n t , Bob

a

Miner, decided t o o f f e r t h e i r supper* t o t r a n s f e r miners t o t h e e s s e n t i a l . r ,

i n d u s t r y i n Sudbury. They s a w t h i s a s a means t o organi-ze a union i f i a n -

-- - -- --- -- --- - - - - - - i n d u s t r y which w a s no to r ious f o r i t s anti-union a c t i f i t y . 'In a. s h o r t time

Ir

Timrnins went from a high of 29,140 I n 1941 t o 24,036 i n 1943. 'SF

- - - - -

In s p i t e of at tempts by t h e Sudbury mine companies t o harass union eh -i

. organizers and keep a firm hold on the community, Mine M i l l was a b l e t o 3 5 7 I

organize i n Sudbury, The c rea t ion of t he Ontario Labour Relations Board i n , w

9

1943, t o supervise vo t i ng and c e r t i f y unions, aided t he union i n i t s -

7 - eipansi;on7- In Sudbury -Loea-l- 598:e%+Ae ~ f n e w&orr-was-xgarti zeba* - - -- -+-

+

>- - - - - - - " - - - " - - - - - w - . * - - - u - - - - - . +A-

* c e r t i f i e d and the first.@Jllective bargaining agreement p i t h . . t he j

I n t e rna t i ona l Nickel Company was signed i n March 1944. With t h i s success Mine L

-4 *

Mongeon from the Timmins l o6a l t o V a l D ' O r t o organize t h e French

I n s p i t e of t h i s success and t he instrumental importance of

Canadian

Timmins

miners i n organizing t h e Sudbury a r e a t he Mine M i l l union i n the Porcupine

Camp had only a few members i n 1944. Union organizers were brought- in from --

Sudbury and t h e Communist c e l l system was used t o gain new recrugts .

'Specia ls ' were organized where two men could jo in f o r t h e p r ice of ode. The - - - -

mines attempted t o s top t h e act iv>ty by harassing a n d ' f i r i n g t he organizers

s ince a majority vote would guarantee t h a t they would.have t o dea l with the

unions.

The major event which is s a i d t o have spurred union membership w a s t he

Dome Mine's f i r i n g of a Ukrainian union steward bn t h e grounds t h a t he was

incompetent. The mine had found out t h a t Ke was a unionis t and placed him - - - -- - - - - - - --

. i n t o a d r i f t area-even though-he-was inexperienced i n t h a t type of work and

,i' thus could be f i r e d m r incompetence. The union sued t he Dome ~ i n e * f o r

wrongful dismissaA. The union spokdsman u a s ' ~ o b Miner and h i was able . , td '

'

r i d i c u l e t h e Dome case though t h e union l o s t the trial. This t r ia l , however,

-- - --

2

- - - -- -- - - - - - - - -

-- -- - -- A

5 ~ ~ ~ ~ E Z K t h e ~ ~ n i o f i amoughugh t them. many new -members, By t he end of T9Q7-

- camp ( ~ o b e r ~ s 1979: 13). The con t r ac t s t h a t were s igned were l imi ted t o union '

recogni t ion and bas ic grievances r a t h e r than wages but they were a - 4

beginning.

I n t h e postwar period t he r a d j c a l s , along with t h e i r a l l i e s i n t h e -

union and the co-operative, f e l t themselves ready once again to, take -

- - > - - - - - - - - - - -- - - -- - -- -- - -- - -- collec.iiiy-em ppli t- ical a c t i qn $n_ %he-national l e v e l . They hoped to- cornpet2 f o . ~ __--_.. _ - - -

'economic and p o l i t i c a l power within the l e g a l framework Qf Canadian so'ciety.

-* They soon found, however, t h a t t h i ~ newfound confidence begah t o crumble i n - - -

-- - -- -- - - - --

t h e f a c e ofp% contextual change-e-

soc ie ty . Class w a s t o become'a dead i s sue and a new Anglo - Franco - L

accommodation w a s t o develop which excluded e thn ic c l a s s competitio'n and

included only .ethnic l o y a l i s t s -at t he community l e v e l . - s -

-

s. - ..

- _1

- -- - 7- -

- . r."

4 e , i- I X . POSTWAR CLASS FAILURE -

-4

Mine M i l l i n , Crisis -

A t t h e end of World 'War I1 t h e suppor t e r s of t h e r a d i c a l c l a s s mzvement - r -

B --Lu----

- - - i n - t h e camp ;- a l l i e c t t o t h e l o c a l - p r o g r e s s t v e s ,-erngrgeC stron@FTlien e v e r t o --?---

- - . - -. - - - - - - - -- - .. . - - -- -- - - -- compete n a t i o n a l l y f o r economic and p o l i t i c a l r e sou rces . The Canadian

government ' s cont inuing a l l i a n c e wi th t h e Sovie t Union al lowed them f r e e

L -- - ~ i l ~ c e s s = ~ ~ a n a d i ~ ~ b & ~ - ~ f i - ~ 1 3 ; - ~ e ~ ~ ~ & ~ s % a s l ; t t s , - -

. . " " i

. - Class became an a c c e p t a b l e b a s i s f o r p o l i t i c a l c o n t e s t . The r a d i c a l s and

p r o g r e s s i v e s , however, were soon t o f i n d themselves outmanoeuvered by t h e

hos t s o c i e t y which changed t h e c o n t e x t of Canadian s o c i e t y away f r o L a n y

-

possi-ble re lxance on c l a s s . The change was t o be i n f a v o u r , a t l e a s t

c o n d i t i o n a l l y , of u n i v e r s a l l i b e r a l t e n e t s of achievement which gaxe t h e -

--

e t h n i c s g r e a t e r admission t o educa t ion , jobs , p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , e t c . ,

bu t ohly i n r e t u r n f o r e i r a s s i m i l a t i v e conformity. The f i n a l con f ron ta t ion * I? - -

- - - e -

between t h e opposing i d e o l o g i e s - o f a s s i m i l a t i v e conformity and r a d i c a l c l a s s

- commitment, between t h e whi tes and t h e reds-, between t h e e t h n i c , French an3

. 9

English Canadian a'ccommodation and t h e p c l a s s cha l lenge was coming t o a * . - - \-

climax. The primary f o c u a af th'es! c o n f l i c t s i n t h e ~ o c c u ~ i n e Camp was t o be . .

-

i n t h e Mine M i l l union loCal .

- . - -

A t t h e canc lus ion o f World War TI t h e ~ommiui'ist P a r t y 6 f knada_and i ts --r

--

-

.. progres s ive a l l i e s wexe powerful and conf iden t . I n t h e 1945 federal . e l e c t i o n s ,

, , --

t h e -

'Labour-Progressive P a r t y - ..

. . ( t h e CPC, not y e t f u l l y

c .

l e g a l i z e d ) ' w a s

c e r t a i n enough of i t s s u c c G s t o o f f e r i t s o w f l t e of cand ida t e s i n s t e a d of - - -- - -- 7--

con t inu ing t o suppbr t t h e Co-operative Commonwealth Fede ra t ion . I n the 1945 B

f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s t h e ~ o & n i s t *arty rece ived only 2% of ;he n a t i o n a l vo te

and e l e c t e d on-ly one membe'r t o pa r l i amen t , Frect Rose, whose r o l e would become

~ i v o t a 1 , i n the>final ' d e s k u c t i o n o f t h e r a d i c a l e t h n i c c l a s s movement.-

- . 4 e v e r f h e l e s s even t h i s l i m i t e d succes s was a powerful a f f i r m a t i o n of t h e . -

e p a r t y ' s achievement,

- provj .ncial ly i n ' 0 n t a r i o i n 1945 was Bob C a r l i n , who had come from Timmins and

1 , b

w a s pre-s ident o f t h e Mine M i l l union l o c a l 598 i n Sudbury (and b r o t h e ~ t o t h e . -PAP-

-- - - - -- A -- -

<" ,

bus ines s agent of t h e Mine M i l l union l o c a l i n ' ~ i i n m i n s ) . ~ e ' had first been

, e l e c t e d i n 1943 on t h e CCF t i c k e t i n t h e wake of t h e ~ i k e M i l l m i o n ' s

succes s i n Sudbury. A f t e r t h e w a s he was one of t h e few CCF cand ida t e s t h a t %

continued t o be s u p p 0 r t e d . b ~ t h e LPP and, i n t u r n , he suppor ted t h e i r

Communist o r g a n i z e r s i n t h e Mine M i l l union. 3

-

- J p S f - P t h ; r u A i - L p d & i L a i L a c t i v i t y w+CLszwkrSevably

O hindered on t h e n a t i o n a l scene when i n February 1946 t h e Gouzsnko spy affair -

B

---

made c l e a r t h a t t h e Sov ie t Union had deve10~ed .a massive espionage networkpin - A -

" - Canada. Th i s n e t w ~ k l e d i n t o t h e ~ b u s e of Commons; ,Communist MP Fred ~ o s e

9. w a s a r r e s t e d L a n d convic ted of spying f o r t h e Soviet ,Union. The r e a c t i o n

1 - I

a g a i n s t a l l cbmmunists was. immediate. Russia was no longe r seen as a n a l l y I

-

b u t a s a n +enemy -whose~fn te re s t% were s t r e t c h i n g o u t s i d e its borde r s . I n a Yg

s h o r t t ime t h e r e p u t a t i o n of bo th t h e n a t i o n a l r a d i c a l s and l o c a l - - - * - -- --

p r o g r e s s i v e s was s h a t t e r e d by a new Cold War symbolism. The Porcupine 1 - I -- -

.?,

Advance became e s p e c i a l l y v i t r i o l i c as it began t o a t t a c k LPP o r g a n i z e r s and

I s u p p o r t e r s and g l e e f u l l y i d e n t i f i e d t h e LPP a s a Communist f r o n t o rgan iza t ion i i -

---- - - - - - - - - - - - - - + as i f t h i s was a n in s t an t aneous r e ~ r i z a t ' i o i i , . O

*-+ -

i - - 245 - 1

I

- - - - - -- - - --- - - - - -

- - ~ h ~ s ~ p p o r t t h e ~ b o r - P r n ~ ~ i ~ ~ u p i n + h L i c o i Z t r v - a r e suppor t ing a program Ghich would e s t a b l i s h communism he re 2nd) we p o i n t o u t agaifi: communism i s ant i -democra t ic , t h e r e f o r e a n t i Canadian. (Porcupine Advance 28 Harch 1946, p.4) -In adopt ing t h e t i t l e o f 'Labor-Progressive' we b e l i e v e t h e

Communists have gone f u r t h e r t han a mere..change of name - they have assumed o t h e r e l e m n t s of d i s g u i s e . Where once they boas ted of t h e i r connect ion .with t h e USSR we now f i n d them s i n g i n g '0. .

2 Canada' waving t h e Un n Jac.k and making speeches from a n Army jeep. 'According t o e i r p r e s e n t theme a n y - c r i t i c i s m of Commun$sts -+

is a c r i t i c i s m p f l a b o r as a whole - .even more, a c r i t i c i s m of democracy i t s e l f ! (porcupine Advance 9 May 1946, P.4)

- - e s c a l a t i o n - o f thei-r own-. A pubIi-c meeting-was h e l d by t h e l o c a l r a d i c a l s on---- --- --- - /

March 23, 1947 and addressed by LPP r e g i o n a l d i r e c t o r Ray Stevenson, former

, . Educat iona l D i r e c t o r - 0 f 3 o r k e r s Co-op, and Bruce Magnusson, s e c r e t a r y of t h e

- -

'Lumber and Sawmill Workers Union' . A t t h e meeting Magnusson, i n response t o

. t h e Porcupine Advance's a t t empt €0 p i c t d r e t h e Communists as ignoble . . -

i n f i l t r a t o r s , a f f i rmed t h a t t h e Communists d i d not need t b i n f i l t r a t e t h e -

unions as they were t h e l abour movement:This s ta tement w a s i n d i c a t i v e of D

0 . r a d i c a l pe rcep t ions of themselves as t h e only p o s s i b l e l e a d e r s of t h e

. . - ' . . -

---. , i n t e r n a t i o n a l l abour movement. .Communism a n d l a b o u r were perclelved as one a n L - -

t h e same; t h e p a r t y had committed i t s e l f t o t h i s a l l i a n c e i n t h e Porcupine 0

Camp as it f e l t t h e h n i o n was t h e only p o s s i b l e i n s t i t u t i o n which could - - . -

f u r t h e r its i n t e r e s t s and main ta in suppor t even i n a developing c r i s i s . A s

- Magnusson confirmed, "This i s a showdown we a r e e n t e r i n g i n t o and its no t

impor tan t whether o r n o t you a r e a communist, b u t it i s impor tan t t h a t you

should no t be a n t i - ~ o k u n i s t f o r you cannot s e p a r a t e Communism and labor , ' ' \

(porcupine Advance 27 March 194j, p.6) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

7-

The Mine M i l l union i n Canada was s t r o n g l y a l l i e d wi th t h e Communist -

p a r t y . The American Commun~st p a r t y , whlch a t t h l s t ime w a s *stronger t h a n t h e

weakened Canadian Conimunist P a r t y , suppl ied most of Mine M i l l ' s o r g a n i z e r s i n

--

Canada. The e x t e n t of ~ m e r i c a n Communist i n f luence i n t h e Canadian sec t ion . of -

t h e ~ i n e e w a s e v i d e n t i n 1946 when a t t e m p t s were made t o bar Communists , - -

from'holdingtunion o f f i c e a t $ h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l un ion meet ing i n t h e United

S t a t e s . These motions we're de fea t ed by t h e Canadian d e l e g a t i o n , headed by Bob

C a r l i n . A s a r e s u l t "by 1947, Mine-Mil1 seemed more s e c u r e l y t i a n e v e r under .

t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e Communist Par ty ." ( ~ b e l l a 1973:93)

- With a growing Cold War r e a c t i o n i n t h e h i t e d S t a t e s a g a i n s t communism - - - - -- -- -- - --- -

-- - -- - - -- - -- - - -- - -

-

- -- - and Communist-union-leadership, the-Mine M i l l union l e a d e r s h i p tu rned t h e i r - -

*

a t t e n t i o n t o t h e more r e c e p t i v e c l ima te of Northern Ontar io . P l ans were

formula ted t o con f ron t t h e go ld i n d u s t r y from Timmins t o V a l d 'Or ( ~ d n t e r o

1979:87). I n November 1947 former ~ n t e r k t i o n a l Mine M i l l Union p r e s i d e n t

Reid ~ o b i n s o n cgme t o Northern O n t a r i a wi th a number of American Communist

+aL

P a r t y union 'organizers t o coo rd ina t e a c t i o n . - I n November Robinson and t v o p f h i s or&anize.rs, Rudy Hanmn and Harlow

Wildman, e n t e r e d . t h e Porcupine Camp. The Timmins Dai ly P r e s s headli-e of

November 22, 1947 s c r e a ~ d , "Unian R e & J n y a & - - N a z t ! C J h e ~ c - . . . - . --

t h e i r presence as a n a t t empt t o s t r e n g t h e n Communist i n f l u e n c e - o n t h e

: Canadian union l o c a l s . A t t h e November 23 me;ting of t h e Timmins union l o c a l - * -

t h e r e was a n immediate d i v i s i o n between those who suppor ted t h e Communist-, -

group l e d by Robinson-, mostly t h e r a d i c a l s and ~ k r a i n i a n and F inh i sh *

p r o g ~ e s s i v e s , and those who. supported ~ a l p h Carl in , , most ly Engl i sh Canadians, - +

conse rva t ive e t h n i c s and a few French Canadians.

The anti-Communists were a b l e t o .thwart t h e pro-~ommunists . They passed

p r o p o s i t i o n s which s p e c i f i e d t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z e r s were not a l lowed t o

-- t a k e p a r t i n d i s c u s s i o n s and condemned t h e r a d i c a l s t and of Reid Robinson. A t

t h e l o c a l union e l e c t i o n s h e i d t h e fo l lowing week Ralph C a r l i n and h i s

B s u p p o r t e r s were .able t o g a i n nine of e leven execut ive p ~ s T E . o ~ s ~ ~ ~ r - ~

. . - 247 - - - A

* \

- - - --

Boycguk, a ULFTA s u p p o r t e r , l o s t t o Ivan Vachon f o r t h e pres idency , A . Brunet- * . .

became v i ce -p re s iden t and Ralph C a r l i n ( b r o t h e r o f ~ o b ) d e f e a t e d S tan Kremyr, * - - a-

B a Communist member of t h e ULFTA, f o r bus ines s agent .of t he - l o c a l . - -

Bob C a r l i n , a larmed by t h e s a d d e n i n r u s h of ~ o z u n i s t o r g a n i z e r s ,

warned t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l t h a t h i s Local would secede u n l e s s t h e i r p o l i c i e s

changed and t h e y s topped sending Comhunists a c r o s s . t h e bo rde r t o t a k e over 1

- - - t h e union- ( ~ b s l l a 1 97-3 r 9-5) . -Tk& ~nt:b~nati&aL did-n&-s%opand-Caz1.-i~ -hImsel*-- - -- -- \

- - - < " -- . - - - - - - - - r . - . - I-" _ _ l l I _ l I _ _ I _..-... --- _- i

-4

d i d l i t t l e t o r i d t h e Communists from t h e Canadian segment of t h e union. They . . - -

i - were t o o powerful and t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l union j u s t cont inued t o send -

o r ~ a n i c z e r s _ , l i k H - ~ ~ H n r m i L z a n ~ ~ ~ e n n A d ~ h t c L C a n a d a i a n h t 8 e -

. Porcupine , . Camp. "By t h e beginning of 1948 it appeared t h a t , on t h e p r e t e x t o f t

l aunching a massive o rgan iz ing campaign, - the e n t i r e Communist $pearatus i n .

Mine M i l l had been s e n t n o r t h a c r o s s t h e border" (Abkl1a 1973;.95)w he .

P o r c q i n e Camp now began t o t a k e on t h e a t t r i b u t e s of a c o n t e x t u a l I

b a t t l e g r o u n d as ~ o m r n k i s t s a t t empted t o r e t a i n h n t r a l o f - t h e unibh and

a u t h o r i t i e s and conse rva t ive u n i o n i s t s a t tempted t o h inde r Communist

i n i t i a t i v e s . - A

I n t h e wake of t h e s t ream of Communist o r g a n i z e r s , execu t ive members of - . . a

Local 241 met wi th CCL o r g a n i z e r s i n February 1948 t o d i s c u s s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y . .

of seceding from t h e union. They asked t h e congress t o g r a n t them s t a t u s as a *

c h a r t e r e d l o c a l and remove them from Mine M i l l a f f i l i a t i o n because of i ts a

/-' Communist l e a n i n g s (Abel la 1973:96). A t t h e end of February l o c a l mine

managements a l s o responded- by r eques t ing6 t h e f e d e r a l government t o i n t e rvene - - - - -- -- - -- .-- - -

i n Timmins and restrict t h e Communist union l e a d e r ' s a c t i v i t i e s , On March 2 -- - - -

t h e government took a major s t e p a g a i n s t t h e Mine-Mill by r e f u s i n g t o renew %

union o rgan ize r Harlow Wildman's pas spor t . On March 5 the-government made i t s - -- -- - -- > - -- -- - ,-

p o s i t i o n extremely c l e a r by s t a t i n g t h a t it-was go ing " t o b a r a l l Reds -. 0

248 -

I & .. . - . , . -

. - - - -

. . j: - - - . - - - - - -

- - -- gekt-i+--iat o - P hc+~cmi* o&anhs-g*iw+25;Qtteefte~-GrW~n-

undesirables now in Canada" (~bella.l973:96). In L p d i o W r n , . 9

warned Porcqihe mine~s to "rid your 'union of the -~ommunists and their +- -

J

trained seals-to prevent a Czechoslovakia in Canada" (~imrnins Daily Press 9 'h

% F March 1948, p . 1 ) . The .Porcupine Advance confirmed this perspective' in even '- stronger political terms. a

Take a good long look at the map, You will see that if and whkn the next war occurs - and it is as certdn as tomorrow's sunrise

- - - A - - --- - b - - - . that -it will-tkiis-GtioTof-Canada is the most strategically

- - --A uu - - - - - - - - important piece-of-land on the North American contine%t;;,Why do . you think the ,concentration of Communists here. is grea$er than anywhere else in this country? Why do you think more of them are being imported i r ~ m other sectLons of the country every-week? (porcupine Advance 18 March- 1948) . -

2 The CCL, in $arly March, joined the attack by criticizing Mine Mill for 0 -

importing Communist organizers and alienating the mine-owners, government ahd

public. They agreedB to support the union only if they .removed their American I + organizers (~bella 1973:97). -In spite of this reaction Bob ~irlin continued, i

a '

paradoxically, to support Reid Robinson and asked the CCL to request the ' % .

g o 8 \ r e r m e ~ ~ ~ ~ 8 f i ; e a ~ - c ~ a r & n h ~ ~ L ~ ~ ~ ~ y

his own CCF Party for supporting the Communists and not.endorsed as a CCF 4

z - - provincia1 candidate. ,

' . In spite of this vocifereous assault the Communists decided to continue

-

their5attempts to control the Mine Mill. bn March 14, 1948 Robinson ousted I

- a, i Ralph Carlin, the leader of the insurgents, business agent of the * a 1

1

Porcupine local. But the followimg week the non-radical membership, aroused j . i

by Robinson's =tion, came to the union meeting in force to outvote : i

- --- - - i

Robinson's supporters and reinstate Carlin by a three to one margin. Robinson - 4 I

1 -- -

was publicly criticized by unien members anx he and his "Communist henchmen" --

f l 1' '

denounced for their attempts to destroy the union. On March 24 Robinson was- /

2 - - -- - ' _ _ _ - - id - - -- r-_ .-- -- -- A --.,LwL-*A_-, Ad- LA . - - - - - - - 2

3

- - J . d

_ _ - - - - r - - - - - 7 - -- - -- - --- P - -- Z

a r r e s t e d by RCW ooffice&*in Timmins and *taken t o Toronto f o r a hea r ing on 3 - - - .$ h i s poss ib le depor t a t ion b u t r e l e a s e d on b a i l with t h e s t i p u l a t i o n thak he 3

23' -- 2-

d no t engage i n union a c t i v i t y . Th i s only s t o make Robinson a mar-x-r f o r .i

. . d) .: a s h o r t t i m e ( ~ b e i l a 1973;99). q

* j .

= - +l

The d i v i s i p n i n t h e Timmins union i o c a l d i n t o open f i g h t s - - -.,.

between f a c t i o n s . The p o l i c e werk fo rced a guard o n - t h e - -

7

- -_ - Unimi - M l to prevent f urther-violence , o n a l - s p l i t ~ a s n& _ 4 -

L ...I.. - - -- -. - - 4-

on ly a p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n , between pro s , bu t it w a s a l s o

- indQat ive of a break a long e t h n i c l i n e i g r a n t e t h n i c s had - t ime suppor te r s of t h e Communi i n e M i l l un!on, as , , --

b -

r a d i c a l s - o r p rogress ives , and most of them continued t o suppor t Robinson.

The e t h n i c progress ives had l a r g e l y c o G i t t e d themselves (though not t h e i r -

- i n s t i t u t i o n s ) t o t h e Communist p a r t y ; they would win o r l o s e according t o t h e __

'fortunes of t h e p a r t y . Thei r opponents were conservai ive 'ethnics and English

Canadians who were soon joined by l a r g e numbers of French Canadian working -

--

c l a s s suppor ters .

0

The French Canadian miners were a new and growing s a c i a l f o r c e i n t h e - - - - - _ -

community and t h e union. Most were newly emplgyed miners who had received

. t h e i r j o b s a t t h e l a t t e r p a r t of t h e war and i n t h e postwar per iod . Some

French danadians, l e d by Pe te Mongeon and A 1 Lachance, supported t h e

Communist unibr i i s t s , but t h e rank 'and f i l e had not always taken a n acti"ve r /

i n t e r e s t i n unidn a c t i v i t y because bf Cathol ic church apathy and a n t i p a t h y t o 3-

t h e union moveme@. But with . the inc rease i n postwar r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y i< t h e -_- - - - - - -- -- .- - - -

camp and t h e r e l e n t l e s s con tex tua l r e a c t i o n of Canadian a u t h o r i t i e s a g a i n s t -

-

t h e r a d i c a l s , t h e church began t o tar-ater i n t e r e s t .

I n t h e wake of t h e n f a c t i o n a l s p l i t i n t h e union t h e French Canadian - - -- - - - _ - - - - w-- - - - A A - --

bishop of Timmins i s repor t ed t o have ordered h i s p r i e s t s t o v e r b a l l y a t t a c k -

- 250 -

d i r e c t i o n of t h e ' un i t ed S tee lworkers of America ( s t e e l ) ' . The 'Porcupi-ne

Mine Workersvnion ' was formed on August i 0 , 1948 and began a n M e d ' i a t e -

0

- . program of recr t f i tment t o g a i n Labour Board c e r t i f i c a t i o n as a bargdin ing . B -

L

agen t . The n i n e s a s s i s t e d t h e new union by r e f u s i n g t o n e g o t i a t e w i th Che bl

Mine M i l l on t h e grounds t h a t t h e y no longe r r ep re sen ted t h e miners. OD . > C

August 24, 1948 t h e Mine M i l l w a s expe l l ed from t h e canad& Congress o f '

ff

Labour.. Local 241 w a s no longe r ~ e c o g n i z e d a s -a ba rga in ing agen t in Canada /

- - - -- -- - _ _ -- - - -- --

( ~ b e l l a 1973 : 101).

-- ---

The Porcupine Miner Workers~Union bec'arne a f f i l i a t e d t o t h e S tee lworkers -

union. Buck Behie was-named Stee lworkers r ep re sen ta t ive , Ralph C a r l i n became .

- - - - - - - -

an o rgan ize r m d Ivan Tachon w a s made P r e s i d e n t of union local-4707 of t h e

t.

_ . - - - - . - - - I =_ _ - = : - - - - - - c - - - - - - -- " - - - > . -

- - > - - r .

- - -

. - -- -

-- A- - - - ,-- - - --

a -Unfted7$teelworkers of America. The qnion d r e ~ akay most of Mine Mi l l ' s C

&

members. Y e t i n spite of t h e success of t;he new union Mine Mi l l continued t o . . - - operate as it had s t rong support amdng t h e radicals and progressive ethnics:

Ins tead of g iving up t h e i r support f o r ' t he r ad i ca l c l a s s and uhion movement - -5 :a

6 -2 .?2

the @rogressives i n t h e camp remained committed t o a de t e r i o r a t i ng natkonal ? z .. p o l i t i c a l perspective, I n s p i t e of t h i s f a c t the progress ivesbegan t o

2

.' - _ __ ,per c d v e - the- fadJ&r_e_ , in 10 c a l A an& p_erso-mL- tem_ssL T h e t r_haph-oCEke lmLd -- L

- - - > -- "- A -- - .--- - - - - " - k-L " - - ... - - --- .-.- .- -I- -. 2%-

~t theAat6$$ on ' t h e i r ' union w a s seen as an assa$it along e thn ic apd $a a . 2

anti-pr*e&~e l i n e s . They placed the blame on t h e shoulders oP t h e French . - 7

- Canadians working c h s s who were s a i d t o have sold out t h e i r c l a s s and e thn ic -- - -- + - -*A . -- - --

i n t e r e s t s . A croai ian Communist l eader considered it a development which

t coincided with increased French Canad-ian awareness of t h e i r i d e n t i t y and

power i n the cammunity, espec ia l ly with separate schools.

The reason t he Mine M i l l and t he progressive movement f a i l e d was t h a t a f t e r the w a r too many French Canadians moved i n from Quebec and, with t he separate schools, t h a t w w the downfall of t he progressive movement. P r i e s t s t o l d them not t o join. Before we

~ere=FFWge t m ~ I I r o n e ~ i o 1 . , / ,

J u s t as the English were &en as having been instrumental i n the .+ 5

3 - +--

des t ruc t ion of c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y p r i o r t o World Kar I, t h e French &nadian <

- working c l a s s was now accepted as having' brought about t h e dest ruct ion of

_another attempt a t c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y . This indictment was t o become

p a r t i c u l a r l y v i ru l en t i n l a t e r years when t h e arena-of competition w a s more - c l e a r l y e thn i ca l l y based.

The ~ r e n c h Canadian miners f n Timmins had made a dec i s ion , under church -- + - - - - - - -- - - -- --

pressure , t o join t he a l l i a n c e with t he Anglo Canadians t h a t t h e i r e l i t e and

middle c l a s s had pre.i,iously made. TheyLremoved themselves from the panethnic *

- c l a s s a l l i a n c e and became .~ccomoda ted t o an a l l i a n c e with the conservative-

- - - - - --- -- - e thn ics and t h e Gnglish Canadians which allowed f o r more access t o economic

* *-. /

- 252 - 5 ,

t I

-

It woulcl be i nco r r ec t t o say t h a t a l l members of t h e ~ r e n c h ~ a n a d j a n 'PI

-- -'. w5rking class became committed - t b this accbmmodation f o r the re were some who

~. continued t o support Mine M i l l . I n Sudbury'the Falconbridge l o c a l of t he Mine .

r . - M i l l w a s l a rge ly control led by ~ & c h Capadians and w a s ab le t o hold out

\ .r

aga ins t t h e react ionary onslaught of the Catholic Church (Arnopou~os -- - - - - - A - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - -A - - -- - - --- - -- - - - - - - - --

. - C. - - 19821 1-1 I-) . In t he -PorcupSne-Camp as' w e l l - t he dine M i l l dontinued t o -0perat-e--- - --- - --

.as it "became obvious t h a t members of t he ' l i he M i l l i n Canada were more l o y g

t o t h e i r union 'than. . .anticipated1' ( ~ b e l l a 1973 : 109). The Mine M i l l &ion hT ;- - . - 'S

.. - ---PA --- - - -- - - -

-a - *

l o c a l w a s never again ab le t o ake d i r e c t s t r i k e ac t i on a g a i t n ~ t the mines, a ,,

r.-"' - t h a t was l e f t f o r t he Steelworkers l o c a l which gurswd-bread and b u t t e r '

i s sues while wider c l a s s i s sues were l e f C -inr d$5Sf&y, -

1953 S t r ike - ' P

The newly created stkelworkers union l o c a l began a program of s t r i k e . '*

*

a c t L 0 4 i n ~ e ea r ly 1950s t o demonstrate t h z L t h e y w e r e r n o r ~ ~ p o n s i v e t o I

t h e miners' needs than Mine M i l l . The Steelworkers pnion cons i s ten t ly

demand+ higher wages and thewunion- 'checkoff' (compulsory union dues

payment) as well as b e t t e r working condit ions. The mines, however, were not -

- - -/' ( prepared t o -give i n t o t he checkoff as <hat iou ld have i r r e t r i e v a b l y

- - J

strengthened the union 's pos i t ion .

# - I n July 1951 t he Steelworkers union struck t h e Hollinger and the. r*

Preston East Dome ~ i n e s . The s t r i k e draggea on f o r 5 ~ i n e weeks u n t i l September -

- - - - -- - - -- - - - - - - - 1. A new agreement w a s signed which offered the miners two weeks holiday

a f t e r f i ve ' yea r s work, guaranteed pay for 'over t jme and emergencies-and

improve3 grievance procedures, but it did not recbgaize t he checkoff and pay

was increased only t h i r t e e n cen ts and only O n the condltlGzr€Fiit€here w o X T -- P - .

I

L 2 -* "

- - -

-

--C

have t o be a commensurate i n c r e a s e ' i n t he '

- t o be evaluated. This l ack of success d id not improve S t e e l ' s I standing among - 7 - -. . $ - the miners and i n 1953 l e d towan even l a r g e r s t r i k e .

1% - - SL - 4

" ( B

I n 1953 the Steelworkers union demanded a fwerhy-five cent ' increase .% -- -

akross t h e board and a voluntary i r revocable checkoff whfch would give .the . L ? - ir'

v. - . - union s e c u r i t y and fo rce it t o be recognized by the mines. The mines s t r e s s ed

<

t h a t economic condit ions werg bad and t o t a l l y refused t o consider the -. - - 2 - - - - L A - - - +---- - -- -- -- - -- - ---

-

- - - -- checkoff -so tha*---a s t r i k e -seemed-certaSn, -The -Miae Mill--unionists , - - -- - - -- --- .

paradoxically, d id not want' t o f o r ce 3 s t r i k e because they ,.- knew a ,the mines I

*ere i n t h e b e t t e ~ pos i t i on andwould only use a s t r i k e as an excuse t o break . - I

-- ---- -- -- 'J'

the unions. It was t h e os tens ib ly 'tame' Steelworkers union which pressured

f o r m i l i t a n t s t r i k e a c t i v i t y .

r On Ju ly 11 s t r i k e a c t i o n began a t the Broulan Reef and t he Hallnor

u

Mines even though only a minority of t he Ben i n the mine8 were mede r s of t h e

Steelworkers union. Most of them were MineTjli$l supporters but t he members of

-- €hrtSLeelworkers union s e t up a picket l i n e and the Xine M i l l members d id not -

cross . On Ju ly 13 th.e Preston East' Dome w a s a l s o closed down i n s p i t s of - a

/ ' vote by t he miners not t o go on. s t r i k e . .' - - - - - ' 1 L

.- - + The leaders of t he Steelworkers union were l a rge ly inexperienced i n

s t r i k e a c t i o n s ince most o f t h e e x p e r i a c e d un ion i s t s were i n t he Mine Mi ' l l ,

They d id not r e d i z e t h a t the depres;ed gold market and diminishing ore i n .

t h e mines made s t r i k i a c t i on d i f f i c u l t ; t h e mineowners had t he advantage. u

Many English Canadians, t he experienced -miners, r e a l i z e d khis , f ad t and - -

- - - ppp

refused t o vote f o r a s t r i k e but t he union leadership were ab le t o u t i l i z e *: ?

- - -- -

the inexperienced French Canadian miners t o s e t u p a s t r i k e cordon. Once a

cordon w a s s e t up no un ion i s t s would c ross the l i n e . One English Canadian . .

S t e e l unlon member remembefe& ~lre suckeven+ - -

b-2 ..

8 . . . -

- A- I +hed~t-k*el - u r r f o r a t they went out on s t r i k e over ., months. Jlu.si- nf a fehl

unian l e a d e r and h q g o t a bunch of and s t o p work a t t h e mine. We vote meeting b u t a t t h e nexta morning t h

- g a t e . They used t h e French guys becapse a l o t of them d i d n ' t have no educat ion and when t h e l e a x e r s ' t o l d t h e ~ a n y t h i n g they be l ieved them. Whatever Buck Behie s a i d they would go for,

m *

Between 3uly 11 and November 27 e n e mines, 5,651 men, went on s t r i k e , -

Z The Mine M i l l w a s r e l u c t a n t l y forced t o support t h e s t r i k e a c t i o n . Workers

- - - - --- - -

Co-op-eve pa grocery voucher t o -each > - "d - - . - "

- t o t h e s t r i k e a t Broulan Reef. ,

The Broulan Reef became t h e . p i v o t a l mine f o r t h e e u n i o n had decided t o "

t

- -- -- -

-- pp - -- - s ~ r - k k e = ~ T ? T Z F S E ~ a s a new ~ i n e and depended on t h e manning of water 'J

; pumps t o prevent f lood ing . The .mine continued t o ope ra te wi th scab labour .

The s t i k e r s s a i d t h a t t h e reason f o r t h i s success w a s t h a t it was "known t h a t - 6

they ( t h e scab miners) could t ake a l l t h e 'highgrade ' nuggets they could

s t e a l " ( ~ o b e r t s 1979:16). On J u l y 24 some f i f t y s t r i k e k s f&ced t h e i r way L 9

J

i n t o . t h e Broulan, Reef change house a n d fought with twen ty - f ivee

s t r i ;kebreakers . Twenty-eighk men were charged with a s s a u l t and caus ing damage I) . A

t d t h e proper ty . On ~ u g u s t 20 t h e house of a Broulan Reef s h i f t boss was . . -. 1

b1ast.e-d by dyr;amite though with l i t t l e damage. On August 22 a l a r g e i e lec t r r i ca l t ransformer was dynamited and on September 3 two men at tempted o k

/ - A

burn down t h e heidframe a t thk Broulan Reef mine bu t were stopped by- o l i c e . f - . ' 1

The s t r i k e ended December 22 when a f i v e po in t p l an was in t roduced by .> 1 -

I t h e p r o v i n c i a l labour min i s t e r and accepted by both t h e Hol l inger and t h e i I

un ion , -Th i sca l l ed - f a an--LCrir-8ase+e%f-i-nt s a n r h o u ~ - f e t u r n i n g - - t ; o - ~ o r k q :

a .

<

. . . . i -- - -- - - - - -anyregurcussions? on, r u u A ~ ~ , n % ~ ~ h , , T bwn&&m ill

t h e mine and t a e c r e a t i o n b f ' a f a c t f i n d i n g government commission t o hold , E

. h e a r i n g s on t h e gold mining indus t ry , - -- --- 5 - -----I

-- - - --- - - -- -- The s t r i k e was over by January and d i d l i t t l e f o r the" p r e s t i g e of t h e

ii t

Steelworkers union. The s t r i k e had s t r e k h e d on f o r s i x months and ended I n . - k

3 w 2

f a i l u r e as t h e major demand fo r -accep tance of t h e union checkoff was n o t * - - 4 2 3 A

"i accepted and t h e miners r ece ived only f i v e c e n t s rnore,an hour i n pay. The- -3 @ -

checkoff was not in t roduced u n t i l 1.956.and t h e gold mines were t h e last t o be .-L j

'5

granted t h a t p r i v i l e g e i n Canada ( ~ o n t e t o 1979:86). b

S t e e l , however, had taken t h e i n i t i a t i v e i n s t r i k e a c t i o n and continued . . - - --- - - - --- - A - - - - - -- --- * -- - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - -- - A - A A - -.-

t o do so. ThELserved t o add-to S t e e l ' - ~ r epu ta t ion and, as. Mine H i l l camel , - - --- - -

under p e r s i s t a t t a c k , - more bf Mine M i l l ' s members de fec ted t o t h e

Stee lworkers union. I n t h e l a t e ' l 9 5 Q s many of i ts l e a d e r s and o rgan ize r s a l s o * < .

-- - - --- - ---

- joined Steelworkers i n t h e hopes of s t r eng then ing- the l o c a l union movement

r a t h e r t h a n d iv id ing it. Inexperienced &nch ~ a n a d i a h o rgan ize r s who had

been r e c r u i t e d i n i t i a l l y t o g a i n FrencQ Canadian sup'port here soon replaced -

* by t h e experienced o rgan ize r s of Mine M i l l , men who had f iraviously been -

- v i l i f i e d f o r t h e i r r a d i c a l tendencies . A s one such o rgan ize r s a i d ;

L.

There was a whole bunch of them l i k e A 1 Lachance and B i l l - g--

Kennedy. C h r i ~ t , when they were with Mine MiJl they were o u t r i g h t Communists as far as anyone w a s concerned. But S t e e l turned around m d h i r e d a l l 'the Mine N i l 1 organizer,^, every s i n g l e one and they g o t r i d of t h e French dozes. - - -

Class i n t e r e s t s and e t h n i c s o l i d a r i t y were given up f o r t h e i n t e r e s t s -

of union s o l i d a r i t y and l i m i t e d i s s u e s . Mine Mil$ w a s & t e r i o r a t i n g a s i t s

e t h n i c suppor te r s l o s t i n t e r e s t and began t o migrate t o b e t t e r jobs i n \c

Southern ~ n t a r i o . Postwar immigrants were no t . i n t e r e s t e d i n jo in ing a r a d i c a l *

union, I n 1962 Mine M i l l l o s t i t s I N C O d i v i s i o n t o t h z Steelworkers and i n 3 -

- ---- - - - * 1967 t h e union merged wi th Stee lworkers , T h T F T l X n b r i d g k - E z l i n b u r y .

- - --

- - - remams t n e only s u m E t x m o n ln mnaaa. m e n e e ~ m r k e r s m l o n m " # 7

became t h e only union i n t h e Porcupine Camp and with an e t h n i k , English and .

e t h n i c inst ' i$ut ions - of t h e Porcupine Camg. I n t h e i r p lace would be c r e a t e & a

new c o n s o c i a t i o n a l a l l i a n c g -among t h e d i f f e r w t communities. ' "

-

Ethnie Radical Fa , i lure - & 3 .

The success of t h e r a d i c a l e t h n i c organi-zations dur ing World War I1 had

. given them a new found confidence i n t h e i r r o l e i n postwar3Canadian s o c i e t y . - -

The progress ive o r i e n t e d Croat ian Club, F innish Organizat ion of Canada and -

- - - -- - - - --

t h e Ukrainian CanZdiaX Asso=Stion hgd X l l i e z with -tKCoXrnuni st p a r t y -during - " - - --- - - - a ." - . - -

-

t h e war and taken t h e i n i t i a t i v e away from t h e i r a n t a g o n i s t s with massed

c o n c e r t s and p a t r i o t i c d r i v e s . Af ter t h e war they continued their..commitment -

p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n t h e community. Their confidence w a s f o r t i f i e d by - I

T t h e success of t h e Communists i n ' ~ u r o ~ e a f t e r - t he war which appeared t o

L . i s i g n a l the ' end of t h e c a p i t a l i s t system. The l e f twing ~ k r a i n i a n c k e r e

I

e s p e c i a l l y s t rong i n t h e i r p r e s e n t a t i o n . o

P -

r\ - * . . 'r - 8

They proclaimed t h e i r s ' t h e l a r g e s t and most . a c t i v e Ukrainian -- n r P a n i z f i e ' n ~ , - ~ d ~ d & l i n f . h p i i - ~ ~ l f i:! l d ' and- !

t h e ' v i c t o r ' who 'can and should grow s t e a d i l y 1 . - I n a s p i r i t , o f se l f - r ighteousneps they descr ibed t h e n a t i o n a l i s t s as 'dead ! s o u l s ' , dec la red them completely bankrupt and p red ic t ed t h e i r i

- 1 e + r l y demise. The ~ortimunists envisaged themselves a s t h e ch ie f and r i g h t f u l spokesmen- of t h e Ukrainian community. ( ~ o l a s k ~ 1979:49) -

i - . i

The 'Ukrainian Canadian Associa t ion ' had been formed dur ing khe war as i a r e s t r u c t u r i n g o f . t h e outlawed ULFTA. Its postwar aims and i n i t i a t i v e s were

- e,-*

i n keeping with t h e i r newfound p r i d e and expectancy of r a d i c a l economic and - r

p o l i t i c a l success i n Canadi'an s o c i e t y . The Canadian o r i e n t a t i o n of t h e s e

t were s t a t e d a s ; -

-

(1) To e d u c a t e t h e Ukrainian Canadians i n t h e s p i r i t of good w i l l , amity and u n i t y with a l l Canadians; ( 2 ) To c u l t i v a t e and promote n a t i o n a l c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s f o r t h e purpose of c r e a t i n g a , 1

- , - - - - - *

.. Q % 7 4

- - . -- - - -*- ii . ""

$ -

- -- - - - - - - -- - - - -- F

*? --- -- b e t t e r d e x s t a n d i r r g - b e ~ e ~ i n i ; a ~ t 6 ~ + + i ; ~ - -

p l e s of democracy and c i v i l $- +*

t

onomic advancement and s o c i a l '

in ~ ~ ( ~ i a l 3 &

s e c u r i t y of t h e people, ( ~ o r c u ~ i n e Advance 4. J u l y 1946, p. 1) - 1 Cul ture had been used t o promote progress ive i k o l o g y be fo re -the war

3 C

- 2

bu t t h i s had been J imi ted t o feTlow e t h n i e s wi th in t h e s a f e havens of t h e -

. - *-

. - -. .=

h a l l s . Now it was n a t only a means- t o maintain e t h n i c cohesiveness-- in the 2

community b u t - a l s o used i n t h e maintenance of r a d i c a l c l a s s goa l s . The - -

- - -

- - - - - - - -- -- -- - - - A - - - - _ - I _ p _ _ - I L , - - success of- concerfs du r ing t h e warshad poin ted t o t h e i r usefulne.ss i n . . - A - - uu "- > - - -. - - - - - - -- - .- --- - --

e -,

coordina t ing a c t i v i t y f o r n a t i o n a l goa l s . The goa l s of conce r t s a f t e r t h e w a r C -

w a s t o renew support f o r r a d i c a l c l a s s ideology. Once aga in t h e Sovie t Union -

ppp- , . w a s used as ' a mod-or t h l i F d e o 1 o g y s a n i a r e m T n d e = F € f E ~ ~ e T o r

u l t ima te success. - -

The Sovie t Union was i n e t u r n anxious t o maintain connect ions wi th t h e b

r a d i c a l e t h n i c a s s o c i a t i o n s it had forged-during t h e war. This waa done . .

through Sov ie t f r i e n d s h i p s o c i e t i e s such as t h e 'Ukzainian Socie ty f o r . -

C u l t u r a l Re la t ions wi th ~ o r e i i n Countr ies ' . I n 1445 t h e ' s o v i e t Union sent a p-

-

s p e c i a l c u l t u r a l d e l e g a t i o n from t h e Ukra ine ' to Canada, under t h e auspices of

t h e f r i e n d s h i p s o c i e t y . They were welcomed t o t h e Pqrcupine Camp on June 30, - - A

a. ' 4 -

1945 a t a massive F e s t i v a l P i c n i c he ld at t h e Finnish-Ukrainian P icn ic

grounds. The Sovie t

p o l i t i c a l ideology.

achievement whereas -

i m p e r i a l i s t s . "They

Union was oqce aga in presented as t h e motherlana of .

It w a s p i c t x e d as t h e l and of t r u e j u s t i c e and . -

- s

t h e United S t a t e s and i t s c a p i t a l i s t a l l i e s were t h e new -

i d e n t i f i e d t h e i r movement with t h e USSR which was he ld up

as t h e -vang&ard-of- human+yL&;tPeko-u*iversa-l- Pea~&&&+k%iee+ f ~ d a & ~ .

The h ighpoint of t h i s ..- 2

khen t h e Ukrainian Canadian

newfound r a d i c a l confidence came on J u l y 1, 1946. . - %

Associa t ion hel& a m a s s i v e 'Ukrainian Canadian , ,

4 . .

, - -- * --- -- -- - - M k i c a T F e s t i v a l ' i n t h e ~ d ~ n t ~ r e . ~ r e n a i n Schumacher wi th &bse t o . 2,000

a3 - p e o p l e i n a t tendance . The f e s t i v a l . emphasized t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s of t h e

! . , 6 - L-

Ukrainian Canadian A s c i a t i o n dur ingmthe war a M pkoclaimed its readif iess t o * \

expand i t s a c t i v i t i e s a f t e r t h e w a r . A s one sp-okesman s t a t e d , "During t h e - - L

, peace we d r e determined to-redoub1e.our e f f o r t s f o r - o u r cornuni ty and f o r . -

Canada as a whole. We a r e s t r i v i n g f o r increased u n i t y of t h e ~ a n a d i a n

. , people, t h e advancemente of c u l t u r e pnd_f_qrLLincreased i n 6 e r n a t i o n a L u n i t y -- - - - A-

d - - - - - - - -- -

- - - - - - understagding. " (Pc?rcupine-~db&e 4- ~ ; l ~ 1946-, p. 1 ) i% ~ovember 1946 t h e -

B

Ukrainian C3nadian Associa t ion (which had succeeded t h e ULFTA) 'was. . P -

t r e incorpora ted as t h e ' Assoc'iation of United Ukrainian Canadians (AUUC) ' , -- - -

-- -- -- -- -- --

br ing ing t h e a rgan iaa t ion more i n l i n e with t h e Canadian s o c i e t y i 6 sought b .

change.

- he r a d i c a l s and ogress ives were c e r t a i n t h a t t h e i m ~ l i g r a n t s who - -

would come i n t o t h e camp a f t e r t h e war would support t h e i r r a d i c a l c l a s s -

ideology. A s -a r e s u l t t h e y , l i k e s o many o t h e r l o c a l o rgan iza t ions of a l l

po~t-ie~&gem&m~~-fm-opelriirrmip~tidi. e , recru i tment) . 'I'he -

momentum, howgver, t u rned a g a i n s t t h e r a d i c a l groups with changes i n t h e

n a t i o n a l context and t h e immigrants soon became a t h r e a t t o t h e i r c l a s s

- ideology and p o l i t i c a l a s p i r a t i o n s .

I n t h e d e t e r i o r a t i n g - p o l i t i c a l atmosphere of a r i s i n g postwar .'Red L-

#

S c a r e ' , t h e e t h n i c r a d i c a l s and p ~ o g r e s s i v e s found themselves s ing led ou t f o r * .

harassment. They were r epea ted ly reminded i n t h e l a c a l newspaper of t h e i r

tenuous positipn-in Canadian s o c i e t y i n a manner reminiscent of t h e pos t #,

- - - -- -- - - r r World War-I r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t ther 'dangerous f o r e i g n e r s ' who d i d not f i t i n t o

r

To those who l e f t t h e o l d Tforld and have taken up our way of A

l i v i n g , we, a s .Canad_ians s a l u t e you, We el come you as a d d i t i o n s - - - - - - t o our g r e a t fami ly . To thos'& of you who l e f t t h e Old World and-

I - 259 - -

&

q a r r i v e d ' h e r e wi th t a t t e r e d c l o t h i n g and a d e t e r m i n a t h n t o f o i s t 3

Y "* -"$ 1 w1 & ..-

t h e ' d i r t y c a p i t a l i s t i c money' you have i n t h e bank, t h a t y o u - s e l l 3 t h e home bought wi th funds earne'd i n ' t h i s 'backward and decadeni ' -+ - country and t h a t you r e t u r n t o that- 'freedom' whose cause you so" -- I%

1 a c t i v e l y espouse .' ( ~ o r c u p i n e advance^ 'I May 1947, p -4.) -

- 2 X

. The creed was seen as t h a t of 'minor i ty t h i n k i n g ' , a s p e c i f i c e t h n i c A

1- Y . * menace, as t h e e t h n i c s might come t o power ove r a b e p i n g &nadian majari-ty * 3 -

A -

- ' j u s t - a s had happened-in Russia and was seen as happening i n Europe, The ' - 2 -

- r. .' _ = - _ - - - - - - - - - __i-_- ~ ~ A--- iC

minori ty i d e a s were s e e n - a s i n z i l t r a t i n g t h e na t ion . Minority came tolmean . . . -- . . - . -. - - . , .- . . . . . .- .... -l%.-... .lli.i.lll _ .- . . _ ... _- -.-- _ . . _ , --.-I. . ... _ _ ._._. ....l_l .l_l_..._

- not only a p o l i t i c a l minor i ty bu t a l s o e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s who had not adapted . *

- tb danadian s o c i e t y i n a manner acceptable t o t h e h o s t s o c i e t y .

0 ' -

conservat ive immigrant groups ofJDisplaced Persons (DP' s ) ; and by i. -

s e l e c t i v e channel l ing of t h e s e groups. On June 6 , 1947 t h e government i s sped

an Order-in-Council admi t t ing refugees f ~ o m ' ~ u r o ~ e . They were s e t t l e d i n

those same i n d u s t r i a l and resource a r e a s where t h e r a d i c a l s and p o g r e s s i v e s - -

were s t r o n g e s t , e s p e c i a l l y t h e Porcupine Camp, i n a consciohs a t t e m s t t o -

-

d i s r u p t t h e r a d i c a l power base i n those communities. " s

.. d *

Before the Displaced Persons had even entered t h e camp t h e r a d i c a l - . - labour unions began t o c r i t i c i z e t h e govkrnmyt pol icy . ~ h & Lumber and s

- - P - Sawmill WorkerslTnion aygued t h a t DP's threa tened t h e jobs of Canadian

* bushmen and t h a t t h e union should have been eonsul ted first. The Mioe M i l l . - . -

, c r i t i c i z e d t h e government f o r in t roduc ing polic.ies which would b r i n g about

widespread unemployment and lowering 'of wages. The p rogress ive e t h n i c . .

- P A - - organi s a t iu~s -rea-lised&i%a% - thes~of l se rva-kke%mmigran t skre---threzk-

l y l ~ a l l PA - " w a r s r ~ ~ l s " , . . - - 1 ...

> "Fasc i s t sympathizers" and "Nazi co l l abora to r s" . Workers Co-op passed a -.

-, r e s o l u t i o n i n 1948 that c a l l e d o n t h e government t o . take c a r e who it allowed -- --

- - - 260 -

. , - _ * t 6 . -

.

- + h o s t s o c i e t y took t h e view t h a t t h e r a d i c a l ? wanted t o s c r e e n ' t h e immigrants

. . t o ensure t h a t anti-Communists were not allowe-d i a t o ' the camp. An3ed i to r i a1 - i n t h 8 Porcupine Advance commented;

* I

$ And t h e f a c t of t h e ma t t e r is t h a t theo. inportat ion o f . k e v e r a l

hundred anti-Communists who know t h e grim f a c t s - o f t h e mat ter i n t o t h e Porcupine w i l l have a b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t upon t h e

I -

- -- _ - c o m m u n i t y . . . These D, P , ' s h a e s a u f f e r e d under- the-heel--of - R e d - A - _---A _- A

I $

-- - - - des~ot ism,~TJey know_ why: they. _are _not Communists much b e t t e r t h h - -_ __- _ _ _ _ _ : inexperienced r e s i d e n t s here know why they a r e Communists. e

(porcupine Advance 30 October 1947, p. 10) 4 i

i - Mining companies and pulp and paper companies s e n t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t o

$ * - - A

4 - t h e Gropean refugee camps. They c a r e f u l l y screened t h e prospect iye * . f I

immigfants t o ensure t h e i r anti-Communist a t t i t u d e s and only then guaranteed . . i 1

them employment. The -

f i r s t group some a r r i v e d i n t h e Porcupine Camp

- December 1947 and began work i n t h e Hol l inger . Most of t h i s first group were 4 4 Ukrainians and they were immediately taken under t h e wing of t h e Ukrainian

-

n a t i o n a l i s t s . The n a t i o n a l i s t s had, up t o t h i s t ime, been unable t o t & k e s t h e i t

l e a d i n t h e Ukrainian community because t h e ULFTA - AUUC was t o o powerful. ' i

- I Sut now, wi th t h i s i n f l u x of suppor t , they began t o r t a k e t h e i n i t i a t i v e . + i

i i

. I n 1947 Father M. Horosko became Ehe U k a i n i a n Catholic, missionary j D ,

* B i p r i e s t f o r t h e Porcupine Campand s p i r i t u a l a d v i s e r t o t h e Ukrainian t

- I r e fugees . - He was a l s o a p o l i t i c a l a d v i s e r informing t h e new men who they - 4

. . _ 1

'iQ

should a s s o c i a t e wi th and who they should not . The Fa the r ensured t h a t they . 1

, B

I

knew which union was Communist e o n t r o l l e d and which was no t . Be addressed -

-. .-5

time because of t h e i r f i r s t hand experience wi th communism i n t h e i y I

-, Cathqric Bishop came t o TimmLns and dedicated a ohurch site as a, " c b l t u r a l - - : --

centre- f o r the New Canadians so that 'they won't have t o depend on t h e i r *

Q

enemies t he Communists f o r cul$ural re laxat ion." (porcupine Advance 24 J& - .

- - 1948, p.7). On Noyember 28 t he Timmins Mission was mad6 t he Par ish of S t . -

George and a permanent p r i e s t , Father G. Shawel, was appointed. The Ukrainian

- " - - . - p r i e s t s A and - - n a t i o n a l i s t - - - --- - l eaders * . - - - became -. - important job gatekeepers - - m - u L by providing - - +---

- po l ik i ca l l y r e l i a b l e Bmployees f o r t h e mines. Though t h e gatekeeper pos i t ion

* .- - was not a s open o r as sarfctioned as durirfg t he 1930s it was still an

b

-- - - - - -- -- a

important pos i t ion t h a t enabled r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o r economic resources t o the

benef i t of tly conservative e thn i c communities and host soc ie ty .

Building w a s ~ o o n ~ c o m p l e t e d on t he church s t r u c t u r e which be6ame the

.. main i n s t i t u t i o n i n t he Ukrainian n a t i o n a l i s t community, I n t he Church h a l l

7

the new Ukrainian immigrants re-enacted symbolic p lays which showed the * . .

n a t i o n a l i s t s f i g h t i n g t h e Communists; scenes' of t he men c u t t i n g the t h r o a t s

of ' red ' ~ t r a i t o z s .. any s t i l l held an i d e a l i s t i c n o t i o h t h a t they-would one ,

-

day r e tu rn home. A s one n a t i o n a l i s t l eader s a id , "Their a i m was-to have a -

Free Ukraine. By coming here they thought they m u l d ge t money,'because money

ta lked then and t o organize and organize the people i n t he Ukraine t o c rea te

a Free Ukraine." They hated any and a l l assoc ia t ion with lef twing 4

3

organizat ions s ince t h e i r own nat ion had been aver run by t h e Soviets . I n

Canada they were i n t e r e s t e d i n maintaining t he s t a t u s quo and, as a r k s u l t ,

- . they cam-i n t m o n f rorrta ti;orwi;th-the+=-hprogres s % v ' e - g r o w p ~ o m e tkm&

progressive h a l l s .

On November, 1-1, 1949 a l eader of the -miional A U K , Pelter Krawchuk s.

-

/-

- - - s p o k e _ F ~ ~ t h e ~ ~ m i ~ ~ ~ ~ G ~ ~ ~ i n U , ~ u p p P ~ _ r ~ t o ~ e S o v i e t Uni oE a n d a g a i n s t the- --

h. \

nat ional iS$s . ~ s k r e c a u t i o n a g a i n s t d i s r u p t i o n by n a t i o n a l i s t s t h e m ~ e t i n g - _ was c losed t o m 4 except by i n v i t a t i o n . The DP's wanced t o confront Krawchuk

but were prevented from doing so . Ins t ead they waited oubside t h e h a l l . A a

group bf 200 ga thered and began t o thrpw rocks and b r i c k s through t h e -

windows. ~hey .*ba t t e red . down t h e door and a s s a u l t e d n ine i n d i v i d u a l s inc lud ing

l o c a l progress ive l e a d e r s ~ i c k Hubaly; p res iden t of t h e AUETC branch and Tom

i n d i f f e r & t o t h e a t t a c k s and d i d l i t t l e i n response. The l o c a l newspapers

supported t h e DP's and showed p i c t u r e s of bDP's with a screwdriver " l i k e t h e - . . - -- - ~ ~ ~ & e * ~ h - & & ~ - - ~ i - ~ ~ t t + n 1 7 = k i -

? - i

head s a i d t o be caused by a b o t t l e . khrowing Communist. ( ~ o r c u ~ r n k Advance 18

November 1948, p .1) There were no p i c t u r e s of t h e i n j u r i e s s u f f e r e d by t h e .

progressi.ves. a

~ e ~ r e s e n t a t i v e s from t h e AUUC a n d t h e LLP p e t i t i o n e d . t h e . town counc i l

, 3n ~ovember accus ing t h e DP's of caus ing a near r i o t a t t h e AUUC &lh. The

p e t i t i o n , read by S t a n l e y K r e ~ y r , dhargeb t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s t o b e "Nazis", . -

" b r u t a l and i n s o l e n t people" and : 'gangstersw whereby " ( i ) f t h e d i sp laced - -

persons i n s i s t on behaving . l i k e F a s c i s t c r imina l s , t h e r e i s no p lace f o r them

i n Qur community and they must be excluded." They c a l l e d f o r a complete L . .x

i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h e circumstances of t h e a t t a c k on t h e h a l l and depor t a t ion

of t h e DP's. -3% -

The town counc i l d i d not - accep t the ' p e t i t i o n . The ~ o r h u ~ i ~ e Advance

t o o k t h e a t t i t u d e t h a t "If t h e DP's d i d chase some of t h e rats down t h e i r -

fi-,

- hole t h e n we say more power t o them. " ( 2 5 November 1948, p . 1 ) fie Advance --

seemed t o t h i n k it was a' mat ter of Darwinian evo lu t ion whereby t h e s t r o n g e s t

o rgan iza t ion won out over t h e weakest and s o c i e t y w a s advanced (porcupine - - - -

L i t t l e room f o r e thn ic Communists. One AUUC a f f i l i a t e d pub l ica t ion perhaps e

put it b e s t . ,,*= . r

The aim of Canada's immigration po l i c i e s , i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r , was t o infuse t he work fo rce and t h e e thn ic communities with people

fl

- cominittsd -to thd establishment and t o t he cold war aga in s t . . social ism abroad and t h e ( r ad i ca l ) labour-qovement a t home. or-~ers Benevolent Associat ion 1972 r 241 )

- -- - - 0 - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- - ---- -- -- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Al1,ethni.c commm'ities-in -the ~ o r c ~ ~ i ~ ~ - ~ a ~ n ~ were. going _through much

4 ' ' t h e same process though t e not a s ea rnes t ly a s t he Ukrainians. J

A s a r e s u l t of t he Cold War reac t ion aga ins t the s t h n i c c l a s s r a d i c a l s -- -- - - - - - - - -

-

Peasant Par ty , which had been forced i n t o a secondary pos i t ion L

/ -- -

t o t he progressive Croatian Club organization during t h e war, re-emerged as - s

l eader of t he Croatian community i n Schumacher. A s i n t h e Ukrainian -

&community, ~roa?ian c-ommunity l e ade r s became imgortant as job gatekeepers f o r -

the conservative Croatian immigrants who were being channelled i n t o -

Schumacher. The par ty l e ade r s provided jobs through t h e i r personal - - - .- -

connectSons t o mine executives. The par ty l eaders a l s o worked hand i p hand

.w?th Canadian au thor i t i e s - iden t i fy iag which ind iv idua l s were Communists and 7

which were not . Sometimes the l e a d e r s helped progressive suppor ters t o ' . L

acquire jobs as a means t o ga in t h e i r support. A s one Croatian l e ade r ' s son

remembered; *'a

The U.S. s t a t e department would o f ten c a l l my f a t h e r t o Washington t o he lp them when a.man wanted t o come i n t o the-

. . country. I remembered mounties coming t o my f a t h e r t o ask about a

- -

Croatian who was looking f o r a job i n t he government, We w a s a - - 7 i i e f i F r r o f t X e o t h e ~ I I b u t my rafXGFSZi& ECWas3iot a

Communist. a

- -- -

The Croatian r a d i c a l s had t o contend wi th .a new oup of Yugoslav and

Croatian refugee immigrants they i d e n t i f i e d arid v i l i f i e d a s nash tas i = L *

L -- - -- - -- - -

-

- - - - - - -

.

. "

- . . - - - - - -

Lutheran Churches.

cons t i tu t ion c l ea r ly s t i pu l a t ed t h a t 'Tomrnunists w i l l not be accepted as *

-

members of t he Soci"ety." t 1

9 . 1

These i n s t i t u t i o n s and many more l i k e them t h a t arose aft& the-war; . . 5 became the b a s i s of a new r e spec t ab i l i t y f o r t he e thn ic population. They were I 1

/- % f i . no longer dependent on expressly e thn ic a s soG~a t ion& o r i n s t i t u t i o n s . The new i

F t universal context of t he host soc ie ty offered the e thn i c s a ro l e i n Canadian

~ j -

1

- -- s o c i e t y if--they -wouldde-smphaski* %h+z-e tw c a n d c l x s k d e n t i f i-catiiomand . T

+ . . s h o w t h e i r readiness t o aisudats;. Tm its nla~d-~t A - - 1

5 I - !

offered e thn ics t he r i g h t 3 F p G t i c i p a t e equ j t 5 3 1 ~ f o r economic 2nd p o l i t l z l l - i

i resources accordiflg t o t h e new postwar c r i t e r i a s of t~&uexsaljfsy, This--: - - - - .. - * %

universa l i ty was t o downplay c l a s s a s well as e thn ic and r ac i a i . d i f f e r ences I

1

- 265 -

'-A

- > - 3 - - .- - - - -- 8 $&

'r ..% ;$ - $3

' 4

- - - - - - - -- - - 3 --

+ becarrse-Worl+Var~T;nee-Ai;sfrH0-1~ust-~kow#e~nger of -7

. >

> z O q W + n b h k t 3 W

groups were t o de-emphasize- t h e i r differen'ces which meanhtha t , they would 9 - 3 3

have t o l a rge ly ass imi la te t o t h e new universal c r i t e r i a and give up . ?& 4

33 :+ melpbership i n t h e i r e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s . +-,' .

r - a . . 'F' * - "* On the local- level t h i s schema allowed f o r the development of a

i I

ij

spec i f i c consociational a l l i ance . Conservative e thn ic l eaders were now l i k e l y 2 + - - -

- - - - - - - - - - - --- - L - - - - - - - --- - - - - -- -4-

- - - . t o be members of t h e l o c a l Liberal o r Conservative p a r t i e x o r qq t h e --- - - v - - - A- --L-- - - - - - . - - - - - - . . - . . - - - -

\ ~nt i -~ommu&s€ League with t he mayor and. o ther leading c i t i z ens . Individuals .

who had been dependent on e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s and e thn ic communities gave up i ,,-' . ---

-- -

. - % = ~ ~ i - t m e X F a n d joined together ' i n c o ~ o c i a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as -'.,:' '

a .

1

t h e Steelworkers union, and clubs 'such as t h e Lions, t h e Kiwanis, t h e Kinsmen

'1 z e '3 and t h e Moose. Even t h e Masons, t he bast ion of pre-war- Anglo-conformity, Q

opened t h e i r doors a f t e r t h e war t o many e thn ics and French Canadians. Before i

t he w a r c lubs , such as the Masons, had been t he s o c i a l s t r uc tu r e s which-had

j u s t i f i e d Anglo dominant group con t ro l but now they were p a r t of t h e l o c a l --

consocia t ional a l l i ance .

These voluntary assoc ia t ions were important because they served as a - - -

means t o r e d i s t r i b u t e l o c a l economic and p o l i t i c a l power and resources by 4

bringing together a l a rge number of individuals . They served a mediative

function by br ingingVtogether previously con f l i c t i ng i n t e r e s t , e thn ic and.; . .

c l a s s groups thereby muting l o c a l con f l i c t s . For the e thn i c s i n p a r t i c u l a r

they were a l s o a means t o iegrn new behavioural techniques which allowed them

I 1x3 p a r t i c i p a C e m o r e ea sk lyen - the tx r s t ccmmw& --

r a n d -so< ?e ty- @ e r r i - . ,

-- - - - -- -

-

One r e s u l t of this copsociationalism has been t h a t a l l previous class C

and e thn i c sonflic* were b r g e l y fo rgo t t en i n the &.f,msts*of-th-- - -

P /

- 256 - 1

. ^ - C

I .a \ * -'

- - - - - -- - - - -

- --<-- - -P-p - -pppPp consociat ion. This w a s r e l a t i v e l y simple because most of t h e r a d i c a l e thn ic

\ and c l a s s - s eco rds had a l ready been destroyed during World War II. Those

P

records which remafned were hidden away by thi progressives (as wel l as by

t he r a d i c a l s , s o c i a l i s t s and ~ a s c i q t s ) who d id i o t wish t o adver t i zey the i r -r 1 d

form& e thn i c and p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . - The records were replaced by

f i c t i o n a l anecdotes which-represented t he community as being v i r t u a l l y - I - - -

b _ c l a s s l e s s , i n ~ o n t r a s t ~ w i t h t h e s t r a t i f i e d soc ie ty of Southern Ontario, as -

- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - - A- - -A -

- well as a- community-whi-eh-had experienced an e g o - r t l e s s accommodation among - - -1 - ,

a l l groups throughout i ts h i s t o ry . 4

I

The r ad iqa l s and progressfves, however, were expressEy excluded from - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -

-P - -- - - - - - - - p-

p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the consociat ion. The resources of t he community and soc ie ty -. . -

"ere turned .against them. I n a c t u a l f a c t t he r a d i c a l suppor ters i n t he c,amp

were l a rge ly destroyed. The l o c a l progressives had given up t h e i r conimitment C

t o r a d i c a l c l a s s ideology and once a s i n retrenched i n t o t h e i r h a l l s ; Now /

many of t he ind iv idua l s t ak ing p a r t i n expressly r a d i c a l meefings could, and e .f

o$ten were, l i k e l y t o be Royal Canadian'Mounted Pol ice agents . One of m

informants w a s an agent f o r t h e mounties operat ing wi thin t h e ~ U U C H a l l and Q

t h e Communist par ty . The progressive e t h n i c organizat ions were f o r c e d a t o

r eve r t t o a conc i l i a to ry and cu l t u r e dependent approach. The FOC and AUUC

4ocalS disavowed t h e i r a s soc i a t i on with t he Communist pa r t y , especialby in- I -

t h e face of the growing reve la t ions ;bout S t a l i n . Yet t h e progress ives 7 . J

continued t o be harassed as suppor ters of the revolutionary c l a s s movement.

. Many found themselves unable t o g e t c i t i z ensh ip papers. A s t h e pres ident of ,

- - ?-.-- -- - - ' I app l ied f o r my Sanddian c i t i z ensh ip th ree d i f f e r e n t times but I

\ w a s always turned down. They refused me-because they s a id t h a t they had been t o l d I w a s not the r i g h t t y p e of pkople, a 'L ommunist...At Cochrane t h a t guy t he r e at t he o f f i c e s a id I shad a very good work record and' there was l i t t l e reason f o r me-not €0

A

I

- 267 -

- 'I

, - I - -

- - - ---- - ye-

get-my-paper+t-then~18~m-Ff roT0t ta .m ' and they r e f used my papers. 1 -have been president'of the*AlJUC s ince t h e war and $. . + .

d Suss -

: last say and they b e i ts ,

t h e

* I mostfy hesrsay. = I ) - * -

A s a r e s u l t of such pressure t h e o ld progres.sive e thn i c organizat ions - *

began t o l o se suppor ters i n inc reas ing numbers. Many l e f t and t r i e d t o j o in

i n t he consocia t ional al l iance; a t l e a s t those who were not wholly i d e n t i f i e d , F

a s r a d i c a l s and progressives. They no longer wished t o be i d e n t i f i e d as - - - - - ._ - * - - *I - - - - - - ----- - -- ----

' p o l i t i c a l pariahs. Membeyship g l s o decreased a s a r e s u l t of -death and - - - - - - - - - -

- a -

migration out of t h e camp. me, progressives who remained found they could not - - d 3

r e c r u i t new suppor ters , even among t h e i r own chi ldren, through t h e old

-- - - -.------- -- - s ~ ~ ' I l ~ ~ ~ ~ e and werFunable , o r unwill ing, t o f i n d a new symbolic

code t o express themselves. Class as an ideology ;as dead as a r e c r u i t i n g . -

t o o l ; it remained a s a bond only f;ar a small group of inc reas ing ly aged -. prewar e thn i c progr&5ves and r ad i ca l s .

w'

Class as an organiza<ional p r i nc ip l e w a s dead o r dying $?the camp as 0

it seemed t o be i n the' r e s t of Canada (except poss ibly f o r ~ u e b e c ) . Economic ,

* - - ?- expansion, increased purchasing power and government welfareprogrammes

* allowed f o r t he incorporat ion of t he working c l a s s ink0 t he wider c a p i t a l i s t - -

economy and maintenance of t he s t a t u s quo (~ohnson 1972:172)., Class was n o _ -

longer a p r i nc ip l e i n which t h e p o l i t i c a l d i m e d o n s of Canadian .society were . .

c r - t o be discussed l e t a lone be open f o r competition. It w a s becomingga concept

r e l a t e d t o a sub jec t ive m a t e r i a l i s t a t t i t u d e ( i . e , middle c l a s s ) and rank

r a t h e r than revolutionary consciousness r e l a t e d t o t he modes of production

- - 'lder ++* . . " ' Ice , which was

both i n t e r c l a s s and i n t e r e t h n i c , e t h n i c i t y and c l a s s consciousness was

i l l t imate ly d i sassoc ia ted , It was t h i s d i s a s s o s i a t i o s which- ha^ h h d e r e d *ass - --

9 9 A

E

- 268 - J' -- -

disassoc ia t ion c l a s s was removed. as a p o l i t i c a l and &onomic i n t e r e s t . in t h h - 9 .

camp. Ethnic i ty was alsaahindered i n t h i s d i s so lu t ion but it was not

i r r e t r i e v a b l y weakened. It would be res t ruc tured and l a t e r fun9tion as a -

p o l i t i c a l and economic i n t e r e s t because it was t he only b a s i s f o r co l l ec t i ve

- ac t i on ava i lab le on t h e l o c a l scene. I n t he in te r im the consociational C

* - A- - .- - - - + -- -- - - - - -

I a l l i a n c e held f i rm even i n t h e face-of changes i n t h e contextual b a s i s of - _-_ _ - - I - /

Canadian soc ie ty through t he in t rodukt ion of federa l p o l i c i e s suuh as & p.

d

bi l ingual ism and mul t icul tura l ism, , - h

i . -- - epp-L - - - - -

- --

i - -- ---

e S u c h ~ f e d ~ a I ~ o l i c G s cou ld have had a d e t r i m e n t a l e f f e c t on - the I

- 4 - I

' a l l i ance i n the camp because they res t ruc tured na t idna l economic and . .I

a

p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t t o t h e bene f i t of thg English and French Ganadian char te r

groups. These changes i n the context of Canadian soc ie ty , however, would t !

i n i t i a l i y bypass t he Porcupine Camp because of t he a r e a ' s i s o l a t i o n , a . i

i postwar edonom* depression and a de-emphasis on l o c a l h i s to ry . m i l e t he

r e s t of Canada experienced a postwar economic,boom, which fue led the I

a l t e r a t i o n s i n s o c i a l s t r uc tu r e , t he Porcupine Camp w a s i p ah economic t

decl ine frpm which it d id not be@% t o a r i s e u n t i l t he l a t e 1960s. No s ingre

groug w a s ab le td gain t o t a l con t ro l o-f p o l i t i c a l *and economic power i n the

Porcupine Canp. The French and English Canadians might weT1 hold the r e in s of -

l o c a l powel but because it was not ccksecrated, through such a process ass

o f f i c i a l bi l iagualigm o r even an o f f i c i a ~ l o c a l h i s to ry and former conf1:cts

were muted i n f avo-m- o f -an- a c c oiiiIiiiidateingand c I a SslesSimerethnic my t ho Iogy , . . I

F6 d & l 1 L t~ POlit6a*G p n r r . * d i n g .s

t o nominal universal c r i t e r i a .

\

Mine and Ethnic Decline

En t he 1950s the- Porcupine Camp experienced a massite economic \ -

r t -

depression which l e f t-tB% f WtuTF FF t h e XXEp i-h ddubt ;-fliTiisibegannt-o clme--- - - -. 1- _ I - - - - - - A - - - --.A - --- - \ -

\

down and e thn ic communities began t o dissolve as memberyleft f o r b e t t e r j o b s \

i n t h e south. The only c o d u n i t y t o ga in under these condidions were t h e

-FrenrhC~dians.~ydid~ot~oratoieaveimi=eo~~\rtrft-e,

1 * l o c a l consociational accommodation with t he Anglo and t h e remaining e thn ic \

communities. '?he consociational a l l i a n c e d id , howevkr, come under at% ck by C . 1

\ other French Canadian i n t e r e s t s , l e d by a new group of French .Canadian \

Catholic p r i e s t s , which favoured c rea t ion of p a r g l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s within t h e - \

\\

French Canadian comrnuni* t o qq in ta in a separate language and cu l tu re as well ' .- \

a s p o l i t i c a l and sko-economic system. This i n i t i a l agtempt was t o prove -

unsuccessful as t h e general consocia t ional accommodation i n t he c a G was + . \ s t i l l strong. Nevertheless t h i s was dot t he last attempt t o rkvise - the

\

consocia t ional a l l i a n c e and it w a s a precursor of similar e f f o r t s by newly 5

emerging int-&est groups a f t e r t h e s t a b i l i z a t i o n &nd rev iva l of t he camp.

I n t h e aftermath of t he 1929 Depression t he Porcupine Camp had not 4

experienced t he same economic problems as the r e s t of Canada. Even during.

World Mar I1 t he g o v e r m e n ~ - h a d ~ u r c h a ~ e d - B ~ ~ l i a n a n d ~ h e - m i n i ~ m p a n i e ~ /

had been ab le t o maintain a s t a b l e , i f diminished, market. Yet i n t he '

~a&da-wide postwar i n d u s t r i a l boom the Porcupine Camp suffered an economic

decl ine .

- - enjoyed depended on t h e Gffe rence i n the exchange rates b&em t,he A i n e r i c n r l ' ,

and Canadian do l l a r s . I n July 1946 t he Canadian d o l l a r qas s e t at par which 4

. j cos t t h e mines $3.50 i n revenue p e r ounce o w o l d ( ~ o u ~ h e e d 1958:42). I n 1 respdnse t o the mine's' worsening f i nanc i a l pro3lems t he f ede ra l government

passed t h e 'Emergency Gold Mining Assistance Act' i n June 1948, agreeing t o

buy a l l t he gold produced and pay t he mines 50% of the cos t of production i n t - -- - -

- -

excess o f $ ~ 8 an ounCEl < ~ o u ~ h e e d 1958 : 45) This extended t h e l i v e s of the - _ . _ - - - = -

Porcupine mines but i t w a s hot enough t o help them f o r long and condit ions i n

the camp continued t o de t e r i o r a t e . . , ,

-- ---Tkek933~Mk~-ha+&=F&~~~i~%kTiX~"I"I~tryandtne7)fiarlo b -7 - government's spec ia l inqu'iry of 1954 i n t o t he ' Socio-Economic ProblBmsa O f The . 1

i -

old mining Industry i n Ontario' served t o make c l e a r t h e de t e r i o r a t i ng

condit ions in c a m p T h e Steelworkers union l o c a l i n Timmins presented i t s

o ~ t u d y t o the commission which showed t$at the Porcupine Camp had a -

1

t u b e r c h o s i s death r a t e higher than any other Ontario municipali ty, wokk ,

weekss igh t hours longer than t h e Ontario average', t h i r d lowest personal

< . income i n bntar io and 30% below the decent family l i v i n g r a t e , mines which t %

i

indiscr iminate ly used an untested s i l i c o s i s treatment, co l l e c t i ve bargaining

- which was l i t t l e more than a p ro t e s t vehic le , substandard housing and high

unemployment with few jobs f o r women ( ~ o b e r t s 1979:i,);

The commission repor t 'Gold Mining i n Ontario' came-out i n 1955 and

- pointed out t h a t 40% of the work force was 45 years of age o r over. This work *

.. : fo rce had en te red d u r i n g - t h ~ b o c u n - p e r i & s u f - % h e - l ~ 2 & a n H ~ ~ r r ~ o v e r

withi: -- t h i s group had been low. The &nger employees, a enbered a f t e r s,

t he aar, had a high r a t e of turnover a s they l e f t f o r employment i n Southern

Ontzrio. ~ r o i n a peak employment of 9,19J i n 1941 t h e mine labour fo rce i n .the

- , - - - -

'---- 1 *

5 .

Pomupine Camp had dropped by 1954 . to 5,605 or 60 -9%- omin in ion -%i - - - - -

- - L - ------- - -- I--- -

1960:i.x: 10-11). . = - . - _The number of ,miners in-- the town of Timmins decreased from a 1941 high - 6

-

of 4,535 t o 2,892 i n l 9 j g a decl ine of 36%. The percentage -of the workforce . . >

. . engaged inl-mining a l s o decreased from 43% to-29% due t o a 108s of production , L

and increased mechanization. There uas an increase i n o ther occupations i n . . . -

t he - same 1941-51 per iod , profess ionals (6.3- - 7.5%) , . c l e r i c a l ( 5 - 8.2$'),

- propr ie ta ry and -managerial (4+ 7 - 7 ,&$)-and .lumber*&. 1 -- I,%%), ~ h i c h 2.

- - - --- - < A - - - - " - - - L - u "- ' t o o k * ~ ~ some 6f t he s lack ( '~~minion 1960849). Mining was fading and

employment sh i f t ed towards support services- ' in t h e community as well as O .

LoHard..lumheri&g bu t it-was French Canadians who en t e r ed thesznew- - --- - - - - -- -- -- - - - - -- - -

I * , . occupations. . . e

The population of Timmins w a s . similarTy - i n decl ine . %ri&,the 1921-31

period t h e population had incma*s$i 270% versus t h e national: increase of 18%. I- ' r

Setween 1931-41 it w a s ~103% ve&xs the' nationaf r a t e of 1 I%, but between, *

19-41-51 there w a s no increase whil4 t h q Canadian population grew - 22% . .and i n -

1 9 5 1 - 5 6 increase versus a i4$ZiZt~ional . incr&~e .. (nominion i96o : 466). l n - -

.- 1951 t h e population over 55 w a s 9:8% but b y 1961 it -had risGn t o 1-$4% -% i h i l e

-

those between 25-54 declined f r p a 40.6 t o 36.3%-.bf t h e population. _- The French Canadian population i n Timinins, however, increased from

10,472 (97.31%) i n 1941 t o 11,497 (41.4%) i n 1951 t o 13,234 f45.2$) i n 1961

versus a decrease among the e thaicS f$om 6,907 (23.99%) - i n 1941 t o '6,18j l _ i * .

(22.3%) i n 1951 and a marginal increase t o 7,214 (24.6%) i n 1961 (due mostly

3. t o t h e incorporation of o ther townships). 1 n ~ ~ o u n t j o ~ tounship the e thn ic - - - - - -- -- - - - - - --

decrease was d r a s t i c , from 285 (16.5%) i n 1941 t o - 5 9 (4.1%) i n 1961 as many - - --

so ld t h e i r farms t o French Canadians. 1 n Tisdale -. the re w a s only a s l i g h t

-change i n the e thn ic oopulation from 3,738 (39.5) t o 3,653 (46%) and i n 4

-

. r . r * ,

i10.5% and by a 1961 ,had increased a fur t f ier 26.5% so t h a t they cons t i tu ted L

45.2% of t he Timmins town population ( f i g . 10). This coincided with t he

deyelopment of new i n t e r e s t u groups within t he French Canadian domunity l e d ----4

by c l e r i c a u t h o r i t i e s who advocated expanding A ~ & h o l i c schools and French

u was i n con t r a s t t o t he e s s e n t i a l decay of t he e thn ic presence i n the

community as a r e s u l t of t h e i r increas ing migration out of t h e camp.

1 i

-- - - -- - - - - Pes+wa-&migrakW&swe?Le &%heanks=offf&keeethnnic= c ommunitie s b u t 1 I

i n a remarkably sho r t time t he numbers f e l l d r a s t i c a l l y . Economic condit ions j

v ?.

i n t h e Porcupine Camp were on the'xlecline while those i n t h e r e s t of Canada

were improving. The v a s t majori ty of t he newly a r r i ved Displaced Persons who

came t o t he camp a f t e r t h e war only stayed long enough t o l e a r n English and i

a

the s o c i a l mores of t h e host soc ie ty . Jobs i n the bush and t he mines were far

3 frop i d e a l when b e t t e r paying jobs could besfound i n Southern Y. Ontam'io. There

as +A. = w a s i n fact such a d r a s t i c dec l ine i n e thn ic numbers t h a t t he mbes were

A I .

L .

forced t o import a l a rge number of Sco t t i sh miners i n t h e e a r l y 1950s t o

provide a steady work fo rce . ~ h o s e ~ e t h n i c s who d id remain were in te rek ted i n

adapting quickly t o t h e host soc ie ty and joined t he consocia t ional a l l i a n c e

which served t 6 f u r t h e r weaken l o c a l e thn ic organizations.

This w a s i nd i ca t i ve of a l ack of commitment by members of a l l e thn ic -

comur i i t i e s , Lcammentaryof ten heard i n my interviews on t he sub jec t of

i n v 3 l v e m e n t . i i "My k ids don l t _ca r e about t h i s whole th ing. He w a s born i n 9 -

Canada, and he is Canadian. " o r "I t r y t o d iscuss with-my s0.n whq i s 41,

. a a r r i e d , with two sons of h i s own, abont the old organizat ions but he says; -

.,. * *-

'It i s not my organization as I a m ~anadi&a. ' " The postwar inmigrants-took a > -- - -- - --

s imi la r a t t i t u d e . There was an increas ing generat ional gap between t h e old *

_*I.

immigrants, who had come bkfore World War I1 and t h e i r ch i ld ren and t he 0

.- postwar immigrants.

+& This new generat ion which came out of t he e thn ic h a l l s no longer -

at tached much importance t o the'ir e thn ic i d e n t i t i e s : a s a.means t o acquir-e -

resources. They of ten in termarr ied with 0-ther groups so t h a t t he s o c i a l -

- - support f o r the e t h n i c commufnities began-to d i s i n t e g r a t e in-t6Cf a c e of mixed- - , .- - "s. . -. - - - -

i n t e r e s t s . 'The progressive assoc ia t ions were the first t o s u f f e r as they had

Q

been unable t o r e c r u i t members among the new immigrants. Most of the

- - - - - ~ o g e s s i v e h e s were forced t o closed down-bx t h e ea r ly 1970s. Those which ---

- -- - - - - - -- ---

' \ .. remained became e thn ic cen te rs f o r t h e e lde r ly as few of t h e new generation -_ - took an ac t i ve p a r t . The pres ident of the &a1 AUUC has remained i n t h a t

positiwn s ince 1945 as t h e post became la rge ly nominal. There w a s only o m

major f irst generation leader i n t h e AUUC H a l l , Stanley Kremyr and he was a .

forced t o admit t h a t "The last b i g event of t he Ukrainian ( r ad i ca l ) community

--pPp

9 w a s i n 1 9 4 6 ju s t a f t e r t h e war when a l l t h e people came back. But then they . % -

- quickly began t o leave. Within s i x years a f t e r t h a t it was a l l gone; no more --

4 ' concer ts o r anything. " The major problem t h a t the progressive movemerit i n the '- I

camp had t o face i n t h e postwar period was-one of commitment. Mine M i l l had

been defeated and Workers Co-operative w a s i n increas ing d i f f i c u l t y . Workers

p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s and could no longer be reconciled with economic f a c t s .

Competition from chain s t o r e s soon reduced Workers t o a s ing le s m a l l s t o r e i n -

South Porcupine. - - - - - - - -- --- - - - - -A --

The Ukrainian n a t i o n a l i s t s were ab le t o survive longer than t he ,

7Ukrainian progressives through recruitment among t h e refugees bu t t h e i r

menbers a l s o began t o leave t he camp i n l a rge numbers. Those who remained

allied - - - - with -- -- the Ukrainian Catholic Church rather- than\ the Prosvita Hall.-The - - ---

hall was sold'in the late 1960s and the nationalist association met in'the , -

- 1 .

Church hall or in a member's home until it dissolved due to a lack of -

5

interest. The only major Ukrainian organization.remaining by the'mid 1970s _ - . a

was'the UkraLdian Catholic Women's - League. Even the church began to

experience % increased difficulty as aeresult of the population decrease and - intermarriage in the Ukrainian population. As the Ukrainian priest lamenv- .

\ - - It use&to be-a verx powerful parish back theh, All xoung, - -- p- -

- 'powerful. They worked and whatever they earned they spent for the - s - '

Ahurch. Now it is very hard to get money from them because they have houses and don't want to spend their Goney here. There are not many left...I am losing numbers.constantly and pretty sopn none will be coming here. They are moving south as they d6 not

g__ _ ~ g n t t i & o r k in the mines.. -- ,and they are -- intermarrying's0 - they - do p-

not go to church or anyplace. It's not a good thing. - > - ,Schumacher', the community which had been essentially a Croatian town, s

i

)t was similarly losing population ab the young moved out to find be ter jobs.

Some of the older generation, upon retiring from the mines, often moved to ! t

small fruit farms in the Niagara area or even back to their family farms in i ? - ' 2 i

Croatia.

The Croatian progressive club closed in tee 1960s. Croatian Hall

membership decreased in the midst of the population decline and a growing L

confLict between the older followers of the Croatian Peasant Party and the

first generation and postwar immigrants. The Croatian Hall survived only

because it was rented out as a banquet center to sports and - community sssociations in the camp, ~ro&ian commitment to the Peasant party also

diminishe'd while involvement in the Catholic Church increased as it was less

~olitically oriented, N o w FvTt-hF-CroaTaK C6fiRnuriiSCleadef e ~ W ~ 3 e a M - . .. , -

% to coniiiie3 ZhaT-+%tZ my e d s go i u chr&?Q-w"kff~~

before but we now go to church sometimes and I get along well with-the

The i&igrant Finns who came a f t e r the war-quickly gained a new L

- * - . :

repu ta t ion t h a t was t h e complete opposite of t h e i r previous r ad i ca l .

.-. s tereotype. Now they were known a$ people who ma& "good Canadians" as they

adapted wel l and e a s i l y t o t he host community. They .swelled t he English

language c l a s se s and d i d n_qt jo in t he older'pre-war.Finni,sh e thn ic

i n s t i t u t i o n s . The Finn Hal ls and t he Harmon3 H a l l i n Timmins were los ing

- members as were t h e Finnish-Churches. -In Timmins the-Finnish United Church- --- - -

-" - - . - " -

closed and the Timmins based St Mark's Finnish L'utheran Church became an A- '

*

appendage of t he South Porcupine St.. John's Lutheran Church which operated as

A l l t h e ~ i r h h a l l s i-n t h e Porcupine Camp were closed by t h e ea r ly 1970s.

r The - only .e thn ic community t o experience any susta ined growth dur ing-

t h i ~ ~ p e r i o d were t he I t a l i a n s . The I t a l i a n population of Timmins went from

1;55l (5.4%) i n 1941 t o 2,110 (7.2%) i n 1961 and i n Tisdale from 584 (6.1%)

i n 1941 t o 830 (10.2%) i n 1961 ( f i g . 10). New immigrants came along family , _

networks and s e t t l e d i n Moneta, which was amalgamated.to ~immins i n 1946 and . - . maintained the e thn ic enclave

i n t h e mines but a

f a r longer than other groups ( f i g . 11 ) . Many , . . growing number a l s o found employment i n l o c a l

i ndus t r i e s , e spec ia l ly const ruct ion, as.a number of I t a l i a n s opened t h e i r own

construct ion f i rms { ~ i ~ i a c a m o 1982 : 36) . - I n 1946 t he 'Moneta Recreational Club' was formed by first generation

I t a l i a n Canadians and young immigrants i n ' t h e h a l l formerly occupied by t he . r-

Fasc i s t 'Sons of I t a l y ' . This was a general rec rea t ion c lub but i ts pos i t ion

i n t he I t a l i a n enclave a l s o made it an ' I t a l i a n Club'. It w a s important as - --

one of t he few e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s t o be pa r t of t h e l o c a l consociational

1

f

a l l i a n c e . Znglish was t h e language most commonly spoken and t he club included -

P I

-- -- -- - - -- -- -- many non-Ital ians who were i n t e r e s t e d i n its r ec r ea t i ona l a c t i v i t i e s ---- t -PA --

( ~ i ~ i a c a m o 198239) . The o

center and i n 1952 they formed 'The Porcupine h n t e Club'. This w a s t o be, as

its s ign proclaimed, ' t h e center of I t a l i a n cu l tu re i n Tinunins' . Individuals I \

B 4 .

bought shares o r contributed time t o work on t he cen te r with t he

understanding t h a t no individual o r s ing le i n t e r e s t group w a s t o con t ro l t he

club ( ~ i ~ i a c a m o 1982 :40). 1% was t o be a club f o r a l l J t a l i a n s -without regard -

" 8 - t o c l a s s o r regional d i f ferences . The club w a s not only a c u l t u r a l cen te r but

4

a bushes 's f o r . i t had t h e .best banquet f a c i l i t i e s i n t he camp and became a * j

center f o r wedding recefiions and assoc ia t ion meeting^.^ It &id not engage, i n , - - - - -P - -- -

- P-P - - - - - - -- -- - -- - - - - -d any over t e thnic welfare o r p o l i t i c a l organization f ee l i ng t h a t both were the

i

P . .

- prerogat ives of t he Canadian government. -

5y t he ea r ly 1 9 6 0 ~ , however, I t a l i a n irnmigration.came t o a v i r tua l -

- s t a n d s t i l l as family li,nks were completed. The population decl ine o f - t h e 9

Porcupine Camp penetra ted t he I t a l i a n community a s many began t o move ~ o u t h 1

"

with t'ew new immigrants t o replace them. 'l'he l t a i i a n p o p u l a t ~ f r i m m i n s

dropped from 2,110 (7.2%) i n 1961 t o 1,910 (6.7%) i n 1971 and i n Tisdale from %

930 (10.2%) t o '730 (9%). he Dante Club w a s forced t o r e l ax i t s membership

r u l e s and allow non-Ital ians t o jo in as assoc ia te members ( ~ i ~ i a c a m o -

1982:51). One r e i u l t has been t h a t t h e DanJe Club has a l s o become an

important consociational i n s t i t u t i o n . e

I n t h e 1950s t he depressed p r i ce of gold, t h r e a t s of mine c losures a i d . b.

developing e thn ic comnunities and job opportuni t ies i n the south, l ed e thn ic - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - -

labour t o see work i n t h e inines only as a last r e s o r t , The mines were no

l~nger considered an acceptable occupation. The e thn ics d id not want - t h e i r - <

- sons $0 go i n t o . t h s mines as it was an occupation which offered l i t t l e chance _ a

- -- *

- 277 -

-

u

- --

-It w&s.always being d r i l l e d i n t o -oqr headg that we should g e t an e d u c a t i o n . T E T i i ' n t h e -mindk our parents of

- -< us ever en te r ing t he mines.

- A l l t h e men have worked ir the mines and none of them wanted t h e i r sons t o be miners. Now only a few s t a y on. They a l l ge t an education and move on.

~ l t h o u ~ h many had become m i n h g s p e c i a l i s t s they considered t h e mines ri

an employment few a l t e r n a t i v e s espec ia l ly a s ' t h e Porcupine Camp's '

I

-

--- - --

- fu tu r e was-uncertain; My- ethnkcs understood t he temporaryTeaIXt7 of =ne '

- - - - -.- - " - - - - . * cr camps and decided t o mbve on. French Canadians, however, rare1y;plannea t o

move on and began t o t ake up those pos i t ions . in t h e mines

--- - - - - -e%hhnic~~~&~&d.ULa-+&+

, businesses t o t he only buyers ava i lab le , t h e French Canadians.

After a l l when people a r e moving out and they want t o s e l l t h e i r businesses an& a French person wants-to buy it they s e l l it. Whether th'ey want t o o r not i g n ' t t he point as t h e r e i g not much - -5 choice up here. If they want t o buy it and take t h e r i s k 6%' * -

~ ~ @ u s i n e s s ' f i n e but i t ' s usual ly well-established businesses they

- ''Sr%~e picking up anyway. S t i l l when fhe time comes t o c lose o u t ths -a0- - z--byiness one has t o go. This a l l s t a r t e d with t h e threatened

c los ing of t h e W ~ d l i n g e a n d e p r ~ o f -L&--ke-- i n gene f i l , ,

Conditions i n t he Porcupine Camp o ~ l y continued t o worsen. The Buffalo L L. >'

Aqkerite Mine closed i n 1956,-the Coniaurum- i n 1961, t h e Broulan Reef i n 1965 7

a

and t h e Paymaster i n 1966, along with a number of smaller mines. The g r ea t e s t . 1. c -

8

blow came i n 1961 when t h e Holl inger announced t h a t it w a s going t o cease - - - ,.

.Ji operations m t h i n f i v e years. There had been&mours about t h e Hollinger * cz

closing f o r years before, which d id l i t t l e t o help l o c a l sta$ility, but t he

formal announcement served t a ~ ~ e n t u a t e ~ a n ~ a l r e a d ~ ~ ~ s e n i n g ~ i Q&,-&+-

was now a ce r t a in ty i n everyone's mind t h a t the P~ , r cup ine w a s going t o simply - - - -

"blow of f t h e map". \

I n 1964 t h i s c e r t a i n x e c l i n e w a s cushioned with t he announced discovery

- 278 - i

B - s

_ m

Q

.. . of r i c h copper1, z inc , l e a d and s i l v e ~ deposits. by the Texas G u l f Sulphur _ A

- - - - - - - _ -- -_ -- - - --- - - p-pp --------A --- - * ,

Company i n an a r ea f i f t een .mi les northeast of t h e t o m of ~ i m m k k s . The. ~ e i s a - A m

>

Gulf discovery was a r i c h deposi t and a new mine-andaconcentrator were s m n r. ' i -

i n f u l l produ,ction. Texas Gulf absorbed many of t h e ethnic miners who were

los ing t h e i r jobs i n t h e c losure of o ther mines and saved t he l i f e of t he - 1

. - Porcupine &ap: In 1972 t he r i s e i n t h e - p r i c e d f gold-added t o t he new

prosper i ty as the- gold mines began t o t h r i ve once 'again.

_ _ Timrnins once aga in became _a boom town as_ wel l -as- the r e t & i l , f _ _ - _ _

* - - - - -

dis-bributing and reg iona l c en t e r f o r Northeastern Ontario. I n Janhary -1973

t h e government of Onkario fo rced t he townships of the Porcupine Cam$ t o '

- - -- - - _ - 7

amalgamate i n t o a sbg&e cen t ra l i zed muni.cipa1. gov6rnment -The ' ~ u p ' e ~ ~ ~ i t ~ ; ' 1 _- -- --- - -_ -_ - - - - _ - -- -- -- - - - -

J 0

of Timmins was bar?, one of t he l a r$es t ' c i t i e s i n North America with over -. , 1,200 square miles of t e r r i t o r y ( f i g . 3). The camp's f u tu r e was now assure,d; ,

it was no lodger t o be simply a f l imsy camp bu t , a s t a b l e c i t y .

a 9 The boom, however, d id II& a f f e c t the population. The mines were - becoming mechanized so not as much labour was needed. The r e s u l t was t h a t t h e

i- - - --

. . T i K i n s popuEfion remained ~tEb--en 1 ~ ~ 1 ~ 6 6 a t about- but

<

declined 3% to, 28,490 by 1971 which was . largely a r e s u l t of a decl ine i n t he

Bthqic population from 7,214 (24.6%) t o 5,875 (20.6). I n t h e township of

Tisdale t he population increased from 7,934 t o 8,105 bu i t h e e thn ic d iv i s ion t /

decreased from 3 , 6 D (46%) t o 2,891 (35.7%). Again t he only s i gn i f i c an t

inc rease w a s among the French Canadians. I n Timmins t he French Canadian

populatibn went Trom 13,234 (45.2%) i n 1961 t o 14,145 (49,6%) i n $971 and i n

t he l a rge ly French Canadian township of Mountjoy t he French p o d l a t i o n almost - _ - - + _

4oubled from 1,117 (78.5%) * t o 2,064 (73%) i n 1971 ,. t he l a r g e s t jnczease of -

any town o r municipali ty i n t h e area .

<

n -/

- 279 -

i -

- ,-

?Trench Canadian Acomodation - - -- - - - - -

-- - -7-

S.D,Clark ( i 9 2 m h a s s t a t e d t h a t i n t he deveLopment of +the Norther? * - . L ~L d r 'b.

- 4

rnclustrl-comities "no e ~ . ~ ~ g r o u p Owas i n a more p o t e n t i a l l y s t r a t e g i b . :, 5

.C :

-' pos i t ion than t h e French ~ a k d i a n s t o take advantage of t h e opportuni t ies a

2

;

offerred." They were t h e l a r g e s t s i ng l e community i n t h e Porcupine m p . Y e t 1 &

<

a f t e r &king t h i s a s s e r t i v e statement Clark (1976 : 91 ) inappropr ia te ly ".=

, r e p ~ e s e n t s t h e French Canadian community i n Timmins zs separate from a l l

o ther communities, i s o l a t e d and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y dependent on t h e Catholic - A -

- - - - - --- -- - - - 8 - - -- - Church or;. f u l l y assimila$ed ' to -English Canadian insk i tu t ions ; But, as I-hope -. - --- - . --

? -- I have proved, t he French Canadians were ab l e t o t ake a c t i o n on a number of :

occassions i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t and t o maintain t h e s t a t u s quo. 5

- - - - - -- - - - -- -- -- - - - - -- - - - -- -- -- - - -- - -- - - - -- -- - - - , -_L

The Freneh Canadian middle c l a s s assumed the r e i n s of municipal

p o l i t i c a l l eadersh ip i n 1939 when it appeared t h a t t h e r ad i ca l s would gain /

cont ro l of t he town council . After ' World Nar. I1 the Catholic Church and .- - - r 2 -

French Canadian w o r k e ~ s a ided t h e Ehglish Canadians by drawing French e,

Canadian support away from t h e Mine M i l l union. French Canadians webs

, becoming committed t o a community i n which the English Canadians continued t o

- a b dominant but w i t h an allowance f o r French Canadian mit igat ion.

Ins tances of ind iv idua l s who maintain, "I was born French b u t t a l k

English a l l the time" became t h e norm i n t h e cbmmunity espec ia l ly as t h e -

a teaching of French had been a minimal mrt of t he school curriculum. I n 1951 +-

-i *..

the re were only s i x Catholic s e p a r a t e schools teaching French i n b i l i ngua l -

c l a s se s (Tremblay 1951 : 36). There was no secondary school support and-, t h e '1 t

- . c o s t s involved i n sending a c h i l d t o Sudbury o r Quebec f o r Frinch s&ondary - . , , *

- -- - - -- - -_- - educ&<iok were prohibi t ivg f o r any but t he wealthy (who *ere more l i k e i f t o -

' I

be ,Commit%ed t o t h e Anglophone commuhity j . s tudents went i n t o t he l o c a l English high s c h d o ~ ~ . The r e s u l t was a ~ r e n c h '

1

t - -

- than t he City H a l l . - - L - - - - - - --+-.

, 5 These words imply a dangerous rats of ' ang l ic iza t ion ' . It has been

3

observed t h a t the French Canadians i n t he Porcupine Camp have an 'appa l l ing w % f

a i g l i c i z a t i o n r a t e of 15.2% as aga in s t only a 7.5% r a t e i n t h e more -

-

i : predominantly French Canadian community of Kapuskasing ( ~ a v a r d . e t al 9

\-

1977r70c). Nevertheless while French Canadians i n Timmins see a problem they

- d o a 0 t - r e T a 5 ~ Z t - t o ~ l o p h o n e ' community. -

8

t h e ex ten t t h a t it allows them t o speak English - e a s i l y nitho;t a French . *

'. -

access t o -jobs.They- need n o t b e - f u E y edn&ed3rrFrenckb& shmlctbe-ab-ls--- -- -

-- +a speaLa%-Xeas&s0~1&3h~. 1 3 n - - i L L i - - t u u & e & L

English words i n t h e i r conversation. This i s of ten t he major def ining - parameter of French i d e n t i t y i n Timmins, an i n a b i l i t y t o speak the language

per fec t ly . This is what makes them unique, what makes them, as one French

Canadian informant said, 'Timminsois'. \

This difference i s the bas ic d i s t i n c t i o n between o lder es tabl ished and -

-- -

+ newly a r r i ved French Canadians which has resu l ted i n a s p l i t ? i t h in t h e

French Canadian comnymity between what a r e of ten termed t h e 'Native French'

o r 'Northeast Gang' and t h e 'Quebeckers' o r 'Quebecois'. One English Canadian

along very well and they always knew who came from where and stayed away from

each other." The Timmins French would f e e l ill a t ease among t h e ~ u e b e c o i s

who could speak b e t t e r French, without t he use of English w o k . The French

I Canadians from ~ u e b k c denigrated t he Ontario F;ench Canadians by viewing them

a s an ~ n ~ l b Saxon vers ion of t he Quebecois. The absence o r presence of a

French accent when speaking English was the iden t i fy ing code i n a casual . 1

conversation ahd a markera f wider di f ferences of i n t e r e s t . u 1

Those French Canadians who have been educated i n Quebec recognized t h a t

J 'Ithey do not speak t he r i g h t type of French around here". Individuals

educated i n the camp found t h a t when they went i n t o high school they would

of ten have d i f f i c u l t y . reconci l ing t h e i r u t i l i z a t i o n - of the- language ( p r i o r t o -

t h e l a s t few decades) with t h e proper type of French which w a s being taught. . '

A s one French Canadian informant lamented, "In high school I took-Lat inand ---

There was a l s o a f u r t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n i n the French Canadian community.

Some French Canadians had committed themselves t o a t r a d i t i o n a l community

0 . - ---- - -- - - - --- - - -- - pp -

s t ructure-based on r u a l a c t i v i t y and t he church. These a r e t h e individuals -

- - -- - c ~ a x f rg6€k7ppZB3) i d e n t i f i e s as+kiF++ha.ppy and contented" =lements whose A

a c t i v i t i e s revolved around church and family and on which he bases h5.s

analyses. But they a r e a small group l i v i n g i n t h e Mountjay a r e a and , -

anamalies i n t h e town of Timmins where t h e majority of French Canadians -

B res ide . The majority of French Canadians have always'been ready and 'able t o

n a car ry out a c t i v i t i e s outs ide of church con t ro l and alongside o ther -

- - -- a

communities.

I n t h e postwar period e thn ics , English and French Canadians had

expanded t h e l r prewar p o l i t i c a l aeco&odation on a l o c a l , p rov inc ia l and -- - - - - - ---- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --

- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - -

f e d e r a l l e v e l i n t o a new a l l i ance . A l l agreed on t h e consocia t ional nature of -

t h e i r a l l i a n c e t o such an extent t h a t they even shared p o l i t i c a l pos i t ions , --

I n 1948 Emile Brunette chose not t o run f o r mayor a f t e r nine years i n '..

o f f i c e , He became a Conservative member of the Provincia l l e g i s l a t u r e serving . 0

a s t h e minis ter of Mines and Northern Resources (and t h e only French Canadian *

member of t he p rov inc ia l cabinet) . One of the leading ~ renchCanad ian . - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - -

candidates f o r t h e 1948 mayoralty declined t o run saying t h a t a French 'c

, Canadian should 'no t ' en te r t h e f i e l d as an English Canadian should be mayor. - -

"I bel ieve t h a t t h e honour of represent ing Timmins as Mayor should be divided

. regular ly between both races." ( ~ o r c q i n e Advance 16' October 1947, p. 1)

The next mayor was Karl Eyre who then beckme Liberal MP f o r the' new

f e d e r a l r i d ing of Timmins i n 1949. H i s v ic to ry was i n p a r t a t t r i b u t e d t o the

a l l i a n c e between French Canadian Libera l s , l ed by , J .V . Bonhomme, and English

Canadian Conservatives a g S G E t thi*adic:l ethKics 5Zd t h g CCF-FZndidSte8.----p

L The provincial candldale, who h a F ~ e e n e lec ted p r m k u s l y ,' was d ~ h a t e d

by t h i s new coa l i t i on which continues t o hold p o l i t i c a l power. Ph i l i p Fay, a . t

French Canadian, became the new mayor and later an MP. He w a s i n t u r n -

followed by J;W.Sp_ooner

f

1

who-went o n t o become

and Fores ts . - - - - --

a '

I n 1955 ~ e o Del Vil lano, an I t a l i a n Canadian, was e lec ted mayor and was - - i

t o hold t h a t of-fice f o r t h g b e t t e r pa r t of the next twenty years , He w a s not- L

or ig ina l l y considered a candidate i n the mayoralty race a s ' t h e other two -

possible candidates were a r a d i c a l labour candidate, Workers Co-op manager

Garth Teeple, and a French Canadian Liberal and real e s t a t e entrepreneur,

J.V. Bonhome, They would haved iv ided t h e Eommunity between l abou rand -

business, English and French and so both ta lked Del Vil lano i l i to running as.a .-. -

compromisq ~ a n d i d a t e ~ t o avoid thks con f l i c t . The e thn i c s the re fore gairled the a

mayoralty tho@-the - k k ~ ~ ~ ~ c i l ~o&inuad t o be divided hatwean Ereneh andL-:-

Ehglish Canadians. Many seriior municipal were increas ingly taken by French a

Canadians who-continued t o uphold t h e consociation. -.

J u l e s Bergeron became c l e rk adminis t ra tor of the town of Timrnins i n "

1958 a f t e r s i x years as c l e rk t r ea su re r of t he township of Mountjoy. The m'

c l e rk adminis t ra tor w a s a p ivo t a l pos i t ion and was o f ten more important than - - A - - - - - Lp - -- -L - - - - .- - A- . t he mayor o r council because he supervised a l l t he c i v i c departments,

. provided cen t r a l personel se rv ices and w a s i n charge of publ ic information

( ~ a l u d i 1967:58-60). Bergeron was a former pres ident of Le Cercle youth club

and he had been educated in ~ r e n c h but he was a l s o born i n Ontario and

committed t o an English-speaking system modified by F ~ e n c h Canadian -

leadership . He oppose'd a number of l a t e r at tempts t o introduce i n s t i t u t i o n a l

b i l ingual ism and other forms of separat ion i n the town h a l l .

The p o l i t i c a l accommodation - i n - the camp - was i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d - - --- - - so - t h a t - PA-p --

-

French Canadian Liberals a r e in. t h e Federal parliament and English Canadian -

Conservatives i n t he Provincia l l eg i s l a tu r e . Each par ty oTfers only t a c i t

/ opposit ion. A t t he present time t he l o c a l Liberal MP (former a s s i s t a n t --

-

.e - 284'- . - - .

- - - - - -- - -- -- - - I-- --

Conservative MPP Allan Pope is t h e provincia l minis ter of Mines and Natural -

Resources. Though Pope is & English Canadian he, is a l s o married t o a French tC

Canadian and is the only Frencfl speaking member of t he p rov inc ia l cabinet a t * J

this time. a &

This poin t s t o an i n t e r e s t i n g fact. The primary prov inc ia l government -

spokesman f o r French Canadians i n Toronto has general ly been a Timmfns -

- - -- - - 2

represen ta t ive (or-from a neighboaring e l eo to ra l d i s t r i c t ) who has presented . - ' -

a circumspect &nd accommodating perception of t he Franco Ontarian dommUnity.

This i n par$ explains t h e ~ l a c k of comm2tment by t h e Ontario government t o -- - -- -- - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - -- - - - - -- 7 - - -LA- =-===

-

i n s t i t u t i o n a l b i l ingual ism and t h e l ack of influence of French Canadign -

k ;

i n t e r e s t groups on t h e p rov inc ia l g o v e w e n t . . .

The oi lY*response open t o those French Canadians who d id not choose t o . -

p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s .consociational s t r uc tu r e was t o re t rench within t h e i

-

t r a d i t i o n a l church dominated community. But even t h i s community was beginning-

- - - - t ~ undergo-chiu1ges-under-th~irlfluencc&hth~qriests&ha-'he~b- --

A-

emphasize 'nat ion ' i d e n t i t y and pressed f o r th 'e-creation of French Canadian 1

p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s . -. The supporters of t h i s i n i t i a t i v e were mostly recent - French Canadian migrants who came t o Timmins i n t h e 1950s and 1960s from

Quebec and t he smal ler Northern bn ta r io towns where French was predominant.

This group became increas ingly d i sa f fec ted because they were being l imi ted ,

from access t o l o c a l resources i n th? Porcupine camp, not only because of -

t h e i r l ack of English language s k i l l s but because t he o lder French Canadian - - -- - - - - - - - - - p--p -

working c l a s s , rngddle c l a s s and e l i t e groups control led access, Another --A-

important group o f supporters were French language teachers and . -

profess iona l s , - espec ia l ly lawyers, who formed a new e l i t e g r o u p which

a t t e m p t e d t o circumscribe consociational control by changing t h e b a s i s of . -

d

* -

% C .

- - - - - - - - - - - --- - - - --- -, - - --

competition from consoCiationalism t o a dependence on French Canadian '

L

- - community i n s ~ u t ~ T n i 7 ~ j y ~ ~ l e a d .5 by Catholic p r i e s t s who pushed f o r t h e ,

development of French Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s i n a wide appeal.fo;

s 'eparation aga ins t t h e old consociational accommodation. i "ip

i 8

Separatiop , .

The concepts of 'na t ion ' and t he c rea t ion of separate French Canadian . * 2

i h s t i t u t i o n s were developing themes within ~;ebec i n t he 1950s and> 1960s when / -

French Canadians were at tempting t o gain an equi table share of economic and

p o l i t i c a l resources from ~ n ~ l i s h Canadians. Many of t he postwar French -

Canadian migrants who came from Quebec t o Timmins came with stronglyLformed - - - - - - -

' - --- - 24 - - - - - - - - - - --

-

n a t i o n a l i s t iheas. These ideologies had ex i s ted f o r decades i n Quebec (I

(Trofimenkoff 1975:718), promulgated by Catholic p r i e s t s , but they had not /

penetrated the Catholic c lergy i n t h e Porcupine Camp. The o lder c lergy 5n t he -

Porcupine had accepted t h a t French Canadian accommoaation t o an Anglophone

system and most of t h e pr i ,es ts supported t he consociation. Changes, however, -

L

began t o occur i n t h e mid 1950s which c r e _ a t ; n e w ~ c ~ n f l ~ I t s o ~ e r _ t b ~ e - - -

of l o c a l accommodation.

The consociational accord was threatened when it l o s t a major advocate, * $

Father Ther iau l t , who died i n May 1956 a f t e r f o r t y - ~ e v e n ~ y e a r s i n t he

Camp. The p r i e s t s t h a t followed were f u l l y indoctr inated i n

concepts which ca l l ed f o r an emphasis on French Canaaian 'nat ion ' i d e n t i t y

and p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s under t h e guidance of the Catholic Church. The

church ca l l ed f o r a r e tu rn t o t h e French Canadian f o l d which was seen a s -

- -- - - - - - - - - -

d i s in t eg ra t i ng under t h e onslaught of ~ n ~ l i s h urban socie ty . Bishop Tess ie r

of the 'ITiocese of TimmTKwas a m a j d r supporter of the new order and Father

Celes t ine , who succeeded Father Ther iau l t , became a leading advocate. The -

t roops of t he changeover were t o be the 'Peres Oblats de Marie Immkculee' of

-

- - - - - > -- - - ----- - -

~gont rea l who came i n t o t h e camp as teachers i n 1956. '. - - - -

Ulne of the immediate r e s u l t s of t he in t roduct ion of t h i s new ideology:

uas an i n i t i a l attempt a t h i s t o r i a l r es t ruc tur ing , e ~ p e c i a l l y ~ o f ea r ly v -

a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y , i n order t o j u s t i f y French Canadian r i g h t s t o ' ' .

- a h c r e a s e d l o c a l t a t u s aga in s t t h e consociation. I n s p i t e of t he f a c t the:

I 1 -

ti, s

a g r i c u l t u r a l a c ' v i t y i n t h e had always been of minimal importance t he ,,

n e ~ FrencB Canadian Catholic ts attempted td enphasise i ts importahce, It

- #- - - - - -- - - - -A

present ing it as an e s s e n t i a l activityd and t h e foundation f o r l o c a l French I I ( . ' ..

Canadiah propr ie tary claims. The p r i e s t s wished t o p r e s e n t a l l French

Ca&dian soc ie ty as e s sen t i a l l y " ru ra1 and under: t h e i r con t ro l , t o con t ras t it -

- - - --- -- - - - - - - --A - -- - -- - - - - - - - - - --- - --- -

with English Canadian urban i n d u s t r i a l socie ty and t h e French Canadian middle

c l a s s who were pic tured as t r a i t o r s t o t h i s t r a d i t i o n (Marchak 1975t85). They

were helped i n t h i s a s s e r t i o n by Soc ia l s c i e n t i s t s who only per ipheral ly

examined t h e l o c a l community, -

The p r i e s t s f u r t h e r emphasized a program of Catholic and French

l a w g e education. I n 19 58 t h e y b u i l t E~oleAec~~ndaire-&Sacre_Caeur-aail 1 n / .

- -- - - -

1959 Ecole ~ e c o n d a i r e College Notre Dame - t o provide secondary French language

LL

education which had previously been.lacking. Other Catholic grade schools

were opened including O'Gorman High School i n 1961 t o provide secondary -

education f o r t h e English-speaking Catholics but t he major e f f o r t s were among

the French Canadian population. These ac t i ons created animosity i n t he

community as they came t o be perceived 'as at tempts t o introduce an

unnecessary d iv i s ion i n t h e +opulation; a t h r e a t t o t h e c o n s o c i a t i ~ n a l - - -- -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

a l l i ance . One e thn ic informant explained t h e development i n t h i s manner;

3 a c k t h e n WriCwas only one high school. Everyone went no matter i f you were Jewish, Ukrainian, Russian, Finnish, French - ev_eryone went. But t he minute you start dividing schools you w i l l d iv ide people ... It d idn ' t matter i f you spoke Chinese, Hindu, French. You grew up together and were a l l pa r t of the same gang. When they put

- 287 - 5 .

" 9

, t h e Catholic school t he r e t h e first th ing you know t h i s fe l low was g o i e n g t o the-CS€bolic Frencr schoCr a n & - t h i s ~ n e - to-the-EngEsh --- -

' publ ic school so t he r e was a/gang on one corner and a gang on t h e

- r. It ca&--y--- t h e o ther fe l low 's f a u l t s whereas before you j u s t accepted it as

'

j u s t a l i t t l e d i f fe rence because he was a d i f f e r e n t nationaliAy. 'This way he was a t o t a l s t r a e e r , goi-gg t o d i f f e r e n t schools.

The c le rgy ' s a t t a c k s on t h e consociation soon r e su l t ed .in

confronta t ions between t h e communities and withirl t he French. Canadian P

2-

community i t s e l f . One inc iden t s tands out.

Father Celest ine had been placing 8 number of c a l l s t o Montreal t o h i s C

order a i d , a t t h a t time, a l l outs ide calls went through t h e switchboard. But

he found t h a t none of t h e operator9 would speak the numbers in,French, e i t h e r

numbers i n French. This w a s not company policy but seems t o have been

introduced by one supervisor. It became a major i s sue as Father Celest ine was ,

incensed and publ ic ly pointed t o t h i s as an example of what-was being done ,

aga ins t t h e French Canadian community. He went t o every French elementary

school and t ~ l d t he ch i ld ren to t i e up t he phone system which they did so

The p r i e s t w a s making h i s point bu t it was a t a heavy cos t f q r .it was

dividing t he community. Conrad Levigne, t he owner of t h e French language - rad io s t a t i o n , went on t h e air and appealed t o parents t o s top t h e i r chi ldren

and abandon the p r i e s t ' s scheme. " In h i s view the behaviour of t he p r i e s t

went aga ins t the kind 03 accommodation t h a t t he French and English had worked

out i n t h e region. 'Such aggressive conduct, ' he concluded, 'would have l e d

t o bad blood between t he two groups. "' (Arnopoulos 1982: 39) - - - - - - -- - - -- - - -- -

Lavigne was par_t_of - the consociational accommodation even though he -- - - - - --

owned a, major p a r a l l e l French Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n , the French language radio

s t a t i o n ' CFCL ' (whose c a l l l e t t e r s stood f o r ' ~anad ienne Francais Conrad

8 expanded i n t o t e l e v i s i o n throughout Northern Ontario and he operated

---- ----- $ e f f e c t i v e l y i n an entreprene a1 world which accepted $ tha t English was t he . d

ii 3 Y

language of communication. It was s a i d t h a t ' h e became a "multi-millionaire, P

3 a Y

i n English, ,not French. " oron onto Sunday Sun 6 February 1983, ~ j ) But he -

1 r .t

was a l s o ac t i ve i n t h e ca i s s e populaires and i n introducing bil ingualism i n t o

Laurentian University. However, he had married a Jewish woman which served t o I, 1 C - d

a

os t r ac i ze - him from t h e Ca tho l ic based community, H e was-n& -a supporter -of - - - - - F-

t h e church's cause and they resented t h a t he .did not use h i s wea>th, I

inf luence and radio and t e l ev i s ion f a c i l i t i e s more e f f ec t i ve ly f o r French $ v

C&-.piianp ' =tiLon' Lnt-crests-as d i d o&hes~ompanies, such ~ a s ~ U ~ ~ ~ e ~ - - - A -- - - - '4- I n t h e mid 1960s t h e - P l l e t t e Lumber Company brought i n a la rge number

0 2

of bush workers from Quebec. This s t a r t e d a major i n f l ux of QLrebec French

Canadians i n t o t h e Porcupine Camp i n t o occupations where French was, f o r t h e

f i r s t time, the only language of work, k l l e t t e continued t o expand and h i red 5

only French Canadians who joined expressly French Canadian i n s t i t u t i d n s

--

ratheFthaTadjustto-anEngiishspeaking environment. The importat ion of D

. these workers se rved . to re in force t h e power of t he French Canadian clergy and

t he French language separate schools. The Quebec French were l i k e l y t o

p a r t i c i p a t e i n separate French i n s t i t u t i o n s and voluntary assoc ia t ions ra ther

than jo in t he consocia t ional organizations. They were t h e ones who supported

t he church's ideology. They were opposed by t he o lder group of French

Canadians who wished t o maintain t h e accommodation as any r e s t ruc tu r ing would

I n t h e 1960s t h e p r i e s t s and t h e i r supporters took t h e i r i n i t i a t i v e s a - -

'I

s t e p f u r t h e r by attempting t o introduce o f f i c i a l b i l ingual ism i n t o municipal

gover&teq; They hopkd t o Kave t he use of French accepted as o f f i c i a l policy - --

j - 289 -

in the,to& hall-anes lsuch add to- -

hindered, however, by French Can& -- - --

't

stop the introduction of bilingualism to the council. One of the councilors "

elected in 1960 was Jean Larcher who had been a councilor in 1950 but had

left for family medical r$agons. When she returned and entered council aeih

sh*e found herself caught in the middle of a confrontation which had not

existed when she left. She did not believe in officPal bilingualism and 1

c fougQf its introduction to the extent that she gai&d.the-reputakion of being -

"pro-British". e

Other French Canadian councilors, such as Emile Brunette, the former

- JPP r j h ~ had zeturaed b--tom-council, alsa-dL&not- ~ ~ ~ i ~ E s ~ A e = - ~ =

councilors and the French Canadian mwcipal employees, who were strong 1 supporters of the eonsociation, we5e able to stall the introduction of t bilingualism into the council proceedings where it would have become a 1 divisive issu ?layor Del Villano reported that he had a number of 3 - confrontations-with Father Celestinq on the issue in which he emphasized, as

did the French Canadian members of council and municipal government, that it.

was unnecessary since there were individuals in the town hall who spoke a

French fluently. As Mayor Del Villano remarked;

I speak French. If someone wanted to talk French I would talk. But Father Celestine was really pushing it and he got his ears - pughed back...Emile Brunette stalled and threw out bilingualism in City Hall because there was no use for it as there was a- lot of French there already.

The attempt to resurrect the Catholic Church as spokesman for the ,

French Canadian community - did - not - succeed. - - The French Canadian - - - - - middle - - - -- class -- - -- -- -

in particular had accommodated to the new consociation and had gained too - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

much to see it lost when another institution attempted to take away its

constituency lark 1976:110). Their success and the failure of the church is

Clark* s (i966: 89, 108) charac te r iza t ion of Timmins as an a rea ~hick' was L

experiencing a g r e a t dea l of English - French a-osity dur ing , the early

1960s, ind ica t ive of wider na t i ona l r e l a t i ons , was t r u e f o x dnly a sho r t

period of t i ne . The fences were being mended 'between t h e English'and fienbh /

Canadian communities though they were not completely mknded with %he ' e thn ic

tmmmunities ; I$ exchange for t h e i r support of the c ~ n s ~ c i a t i b n -tTBLlhglish A - ' -

---

- ,,

Canadians wi l l ing ly allowed French Canadians increased access t o l o c a l

- resources, even helping them t o c r ea t e a few separate i n s t i t u t i o n s such as a

a dependent on t he consocia t ional a l l i a n c e because of t h e i r small numbers, f e l t

t h a t t h e French-Canaaans were t ak ing advantage of t h e i r numerical pos i t ion --

a pr iv i leges they had not earned s ince it was evident t o t h e

e y were a minority much l i k e themselves and were not deserving of

any s p e c i a l p r iv i l eges as that would be outs ide t h e consociational - - -- - --

agreement, +

, Though the English Canadians d id not perceive t he French Canadians as 7

threatening t he l o c a l accommodation, t he e thn ics d id ; they saw t h e i r e thnic

enclaves, which had a l ready been weakened by a l o s s of population, penetrated

.by French Canadians, I n Schumacher t he l a rge ly Croatian and I t a l i a n - -

population w a s Catholic but they a l l went t o t he publ ic school. The French

Catholic bishop, however, pressed f o r in t roduct ion of a Catholic school.'The

l o c a l e thn ic congunit ies s a w t h i s a s an a t t a ck by the F r e n c h - b i ~ h n p ~ a g a i n s t -

t h e i r publ ic school system. They knew t h a t it would mean t he end of t h e - .

Schumacher High School which was already having t roubfe keeping student

enrolment up with t he d i spe r sa l of t he e thn ic population. Nevertheless t he -- - - x - -

*-, 2 'Cgus $- *

P

-4 _C--c

a Catholic school was b u i l t and the high school was forced t o close. Large

- - - 4 *

- -- - - -- -- -- -- - - -PAP -A?- - I - -~--

numbers of ethnics chose t o stay. with the public'school u n t i l it was cloeed

- -- and then went t o the B d n s public scho&.

, I %

-

The introduction of the Catholic.schoo1 was seen as the first "foot i n . - t he door". The French Canadians, bolstered by the ava i l ab i l i t y of Catholie

. - education i n t h e i r own language, began t o 'moue i n t o Schumacher i n increasing

" + * -

numbers, A similar develppment occur@ i n Porcupine and South Porcupine. Of % , . 5 \ ,

course much of t h i s population displace&t wasj.due t o Bhe nurperik.1 decline - - - - - . C

I., _ - - . -- - - - - - - ; i

of the ethnic populatibn and t h e gmwt6; bf . thk *4$e,nch b a d i a n -popitla€ion, .-- , + I.

i But the ethnics did not choose t o perce&' t h i s >de&qment i n . t h i s w a i . The' . . . ,

, ' :

ethnic populationi bqth p r o g r e s s i ~ e and &ysemt$ve, s a w the i n t r o , +

-- - - - - - - - -- . -*-----. "

m

French Catholic schools as onecof the bims$'changes i n the his tory M the 2 "'-. ..: -,

Porcupine Camp ; the beginning of t h s d e s < ~ t i o n -of thk consociational :' ( 1 7 .

. . a l l iance . . v ,-,~ . d - .,. i

0 = I I " 0

0

-Now 2 l o t of French a r e moving i n e&cially 'since we got our- Catholic school here i n Schumacher fi$$e&n years ago. The Croatians stuck t o the public school, '&e bishop warrtkd:the school '

and the p r i e s t got a f t e r some of the p&$,e,. , - '

1. --

a ,

- -- --- - --%+a?-'

-The big change here i n the Porcupine is Ch6 Frgrieh. They ,

educated them a l l i n French-speaking s c b l s . Then we were a l l English-Speaking - a l & 18afning English %+&her. .It h3ppened - . -.* . . gradually s t a r t i n g with the separate schoirls he$e, F i r s t 'in Timrnins. That wa2 the b ig cha!lge I 've seekk $he di-vi'sion of the camp.

The vehemence and extent of ' t h i s reaction, ,as w e l l as 'the f a c t t h a t it, . * .

uas largely l imited t o the ethnic communities, can b e r g q ~ a i n e d by the loca l . .

nature of the consociaCiona1 l imi ta t ion on dominant grdup. control of 2 *'

* . , t <

p o l i t i c a l and economic power. The French and English 'f2&$3ans might w e l l be - - - - - - - -

- --,.:--4d -- --

the most numeroL& communities but t h i s was not a frmefrork oq which they

cmaiE-restrict ethnic access t o resources. A l l groups held e q i i l ' r igh t t o

Q . - p o l i t i c a l and economic .power (except f o r the progressives) according t o

- - . - - --- -

- 292 - \ .

-

- - - -- - - -- - -- - -- - 1 - -

e

. . -. .

7

* " . . -XI, ELITE REXCCOMMODATION

j . * %

French Canadian Renegotiation ( . ~ -

I n the . per5od French a g d . . E ~ l i s h Canadian soc ie ty deyeloped a - * - * < ' < - - - new national ~ c c b & o ~ t i o n ; Where French Canadians hail pre\tiously been --

4 - . . . . "-

' - subservient to, the ' wider c o l i e c t i v e stm&ures of Anglo-dominated ~ a n a d i a n -

soc ie ty , which. symboli&llY character ized them as a t r a d i t h p a l ,

- --

rural -- soc ie ty , e;g. -1u.mBerjacks wearing toques ( ~ o p k i n s 1913), it was now a =

--- - A - - -- - - -- - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- - - - - - - L - - -

ii

-modern urban i n d u s t r i a l system. French and English Canadians were now much ,, ~

, * i

more -a;$ike but French ~ a n a d i a n s fouk i themse lves~ in a pos i t i on which did not

allow equal access t o na t iona l reseurces. The more publ ic man ihs t a t i ons of

t he ' quf e t qevolution* " of t he 1960s were an a t t ehp t t o redress these - . .

g-rievances ( ~ o r r i - s and Lanphier 1979: 208). . _ - . ,< "

- - - - - - - - - 'Ffe4eral-gavemmerrt-respondetito-e-' q n h t revohrtko&+tIrT- ;

crea t ion of the "Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Bi,wlkQralism' i n 1963.

The Commission explored t he economic, educational and l i n g u i s t i c d i s p a r i t i e s % e-

between French and English Canadians. I n r e a l i t y 1 es tab l i shed the new r u l e s /.

of publiA cu l tu re i n Canada on both a s t ructura1,and symbolic lev62, focusing -, -

on language - a s - t h e expression of cul tur&, -

' The Commission .report of I967 fntroduced a pol icy of i n s t i t u t i o n a l

b i l ingual ism t o o f f s e t t he des t ruc t ion of p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s , whose l o s s - - - - - -- - - -- - - -- - -- - --- -

w a s s a i d t o be vandal iz ing French Canadian foc ie ty . The r epo r t favoured a - - --- - --

f e d e r a l policy of i n s t i t u t i o n a l b i l ingua l i sm as a way t o c r ea t e equal -

oppor tun i t i es f o r both -English and French Canadians through an a l l i a n c e -

- 294 - -

- - - - - bdtween- the-next generation of Ang-Lophones and-~rancophonss2Fhe Comnissio&- - --

-

-

- soupht t o f o r t i f y t h e dec l i n ing French Canadian presence outs ide Y

*;a the in t roduct ion of a wide b i l i ngua l pol icy i n which Quebec, with L-

-4' -* e +

p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s allowing economic and p o l i t i c a l access t o 1

i

and French Canadians, was t o a c t as the model o orris and Lanphier 1979x209). -

- -- \ "

With government acceptance of t he Commission's f i ndings p o l i c i e s were,

introduced which c rea ted a new group of individuals , the 'b i l ingua ls ' and . '2 - - - + gave ihem unprecedented power both i n Quebec and,- more importantly, -in

* - -

O t t a w a . Whereas before a b i l i ngua l was an informal broker now they were t o be C

sanctibned as the new national e l i t e o orris and Lanphicer 1 9 7 9 ~ 210).

Porcupine Camp a there was a l o c a l l im i t a t i on on any attempt-to introduce -

f ede ra l b i l i ngua l policy i n s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h a t the re was a subs t an t i a l - -

English and French Canadian popula t ion t h a t might have supported t he new

accommodation; t he consocia t ional a l l i a n c e was still i n fo rce and did not

allow f o r any formal measure of ins t i tuZiona1 bil ingualism. There was as yet - -- - - - - P - - Lpp-p----p----- --

no large-scale separat ion between t h e e thn ic , English and French ~ a & d i a n

coqununitiks i n t h e camp. Fur ther t h e camp was far removed from the major h

-

metropolitan centers of power and w a s only then beginning an economic

rev iva l .

A This does not imply t h a t t h e new po l i c i e s were wholly i ne f f ec tua l on

R *

the whole community. The government's b i l ingua l policy d id 'serve t o b o l s t e r a

new economic and bducational e l i t e , both English and French Canadian, i n t he

I Porcupine Camp. This n e w x l i t e w a s e spec ia l ly powerful within kke-_Flrench-------- +*

L Canadian community. It consis ted of Catholic school teachers and -

profess ionals , e spec ia l ly lawyers. A s one e thn ic informant defined ;hem; -

-

"They have t h e i r own?'circle. Few, f i v e French lawyers, four , f i v e French

* --

doctors - a l l educated i n Mont,real, They are-vezy afQuent and when you a r e

a f f l uen t - -- you a r e i n f l u e n t i a l . . .That 's how the ~ r e n c h problem s t a r t e d here. " - - L - - e - - - - - - - L -

They were at tempting t o acquire resources which were control led,by

pa r t i c ipan t s i n t h e consocia t ional Qliance. Their only recourse was t o t r y . +

t o break down the a l l i a n c e by forming new i n s t i t u t i o n s i n an attempt t o force - + .

a new accohlodation which would recognize t h e i r r o l e as -brokers . . . .

The f i r s t a t tempts a t introducing reaccommodation had been ' led by

k'rench Cahholic p r i e s t s bu t had been defeated by French canadiah middle c l a s s '

and e l i t e members yho chose t o maintain t he consociation with t he ~ n & s and - ethnics . Introduction of a new formation of p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s and brokers

'

t h e i r i n i t i a l at tempts bu t they continued t h e i r e f f o r t s . However, ins tead of *

re ly ing on t he leadership - of t he Catholic p r i e s t s they began t o place g rea te r

emphasis pn c rea t ing local- level i n s t i t u t i o n s pa r t i cu l a r l y through such*

ac t ions as introducing a French language high school, a FYench Canadian , -- -

c u l t u r a l center and renewed attempts t o introduce o f f i c i a l bi l ingualism i n $

- - -- - - - -- - - - - --

l o c a l government.

French Language High School

(The new French Canadian eP i t e which had emerged i n t he ea r ly 1960s and

a l l i e d with the Catholic Church on t he p r inc ip les of ' na t ion ' and separat ion

had been defeated i n t h e i r i n i t i a l at tempts t o rev i se t he consociation. A s a

r e s u l t they turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o a l e s s confrontational approach,

supporting t he c rea t ion of a p a r a l l e l cul tura l ' and language system. The

organizat ional b a s i s of' t h i s a c t i on w a s t o be the l o c a l chapter of the 1

- - - - - - - - - -- - ppe - 1

' Association Canadiepne-Fmcaise - d ' Education de 1' Ontario (ACFEO) ' . Though - - - - -

i n i t i a l l y concerned with educational i s sues upon i t 6 establishment i n 1910 *

and u n t i l the end of t he 1 9 6 0 ~ , ACFEO (ACFO i n 1968) became more p o l i t i c a l l y + -

1

,

i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e French Canadian communities with schools, bu l t u r a l centers" 'B .

and m i l i t a n t assoc ia t ions ( ~ a v a r & e t a1 c9771125). - -

. 4CFEO found its g r e a t e s t supporters am- t h e new e l i t e members,< - <

lawyers and teachers , of t he French Canadian community i n T i m i n s whd were . .

. t h e f i r s t t o support c rea t ion of a French Language publ ic h igh .school. 'They -

- + ,

A a --2 - - -- - - * L A A

f ' -

were a ided i n t h i s r a t t e m p i by - . t h e dntariri provincia l gavernment's t . -

1 b s.

, in t rodyc t ioc of l e g i s l a t i o n favour2ng French langyage education i n keeping .

with t h e recbmmenhtions of t he Royal Commission on Bilingualism and 0 - --- .i

- - - - - - - - - - - --- --2 - -- - -- - - Bi cuTturalism , --- - "

I n Ju ly 1968 t h e provincia l government adopted B i l l 140 recognizing'

French as a language of i n s t ruc t i on i n primary schowls and B i l l 141 which , . .

a'llowed f o r t he establishment o f French language secondari schools on the + .

demand of parent&. The requksts were t o be made t o l o c a l 'French Language

I

Advisory Committees (FLAC) ' where they would be examined. and t ransmit ted t o - - - -- , - --- --

4 * -----A

t h e l o c a l school board where t he f i n a l decision would be made (Lee and +

Lapointe 1975~23-4) . French language r i g h t s were s a i d t o be part . of the p r ice

Ontario must pay f o r na t iona l uni ty (church i l l 1 9 7 0 ~ 4 4 3 ) ~ - -

Before the French language b i l l s had even become l a w , t he Timmkns 1

French Canadian community, under t he leadership of t he . l oca1 branch of ACFO,

presented a request f o r a French high school t o t h e Timmins Board of

Education. The b r i e f was submitted t o t he school board i n May 1968and

immediakely accept&% a t -the-same meeting .* -In cont ras t t o t he vehsmentl,y------ -

negative ~ t i m ~ ~ i n t r ~ a n of a French language High School i n

Sturgeon F a l l s a t t he same time, t he Timmins proposal received l i t t l e local.- - - -

comment. "What is s t r i k i n g i s the absence of b r i e f s , l e t t e r s t o the ed i t o r , -

o r any o f f i c i a l s t a n c e . "-(f;apointe and--Lee -~975: 16). I K noXe off@35tefiiewS---- -

did m y 33glish ~ a ~ i a r r e x p r s s s - a A i r n ~ ~ d s ~ o ~ ~ ' - ~

language high school ; which &s appropr i a t e ly named a f t e r Fa the r T h e r i a u l t . .

<- I .

The Engl ish Canadian mayor (who' was a collllcilor a t t h i s - t i m e ) proudly - + - .- + . .s...

f .

remarked ; ", '

* . . '

. . , . - . -

t ; ' *

Y You w i l l f i n d t h a t i n comparison t o skurgeon F a l l s , ~ o r t h ' * ~ a y . , , - . cornwall , Penetang, Timmins i s way ahead. T h e r i a y l t was t h e first French language pub l i c h igh school i n t h e province a n d - i s n a ~ t h e *

0

- l a r g e s t . Nobody s a i d they shouldnL1lt: have it and evexyb'odg agredd.

Y

The English Canadians, whose f i n a n c i a l support was necessary to -ga in I ,

government approval , accepted t h e c r e a t i o n o f t h i s primary p a r a l l e l

i n s t i t u t i o n i n p a r t because they had l i t t l e choice. The French Ca-%dik- - ,-- - - -- - ----=-

popula t ion was i n c r e a s i n g , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e town of Timmins, while t H e i r own ' , -

decreased from a high of I I (39.62) i n 1941, t o 10,065 (36.2%) i n 1951,

8,822 ' (30.1%) i n 1961 and 8,470 (29.7%) i n 1971 ( f i g . 10) . They supported t h e -

c r e a t i o n of p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n exchange-for French Canaclian commitment . .. - -

t o a new consoc ia t iona l accornrnodat~on with t h e English Canadians.

- - - - - - The o r&j ones who- d5dd notchampii~-parallel-FreTch-Canadian:

I ,

-. i n s t i t u t i o n s wdre t h e e t h n i c s who lamented, what they perce ived as a breakaown

P i n t h e consocia t ion . They regarded t h e p u r s u i t of French l a n g u a g e 6 t h e i

- - JO

' schools a s a s t r a t e g i c ploy by the 'French Canadian e q i t e . "My impression is

t h a t thky a r e very French n a t i o n a l i s t because it he lps t h e i r bus iness i f they I

, . . #

promote t h i s ~ r e n c h na t ional i sm. " The e t h n i c s , 'however, were f e w i n number

and no longer ad a s t r o n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework from which they could -

1

a <

oppose t h e English and Frendh Canadian agreement. The b a s i s of t h i s Anglo - - - - - - - -- -- A--

France accommodation, however, was a s p e c i f i W l y l o c a l i z e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of , *L

- - - --

- 1 t h e b i l i n g u a l p o l i c i e s be ing in t roduced bynthe f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l .

-, governments.

- - 298 - *

8 > - a . , - * -

* -

-

I, *

- - - - - -- -~ - -- -

To organizations such as ACFO and t h e Association.of Francophones L - - - - -- -- -- -----

Outside Quebec bil ingualism was an unfortunate c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of .. , >

Francophones, An&ophonea were seen as super ior unilinguals who would remain . . ,- * - I_ - .

,, s b ~ i t h b d t t h e Zntf _ dductlon C I . P . o f o f f i c i k l bi l inguqlism I . . , I n %&ins, however, , - , " . . +

.a , ~ - I . . t h e &ili.hgua,l characte55st ic 'of ~ r e n c 6 Canadians a l l o k d t h a t %he m a j o r i t y af ? " - , $

. . . ,

' - jobs i n .a b i l i ngua l l y conscious community would go t o them. I . % ,. * < .

Most Frencki Canadihns i n ~ l b i n s f e e l comf~r t ab l e i n the - E&1ishv - -- . , 9 . - - .

1.7 speaking envi<onment. One need' only-go do- t h e halls of t h e 'French lan@age

-

schaols t o f i n d ' the s tuden ts speaking mgre o f ten - i n English path& .than 3 a *

.? L

1

French. One young Timmins Francophone responded t o a telephone sumex * , -3

- - - - - - - - . - - ---7= - -- - - ---A _ _ , - - -- - -- - - --A - - - - - - -- - -

question on language use by saying, "So what! I*was born French Cahadiant now .

1 I

I speak m&e English than French because of t he environment. I must th ink 'of -,

t he fu tu r e ; -I. do' not l i v e i n t he pas t . " (chaperon- or 1974 t 61). ~ h i a i s ,

ind ica t ive of a wider pragmatic a t t i t u d e among many of t he younger French

_ ., ~ a n a i i a n s i n '~immins who. feel. t h a t too much dependence on t he French language -*

- - - woul-d reimo~e-tkem f ronrconten t icnr fbr j 6 b s r f h e y -accept--tha-t-yEngf-isItiUh

language of occupation but a l s o r e a l i z e t h a t t h e i r French l a n ~ g e a b i l i t y , 1

even i f l imi ted , al lows them g rea t e r benef5is i n t h e i r l o c a l r o l e as

b i l ingua ls .

The Anglophones i n T iming have always character ized t he French

Canadians as ' b i l i ngua l sg . The French Canadians were brokers i n a

consociational community which w a s on the boundary - between a l a rge ly French

Canadian hinter land and an Anglo Canadian metropolis to, the south. It L - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- -- - - ---

- r o l e t h a t t he Timmins French Canadians wi l l ingly accepted as they als - - - -- - - - -- - - - - - --

perceived themselves as b i l i n g u a l s . , I n t h e i r comparative study of t he a

<

in t roduct ion of French language schools i n Timmins and Sturgeon F a l l s D. Lee -

. L

and J . Lapointe recognized t h e s ignif icance of these de f in i t i ons .

-? -

- 299 - -

-

7 .

* . /

1

- _ -- - - ---- - - -- - -

-

Both i n Sturgeon F a l l s and i n Timmins, t h e Anglophones accept 'bi l ingualism' f o r the French and deflmxthern as bibngm

. . L- seems as thoygh the French i'n Tirnmins a l s o define themselves as 'b i l ingua ls ' , while subs t an t i a l amount of t he French i n Sturgeon Falls perceive themselves as ess&n%ially Francophones ( they even re fe r t o b i l i ngua l s as ,*'vendus' ) , ( ~ a ~ o i n t e and' Lee 1975: 16-7)

. " , +

The ACT0 e l i t e ' s Support of t h e French ianguage ;high school d i d not - --... . 1 ...

ga,in them pres t ige i n . theqc.9mmunity because they were not ' c red i ted with c1

having been instrumental i n obtaining t h e school. ' .~ng&h Canadiahs had not I I - ,

+ I

I A - - - react6da.against c r e i i t i o i bf t he school as they had done- i n o ther 0n ta r io

'

communities (sturgeon F a l l s , Cornwall, Windsor) and t he French Canadian - -

community did not f i n d it nedessary t d coalesce i n t o an apposi t ian group . . . . .&"

* ( h p o i n t e -a& Lee 1975:f6). '3113 hgl;ds ect n o t pPmeiVe-the high- Schiiiol a s a . " '- a

t h r e a t t o t h e i r resources but as a simple, redressing of an imbalagce. Timmins

needed another high school and t he equal po u l a t i o n numbers ensured t h a t each "

IP /

school could ceunt on an equivalent number of s tudents . Any l inger ing Anglo '

I

animosity over c rea t ion of a new school was resolved with a provincia l .grant , > r

t o re furb i sh the J3nglish language school and c rea t ion of a new school i n - - - - - -- - -- - -- -- - - - -- - - -

1981. ,The new school s tands next t o t h e French language high school and t h i s

'$ is pointed out b y members of both t h e Anglophone and Francophone communities

as symbolic of t h e i r accommodation.

It was c l ea r t h a t the po in t s of in tegra t ion between t he communities

were more numerous.-than t h e i r po in t s of separation. Members of the,ethriic, P

English a% French Canadian communities a l l belonged t o t h e Same Chamber of

Commerce as well as t h e same clubs and associa t ions . The 1 e fiumber of I M u n t a r y organizations i n the camp aLlowed f o r open channe l s of - -- - - --;

C j -

communication between- t h e communities. at t h ~ ~ E L I J Y E ~ (workj.n~~s+:

niddle c l a s s o r e l i t e ) of contact ( ~ e e and Lapointe 1974: 16).

French Canadian entrepreneurs and lawyers could not and did no t ,

- - A or- -b&hh m i & d % e G b ~ f ~ b ~ 9 & k i ~ s i g A i i ~ ~ t iff-*-Mch - $

ii

Canadian population, began t o h i r e French Canadian c l e r k s - i n t h e i r 2 4

J:

businesses, The French Canadians d id not f i n d it necessary t o take .'

- - confronCational a c t i o n when informal mechanisms were a v a i l a b l e t o kedia te - .

-, _ I

* dispu tes and maintain cohesion ( ~ e r r i 6976:32). The French Canadians were

ab l e tw.advancs &hei r pos i t ions bu t it was not at t h e expense of English i

, $

- 4 - - a - - i' - P -

Canadians. ; - t <

, , --

The ' l imited separat ion t h a t f i r s t t he church and l g t a r t he ACM) e l i t e

had thought t o sponsor i n t he Timmins a r ea w a s i l l u s o r y not so l e ly , as Clark - 'i

of advancement t o t he northern i n d u s t r i a l community whereas t he Ehglish could +

.I

advance i n t o t h e outs ide world but a l s o because t he a l l i a n c e between t he c' -

English and French Canadians remained strong. Even c rea t ion of a French -F

, Canadian cultura& cen te r d id not s i gn i f i c an t l y sever French Canadian

i* r e l a t i o n s with t he English Canadian cowuni ty o r th rea ten t h e accommodation 6

- - - - - -- -- - - -- - -- -- -- - - - - - -- --- - - -

d ' 3,

-+ but eventually added t o it.

,? I

T

t La Ronde - 1

By 1968 ACFO had broadened i ts interest<.*om education t o c rea t ion of

a French Canadian i n f r a s t ruc tu r e t o a c t as a base ,of support and f i l l the gap

l e f t by t h e decl in ing inf luence of t h e Catholic Church (Lamy 1977115). I n

Timrnins many of the same e l i t e members who had herped i n c rea t ion of t he -

French, language high school (without acquiring community p res t ige) joined t o i *

f o m a French Canadian cen t re - c u l t u r e l , The -center w a s c a l l ed -la Pm&rnd--:---

d i rec t ion" (Sava$ e t a 1 1977: 127).

Pa r t of the 'center ' s purpose was t o bu i l d up support f o r t he ACFO-elite - - -

*.

through judicious con t ro l o f membership.-This-contr01-fa~0~~ecL the elites and-, -

t h e middle c l a s s while ensuring t h a t no one who opposed ACFO were accepted , -- - - - -PA- ,

i n t o t h e center . Former Councilwoman Jeanne Lafcher was excluded on t he 0

grounds t h a t she was "pro-British" because she @.d fought the ' in t roduct ion o f .

o f f i c i a l bi'lingua2ism i n t o the town h a l l . Older members of t he French

Canadian cornunity were a l s o exoludgd as t h e i r commitnent & French. Canadian

ident i t$ could not be cbmpletely depended upon s ince they had grown up i n an ?

- -

Anglophone environment.

The ACFO e l i t e , supported by Catholic p r i e s t s , organized spec i a l " ,

meetings a t La Ronde i n which French Canadian busineshmen came t o d i scuss the

formation of paraUeL b u s i n k assocfations. They found, h u w e v e r , that--many------

French Canadians were ready t o d e f l a t e any attempt t o c r ea t e p a r a l l e l

i n s t i t u t i o n s i n opposit ion t o ex i s t i ng ones. One municipal 'employee

informant, one of t he ind iv idua l s who had been instrumental i n keeping

bil ingualism out of municipal government, rememtered one such meeting a t

which he took a prominent r o l e . The meeting w a s led by Father Celest ine who. -

- - - - - --- - -- - -- - -- --

attempted t o ge t French Canadian businessmen t o form a separate chamber of

Commerce. Father Celes t ine implied t h a t French Canadians should cr-eate t h e i r

own chanber because they were not welcome i n t h e ex i s t i ng chamber bu t t h i s

was f i rmly refutkd and a separate chamber never.formed.

Father Celest ine was leading the meeting and he pointed out t h a t a l l the pres idents of t he Chamber of Commerce were English but I

- pointed out t h a t t he pres ident a t t h a t time w a s French as were many of the members of t h e executive. He then says well t h a t guy r e a l l y had t o s t ruggle then t o ge t t h a t posi t ion. I saw t h a t t he guy was there a t the meeting and I .asked him and he s a id it was horseshi t . That the people begged -him t o become pres ident . The-- - - - conclusion w a s t h a t they wo.uld ge t twenty-five businessmen together t o decide if they-should form a separate chamber but I

--

i s a i d t he chamber was open t o a l l and anyone who was ac t i ve could ge t t o be head. That was the weakness of t he French community, 1 t r y ing t o get ' involved i n separate clubs. I I

Attempts t o c r ea t e a separate community support base were failling. The

French Canadian e l i t e began t o l ~ s e ~ i r r t e r e s t i n t h e cen te r , Working c l a s s - - - - --- - - - - -- -

members of t h e Wench Canadian community were alqeady c r i t i c&ing La Ronde - -- - - - - - - - - 2

f o r being e l i t i s t , The cen te r was losi,ng support i n t h e community and was i n 2

danger of closing. a - - <

By t h e mid 1970s La Ronde was forced t o open i t s doors t o a more 2

- . >gene&l:French Canadian working c l a s s c l i e n t e l l e . p e n nonLl?rench Canadians 3 g - - ~,

were. welcome t o joiri. Many indivgduals who hall in termarr ied i n t o o ther ethfiid .& f

' c o m k t i e s found 'themselves kelcome. La Ronde no longer had connetations ef > \

d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l ' i n t e r e s t s i n t h e community,,One Grogtian informant compared

h i s own e thn ic community ' s preoccupation with p o l i t i c s uilfavo&ably with La 4-

Ronde e, "tLsok- ovgr there-in-Timmi.ns t h e ~ ' k ~ g o t - - a b i g - h a l L c a l l s ~ z B a n d ~ a n d = a n d =

they've got nothing t o do with t h e FLQ, Quebec, France, nothing. They j u s t ga

there together and t a l k i n French," Another Croatian informanf, who had

married a French Canadian, f e l t more a t home a t La Ronde than a t t he Croatian

Hall.

I a m no longer a member of t h e Croatian H a l l but I am a member of .La Ronde and I go there f o r a cheapbeer and go t o t h e i r dances

- - -- - - - -- -- A ~ - ~ - -- - -- ,

and l i s t e n t o t he French singing. It i s not a n a t i o n a l i s t organization. They a r e in te res ted ' in French cu l tu re . They know me...I go t o t h e i r Christmas dances and New Years. I speak English with them and t he r e is no problem. They.will t a l k French i f you -

know French and English i f you don ' t , it doesn ' t matter .

By 1976 La Ronde was once again and sought t o exp&nd its . .

. f a c i l i t i e s . They bought two adjoining English Catholic schools f o r a nominal

: amount and with g r an t s from t h e federa l ' and provincia l governments created a ,

. new cen te r Culture1 La Ronde which o f f i c i a l l y opened i n 1981, La Ronde now"

had t he f i n e s t banquet and s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s i n t he region and became the *

- - - - -- - - -- - -- -- - -

focus f o r s o c i a l s , dances and spec i a l c u l t u r a l events. La Ronde expanded its - - - - - - - - -- - - -

a c t i v i t i e s with increased pa r t i c ipa t i on i n t he Timmins Winter Carnival. They P

were ab le t o introduce French Canadian symbols such as toques and t he

ca rn iva l mascot ' Bonhame Carnival ' (a- Qubbec e a r k v a l - s n o m n - c h a r a c t e d ,-IT -- -

198 1 La Ronde Hssumed f kl lead_~hi,PPoffhe_wint~a&~l wh ii.'nT-7n-

-,

a l l the connotat ions of a French Canadian event.

La Ronde's prominence i n t h e French Canadian community should not be

. overs ta ted for ' it i s as much a n informal me.eting 'place as an i n s t i t u t i o n ,

People go t he r e occass ional ly t o dances o r bingo n igh t s and need not have a , .

s t rong commifment t o t he center . I n t h e bar the bee r is the cheapest i n t he

c i t y and though t he ba r i s supposed t o be r e s t r i c t e d . t o members and t h e i r

guests t he r e was an open pol icy; many English Canadians could be found I *

drinking with t h e i r French Canadian f r i ends . . a

- --- - -

La Ron& does not even o v e 3 3 y support French Cknaaian p o 1 3 i 5 a l p p * --

1

candidates although a t e l e c t i o n t i m e q o c a l councilors and mayoralty - _ .7

candidates address La Ronde meetings. But they a r e as like'ly +.o address them

i n English as i n French though a few words i n French a r e appreciated. La

Ronde is s imi l a r l y unprepared t g support t he in t roduct ion of o f f i c i a l

b i l ingual ism on t h e municipal l e v e l . The Timmins Mayor. from 1976 t o 1981, who

was ha l f French and a prominent member of La Ronde and had a l s o fought the

in t roduc t ion of b i l ingual ism - i n c i t y h a l l , commen:ed on t h e i r inf luence.

La Ronde i s t he f i n e s t c u l t u r a l cen te r of i ts kind i n the province. The French a l l go the re . It i s what they r e l a t e t o and not j u s t fox t he people a t t he top. They go t o dances. A l o t of people have the a t t i t u d e t h a t it is f o r the bigger ones bk t the re is a s t rong group i n L a Ronde t h a t has backed away from L'ACFO, They don ' t want t o be assoc ia ted y i t h a group t h a t can come on too s t rong and say t h a t t he c i t y be declared b i l i ngua l o r s t rong p o l i t i c a l l y . I have had t o dea l with t h i s . The people on t he executive have had t h e i r f i l l of these people and they f e e l very s t rongly . They backed away from them. TheyLiw@nted t o be known as a c u l t u r a l cen te r , A p lace t h a t you can go And ha%e a c h a n c e t o - - - - - - express yourself i n the French language. They ' l l bac,k away from any>ody who comes on too strong=- - - -- pp---

Again the o n l q c r i t i c i s m w a s from the e thnic communities. The cen t e r ' s

success i n gaining g ernment g r an t s angered e thn ic l eaders who s a id t he new t

center was- k n d

ge t federal- .money a t t he w e time &ted %h&t ''kt Ro d e W bdt for, - - - -

government. They were not seen as having i@~e6ted their awn t i n e and money 4 '7 8

but were being.bought these new "t&" to placate them. La Ronde was peceived -a 4 -* '. as another. t h r e a t t o t he l o c a l consociati0@1 though i n fact it had

- - - - i L -

and Freech Canadian coimunities. - The ACFQ e l i t e was unable t o u t i l i z e t h e cd tu ra l cen te r t o marshall

5

Y

t h e i r enemies i n t he consociation. The ACFO elite Was iO a weak pos i t ion if d

-;I

they hoped t o continue t h e i r i n i t i a t i v e s , L.

Municipal Bilingualism and t h e E l i t e c.? * .-

The Catholic Church had abrogated i t $ k a d e f a h i p i n both education and - '%

p o l i t i c s i n t he mid 1960s t o t h e l o c a l c h a f t O r af athe ACFO. While ACFO --- --- - ---

members were nominally successful i n helpi& t o set up t h e French High School

and t h e French Canadian c u l t u r a l cen te r thdB dJ-d OOt marshal1 community ' *

support. Despite t h i s l ack of success the ~ ~ o v i s c i . ~ ~ ACFO organization

represen ts Timmins as a major cen te r of a c + x ~ i t ~ , ?he l o c a l Am0 leadership -

has become l imi ted t o present ing a face of S Q i G f i t y tb t h e outs ide world *

but it cannot su s t a in any d i r e c t confronta+xoh* mey a r e reduoed t o phoning

t he Timmins c i t y h a l l t o ask f o r census da@ on the percentage of French

Canadians i n t h e l o c a l population and pressfiCi~e t h a t 4 a t a - t o - t k e + ~ ~ I ; ~ e i a l -

and f ede ra l governments as a measure of Qab low1 support . m i l e ACFO is

attended t o by f ede ra l and p r o v i n c i a l g q j r u p e f l t s and given l a rge g ran t s they . a r e unable t o present themselves as leader- i n t h e Timmins French Canadian

9

. - .. . - . .a

- .

- +

+ . 2

. , I * - . ' c0mmtl~ty . - - - - - - - - -- - L ---+-+--- -

. . Simi$fiy French Canadian p o l i t i c a l l eaders from Timmins have, always - , * , -,

been ca r e fu l t o make a d i s t i n c t i o n between t b i r , i n t e r n a l and ex te rna l - Ir t , - . -

* * .

Eomunity posi t ions . Thus they may* support t he in t roduct ion of bilingualism . a

'

" . e .

i n t be 0; ~ i t a ~ i o without implying c r i t i c i s in o r c o n f l i c t a t t h i . .. - . * * c. . . . -

comkni ty JeveI. A s a r e s u l t Timmins MP Ray , / Chede r cpuld.state p u b l i c a u y i n c -

+ ,

March 1981 tha-e d id not. understand the F'ra~cophones i n Ohtario not 1 _ I

demanding t h e i r b i l i nguk l r i g h t s and c r i t i c i z i n g the provik2ia l gbyernm6nt - <

- ' - - .*

- -

f o r refus ing >to introduce o f f i c i a l bi l ingualism, -without c r i t i c i z h g l o c a l . .

<.

condit ions. On the community l e v e l b i l i ngua l pol icy is not an i s sue discussed e t

by t he Iocaly fedteFaForprovi-ncial. representatives. IK the-same m a e r kSFO. =--:=

9 i s recognized 'b t h e p rov inc ia l and f e d e r a l governments bu t not recoghized i n - '

-. &

t he ~ i m m i n s 6 r e a . +

Provincia l ly ACFO was a b l e d o introduce an important symbol, t h e -

concept of 'Franco Optasienne', as a co l l ec t i ve d i s t i n c t i o n f o r French I 1 -

cangdians i n Ontario t o d i s t ingu ish them from Quebecoks who increasir igly - - - - - - - -- - - - - L. - - -- ---- -

chose not t o be spokesmenJor French Canadians guts ide Quebec. ACFO hoped t o - ' ,

u s e t he new symbology of 'Franeo Ontarienne' t o ga in reso s and take T ac t i on on behalf o f t h e -French Canadian minority i n Onta i o . It was a word .f

which came t o be accepted by provincia l and f ede ra l governments and even +

s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s but it has l i t t l e meaning i n t he Timmins French Canadi& .D

community. The majori ty, e spec ia l ly of t he older es tab l i shed group, refuse t o .

acknowledge the word. A s one e lde r ly French Canadian informant expressed i t , 1

"Do not c a l l m e a ~ r a k o Ontarienne - t h a t hu r t s my a s s , ! ! O t h e r t . s d i d _ n o t -- --

recognize t h e u se of t he word i n c a v e r s a t i o n , Ip t he c h u n i t y it w a s c l e a r

t h a t they were French-Canadian and they had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t t o see themselves F

redefined f o r t he i n t e r e s t s of an overarching c o l l e c t i v i t y many did not

1

The ACFO leadership i n Tfmmins were forced t o r e t r e a t i n to the loca l i: - - - - -- 'i

* school board. One of the most prominent ACFO leaders i n Timmins, lawyer - . 3

4 Gil les Racicot, came t o chair the ." board's 'French Language Advisory Committee i

? ?

(FLAC) ' . Other leaders such as " Dennis Carrisre , a French language separate -4

'1 ;Y &$ 3

school pr incipal , and Treva +Cousineau, a French separate school teacher and d 3

- wife of a prominent French Canadian lawyer, a l so became members of t h e Board * - 3 1

- - of Education a& the *French Language ~ d v i s s ~ ~ o k i t ~ e k '; The ~ ~ ~ - 6 i m r n i t t e e -

9

> . -."" - - 4 2-

' = was t o be the new framework f o r continued pursuit of the loca l bi l ingual - . . . i n i t i a t i v e s . These attempts continued, i n s p i t e of the r e l a t ive f r a i l t y of

_ f .

policy. I.

I n 197.4 and 1975 the Ontario go~ernment established a 'Council f o r . Franco-Ontarian Affairs ' t o advise the government on French language .

!

s&on&ry education. ~ e w ' grants were made available and ACFO, especially i n

O t t a w a , gained a large number of new grants as well as unprecedented -- A A - - -- -- - - - - - - - -- ---PA- -

recognition as spokesman f o r t h e French Canadian community'in Ontario. I n . J +

i response the Timmins.ACF0 and FLAC members, buoyed by t h i s new support, moved -

once again t o introduce o f f i c i a l bilingualism in to municipal government.

This proibilingualism fac t ion was led by Treva Cousineau who attempted -.

t o have the issue introduced d i r ec t ly t o c i t y council. This move alarmed tHe _I.

council. A s one former councilor admitted, "When they s t a r t e d pushing it *

r ea l ly paniched the council a s they were a f ra id that it would be brought t o . .

-- - them and they woulh have t o -vote. The councilors could- not- hav-s-s &hay-- ---------

m

- would have al ienated the population e i the r way." A s before, however, French

Canadians within c i t y h a l l opposed the introduction of bilingualism and were

able t o f igh t its presentation in to council. This group consisted of - -

3 *_ t

- clerk=adminis thlmr J u l e s 3 e r g e r o n , economi-c-admfnistratorJ%~Ree&-+nd -Mayor--- - --

. . of a committee t o s tudy t h e f i n a k c i a l co s t s of bil ingualism. The committee

v *was t o cons i s t of ind iv idua l s l i k e t he ci ty-administrator and c i t y t r ea su re r

t

who were %i l i ngua l and who would have found t he proposi t ion economically . ., - B

' untemble . This t a c t i c was unnecessary as the , mayor made c l e a r t o Gousineau

t h a t no one i n c i t y h a l l wasc-prepared t o support bi l ingualism.

She w a s t o l d t h a t t h a t t h e adminis t ra t ion could. not af f drd Co- t r ans l a t e - -

2

a l l t h e mater ia l t h a t went out of t h e offise..The..mayor, who was half v French . -

Canadian, made c l e a r t o her t h a t bi l ingualism was unnecessary as the &ty * xv

- --

h a l l had-many ~ r e n c h Canadian employees who couId-aia those -~-Wanted toP5e- -

served in ,French. The mayor c o n f i q e d t h a t "We a r e not about. t o break down

doors t h a t a r e a l ready open." The .pro-bilingualism f a c t i o n d id not receive .

any support from La Ronde which wished t o avoid a p o l i t i c a l confrontation. On

a personal l e v e l Cousineau's lawyer husband was los ing business as Englisha

Canadians refused t o u t i l i z e h i s se rv ices and French Canadians d id not make - - - - - - - - -

pp - - --- -- - pp - -

up f o r t h e l o s s . She and her family a i s o began t o receive phone c a l l s

c r i t i c i z i n g her posi t ion. She became i d e n t i f i e d as a 'troublemaker' who wag

t r y i n g t o upset t h e harmony of t h e community;,

There was no t rouble ou t here u n t i l Treva Co sineau s t a r t e d it. She was a school teacher and got on t he board of education and she i w a s going t o have French i n everything-all Fr nch council even. A l l this w a s doing was causing t rouble betyeen French and English which they d idn ' t need because everybody was ge t t i ng along. It d i d n ' t matter i f a F r e n c e n l ived next door O r not as you go$ a long with him as much as anybody e l s e . She s t a r t e d causing a l l - i-

t h i s t rouble u n t i l she was to18 t o shut up and I d idn ' t hear much s ince . Like_ t h e mayor he i s from Quebec and is French, that -helped- - --

bin ge t i n espec ia l ly when everybody got f ed up with Leo Del %&& we have-lkxxd~ i n c i t y h Vilhae. BI& &x&&ea &lL-,---

French i n t he Works Department, anytime any French come i n here we can always accommodate them. A l o t of t he French a r e aga ins t her too because a l l she is doing is causing t rouble . 1 ' ve t a lked t o a l o t who said tht they d idn ' t need her because they,were g e t t i n g

- ---- --- -- --- - - - - - --A-

along 1 0 0 F b e f & & that . ~ a t i o n a l i t ~ doesn' t mean too much up 'r

here. i ..+ - -.-+ - --

" T h i s was an a t t i t u d e which was forceful ly presentdd by t h i s Anglo - - - + . - Canadian informant but was echoed by e thn ic informants and p a r t i a l l y , though +

t - i n a muted manner, by French Canadian informants. I n t h e end t he , -

pro-bilingualism

- 4

l eaders were fo r ce t o r e t r e a t from t h e i r pos i t ions and

remove t h e i r b i l i ngua l proposi t ion i n t h e face of massive opposition. The -

l o c a l ACFO leadershipowere f u r t h e r discourages by a change i n policy by t he - - -

provinc ia l AcF'O. The e a r l y 1980's were a period of c r i s i s f o r ACFO. New -

proposals, w ~ c h recognized the organization' s dependence on provincia l

ga&nment l a rgesse , s o x h t -to- c u e ACFD-irr_to a pcxlit&m,l i pka ra s t sag- - - :--- =-=

-

which would seek t o inf luence t h e provincia l government i n Toronto. One

r e s u l t w a s t h e movement of ACFO's headquarters from Ottawa t o Toronto. The Y c-

coro l la ry of t h i s pol icy w a s a de-emphasis on community development and l o c a l - +

-

i n t e r e s t s ( ~ r e n e t t e 1984). The l o c a l ACFO leadership could not accept t h i s -

change and soon d r i f t e d away. -- -7------ pip- -- - - --- -

One member of ACFO, Dennis Carr iere , a l l i e d himself with Anglo

Canadians i n the newly formed Timmins ~ u s e u m ~ o m m i t t e e ~ ~ where he introduced a -

French Canadianpresence f o r t he f i r s t time. G i l l e s Racicot removed-himself -

from a f f i l i a t i o n with ACFO f e e l i n g t h a t it was no longer a va l id organization -

and l im i t ed himself t o ac t i on wi thin t he board of education. C .

~ o u s h e a u , -however, switche& her emphasis t o t h e provincia l l eve l . I n

1977 she w a s appointed by t he Ontario as Timmins representa t ive t o

t h e 'Council f o r Franco Ontarian - Affairs ( ~ o n s e i l des Affai res - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - -

* * franco-ontariennes) ' and w a s joined i n 1980 by Gaston Mal le t te , founder of

A - -- - - - - - - --

Mallette ~umber . Cousineau became chai~man of the Timmins Separate School -

Board i n 1980, pres ident of t he 'Association des Conseils Scola i res de -

-- - - - -- - -- A- - - -- -- \

l 'Onta r io l which represented French school t r u s t e e s and FLAC members - - 1 - ---- - throughout Ontario i n 1980. She became president of the Ontario School

Trustees Council i n 1981. Her i n t e r e s t s turned increas ingly towards general . *

education. I n 1982 she ran f o r an aldermanic s e a t on t h e c i t y council on t he -

-

b a s i s of her parent and education assoc ia t ion experience without emphasis on

the b i l i ngua l i s sue . She l o s t out on a s e a t by a s m a l l margin and t o no i e s s - -

a f i gu re than former mayor Leo Del Villanb who had decided t o r e tu rn t o a-

-

p h l i t i c s .

The pro-bilingualism f a c t i o n was now la rge ly dispersed but another

, -g roup of younger supporters were t o take t h e i r place. They would a l s o pursue - - - - A - - - - - -- -

- - - - -

i

b i l i ngua l i s sues but i n a l e s s a c t i v i s t and more loca l ized cashion, Ins tead -

-

of re ly ing on t he d i r e c t promotion of government policy as ACFO was seeking -

t o do they sought t o b o l s t e r l o c a l char te r group s t a t u s through controx of .

her i t age and c u l t u r a l symbols. This was a development which was al ready being

ca r r ied out by a new Anglo e l i t e group. -

I

-The- Masem and-The-xoneers - -- - -- - --

- A new English Canadian e l i t e group was developing alongside the

- ACFO e l i t e . They d id no t , however, choose t o acquirs resources'through an*

a c t i v i s t policy. Rather they pursued more circumspect i n i t i a t i v e s through

attempts t o control l o c a l historiography; a h i s to ry which had been . I 7 '

de-emphasized i n t he i n t e r e s t of t he consociation but whose manipulation -

might a i d i n t he acquis i t ion o f l o c a l s t a t u s and resources. -

The foundation of the Anglo e l i t e ' s attempt3 t o rev i se l o c a l h i s to ry +z - -- - - -

, - -- -- -A

was a new i n s t i t u t i o n , t he 'Timmins Museum and Exhibition Center ' . It was - - - - -- - -

created through t he i n s t i g a t i o n of a small group of English Canadian e l i t e -6

members who were i n t e r e s t ed i n r a t i f y i n g t h e i r fami l ies ' 'pioneer ' s t a t u s

and, the re fore , t h e i r own e l i t e s t&us. With c rea t ion of a museum they I

-

- 310 -

I -- - - - -- -- t o suit t h e i r l o c a l i n t e r e s t s . -

T h o a h primarily i n t e r e s t e d i n a l o c a l museum, which could b e t t e r * - ~ -

cont ro l - *a1 hTs t~r iography , t h e h g l o e l i t e found t h a t t he r e was no .feA& +>

gran t7oney ava i lab le f o r c rea t ion of a l o c a l museum. But t he r e was gran t -1

't

' . money ava i lab le f o r a f ede ra l l y sanctioned 'Ekhibit ion Center' . I n 1973 a -

Museum Committee was created t o plan t he Exhibition Center. The committee C - --

received- a f ede ra l g r an t of $100,000 as wel l as $130,000 from t h e City of

Timmins and began t o bu i l d on land i n South Porcupine suppli-ed by t h e Dome 11

adminis t ra te . The direc?tor, however, found h e r s e l f i n c o n f l i c t with a -

powerful c l ique within t h e committee. The d i r ec to r rea l i zed t h a t t h i s c l ique - a

w a s at tempting t o change the framework of t he cen te r away from the extensive

programming of an Exhibit ion Center towards the 1 i m h t e d . s t r u c t u r e ~ f - a l o c a l

museum i n which they would def ine and con t ro l the b a s i s of l o c a l h i s to ry , The

e l i t e pre-5-sure _ o n t h e d i r e c t o r w,& such t h a t ~ h e - w a g f o r c e d t o r e s ign . Inp -P -p - --

/ December 1975 shewas replaced by a new d i r ec to r who was more condusive t o

- -

e l i t e con t ro l of l o c a l h i s t o ry a n d p l a n s Were made t o c r ea t e a new addi t ion - -

t o the cen te r . -

-

I n ~obember 1976 the Timmins Muse+ Advisory committee, i n an e f f i r t t o

fu r the r t h e i r con t ro l 'of l o c a l h i s t o ry , made adsubmission t o t he Timmins City %

Council f o r establishment of a museum alongside t he Exhibit ion Center. It was . -*

emphasized t h a t t h i s museum would be of community i n t e r e s t as it would -

- - - - - - -- - -- - --

r e f l e c t t h e 'unique character ' of t he region on t h e themes of f u r t rad ing ,

mining, f o r e s t r y , a g r i c a f i r e and domestic lif'e. Tfie proposal w a s accepted '

and t he 'Timmins Museum - and Natironal Exhibition Cknter' was completed by the

end of 1977 and became the focus of renewed e l i t e a c t i v i t y .

- i Archival mate r ia l has t e en co1reCted only i - t r % h e T h o r € trimeesince-the- - -- * - -

- < 6

imepkim 4 %he m-. -k kas bee@hec-by--eli t e s n e m t t e r ~ R k e - i

museum a f f i l i a t e d 'Friends of t h e Museum (FOM)'. This organization- w a s an

Anglo e l i t e dominated voluntary assoc ia t ion with p a r t i c u l a ~ i n t e r e s t i n l o c a l * - I

,/ . ""

. h i s to ry . A recent ly a r r i ved museum cura to r described them i n t h i s manner; i

This group one f i n d s is mostly Anglo-Saxon Pro tes tan t and very a c t i v e i n t h e l o c a l Anglican Church. Only 10% of t he group i s Roman Catholic bu t 60-70% of the community as a whole is Catholic. Mostly they a r e people whose f ami l i e s were pioneer$ o r t he women a r e married t o pioneers. They a r e t he main community power

- s t r uc tu r e .

-

The Friends of t h e Museum included-some e thn ics p a r t i c u l a r l y t he ,ethnic

e l i t e . A l l could a g e e - on t he mutual de f i n i t i ons of 'pioneer he r i t age ' . This. --

was not l imi ted so l e ly t o an English Canadian defined boundary but t o a f general Anglo conformity within which the d e s i g n a t h n of 'pioneer ' was 1 paramount. Nevertheless t o avoid including the e thn ics i n t h e 'pioneer '

des ignat ion they were red i rec tede to a museum-sponsored e thn ic f e s t i v a l .

Despite t h e i r e f f o r t s t h e museum e l i t e ' s d e f i n i t i o n of pigneer came i n t o I - - -

c o S l E . t ui th- the - d e T n l t l o n p T e S e n t 5 ~ ~ ~ ~ F Z e T C i T g a n i E Z t i o n , t h i ~ ~ - .

m s t o r i c a l socie ty .

The 'Porcupine Camp Hi s to r i c a l Society (PcHs)' was formed i n 1974 among

a d iverse ,and e lde r l y group of Jews, Norwegians, Finns, Br3t ish and French 2 Y

1 canadians . The r a r e l y had any major 2 i n s t i t u t i o n z l a f f i l i a t i o n I

- t

but they, o r t h e i r f ami l i e s , had been i n t he camp s ince i ts founding. They,

l i k e t he Museum e l i t e , considered themselves 'p ioneers ' . j f

One would th ink t h a t a word Such a s 'pioneer ' would have a precise - -- - --- -

I +

U

d e f i n i t i o n . I n p a r t it does as it i s supposed t o be appl ied t o those - -- --

a t

ind iv idua l s who were p e k e n t a t t he founding of the-camp and before t he Great I

F i r e of 1911 which des t royeduthe preliminary camp (porcupine Advance 30

base. But t he wordhas come t o be used by i n d i v i d u d s who have l i t t l e claim - - - - -- - - - - -

P

t o i ts usage. -. - , -- - -

Pioneer s t au s is a symbol and keeps cropping up i n t h e most modern o 4, . -

contexts and them most recen t of con f l i c t s . It js used-by some e thn i c s t o -

j u s t i f y thei r - s t a t u s aga in s t what they see as an inkrusion by French %

-

Canadians, e spec ia l ly through t h e introd;ction' o f o f f i c i a l b i l i n g ~ a l i s q ~ It , -

i s a l s o used by French Canadians t o support t h e i r r i g h t t o l o c a l economic and

p o l i t i c a l power as a l o c a l cha r t e r group. These French Canadians e f f o r t s t o . - + .

advance t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l r o l e i n t h e community have-come under a t t a c k by - . . ethnics Fn a n aktempt, t o - a l e g i t i m a t e - t h e i z ~ c o n t d b a t + o n t A s -an% vkra&ca% -==

l eader s a i d , - - "we e thn i c s came a- here and b u i l t t h i s town ;hen it w a s bush and -

they come i n when it i s a l l b u i l t . The French a c t i s i f they a r e t he -

pioneers."

It i s an important community d i s t i n c t i o n because t h e loca l i zed elements

of h is tor iography, t h e myths and legends, were no t formalized ( i n t he -

-- - --2 +*R i n t e r e s t of t he consocia t ional a l l i a n c e ) . pioneers, however, appear t o r e t a i n - a c e r t a i n r i g h t t o de f ine and con t ro l the l eg i t imat ing framework of h i s t o ry ,

a

with t he r i g h t t o def ine the meaning of d i f f e r e n t symbols. It is l i t t l e

wonder t h a t ind iv idua l s w i l l f i g h t f o r t h e i r r i g h t t o 'hold t h a t s t a t u s and

w i l l t r y - t o accumulate evidence t o suppor t ' the i r a s s e r t i ons .

~ h k community had always defined its pioneers r a t h e r openly a s those

who were here from the incep t ion of t h e camp but r a r e l y had t h i s included

those s p e c i f i c a l l y designated -- as e thn ics . The e thn ic - communities -- - -- - - had - -- t h e i r - - -

own h i s t o r i e s which were not considered p a r t of the general community - - - - - - -

-

h i s to ry . The members of t h e PCHS, while o f ten consciously at tempting t o l i m i t

t h e i r own e thn ie des ignat ions , were t h e only group w i l l i ng t o include e thn i c - -

d i s t i n c t i o n s as p a r t of t h e genera l de f i n i t i on -& p i o n e e r . They-did not-wish- -- -

t o be def ined a s e thn ic community pioneers because, under t h e circumstances, - - - - --

A"

t h i s would have c rea ted a number of problems vis-5-vis t h e hos t soc ie ty as

wel l as wi thin t h e e thn i c communities as t o who could and should be allowed

'to des ignate themselves as pioneers. Ins tead they presented themselves as

pioneers of the Porcupine Camp i n general . Thus one pa r t i c i pan t in t h e PCHS

took. g r ea t pains t o emphasize h i s l a r g e r community s t a t u s and downplay what

had been a r a d i c a l r o l e i n support of union a c t i v i t y and socia l ism i n h i s - = -

e thn ic community. . .

The h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty had r ea l i z ed t h a t l o c a l s t a t u s could be aided

through the con t ro l of h i s t ~ r i o g r a p h y . This placed them. 5n e@nf>iet w2# t h e - =- -

' museum organization., The PCHS pres ident was r e luc t an t t o g i i e any of t he e

h i s t o r i c a l soc i e ty ' s a r ch iva l mate r ia l s t o the museum s ince they could be --

used t o support kh; museum's concept of pioneer s t a t u s r a t h e r than t he -

h i s t o r i c a l soc i e ty ' s vers ion. Any a l l i a n c e with t he museum and t he Fr iends of b -

the Museum'would have hindered t h e i r at tempts t o c r ea t e what they considered - - - - - -- - - - - -- - - - - - -- - - -- - - --

a balanced and f a i r h i s t o ry . A s t h e former Pres ident of PCHS; a

. .. Jewish-Ukrainian and former pub l ic school teacher , remarked;

I th ink i t ' s important t h a t we g e t our pas t down now because p r e t t y soon t he r e won't be any l e f t t o te.11 &bout t he pas t . I t ' s very important but you know we have t o take it f o r i t s tque value. You've got t o remember t he r i g h t th ing. What we want is a t r u e h i s t o ry and not j u s t a Fremch h i s t o ry , not j u s t a Jewish h i s t o ry , no t j u s t a WASP h i s t o ry but an ove ra l l one...At t h e time of t he f i f t i e t h anniversary of t he town of Timmins -they asked woman (now a member of t he Nuseum Committee and FOM) t o wri te a book about the Porcupine Camp. I don ' t th ink t he r e was more than a l i n e about the fo re ign population. It w a s a l l about t he Anglo+axon f

1 population. There was one l i n e about M r . Levinson being a-grocer.- -- - M r . Ca t t a r e l l o having a s t o r e . You se'e what I mean. We don ' t want t he p i c tu r e t o be onesided. It does not have t o be a u n i l a t e r a l

--

view but a repor t OF a l l . I I

Yet even within t h e soc ie ty i t s e l f t he r e were problems i n def in ing and

3 3 - 4 . , . >$

designating 'pioneer ' s t a t u s . I n Ju ly 1976 t he soc ie ty had s e t up an $ 1 I ,g

L*

pa r t i c ipa t e and r a t i f y t h e i r s t a t u s . A list of pioneers was read out which +z A - - .

included people from a l l major e thn ic c o q u n i t i e s (though with no at tempt t o

separate them on t h a t ba s i s ) . Yet many individuals who had not been here from e

t he f i r e , enter ing t he camp i n t he mid l92Os, were a l s o inclused and given %O . .

the designation of ' p ioneers ' , i n p a r t because of t h e i r contributzons t o t he -

PCHS. Others who had more r i g h t t o <he s t a t u s (according t o length of -

-

residence) were l e f t out and lamented, "You know f o r a long time I wanted t o - be ca l l ed a pioneer but they wouldn't c a l l me a pionekr. I a m going t o be

P -. - - - - - --- - - - - - --- - - -- * /: -- --P

- - - -

s e v e n t p o o n and I hope they c a l l me a pioneer by then." --

The plaque ceremony was the highpoint of the PCHS because they were i n -

v i r t u a l con t ro l of. pioneer s t a t u s . A shor t time l a t e r t he FOM b u i l t its l o c a l

museum ark began to expropriate. t he pioneer desiggktion. The in ter im r e s u l t

was a growing animosity between t he leadership of t h e PCHS and t he FOM

- --

cu lminamg i n t he 1981 expropriat ion of t he h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty by the FOM - - - - -- - - - - - pp-

pp--pL

who we.re then able t o f u l l y con t ro l pioneer and h e r i s t a tu s . The FOM

res t ruc tured the h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty t o t ake g rea te r of the *role of

the cha r t e r groups and decreased the ' r o l e of the e thnics . A few French

Canadians, such as former ACFO member Dennis Carr iere , a l l i e d themselves with

the Anglo Canadians i n t he newly formed Timmins Museum Committee where they

introduced an o v i r t French Canadian presence f o r t he f irst time. .Other Franco'

e

e l i t e s , however, pursued t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e s through manipulation of l o c a l - symbols, pa r t i cu l a r l y bilkguail ism. - --

- --- - PA A - -- pi - - -

During the 1980s alism i n Timmins became l e s s subs t an t i a l l y

-

- 315 -

4

important and much more symbolically s i gn i f i c an t . This ,was due i n p a r t t o t h e - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -- - -

provinc ia l ACFO's change of ideology and t he l o c a l ACFO e l i t e ' s la;k of - - - - - - pP-pp

success i n introducing o f f i c i a l bi l ingualism t o t he municipal l eve l . It was

becoming increas ingly4clear t o French Canadians i n Timmins t h a t increased

access t o resources and int roduct ion of o f f i c i a l b i l ingual ism was not going ,

t o r e s u l t from government policy. It was a l s o evident t h a t t he local- level

C

w a s more,important as an arena f o r t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . But w i th i s t h a t arena

t h e i r i n t e r e s t s could not be pursued i n a d i r e c t manner. Only through t he - 7 -

cont ro l of ker i t age and l o c a l symbols could they add t o t h e i r l o c a l s t a t u s .

The pol icy of b i l ingual ism w a s not as s ign i f i c an t as l o c a l symbolic

i n t e rp re t a t i on of bil ingualism. This was made evident with the attempt t o - - - . - - -PA -

-

introduce t h e word 'b i l ingua l ' i n t o . t h e l a rge r confines of Northern College.

I n 1968 t he province had created Northern College. i n South Porcupine as

a general arts and technology vocational college. It came t o serve a a a r g e

number of French high schools i n t he surrounding a r ea and many of i ts c lasses .

- , were i n French. The col lege w a s b i l i ngua l i n a l l but name. Preference w a s

- 0 - g i v e s t o t h e h5ring-of bi;l.i~gua-1-pe~om~-an~a--F-reneh~&~~a~co-~dinat~~-

was h i red to 'provide b i l i ngua l se rv ices and coordinate a c t i v i t i e s . his . perhaps could be taken by many as t h e next bes t th ing t o a complete,triumph

but t o ACFO and t he col lege FLAC it was a f a i l u r e . Their goal was the f u l l

i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n ~ o f bil ingualism i n name a s well as form. FLAC and ACFO, - C-

however, came up aga ins t in t rans igen t college board members who- challenged

t he in t roduct ion of i n s t i t u t i o n a l bi l ingualism. * w

Northern co l lege ' s French Language Advisory Committee acknowledged t he - -- ---

col lege was doing everything it could f o r t he French Canadian community but - -- - > - -

f e l t t h a t t h e col lege w a s s t i l l "perceived as unil ingual" and t h a t perception

had t o be changed. The FLAC members introduced a motion i n September 1980

t h a t "Northern college w i l l provide se rv ices i n t h e French- and G l i s h

"bothers some members of t he board". Members of t h e board, however, ..

immediately asked i f t h i s motkon was not synonymous ki%h 'bilinguaTisi1 and

should be s t a t e d c l e a r l y as such. ~ h ; motion w w changed t o read " w i l l . .

provide b i l i ngua l services" . The word 'b i l ingua l ' became t h e symbolic igsue.

A l l agreed on t h e provision of French language s e rv i ce s but as qne - --- -2

opponent s a id , "I don ' t see what Northern College gains by having t he t a g -

' b i l i ngua l ' . " He was answered by the a s se r t i on t h a t t h i s w a s a way t o "assure

f i f t y p e r cent of t he populatioli. that. the re is a p lace f o r them i n Nortiiern - - - - , -- .- - - -

- - - - -- - . -- 9 -

College". . A small group of supporters a t t he meeting applauded but t h i s only

served t o anger those board members i n opposition. One member, a-French

anadian wife t o an I t a l i a n Canadian c i t y councilor, f e l t t h a t i f t he measure F passed it dould only serire t he FLAC members who would say they had won it a l l

themselves. I n an exchange with t he leader of the FLAC group she was C /

challenged - when p--pp asked i f French were her mother tongue and she r e to r t ed , p-

" F i r s t , I a m * a Canadian!" This only added .to the Aeated exchange. The f i n a l

vote defeated t h e motion 5-4. It was c l e a r t h a t t h e board d id-no t want t a '

give recogni t ion t o b i l i ngua l i sn because of i t s p o l i t i c a l connotations. The

ACFO pres ident s a id t h a t the board governors had reacted out of f e a r t h a t i f

' b i l i ngua l s t a t u s ' w a s given, even marginally, it would allow francophones t o

dominate .the community. I

Timmins Board of Education t r u s t e e Jean-Francois Aube came up aga ins t a 3

similar- d i f f i c u l t y when he t r i e d t o introduce a ' small-me3%ure ofFbi1iii@Ual1'srn-

i n t o f he BOa~d's p * e ~ ~ i ~ - O c t u W r B 8 0 . Fie i m c e d -. O m

asked t h a t "the name Conseil dlEducation de Timrnins be o f f i c i a l l y adopted as

- - - -- - - - - - - -- -- -- - - -

the name used by t he board when it i s refered t o i n ~ r e n c h coramunications". '

- -- - - - - - - -

The o ther would allow board r ecep t ion i s t

i 1 Board of Education, Bonjour" as a courtesy,for. French speaking taxpayers as

.I

was common i n many o ther boards of education i n Northeastern Ontario. The

other board members disagkeed saying t h a t while t he French element of t he

board had t o be made evident they were s t i l l a publ ic school board and not a \

b i l i ngua l one. -1-5.

The French language high school i n Timmins had been i n existence f o r

some twelve years wzthout e q e r i k n c i n g any major d i f f i c u l t y but t h i s small

change became a major i s sue . A l a rge group of Anglophone opponents, which - - - - - - - . -- --

--

. included a small number of French Canadians, packed the meeting when t he

motion; &re brought t o a vote. They applauded when the major motion of a

b i l i ngua l t i t l e was defeated 8-5. The motion oil telephone answering w a s

approved only by a 7-6 vote as it allowed an informal ind ica t ion of French i service a v a i l a b i l i t y without t he stigma of bil ingualism. Aube$,saw the defeat

. >

F aniophones exer t ing t h e i r r i g h t s . Nevertheless he did not seek t o pursue I' b e decis ion f u r t h e r f e e l i n g t h a t it did ind ica te t h e t r u e pulse of t he

" d o m m u n i t y . It was a l s o cle$r t h a t few French Canadians were prepared t o e

support the motions i f it meant a d i r e c t confrontation with t he Anglo ,' C '

cckmunity . A new and younger French Canadian e l i t e , sons and daughters of lawyers,

doctors and businessmen, rea l i zed t h i s a s wel l ; -another pathway was 1 - . - -- - - -- -- pp - -L

1 necessary i f they hoped t o advance t h e i r e l i t e i n t e r e s t s against the I

- - ---- , I

consociation and they soon found it. They turned away from the provincia l 1

!

i n t e r e s t of ACFO towards l o c a l con t ro l of cu l t u r a l symbolism i n organizations

such a s t he S t . Jean Bapt is te Society. They rea l ized t h a t symbolism was the

- - - - 4 - - - - - - - - -

of e a r l i e r defeats .

Up t o t h i s point the S t . Jean Bapt is te Fes t i va l had been a church

-r! sponsored event held every June i n whic t he symbols of ~ r e n c h cknadian -- / ~ d e n t i t y , the Catholic Church, S t . Jean-Baptiste, t he family and t r a d i t i o n a l

- - - - - - - -- -

l i f e , were emphasized. The event had been church or ien ted and defined and as

t h e church was i n dec l ine as leader of t he French Canadian comnfaity so was . - - -- - - -

t h e f e s t i v a l . The f e s t i v a l , however, was soon res t ruc tured by t he young e l i t e

t o serve t h e i r l o c a l i n t e r e s t s .

Yves Mallet te, son of the fpunder of Plal let te Lumber,, gave'up h i s - - - - -- -- - - - - - -- -- - ---- --

pos i t ion as ACFO pres ident and became committee secre ta ry f o r t he S t . Jean

Bapt is te Society i n 1980, The next pres ident of ACFO a l s o became committee

pres ident of t h e f e s t i v i t i e s and was, i n tu rn , followed i n t h a t posi t ion by

t he secre ta ry of ACFO. The young e l i t e members had decided t o focus on t he

syqbolic elements of cu l tu re within t h e i r own community a; away t o bu i ld up

- - - - -the-French - C ; l . n a . r l i c communi ty - r a~e . t .&seek - t r r r ev i s&h~ca l - --

consociation through d i r e c t means.

I n t h i s manner they were ,able t o i n t eg ra t e French Canadian community

i n s t i t u t i o n s , including La Ronde, t h e church and t he French language schools,

os tens ib ly f o r a t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s ce lebra t ion i n honour of the patron b

s a i n t of French Canadians, but a l s o f o r t h e i r o m i n t e r e s t s . What had been a

muted church f e s t i v a l became a focus of l o c a l community i den t i t y .

On S t . Jean Bapt is te Day i n June 1980 t he French Catholic Bishop s a i d - - - - - - - - -- - - - -

an open a i r mass with a huge Franco Ontarian f l a g ( f l e u r di l i s and t r i l l i u m )

deviloped by A C ~ , ;ymb&cally i n t he background. Emcee a t the. f e s t i v i t i e s

w a s the l o c a l f ede ra l g r an t s o f f i c e r who gave out the money-for spec i a l

p ro j ec t s i n the community. Most of these g ran t s have gone t o French Canadian

, L nj.. ~

t "'

- --- .- - - A - - --- - A PA---- - - - groups carryi-% o u t h i s t o r i c a l p ro j ec t s which have redefined t he c u l t u r a l .

&+ - hTs toTy of t M &gion a i i i z & ~ ~ k p 2 ~ - f o r h ' f ench Canadian ch&B%r group

' .

s t a t u s o r , more p rec i se ly on t h e local- level , pioneer s t a t u s , Resources,

espec ia l ly c u l t u r a l resources, became more valued andbopen t o competition as

t h e new museum d i r e c t o r was t o f i n d out.

I r e a l l y d i d n ' t r e a i z e t h e d iv i s ions u n t i l I uas i n a t o - g i v e out money. I -was a recommender f o r money t o artists. There was $15,000 and I t r i e d t o make sure t h a t the money went out 50% -

- t o t h e French 'since t he town i s 50% French. 1- creatkd a committee of two French, two.Ehgl-ish and two neu t r a l but it was l i k e a bomb. - -

I s t a r t e d out on the.premise there wasn't any animosity because they a l l t o l d me the re wasnl.t any but when it came down t o t he d o l l a r and money was being given ou t , it w a s a d i f f e r e n t s tory . Out of t h e twenty-six app l ica t ions only one was French and t h e

-

- - ~rench -memha=u;kke eomik t ee s a i d %he# sho-tdd g ixe $7 &€I@ b-= -- - -- -

tEe o n e fiench app l ican t axd the remainder Bo be s p l i t ' u p among the Ehglish app l ican ts . There was a real f i g h t . I disbanded t h e committee. E i ther you decided along l ' inguis t ic l i n e s o r along c rea t ive l i n e s . Even t h i s guy w a s of mixed o r ig in as he was I t a l i a n and French. That was t h e @rSt t i m e I was caught and I resented the spot I was i n . , I thought of it purely i n terms of g iving out-money t o artfsts. Wonderful. But it blew up and I gave' it up. -

e . >

A number of t h e young ACFO leadership were a l s o involved i n t he -- -- -

- -

crea t ion , i n October 1980, of a French language newspaper i n Timmins, Le - R a c o n t e ~ r . ~ T h e ACFO secre ta ry was i n charge of adminis t ra t ion and Yves

Mal le t te , former ACFO pres iden t , wrote t he f i r s t " ed i t o r i a l . The paper took a

middle-of-the-road approach ac t i ng as a general information-newspaper r a t h e r c..

than r a l l y ing point f o r t he Francophone community though the contr ibutors

hoped t he paper would become spokesman f o r the Francophone community. The

newspaper d2d not last beyond its f i r s t few i s sues because the Francbphone

population was not prepared t o support- a French language paper. They -were- - L--

already served by an English language paper o r , i f they chose t o read, French - - --

language papers, the re was the regional newspaper Le Nord which was published

Hear'st as w e i l newspapers o r t ab lo ids

- 320 -

from Ottawa and Montreal. The

-

L A - ' . , zeady-to

- 'French Canadians form a large enough percen-e of the Timmins Q

. . 'population t o control m-cipal but have not chosen t o do so. I n

\ I

the 1980 municipal e lec t ion one of the two mayoralty candidates was a'

. . ~ r a n c o ~ h o n e and the other an Anglophone who eventually won. The majority of 7

the French"&mdian community i n Timmins voted f o r the Anglophone candidate

"

who was judged on h i s loca1,merits of experience and being well knowi i n the i ?

r - - - community. I n a s t r e e t pole of s i x French Canadians i n the French language

u - - papet e Raconteur, f i v e favoured the Anglo candidate and only one the French

being a Francophone. "C'est un candidat francophone qui peut se rv i r mieux que

ses Adversaires, l e s residents de langue francaise de Timmins." ( ~ e Raconteur

5 November 1980, p.3) *

The re su l t s of the I980 e lec t ion found not a s ingle French Canadian .-"

member of 'council, even though the council included Ukrainian, Croatian and -- - - -- - - - - -- -

I t a l i a n Canadian members. One ~ r e n c h Canadian inf o m n t , who opposed . bilingualism, feared t h a t t h i s must be the start of the long awaited

\

Ang10,phone 'backlash'. Most French Canadians, howeyer, did not seem t o f e e l

t h a t the r e s u l t s were an a t tack on t h e i r community. They considered the best

councilors had been elected and the French Canadian candidates were generally.

seen as inexperienced and not deserving of election. They a l s o - f e l t it did - . not make a difference because there were already personnel i n municipal

government who spoke Freneh ,--I= t h e meaaw&le the French- Canadianjromg &kite----- 4

continued t a e p x d their c a n t r d L & c o ' f c u l t u r a l ~ s . * I

I n 1981 the ACFO president o f the 'S t . ~e&i Baptiste celebrations was - b -

succeeded on the committee by the secretary-of ACFO who was also_$o become - 1

$+-

-

- - -

- - - -- - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - -- -

l o c a l coordinator f o r t h e Ontario Ministry of Culture and Recreation -

- -- - -- - - -

sponsored 'Heritage Fes t i va l ' which would introduce a wider de f tn i t i on of - I

French Canadian herztage, as w i l l be seen l a t e r . The S t . Jean Bapt is te Y

f e s t i v a l now took on a wider symbolic importance, As' one member of ACFO sa id ,

"L& f e t e s de >a St-Jean c ' e s t l '<ccass ion de r e f l e c h i r s u r notre her i tage,

P notre iden t i t e . "

The alteractiori w a s from a n emphasis on s o c i a l change t o a re l i ance on J -

c u l t u r a l symbols which co+d be u t i l i z e d t o br ing about so&al change and C r

I .

d

break down the consocia t ional a l l i ance . The s h i f t was t o a sur rep t ic ious

con t ro l - - of l o c a l symbols which, though i t - d i d not appear t o be -- - - - - - - - - - - -

- f -- --- -- -

confronta;tional and did not seem t o th rea ten the consociation, aimed f o r i ts

e r e s t ruc tu r ing ( ~ e e and Lapointe 1979: l00-105), This change was para l le led ' b

within ACFO i t s e l f as t h e younger and more mi l i t an t members joined with the

conservatives i n 1984 t o repud'iate t h e policy changes which favoured

prov inc ia l over l o c a l i n d r e s t s ( ~ r e n e t t e 1984). - 0

_neu accord outs ide of t h e consociational a l l i ance . The French Canadians i n -

p a r t i c u l a r abswned 9 new / r o l e as a dominant cha r t e r community but both e l i t e s -

re ta ined t h e r i g h t t o con t ro l l o c a l historiography. Now the e thn ics found e

t h a t they had t o respond t o a,community framework which was being chan 1 ' P

before t h e i r eyes. They had t o compete with increas ing English and French

Canadian r e s t r i c t i o n s on access t o l o c a l economic and p o l i t i c a l resources, *

notably through t he rev i s ion and con t ro l of l o c a l h i k o r y and her i tage. Their - - - - - - - -- --- -

response would come i n t he formation of a new panethnic a l l i a n c e which sought - - - --- - --

tokcompete d i r e c t l y with the char te r communities. "

X I I . ETHNICITY AND THE NEW ACCOMMODATION --- - . . Ethnic Redctions To An Increas ing Bil ingual ~ r a m e i o r k

The.ethnics i n t h e Porcupine C q p were placed i n an increas ingly -

tenuous pos i t ion as a r e s u l t of postwar accommodation between French and A -

English Canadians. ati ion all^ t 6 e ee th i c s appeared t o have l i t t l e recourse t o

economic and p o l i t i c a l power as they were being circumscribed i n t o an Lethnic

' grouph s t a t u s - increas ingly - - -- - defined - - - by - the two - - dominant groups - -- cont ro l - -- of ' * ... a - - - -

A

>

f ede ra l government policy ( i . e . t r a d i t i o n a l , non-pol i t ica l ) . This was - f ..

enshrined i n the 1968 pol icy of o f f i c i a l bi l ingualism w h i ~ h e f f ec t i ve ly

r e g b i c t e d e thnic access t o a sphere of public ac t i on defined increasingly t o > d .

t he bene f i t of two dominant ( i . e . char te r ) groups and languages with the 5

e thn ics s e t as ide a s c u l t u r a l anomalies. Even the in t roduct ion of the policy

- --- -- of -iiitilticiulhrali s ~ - i n n ~ 9 ~ ~ h ~ c ~ ~ s - & e - ~ ~ - e ~ - a s a-conci=a~orY'red~essing-- - 4 -

of t h i s imbalance under 'ethnic p o l i t i c a l pressure, only serve& t b accentuate

char te r group power because multiculturalism was .made subservient t o a -

\ 0

- b i c u l t u r a l policy. -

The l o c a l consociational-accommodation, Qowever, continued t o allow f o r I

e thn ic ingut (through a p a r t i a l a ss imi la t ion t o the Anglophone community). - * -

The e thn i c s had committed themselves t o the consociation and l o s t t he enclave - x

--%

based re la t ionsh ips which had p a r t i a l l y guaranteed t h e i r intracommunic~tion -

- - - - - - - - - -- - - - - -

and s o c i a l suppokt. Socia l networks of a l e s s e thnic and more universal (and A L -

An&.;) or i en t a t i on served as a framework f o r cofmunication - and support. I n -

the f ace of French Canadian encroachment on t h e i r enclavis as v e i l as s t a t u s , .

B -

-

-Z - -- - - - - - -- - - - - --

t h e e t h n i c s p l k c e b t h e i r t r u s t i n ~ n ~ l o ~ h o n e commrdty r e a c t i o n s . But changes

-- were occur ing on - the community l e v e l whFcK r e s u l t e d - i n - a new e l i t e

Ir

accommodation between t h e Engl ish and French Canadian communities. The

e t h n i c s d i d not r e a c t i g a i n s t t h e Anglos, t h e i r e r s t w h i l e alli.@s, whom they -

- accepted as t h e dominant community, but' they d i d r e a c t a g a i n s t French .. , 4

-

Canadians who gained new l o c a l s t a t u s which t h e e t h n i c s perceivGd as '.

undeserved. The e t h n i c s ' f e l t th,ey were be ing fo rced t o respond t o French -

0

i n t r u s i o n s i n s i t u a t i o n s t o which they had a l r eady adapted t o i n English. - -

- ( I t a l i a n ) - Everything here i s now b i l i n g u a l , You go ,into t h e s t o r e s and everyth ing i s , t u r n e d t o t h e French s i d e . 6 a t e v e r you go t o buy t h e French l a b e l s a r e a l l t o t h e f r o n t . You go t o Bucouetsky's h e r e - a Jewish depar taent store-and th-ey haye-a sale -- --- - - ---

and first i ts i n French. -

-

- ( ~ r o a t i a n ) - My daughter used t o work i n a pharmacy which h e r cous in owned and she speaks a l i t t l e French. "But wha t~burned h e r was t h a t t h e French would come i n and she knew they spoke p e r f e c t English, b u t they would only wsnt t o have t h e g i r l who was French t ake ca re of them. -

- ( ~ r o a t i a n ) - I went t o Mike's Supermarket and t h e r e i s a g i r l t h e r e I went t o ' for y e a r s and she s t a r t e d speaking i n French t o me. I spoke t o h e r i n Croat ian and she s topped, She s a i d i n

- - - - - - - - - -- - -- - --- ---

English t h a t shepdid = - u n d e r ~ tand and I s a i d t h a t I didn ' t understand h e r and I was b i l i n g u a l a s much as he r . If t h e r e i s a group of Croat ians t a l k i n g and a couple of English come i n they w i l l speak i n English bu t t h e French do n t do tha t ; they j u s t keeq t a l k i n g French. English should be t h e % xst'language here .

This has l e d one e t h n i c l e a d e r t o comment upon what he s a w a s a

s i t u a t i o n a l change i n t h e r u l e s of t h e 'game' which no longer allowed f o r

e t h n i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . This was based on a p rec i se understan%in'g of t h e l o c a l

consoc ia t iona l a l l i a n c e ; t h a t t h e e t h n i c s had given up t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s i n e

I /

tfie i n t e r e s t of t h e a l l i a n c e bu t now found French Canadians ga in ing new - - - - -

- - -

i n s t i t u t i o n s (e .g. schools) which served t h e i r l o c a l i n t e r e s t s ou t s ide of t h e

The French schools were here b u t t h e p r i e s t s d i d no t l e t anybody g e t i n un les s they were French and Roman Cathol ic . A s a r e s u l t

t he r e was no way f o r us t o g e t French education-then.Now the----- ---- -- -

French have created bil ingualism and no one speaks French-except %& % R C ~ , WaS Gpe* & ~ ~ ~ & @ ! ! $ k k & k ~ ~ * ? - pu t s a l l t he e thn ics out of business. A l l p rov inc ia l and f e d e r a l . o f f i c e s a r e now i n French. One Frenchman g e t s i n and he h i r e s on ly , . - . other Frenchmen. Ethnic groups a r e s t a r t i n g t o b o i l and I see t h ings developing l i k e i n Czechoslovakia o r Northern I re land , ~ t h n i c s g e t a job only accidentally,when they do not have a Frenchman. -

-

The e thn icsperCeive t h a t L t h e r e had been a change i n t he consociational -

. r u l e s on which they had come t o depend, which has l e f t them with few -

ins t i tu tSLna1 bases from w m t o compete f o r l o c a l resources, pa r t i cu l a r l y * I -

jobs. Any pos i t ion which became ava i lab le outs ide of t he mines, espec ia l ly ia t he f ede ra l o r .p rov inc ia1 government, i n which the bil ingualism i s

- - - -

- - - - . i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d o r municipal gove&ent, where it, is i n f o r m a I i ~ ~ d , m e a n t ~

t h a t t h e i r chi ldren would not ge t t h e jobs i f a b i l i n g u d person applied even

* with l e s s qua l i f i ca t ion . A s one Croatian informant argued; . . - The problem here i s t h a t when they ask f o r bil ingualism i n a-job

it i s the French who w i l l g e t i t , 'They a r e a l l as English speaking

/" as anybody but they m e a l s o b i l ingua l as not too many of our kids speak French. The last few years t he d i f f e r en t m in i s t r i e s have ,/ been h i r i ng here i n Timmins and who g e t s t h e jobs? Not t he

/

- - - et Eni-Es - - - - - - - - - - - - --

- * -

While e thn ics perceive French Canadians a f f ec t i ng t h e i r access t o jobs, -

t he English Canadians r a r e ly mention t h i s a s ' a reaspn f o r t h e i r d ispleasure , / j '

i f they mention any reason a t a l l . English Canadians dd not f e e l threatened

- i n t h i s environment; t h e i r con t ro l of jobs has not' been hindered. e

Although e thn ics were ab le t o gain posi t ions on t he c i t y council $hese . --

-

represen ta t ives were e lec ted from a la rge ward r a the r than from a s ing le -

enclave and were not f u l l y committed t o an e thn ic c l i e n t group. Theoci ty - - - - - - - - - - - -

council pos i t ions were a l s o o f ten secondary t o t h e more s t a b l e c i v i c - - - - - - - -

bureaucracy pos i t ions which were controi led by English and French Canadians. ). .

'

The French Canadians were a l s o increas ing t h e i r numbers i n t he mines (though -

-

7

-

\, -

r a r e l y as gatekeepers). The Frendh Canadians were becoming-the-new dominant- -

group i n t h e Porcupine - a r ea and - t h e i r influence --- became p i v o t a l i n t he ne.w ,

s t r u c t u r e of l o c a l c e l a t i 6ns .

-

French' and English Canadians successfully acquired jobs and l o c a l -

"posit ions i n government - and service. -A i ndus t r i e s while t he e thn i c s have been

forced t o e i t h e r y i e ld t o t he new a l l i a n c e o r move south. Many have chosen t o

2 , leave bu t those t h a t have remained have responded with g r ea t e r emphasis on

-

~ e s t r i c t e d e thn ic r e l a t i o n s as an important framework f o r t h e acqu i s i t i on of -

l o c a l resources. They focussed on 'promoting e thnic i n t e r e s t s , i f only on a

l imi ted ba s i s . 4

This i s poss ib le f o r - a number of reasons not t he leas+ of whieh 5s tAat--.--- --

- - . - -

t h e e t hn i c s , by reason of s e n i o r i t y , now occupy t he *Wy pos i t ions of -

-

employment gatekeepers i n t he mines, pos i t ions which had formerly been denied

them. These e thn ic gatekeepers have a reduced e thn ic c l i e n t e l e due t o e thn ic * -

migration out of the camp but they now. u t i l i z e t h e i r pos i t i ons more p rec i se ly %

than before t o channel members of t h e i r own and a l l i e d e thn ic communities -

- - - - -- - - - -- -- -- -- --

i n t o jobs i n the mines. Remnants of the e thn ic communities, weakened by -

migration, were strengthened. The pres ident of the Croatian Peasant Par ty ,

because of h i s r o l e as foreman a t Texas Gulf, channelled Croatians aqd

I t a l i a n s i n t o the mine. H e a s s e r t ed they made b e t t e r workers than d French 3 3

- - e Canadians. I n t he same manner I t a l i a n s a t t he Dante Club channel I t a l i a n s

i n t o Texas Gulf knowing '$hat t h i s i s the most modern and s t a b l e mine 'as well

as paying t he b e s t wages. -

One r e s u l t is t h a t while many French Canadians ha= - --

-

entered t he major mines few - have r i s e n f a r i n t h e i r posrt"ions. One es t imate , -- - - - - - - - -- - --

/

by t he c i t y economic admin is t ra to r , i s t h a t only 2% of the supervisory .

personnel a t Texas Gulf a r e French Canadian. Gatekeeper is one of the few *

compare it t o a similar -sitUatZ6n a t P i a l l a t e Lumber whereby only French .. - Canadians a r e h i red , Paradoxically while continuing t o support t he

consocia t ional a l l i a n c e the e thn ic gatekeepers channell ing of e thn ics ,

Croatians and I t a l i a n s i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n t o jobs at Texas Gulf has weakened

-- t h e Steelworkers union as an important consociat ional i n s t i t u t i o n . This 2s 0 - * I

because Texas Gulf i s a non-union mine (one reason? o r t h e higher wages);

'many e thn i c s a r e thus giving up t h e i r unionism and come t o r e l y on t h e e thn ic -

who helped them g e t t h e i r jobs. A s a r e s u l t t h i s has added t o t he -

1

f u r t h e r decay of t he consocia t ional a l l i a n c e and increased e thn i c re l i ance on - - - . - -

e thn ic c r i t e r i o n . t -

The e thn ics p lace the blame f o r t h e i r increas ingly marginal pos i t ion i n

Timmins on f ede r a l b i l i n g u a l pol icy and t he Libera l pa r ty which they s t a t e -

has addressed i t s e l f so l e ly t b French Canadian i n t e r e s t s . J u s t as t h e e thn ics

place t h e i r t r u s t i n t h e ~ n g l o community t o hinder a t tempts t o introduce - ..

municipal bi l ingualism t h e y a h o t r u s t t h e i r ~ n ~ l o ~ r o v i n c i a ~ ~ ~ r e s e n t a t ~ e s -

t o ensuye t h a t b i l ingual ism never becomes entrenched i n theZprovince. They

perceive t he p rov inc i a l government as being the only government t h a t can'

address t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . A s a r e s u l t the re has been an increase i n t he number

of e t hn i c s who a r e suppor ters , i f not members, of t he p rov inc ia l Progressive --

' Conservative par ty . A s one Croatian leader remarked; - - v

- r

The Libera l pa r t y is f o r t h e French. Trudeau is no ZGod because he i s j u s t using t h e power t o b r ing t he French i n and takeover. But I know ( ~ n t a r i o premier) Davis and (MPP) Pope. They w i l l never l e t bi l ingualism i n t o Ontario. They w i l l t a l k and say diffe-rent t h ings but I know them and they w i l l never l e t it happen. -

mot a11 French Canadzans a r e s i m ' l I a r ~ i E c i z e d , M a n y a r e s e t apa r t .

They a r e termed aS:the "good French" because of t h e i r commitment t o the

consocia t ional a l l i a n c e and t h e i r invar iab le a t t i t u d e aga ins t -b i l ingua l i sm.

i Some p a r t i c i p a t e i n s p e c i a l even t s S e t up-by t h e e t~ic- inst i - ta t~ans;-su6ka%-~ -- --+

considered "honorary e thnics" . Some have, through in te rmar r i age , even become

- accepted as members oif t h e e t h n i c comunit ies . .

I e e r m a r r i a g e , however, a l s o se rves t o o s t r a c i z e those i n d i v i d u a l s who

r e f u s e t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the e t h n i c communities. A number of my. e t h n i c

informants have married French Canadians and chose t o o p t o u t of t '&eir -

communities. A s a r e s u l t they became i d e n t i f i e d d e r o g a t o r a l l y by o t h e r 4

e t h n i c s as 'French' . These i d i v i d u a l s 2!ce not committed t o French - -

in&Ttut ions biit t h e i r c h i l d r e n o f t e n , go t o t h e French language schools and -

- -

a r e t h u s becoming ' b i l i n g u a l s ' who w i l l hake. g r e a t e r a c c e s s t o l o c a l jobs.

These i n d i v i d u a l s a r e i n an advantageous p o s i t i o n i n t h e comm*ty because

they can t ake advantage of any new acc~mmodation between t h e English and i -

French Canadians. They r a r e l y t h i n k of l eav ing t h e a r e a f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n

have a f u t u r e here. -

The major i ty of e t h n i c s , however, continue t o f e e l themselves . -- - -- - -- - - - - - - --

r e s t r i c t e d by t h e Frgnch Canadian advancement ( a s we l l a s a n e c ~ n g l o - \

France accommodation). A s one o l d Croat ian miner- lamented, "When I go down

i n t o t h e mine flow a l l I hear is French. This is t h e s f i r s t t ime I f e l t l i k e a

f o r e i g n e r s ince I came t o Canada." It was a f e e l i n g echoed by many e t h n i c

informants and w a s i n d i c a t i v e o&,chAnges i n t h e c o n s o c i a t ~ o n a l a l l i a n c e t o -

r - which t h e e t h n i c s must respond o r even tua l ly be fo rced t o conform o r G--

migrate. - -

-

Timmins Ethnic F e s t i v a l Committee - - -

The e t h n i c s had t o respond t o r e v i s i o n s in3hCLocaJ--~rn by . . -

e i t h e r maintaining t h e consoc ia t ion o r competing f o r a p o s i t i o n in-the new t4

a c c o m m o d a t i o n . The b a s i s f o r t h e s e e f f o r t s would be p new organ iza t ion , 'The .u

m u ~ e ~ - ~ p o n ~ m e & &- vs 1 ~ - k a d - h ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 1 y - & s i - g f f s 8 - t 0 - ~ i ; ~ ~ ~ ~ -

e thn ic a t t e n t i o n from the new accommoda,tion. -

The ~immins Ethnic F e s t i v a l yas first introduced i n 1974 through t h e

i n s t i g a t i o n o,f t he f i r s t museum d i r e c t o q The f e s t i v a l was e s s e n t i a l l y an e

exh ib i t of na t iona l he r i t age , with mater ia l supplied by na t iona l embassies i n

Ottawa, un&r museum sponsorship and control . It was not i nd i ca t i ve of l o c a l -

& - - -

e thn ic i n t e r e s t s a t the time. The d i r e c t o r had t rouble g e t t i n g t he d i f f e r e n t - G

communities t o cooperate as they had l i t t l e i n i t i a l i n t e r e s t i n B .-

pa r t i c i pa t i ng . Local p a r t i c i p a t i o n was- largely from those ind iv idua l s who ,

- - - - - -

were members of t he newly formed 'Friends of t he Museumr-and the 'Porcupine

Camp Hi s to r i c a l Society ' r a t h e r than from e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s .

The-museum d i r e c t o r t h a t succeeded her continued sponsorship of t he

' Timmins ' ~ t h & Fes t i va l ' but ins tead of having weekly' d i sp lays a t t he ,

museum by d i f f e r en t e thn ic national ' groups, opted f o r a one day and more

- ' e thn ic group' or iented f e s t i v a l . She i nv i t ed the ' e thn ic communities t o - - --- - - -- .

4 - p a r t i c i p a t e , speci fying t h a t it would b e "an i d e a l opportunity f o r Timmins'

9 -

e thn ic communities t o share t h e i r c u l t u r a l he r i t age w i th s the broader

community i n which they l i ve . " L~immins Porcupine News 3 March 1976) The ,

change i n format emphasized a government defined ' e thn ic group' designation -

and os t rac ized the French Canadians a t La Ronde who, though thy had 1 - i pk r t i c i pa t ed 0n t he previous b a s i s which defined only genera l c u l t u r a l

C

her i t age , now refused t o p&t ic ipa te on the b a s i s of ' e t hn i c group' as t h i s A

d id not recognize +,heir cha r t e r s t a t u s on e i t h e r a l o c a l o r national-level.- -

The i d e a was j u s t t o have a par ty where the ~ e z ~ l e ' could say t h a t 'This i s my her i t age . ' The French group might have thought %hat t h i s w a s cutesy and might have segregated them from being " '

Canadian. The S c o t t i s h and English groups -were -there, -We - ---- - - - - - - - - - - a p p r ~ ~ c h e d La Rondb bu t it i s hard t o know which i s t h e o f f i c i a l authoriLy?or the French colmmUni% - - --- -- - ---

The Timmins Museum's sponsorship of t h e e t h n i c f e s t i v a l compares with

t h e Royal Canadian Legion's sponsorship bf 'e thnic p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e 1935

J u b i l e e and e t h n i c e x t e n t i o n of t h e f e s t i v a l i n t o a n annual c u l t u r a l *

f e s t i v a l . I n both t h e b a s i s was similar f o r only t h e p o l i t i c a l l y ' l o y a l '

e t h n i c groups were al lowed tb p a r t i c i p a t e . A t both t imes t h e e t h n i c s were -

being d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and removed from t h e arena of competi t ion bu t t h e

d i f f e rence l a y i n t h e f a c t t h a t t h e Ethnic F e s t i v a l Committee emerged as a .

powe;ful i n t e r e s t group i n its own r i g h t a g a i n s t a t t empts by t h e English and

. - - - -

French Canadian communities t o c'ircumsErike e t h n i c s t a t u s .

he e t h n i c r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n t h e e t h n i c f e s t i v a l were o f t e n remnants

of t h e ' l o y a l i s t ' e t h n i c communities who had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n 1935 J u b i l e e

Celebra t ion but who had s i n c e l q r g e l y l o s t t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l base . The

Ukrainian r e p r e s e n t a t i v e was the ' former n a t i o n a l i s t l e a d e r of t h e P rosv i t a

H a l l a r g a n i z a t i o n . She became a member of t h e FOM a t i t s founding and was

involved when t h e ' e t h n i c f e s t i v a l w a s first proposed, She soon assumed much

af t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o g e t t h e e t h n i c communities t o p a r t i c i p a t e . The firgt / .i"'";+./ - &$

chairman of t h e e t h n i c f e s t i v a l o rgan iza t ion was l e a d e r of t h e S c o t t i s h S t . *3

Andrews Socie ty - bu t was succqeded i n I976 by t h e Ukrainian r e p r e s e n t a t i v e who

he ld t h e p o s i t i o n f o r t h e next f o u r formative years .

The f e s t i v a l was o r i g i n a l l y known a s t h e 'Timmins National Exhibi t ion u . . I

Cente r ' s Summer Ethnic F e s t i v a l ' b u t i ts i n i t i a l success c r e a t e d i n t e r e s t i n

t h e e t h n i c communities. E thn ic l e a d e r s began t o be i n t r i g u e d by t h e -- -- - - -----7

p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r t h e new oxaa_nization, Many o_f ttkeirnrganizationswere -

e i t h e r defunct 'or i n t h e process of d i s i n t e g r a t i n g due t o a l ack of

membership and d i s i n t e r e s t . The committee could serve them as a means t o a l l y

C. -

-

- -- - - - - - - -- - - 7- -- -----

weak organizations and assoc ia t ions i n t o a s t rong a l l i a n c e which'could take , C. ~

co l l ec t i ve ac t i on t o maintain l E a r e t h r i i c s t a t u s and access t o l o c a l r

resources aga ins t English and French Canadians at tempts t o r e s t ruc tu r e t he

consociation i n t h e i r favour.

The 1976 Fes t i va l was held i n t he South Porcupine arena and included

pa r t i c ipa t i on by the Pol ish White Eagle Society, t he I t a l i a n Ethnic

Association of t h e Dante club and t he Ukrainians. Native Indian dancers a l s o -

-L

par t i c ipa ted under t h e auspices of t h e l o c a l Ojibway-Cree Cul tural Center. .

"The Ojibway-Cree center i s t h e headquarters of the Treaty Nine Organization ,/- >

which i s concerned with Native Indians i n %he Northern Reserves, though not - - - -- - -

- -

i n Timmins where they a r e few i n number ( f i g . 10). Timmins was simply a b

convenient midway point f o r i ts headquarters and even t h e dancers provided

f o r the f e s t i v a l had t o be brought i n from Moosenee.

The members of t he committee rea l ized that operation as a purely e thnic '

group assoc ia t ion would br ing them under f ede ra l mul t i cu l tu ra l control and

they began t o change t he framework of the assoc ia t ion from a genera loe thhc

group t o a loca l ized e thn ic community organization which e s sen t i a l l y opposed

f ede ra l mul t i cu l tu ra l policy. The loca l ized nature of t h i s emphasis permitted

the organization t o compete f o r l o c a l s t a t u s and resources aga ins t char te r

commdnity i n i t i a t A e s and a t tempts t o r e fu t e e thnic ' s t a tus . They chose t o

exclude f ede ra l con t ro l of l o c a l symbols and even began t o repudiate federaa -

grants . The committee became increas ingly independent under -leadership of

the ~ k r a i n h n rkpresentiti;e.

The f e s t i v a l c o n t i n u e d t o a s k ForTsmn-@anits when they found it

necessary t o br ing i n outs ide entertainment bu t , as they grey i n s i z e and

s t reng th , they placed more &$hasis on local- tBlent and input " to r e f l e c t t h e

t h e organiza t ion . The change, however, would have in t roduced e t h n i c group

r e s t r i c t i o n s and l i m i t e d l o c a l e t h n i c i n t i a t i v e s . The r e s u l t i n g vote was - - - - - --- -

overwhemingly i n favour of r e t a i n i n g t h e word ' e t h n i c ' and t h e f e s t i v a l was

renamed 'The Timmins Summer Ethnic F e s t i v a l ' . r' So many groups became i n t e r e s t e d i n i n t h e r ev i sed

o rgan iza t ion t h a t a s p e c i a l meeting w a s h e l d i n February 1977 i n which I r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from those groups who had previousLy p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e

1

e t h n i c f e s t i v a l , I t a l i a n , Ind ian , S c o t t i s h , I r i s h , - ~ k r a i n i a n ' and P o l i s h , were I

joined .by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from t h e Slovak, Hungarian, Greek, Jewish, French

(no t French ~ a n a d i a n ) , Croat ian , Dutch and West I n d i e s groups. A f i l m of t h e ' *

o1

1976 f e s t i v a l was showndand speakers from t h e previous y e a r ' s p a r t i c i p a n t s

gave a n account of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n order t o b e n e f i t t hose o rgan iza t ions ! contemplat ing jo in ing t h e f e s t i v a l . 1

The 1977 Summer Ethnic F e s t i v a l , he ld i n t h e South Porcupine a rena , w a s

3argely sepa ra te from d i r e c t museum con t ro l . The f e s t i v a l p a r t i c i p a n t s

inc luded scot; , ~ n d i a n s , I t a l i a n s , Ukrainians, Po les , Croat ians arid

- c e n t r a l McIntyre Arena i n Schumacher. There were ;ow some t h i r t e e n groups

i having outgrown t h e South porcupine Arena, was moved t o t h e l a r g e r and more I

-,

-

-- -P PP - - -- -- - participating, 'including ~roatians and Philipinos. The success of the

festiva3 con~inue&-t;oz&& t o ~ = ~ ~ e s p ~ c t ~ ~ f ~ ~ h e ethnic communi%'ies.

,The festival organization to be reflective not only of news

ethnic initiatives but also of past political confrontations and continuing \

personal battles within the ethnic communities. It accepted only those

individuals who had previously belonged to the loyalist rather t W b

progressive ethnic communities. Whenever anyone became interested in L

- 1

communities the Ukrainian chairman bf - -

not be included because they were all

included many who were not interested - - - -- -- - -- - P- - -- - - - --

- - .- - 7 the old pofitics which had dividedand defined the

ethnic These were the new postwar immigrants such as among the - Finns, as well as totally new immigrants communities such as the East

Indians. All agreed on the - -- necessity -- - - - of a new local ethnic alliance. - - - - - - - - - - , -----

The festival organization members, in their belief in consociational 1

- -

organization, considered themselves to be equals among equals no matter a - -- - - - - - - -- --- -- PAP- -- -

community's actual population or representative's actual support within the

ethnic community. The Italian group, which was by far the largest, had only -

two votes in the committee, as much.as-many smaller groups. The

representative of the West Indies had only one vote but she was the only

member of her group in the camp. It was an odd situation in which the .

movement of a sin& family out of or into the -community could either

-subtract or add to the ethnic representativeness of the committee. Numbers -

- - -- -- -- - - meant little; only representation and unity in the alliance.-

The f estitr-af; commi;ttee met mcm -anmrhkarr xregu~ar-msis at &iff erent

ethnic halls and chkches. Each meeting was hosted by an ethnic community or ".

" organization whose members would provide ethnic foods and a pres'entation on

- 333 4s

t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r groug t o helll! educate t he others . Some a-oups d id not have ------ -A-cp

3 i

i n s t i t u t i o n s but -a were a b l e t o use o ther mgnber's f a c i l i t i e s with i n t e r e s t i n g -- - - L . L - L - L - - L + . -

% - - "ombillations. A meeting held

was hosted by t he s co t s , a

Indians and at t h e I t a l i a n . >-

cohesiv%ne& a t w e e n t he groups as* new s o c i a l networks were formed and - < -

strengthened ( ~ e r r i 1976 : 32 1 . This a l s o po in t s t o the f a c t t h a t t he ac tua l purpose of t h e committee- -

is i n f a c t not t h e 'Timtnins Summer Ethnic F e s t i v a l ' , a one' day celebration. . . ~

B -

one has only t o jo in i n t he medings of the-+oromittee " t o r e a l i z e . tha t . '-4

f e s t i v a l preparat ions are- handled--speecl,ily- i n a, few nee&*- before the data- - - - =- - , .

of t h e f e s t i v a l . The meetings a r e ac tua l l y designed to dcquaint pa r t i c ipan t s - " .

with o ther individuals and groups i n order t o develo; a c loger consociational -

a l l i a n c e between leaders and e thn ic communities. The committke has become the - '*

- -- - - basks- & leade~skip+&he-+$i~ etk.nic-~ommu&ties. T'his leadership fs .

self-defined whereby i f one is accepbed i n t o t h e committee t h e n one becomes '

- - -- - -- - - -- - - - - .-- - - - - - * --- --- -- -- + the representative,of an ethnic+community. The committee i s thus ab le t o

b

bui ld a s t rong core of committed individuals who a r e ab l e t o niarshall-a small

but e f f ec t i ve group of pa r t i c ipan t s f o r t he festival and f o r competition f o r

spec i f i c resources. . . - . h

This w a s fur ther ' made evident i n arch 1978 when t h e Fes t i va l Committee

w a s reorganized i n t o "The Tirnmins and D i s t r i c t ~ t b n i c AssooiationH. Its new /

cons t i t u t i on l i s t e d i t s object ives a s ; ' b

a) t o promote f r i end ly - - to lerance and understanding among - - - - a l l -- -- - - - - - - - - - people of whatever background they may be. b ) t o take the opportunity wherever possible i n u t i l i z i n g l o c a l

-- - - - - - - --

cornrnunicaiiEis meEa . - L c) t o organize and prepare t he year ly "Timmins -Summer Ethnic

Fest ival" . ,- , d) t o conduct s e k n a r s of each group's c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l

- 334 -

.. . P

I

- - .< . - < - * * -

-

- - - * - - - - - a - -- - - - - - +-------- -- background so- that ' ignorance about ourselves w i l l be kept t o a

minumum. --- - - LL- - -- - .

Each organieation zp$*ted. two members with vot ing powers t o the * "

committee. Off icers were t o cons i s t of a resident, vice-presklent , ' se-.rethy ' - . (B r.

and secre tary- t reasurer . The c o n s t i t u t i o ~ ernphasised ' that "Menbers s h a l l

respect t he her i t age and cu l tu re of any groiq of people of whatever ancest ry

they may be." The r e s u l t ds a cohesive insti+&ion i n which the individual ' .

organizations were- secondary t o +he l a r g e r assokiat f on, - - - - - - -

' " The individual organizations d i d - n e t addressathe host community as

separate e n t i t i e s except under t h e umbrella. o f the l a r g e r c o e t t e e , They

were admoni s h e b i f t b Y - t o o k - indiqi- kntrioa, o n the conmuni-t jr-leu& as--- - -- -.

l o c a l cohesiveness was seen as a necessary coq i i t ion of t h e i r co l l e c t i ve - -

surv iva l . On a prov inc ia l o r f e d e r a l levs1, they could present themdelves as r

representa t ives of e thn ic comm&ties b u t on t he community l e v e l t he t r u e '

nature of t h e i r support was open t o conjecture. A t th i s ' point they had t o

present a united f r o n t behind t h e f e s t i v a l corninittee. . .

-- - ,- - - - - --

- . The committee had t o bu i ld up its s t rength. A s a r e s u l t it was forced

t o l i m i t i ts i n i t i a t i v e s t o t h e f e s t i v a l though its i n t e r e s t s were ce r t a in ly . L -

broader. Bilingualism w a s a majorsconcern f o r many pa r t i c ipan t s who pressed .- the committee l e ade r s t o take a s tand aga ins t ('the bilingualaproblems i q the - -

c i t y and grovince" . The committee l eaders , reakzing t h e f r own ~ a k n e s s , , - ~.

decided t h a t . they should not t ake p a r t i n a what was perceived as a " ,

" p o l i t i c a l controversy". They s a i d it, was up t o t he indivir8yal. groups t o take %

a s tand on t he problems i f they wished but t he a s s ~ c i a t i o n ~ had t a a b i d e b_ - - -

. - its own pr ihc ip les . CI

<. 3 -?

- - - - - - - - -- - -- -

In point of f a c t t h e committee l eaders o f ten staked t h a t they wished t o

ge t t h e French Canadians t o jo in i n t h e i r organization ( i n a revised ' ,

L . . . . s -

- 335 -

. , -

consociationalisrn) but they -had l i t t l e reason t o believe-this-co&& sTrcc6sd:--- - -- -

bX "

%'e ~kra-i&an e k a & ~ ~ & o-?h3n - remarked & b r L & e - k m b & ~ ~ ~ & + W % a d i - ~ ~ PA

jo in (on e thn ic terms) bu t a t o ther times she seemed t o consider both the ,

Communists and t h e French Canadians as equally unfit t o jo in t he copunittee.

Why should t h e French come t o us when they have everything on a s i l v e r p l a t t e r . They don ' t want t o jo in anything because they have go t everything. They have t h a t bui lding which t he f o r with t h e i r own r e s tdb ran t s and shops so why be

5 -

- -

-

t h i s . They d id not belong with us , them and t he two .- - - - -

- - - -- - - -

The comm5ttee ' s i n i t i a t i v e s continued even wi th a - -

-

I n 1979 a new f e s t i v a l committee executive was e lected. -The- former Ukra/an - < ' <

leader d id not run f o r another term: She -was succeeded by t h e represen ta t ive - --

of t h e Daughters of Scotland (who was married Co a represen ta t ive of t he . -

Pol ish ,goup). The v ice p res iden t , a Rumanian Orthodox p r i e s t gnd l e a d e ~ of . P '

the Rumanians, wa? succeeded by t h e leader of an incfeas ingly s t rong Finnish

group, The former secre ta ry , -1eade.r of the Pol ish . g ~ d u p , 2 w a s succeeded by the

West Indies, r epresen ta t ive while t h e Po l i sh r e p r e ~ e n t a ~ i v e took over t he - t E Z s u r e r *s pos i t i on vacated -by-%i new epreSideirt. - - --Lp-p

A new proposal t o change t h e name of the organization t o mul t i cu l fu ra l 0

from e thn ic w a s again presented a t bhe opening meeting i n November 1980 but 5 -

defeated as the name 'Timnins Swnmer Ethnic Fes t i va l Asgociation' was-

reaffirmed. The members oY t h e committee continued to' %&eve t h a t any change ib

~ o u l d be kowtowing t o t h e French Canadians. The f e s t i v a l committee had again - , +. = ,

not chosen t o dea l with t he concept of mult iculturalism, eh9osing t o $eep the -I'

-aouniiaries of t h e i r arena self-defined r a the r than defined by overarching I

- - -- - - - -- -

b governmental s t r uc tu r e s they had l i t t l e access t o and l e s s con t ro l over. They

coal3 con t ro l t h e b a s i s of e thn ic community t o a much g rea t e r ex ten t . -

The co rn i t t e e would not abrogate t h e i r r o l e s as 1ocal .e thnics as they

i n which they .lrould have t o developpew a l l i a n c e s and have l i iu i ted access t o -

,/ -

i -

resources. A s one Rumanian info-nt affirmed , 'We are not mul t i cu l tu ra l s ;

I we a r e ethnics." 1

"-.- . by .

-\; The f e s t i v a l committee's stance appeared t o b e succeeding i f t h e

G s t i v a l was any measure. Over 4',000 people came f o r t he one day event i n ,

-- -

1980. The f e s t i v a l ' s inf luence could a l s o be measured by t h e i r a b i l i t y t o - - ---

- - - - -

-- - - --

br ing i n t h e l o c a l MP amd MPP as w e l l as m y o r an& counc i lma t o address the. - - -

- --

f e s t i v a l and pay deference - t o t h e i r power (even though it may wel l be -- k - - - --

-- -

i l l u s o r y i f put t o t h e t e s t ) . The l o c a l MPP, Allan Pope, confirmed t o t he

f e s t i v a l pa r t i c ipan t s t h e contr ibut ions of the e thn ic communities by 4

pronouncing the f e s t i v a l as an example of t h e "his tory and t r a d i t i o n t h a t has

f contr ibuted t o t he na t iona l i d e n t i t y of a l l . " MP Ray ~hen i e i . sen t a message -

- J

which+said %he f e s t i v a l "demrinstrates t he g r ea t v i t a l i t y a& sense of -

t r a d i t i o n - ---- shared by -- t he e thn ic groups t h a t work and l i v e i n t h i s community" -- - -- - - - -- - - -- --- .,-- Mayor Doody sa id they could a l l Q b e proud t o l i v e i r r a country, province and

-

community with t he s p i r i t shown by- the f e s t i v a l . Alderman Power, who was t o

succeed Doody a s mayor, added t h a t "This - i s what Timmins i s a l l about - a l l i

of these d i f f e r e n t s o r t s of 'people working together." (~immins Daily Press 14

The committee w a s a l s o a ided and encouragedbby the l a rge e t w c

represen ta t ion ' on t h e c i t y council ; Ukrainian, I t a l i a n a n d Croatian

- - - - - - - - - . counci lors , with no French Canadian reprefsentation. This was-taken by @

ce r t a in ly no t a r e s u l t of e thn ic community i n i t i d t i v e s , The e lec ted

represen ta t ives , however, o f ten began t o perceive themselves as e thn ic

- --

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and were quick t o s u p p o ~ t l o c a l g r a n t s - t o - o f f s e t committee - , - - - - -- - - - - -- - - - - -

s o s t s . committee members were a l s o more i n c l i n e d t o address t h e counc i lo r s -- -- - -- -

according t o t h e i r e t h n i c a f f i l i a t i o n s and ask f o r t h e i r a i d i n committee

a f f a i r s .

committee i n t e r e s t s expanded wi th committee i n f h e n c e . Continued - -

changes i n committee l e a d e r s h i p aga in d i d not a l t e r committee i n t i a t i v e s ;

When t h e r e was a l e a d e r s h i p turnover i n 1980-1981 t h e presidency wenT3to t h e

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e Eas t Ind ian community, t h e F inn i sh v ice-pres ident -

c o n t i n u e d i n t h a t - p o s i t i o n while one of h e r co-leaders i n t h e Finnish group - - -

became s e c r e t a r y of t h e committee and t h e Po l i sh l e a d e r continued SSP - -

=

t r e a s u r e r . This new l e a d e r s h i p continued t o t r y t o make thecommi t t ee -

independent of f e d e r a l i n i t i a t T v e s . The new pres iden t a l s o began t o t h i n k of

branching ou t i n t o more a c t i v i t i e s throughout t h e yea r as he wanted t o \

de-emphasize t h e f e s t i v a l . He commented t h a t "I would r a t h e r no t have t h a t : -

f rozen ( f e s t i v a l ) .image i n t h a t way. We should be a b l e t o g e t more involved 1 i

and see what kind of c o n t r i b u t i o n we can make t o t h e community. Not through i

. i

The committee could not have continued t a put on t h e f e s t i v a l 4

i n d e f i n i t e l y s ince t h e nov-elty was wearing t*hin. The p r e s i a e n t had t o expand t

f e s t i v a l c o r n i t t e e i n t e r e s t s . The Croat ian l e a d e r suggested t h a t t h e I

committee t ake over ope ra t ion of t h e Dominion D i y (Canada Day) f e s t i v i t i e s -

- I

which had been weakened by a l a c k of consoc ia t iona l suppor t . b -

With t h e change i n e m p h a s i s t o new symbology, l i m i t e d resources i n a l l !

communities have been committed t o c u l t u r a l e e l e b r a t i o n s such a s t h e Winter - - - - - - -

-

Carnival , S t . Jean B a p t i s t e F e s t i v a l a:d t h e ' Ethnic F e s t i v a l as we l l as t o

newly r e v i s e d i n s t i t u t F o n s such as t h e Timmins Museum, La Ronde, t h e Croat ian -

i l a l l , t h e Dante Club and t h e Ethnic F e s t i v a l Committee, One r e s u l t has been

d

- - -

1,

. . -

t h a t , i n con t ras t , %he large-scale consociational celebrat ions , - such as -

Dominion Day

' been held i n

ce lebra t ions

- - - - --- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - , - - --- -

or Canada Day, have declined i n t h e i r importance and have not -- -. -

recent years because of a lack of i n t e r e s t . The Canada Day

had previously been supported by consociational organizations

such a s t he Moose andL ions bu t they have been los ing membership while t he

new cultuz'al organizations were gaining support. I n a small community t he r e - - -

a r e only so many - organizations and celebratio'ns an individual can support and - - -- -

Canada D a j , symbolically, has suf fe red- in the csn tes t . - Y

Any committee a$tempt t o v i t a l i z e and operate the l o c a l Canada - day i

ce lebra t ions t h i s . would fo rce t h e i r recognit ion a s i n t e g r a l p a r t s of l o c a l

- - -

I and na t iona l s&ie ty ,~u t it would a l s o & ~ ~ a i l -eatercommitment of B -- -- - - - - -

-

resources and d i rkc t confronta t ion with the char te r communities which they

could not ye t afford,. They remained committed t o t h e f e s t i v a l but options f o r

d i r e c t competition with the char te r communities remained ava i lab le . The - -

-

f e s t i v a l pres ident seemed t o be preparing f o r jus t such a confrontation

though he continued t o hope t h a t the French and English Canadians Would jo in

t h e e t h n i c s i n a new c o n s o c i a t j o n a ~ c c o m m ~ d a t i o n ~ - - .- -

They look a t us and they wk.11 say t h a t they only do the f e s t i v a l , dances, s e l l f & &nd a r t i f a c t s . When we'become s t ronger and more vocal t h a t i s t h e time we w i $ l r e a l l y know who our f r i ends a r e . This i s what we-have t o do and what I w i l l do. I don ' t see a g rea t dea l of problem with t he o ther groups as there-wil l not be a c lash

-

of i n t e r e s t . We w i l l s t i l l be plugging and maybe t he French and English w i l l j o in with us. But I am not r e a l l y concerned t h a t they do jo in us i f we as a group do contr ibute tangible . There won't be arproblem. Why the Gove nor-General himself i s an e thn i c , 6

- ,The Timqins and D i s t r i c t Ethnic Fes t i va l Committee has become t h e -

-

a i v o t a l paaeithnic i n s t i t u t i o n i n Timmins. Its purpose was tQ tepre-sen* e thnic -

communit.ies which no longer had the cohesion o r - a b i l i t y - - t o - - represent

themselves and t o take public ac t i on on t h e i r behalf . The ~ t h n i k Fes t i va l

-

*

Committee maintained the ethnic position in the community against local and-- ---- -- x->s-* 4 - national intrusions. It h+d - to - contend with?Q4initiatives --- from the .- FOM, , ---

- -- -

La Ronde-and + the St. Jean Baptiste 'society which were attempting to create a

new accommodation between the ~n&h an3 FrenchSCanadian dommunities. It

must also contend with provincial and federal government policies w k o h '

continua to introduce new variety into the local arena to which %he committee - - ..

-

and its members must respond. fn order to carry this analysis further-it is -%s

/ *d -

necessary to examine the organizations involved in the festival committee as

well as their relation tothe committee and.their own ethnic communities. -

This will prpvide a counterpoint to an examination of their opponents within -

t

the ethnic comunikies and- to a cor+cJ@ing examiaat ion p f t_he influence 2f - -- - - -

governmental policies in creating nkw bases for public action.

X I I h ETHNIC OR&WIZAT~~NS - ', 0 -. *

Ethnic F e s t i v a l Groups - -

The Timmins and ~ i s t r i c t Ethnic F e s t i v a l Committee c o n s i s t s of a ,

d ive r se and f l u c t u a t i n g group of e t h n i c r ep resen ta t ives . The committee i s no t A-

only i k l u s t r a t i v e o f r e c e n t e t h h c i n i t i a t i v e s but i n d i c a t i v e of p a s t . -

- - 2.

confronta t ions over c l a s s and e t h n i c community p o l i t i c s . It i s t h e r e f o r e

necessary t o examine some of t h e e t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l s involved - - -

- - -- - - -- --- -

i n t h e fes t ival committee i n o rde r t o understand t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e

committee and t h e community.

The C h i ~ e s e form a s p e c i f i c e t h n i c community which has maAptainea a n

occupations$ niche i n t h e r e s t a u r a n t i n d u s t r y s ince t h e incep t ion of t h e

Porcupine Camp. ~ e v e ' r t h e l e s s they h ~ e nnd s i n g l e - i n s t i t u t i o n o r l eade r sh ip . A .- -

'Chinese Community C e n t e r L e x i s t s - b u t it is mostly - a n o l d f o l k s hope r a t h e r -

A

-

than a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n . A P r o t e s t a n t church a l s o func t ions a s a ,

meeting p lace f o r a small Chinese subgroup. /- . * -

-

This i s not t o say t h a t t h e Chinese have not at tempted t o p a r t i c i p a t e -

-

i n t h e cornmuni~y. They joined i n t h e f i f t i e t h anniversary ceremonies of t h e d

town gf Timmins i n 1962 b u t h a m not a t t e a k d a similar pub l i c forum s i n c e .

They were offended because t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e anniversary ceremonies

went l a r g e l y unacknowledged i n t h e anniversary bookle t . The Chinese a r e n o t -

. i n t e r e s t e d i n jo in ing t h e f e s t i v a l committee and o f t e n perce ive t h e e@nics ,

-

Frertch and English &xact-jlasrs-as a sin@x-White' group w h i c h h a s always

d i sc r imina ted a g a i n s t them.

e L

Other small e t h n i c communities, s u c h as t h e Jews-and theLPh i l ip inose - -

have become a s s o c i a t e members o f t h e f e s t i v a l committee. The i r a c t i v ' i t y , - - - - - - - -

however, is r e s t r i c t e d t o f i n d i n g o u t t h e d a t e o f t h e f e s t i v a l and showing up

O@ t h a t day. h e Jews no longe r have t h e c 6 m u n i t y numbers t o suppor t d i r e c t +

-involvement and i n t h e last f e g y e a r s have not chosen t o p a r t i c i p a t e , B

-

. e s p e c i a l l y as t h e f e s t i v a l ' s growth n e c e s s i t a t e d g r e a t e r commitments. -

S i m i l a r l y t h e P h i l i p i n o s d i d no t pa r t i c ipa t e - in 1981 f e e l i n g it was t o o much

' t r o u b l e t o g e t t h e i r people involved,.

The Germans forms a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e community i n t h e Porcupine Camp A

b(lt remain a small, though impor t an t , s e c t i o n of t h e e t h n i c comm.ttee.\-They i 0.

a r e r e c e n t i nmig ran t s who choose t o p r e s e n t t h e 'Bavarian? a s p e c t 6f tkei-r - -- -

c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , wearing l ede rhosen and p l a c i n g t h e i r emphasis on

s a u e r b r a t e n und s t r u d e l . The German Ethnic A s s o c ~ ~ ~ ~ Q ~ i s a n informal ized

s o c i a l network a m o n c a group of f r i e n d s and acquain tances . Th i s i n c l u d e s one

l ady w h ~ ~ i s marr ied t o a Chinese gentleman wi th t h e pa radox ica l r e s u l t t h a t

h e r husband o f t e n h e l p s i n t h e German e x h i b i t i n t h e f e s t i v a l . The German - - - -- - - -- - ---a -- - --

group, i n s p i t e of i t s small s i z e , has t h e p o t e n t i a l t o expand and become a /

dominant e t h n i c a s s o c i a t i o n e s p e c i a l l y as t h e r e i s l i t t l e i n t e r n a l communiey -

d i v i s i o n which might c r e a t e a n opposing l e a d e r s h i p . - - --

The P o l i s h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t o t h e committee a r e l e a d e r s of t h e l o c a l

chap te r o f . t h e P o l i s h Whi3e Eagle S o c i e t y which, l i k e t h e M r a i n g a n P r o s q t a , - -

was c r e a t e d i n t h e e a r l y 1930s ks a idyalist i n s t i t u t i o n . Its membership I

-

changed i n t h e postwar Qeziod as prewar members were r ep l aced by a new i n f l u x

: of immigrants who swel led t h e h a l l ' s membership. But i n a s h o r t t i m e - t h e

- --

m l i s h popu la t ion of t h e town of Timmins dropped from 1 ,018 i n 1961 t o 575 i n 2 7 %

_L - -- - - -- -

1

1971 big. 10) . The h a l l was t h r e a t e n e d wi th c l o s u r e u n t i l i n t e r e s t was

rev ived wi th p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e e t h n i c f e s t i v a l .

-

The Rumanian group is a small association formed around 'St. Mary's I - A - _ - - - - _ -- - -- - - - c-pp-- - --

/ - - Rumanian Orthodox Church'. Their representative in the-festival cornittee is

---

the church priest who h a a great influence on the committee. He was

vice-president of the committee and is able to speak a number of l-ages b

-

. including German, Croatian and Ukrainian. As such he can converse with most ~

- of the committee members in their native languages. He is particularly_

I . - h:

-

influential among the Croatian and Ukrainian groups and supports their stand

against including 'Communist' groups in the committee. He is often the-only - * . . -

spokesman for his small association which means that Rumanian participation

on fsstival day is limited. In 1981,there was no Rumanian exhibit simply - because ~ U Q Rumanian ladies who thecpriest &depended an to create the exhibitc - -_ -=-- -=

had gone on vacation at that time.

'The Ukrainian representation is closely allied to $he Rumanians and

Poles but their organization consists almost solely of a small Ukrainian Q

-

Catholic Women's Association led by the major Ukrainian leader. The Ukrainian -

leader's participation and commitment -to the festival association, however,

_ cp

has given the Ukrainians an in&dinate power withh the committee even though -

their community has been greatly reduced.

The Scots form a particularly important g up within the committee. The_- ;

-

first chairman of the ethnic festival was a 'Scot. The Scottish presence

within the association is twice as great as any other community since they - -

-

have 4wo organizations in the committee with each having two votes. The other -.

festival representatives-recognize the importance of the Scots and do not

feel that this is too much representation for one community. The two Scottish . - - - - - - --- - - -- _ - -

organizations in the committee, local chapters of the 'St. Andrew Society' - _ - _ -

and the '~au~hters of Scotland (~och Lomond Camp no'. 23)' grew out of the

large influx of Scottish immigrants intp the camp in the early 1950s when .

- - - - - - - - - -- - -d -

- many of t h e e t h n i c s began t o l e a v e . The Scots a r e i n many ways t h e s t r o n g e s t - - - - - -

e t h n i c community i i i r t h e camp s i n c e , a s new a r r i v a l s , t h e i r f a m i l i e s a r e -

i n t a c t and h a v e no t y e t migrated o u t . The l o c a l chapter of t h e Daughters .? of

S c o t b n d - was formed i n t h e mid 1960s and t h e S t . Andrew Socie ty i n 1972 i n a n

- e f f o r t t o develop t h e i r c u l t u r e r a t h e r t h a n - i n response t o f e d e r a l

m u l ~ u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s . Mul t icul tura l i sm as a government po l i cy d i d not

i n t e r e s t them and they d i d not seek f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f e e l i n g t h a t -

x government funding w a s a c r u t c h they could do without . They promoted t h e i r --

c u l t u r e on t h e i r own and i n 1973 c r e a t e d t h e 'School of Gae l i c A r t s ' , he ld -

each J u l y a t Northern College, which b r i n g s t e a c h e r s from Canada and Scotland . - - -

t o *teach bagpipes, drums and S c o t t i s h dancing. -

-

The Scots were t h e s t r o n g e s t c u l t u r a l group i n Timmins when t h e idea of w

a n e t h n i c f e s t i v a l was first proposed i n 1974 and they immediately became i t s

l e a d e r s . They considered t h e f e s t i v a l a n'atural e x t e n t i o n of t h e i r \ i n t e r e s t s .

The Sco t s provided much of t h e i n i t i a l support f o r t h e e t h n i c f e s t i v a l and --

continue t o pravide a l a r e - m e a s u r e o f - f e s t i v a l event_sSfrom h 2 g h l a n d d z c i m g -

t o parade marshal l .

Another group which has become important i n t h e e t h n i c committee i s

a l s o one of t h e newest i n Timmins, t h e - East Ind ians , The first East Ind ians

i n t h e Porcupine Camp came i n J u l y 1965 and t h e r e a r e now only a dozen

f a m i l i e s . They have had l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y i n a d j u s t i n g as they hold high - . - -

l e v e l occupations a s t e a c h e r s , engineers and doctors . This has become p a r t of 4 -

t h e i r i d e n t i t y i n t h e community, a p o s i t i v e s t e reo type . One e t h n i c informant - -

-T

i d e n t i f i e d them by saying t h a t "East Indians a r e a l l named ~ u ~ t a a n d a r e a l l

doc to r s t " Few have thought of migra t ing south t o thep1argG c i t i e s because

, t h e y k e e t h e d i sc r imina t ion East Indians have t o f a c e i n Toronto and compare

it unfavourably t o t h e i r easy acceptance i n Timmins.

- 344 -

I n p a r t t h i s is due t o t h e f a c t t h a t - t h e E a s t I n d i a n s _ h a u e n o t - - --

at tempted t o i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e - - - - - t h e i r - -- differences.-They hold informal e

-

religious ceremonies in . t h e i r homes on occasion o r r e n t a h a l l and show

Indian movies b u t they do no t go ou t o f t h e i r way t o push t h e i r religion,^. '

i d e n t i t y t o t h e i r ch i ld ren . A s one l e a d e r commented, " A t home we do no t put a '

l o t of e f f o r t i n pe rpe tua t ing what we have because t h e k i d s spen& 80% o f -3 <-

t h e i r t ime i n schbol and with TV so they a r e members of t h i s s o c i e t y and we 0- -

don ' t have much c o n t r o l over t h a t . "

The East Ind ians were first i n v i t e d ti p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e e t h n i c 1

f e s t i v a l i n 1977. The i n v i t a t i o n was a d d r e s s ~ d t o t h e first .East Ind4an i n - < , -

the camp who, ui th h i s u i f e , crested an fnfarmal ' East Iddian Rhnic -- -- - -- - -

v

Assoc ia t ion ' . I n a s h o r t t i ~ e t h e Eas t Indian a s s o c i a t i o n has become one'of

t h e s t r o n g e s t i n t h e f e s t i v a l committee.

I n 1980 t h e p res iden t of t h e East India'n Ethnlc Associat ion became -

-

pres iden t of t h e f e s t i v a l committee and another East Ind ian , who,succeeded - . .

him a s ' t h e East Indian ~ s s o c i a t i d n p r e s i d e n t , became comm5tt'ee p u b l i c i t y - -- - -- - -- -- .

sece tayy. The East I n d i a n s t h u s have inc reased t h e i r presence .on t h e

conunittee - t o an e x t e n t ou t of p ropor t ion t o t h e i r s i z e , $ h e y r e a d i l y support -

.w - b s

committee ideology and t h e expansion of committee i n t e r e s t s .

The East Ind ians perce ive t h e - f e s t i v a l committee a s . a necessary -

s t r u c t u r e f o r t h e i r a d a p t a t i o n and involvement i n t h e l o c a l sphere of pub l i c - \ - a c t i o n . Through it they a r e a b l e t o e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own e t h n i c community e

i d e n t i t y a s we l l a s t h e i r Canadian i d e n t i t y . "Maybe we a r e p resen t ing a c

c e r t a i n a r t i f i c i a l i t y with a l l t h i s dancing and arts b-ut i f we d i d - not_-- -

presen t such a ceremony you cannot d i s t i n g u i s h yourse l f . Groups i n d i f f e r e n t - - -- - - - -

d r e s s e s can d i s t i n g u i s h themselves whereas a s Canadians you cannot." Without

such involvement they m i & t have come under discrim_inatory a t t a c k .

The

and French Canadians wi th

They would a l s o appear t o

Timmins form t h e l a r g e & c o m m u n i t ~ b e s i & e Ithe- Eng l i sh 1 -

Gome 2,685 o r 6.48% of t h e Timmins town popula t ion . - --

- - - ,-- - -:- '

be t h e l a r g e s t ' a n d most powerful community i n t h e

f e s t i x a l * c o m m i t t e e b u t t h i s would be a n i n c o r r e c t conclus ion . The I t a l i a n s . - have had l i t t l e need t o r e t r e a t w i t h i n t h e f e s t i v a l committee t o seek mutual

suppor t and r e sou rces as they can compete d i r e c t l y wi th French and Engl i sh

Canadians. While I t a l i a n immigration i n t o t h e camp has ended and t h e

community h a s s t a b i l i z e d t h e y have been a b l e t o r e c r u i t new members through

i n t e r m a r r i a g e and as a s s o c i a t e members.

I t a l i a n involvement i n t h e f e s t i v a l committee i s secondary t o t h e i r

commitment t o we- D m t e Club which s e r v e s &hem as a n i n s t i t u t i o n a l base. -The --- -

i - men c o n t r o l t h e c l u b whi le t h e women

It i s a measure of t a l i a n community r t h a t the-women o f ,khe Dante Club a r e

- /

. . 1 1 a r e subse rv i en t , - cooking ahd c leaning . I

commitment t o t h e f e s t i v a l committee . i

t h e ones s e n t t o a t t e n d committee > / 1 ?

m e e t h g s . While one o f . t h e male members o r i g i n a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e . 1

committee he spon l e f t f e e l i n g t h a t t h e committee was becomiw. t o o concerned r 1 - -ppp-p---p---- - -- --

4 with "women's work". The men show u p ' o n l y on t h e day of t h e ~ e s t i v a i i tself

1

1

when they can be seen i n t h e i r " I t a l i a n ' cost.umes; a r e d ke rch ie f around ;

t h e i r neck and a r e d s a s h around t h e i r waists. Th i s has littls connect ion t o

I t a l y b u t it a l s o does no t i d e n t i f y any one

symbol. I n t h e f e s t i v a l booth t h e men s t u f f

f e s t i v a l t hey a r e not seen a g a i n , The women

r eg ion and s e r v e s as a g e n e r a l

-

sausages and make wine. A f t e r t h e - v .

Geturn t o t h e f e s t i v a l committee 1

I

;

and ' p e r i o d i c a l l y r e p o r t t o t h e Dante Club execut ive . t

T n l i k e t h e Dante Club many e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s depend on t h e T i m m i n s - - 1 i

and ~ i s t r i c t Ethnic Assoc ia t ion t o main ta in t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s which o f t e n - - -

would n o t e x i s t o therwise . Some have devloped i n t o s t r o n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n

t h e i r own r i g h t . They emerged j u s t as many of t h e s m a l l e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s were

opting ou t of t h e c o y i t t e e . The- smaller organizations have floundered as - - - - - - --- -- - - & L -

they have not been ab le t o gather enough support t o par- t ic ipate i n t h e L - - - - - - - - -

meetin& and the f e s t i v a l as t h i s took.increased personal and f i n a n c i a l . /

commitment'. The committee was placing l e s s re l i ance on government g r an t s -

whicfi provided l e s s d i r e c t monetarp incent ive f o r pa r t i c ipa t i on by t he

smaller groups. The l o c a l resources which the committee increqsingly chose t o - - . ,

L compete f o r , both mate r ia l and symbolic, ' were useful only t o those

> organizations l a rge and strong erfough t o engage i n t he wider l o c a l s t rugg le ,

These groups a r e well exemplified by t h e Finns and &oatians. *,

Finn2sh Ethnic Association -

~ r n d n ~ the prewar Finnish gTofip- there has been a breakdownvof t he major - - - - - -- - - - - - - - A A - - - - - --- -

, 'b e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s , dspecialTy t he halls ' . Many in t e rmarked -with English

Canadians and turned away fmm-direct ethnic'involvement. The only 7--

i n s t i t u t i o n s which remained were the Lutheran and the Pentecosta l Churches

and. t he only organization w a s t he Porcupine Finnish club. Despite the ik '

prdxirktT there w a s l i t t l e contact between the ,prewar and postwar Finnish

greups-. Pew- o;f %he-prewar-Fi-~~anb-%he~r-de~~e~d~nt-s-eve~reedgn~t~&~---

the re w a s a Finnish organization l e f t i n the community, 1

There i s no Finnish group now. The chi ldren grew up and intermarrie'd. You see t he inns can marry anybody e l s e . They ge t along with everybody. The old ones dies,-the ones who had the r e a l

k

- power, who had s t a r t e d t he whole th ing with the plays and meetings. They a r e a l l dead and t h e i r chi ldren intermarry and move away. There i s no Finnish organization l e f t . They had t he Harmony Hall i n Timmins and they so ld that and its a parking l o t . There i s the Lutheran Church and t he parents a r e the re but t he chi ldren a r e a l l over the country.

The postwar period had seen an i n f l ux of new Finnish immigrants who 'i

. - - - - - - - -- -- - -&?- - - -

s e t t l e d but did not choose t o support the already ex i s t i ng e thn ic h a l l

i n s t i t u t i o n s as they considered them too p o l i t i c a l . They only supported

nominal i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the churches m d church based clubs. - .

The

- .

primary Lutheran Church w a s S t John's i n - - ---

South -- -

was St . Mark's i n Timmins which was an appendage of S t . John's as one pas to r - -

1

served 'both churches. S t . Mark's membership cons i s t s of o lder Finns so - that

i ts fu tu r e appears i n doubt. St , John's continues t o t h r i v e because English

s e v i ce s have been introduced t o serve English Lutherans and. those Finns who ,

Zi;; - !

do not understand t h e language. The older Finns a t S t . Mark's refuse tooa l low . 4

t he pas to r t o s e t up separate English services . The .only o ther Finnish - -

i n s t i t u t i o n is the Saalem Finnish Pentecostal Church i n South Porcupine- - - ,

. J

(founded 1956) which a l s o continues i t s se rv ices i n Finnish. 1 . .

I n 1978 t he Timmins and D i s t r i c t Ethnic ~ s s o c i a t i o n i nv i t ed th; Finnish d 1

Club a t S t . John's t o join t h e committee and i n March 3378 they joined- as the - --

'Finnish Ethnic Association' . Their i n i t i a l success, s e l l i n g food and 1 displaying t h e i r na t ive costumes and handiwork, gave t he Finns confidence t o 1 make a grea te r commitment t o t he f e s t i v a l committee.

I n September 1979 the new pres ident o f t h e "Finnish assoc ia t ion became

vice-president of t he f e s t i v a l oommittee and held t h a t pos i t ion t o 1981 when 0

- - - - -- -- - - - -- k-- r---- i

t he Finnish a s s o c i i t i o n secre ta ry became the committee s ec r e t a iy as well. The * 1 f

Finnish assoc ia t ion w a s one of the few f e s t i v a l groups t o ask f o r a 1

i

i government g ran t t o o f f s e t t h e cos t s of bringing i n Finnish dancers from 3

- 1 Thunder Bay t o " play a t the f e s t i v a l . The g r a n t and dancers .both aided i n the " I

promotion of l o c a l Finnish cu l tu re . I

0 i

Though most of t h e grant was used t o pay off the expenses incured i n i i %

bringing i n the dancers, a surplus was ava i lab le which enabled t he Finnish I I 5

assoc ia t ion t o introduce Finnish language i n s t ruc t i on and folkdancing i n the I I - - - - . - - - - --

-* t .7

community. The Finnish language program developed with the a r r i v a l of a new ,

Finnish pastor who supported t he education program. The Finnish group were

ab le t o s e t up a c l a s se s a t Northern College i n 1980 aided by the College

a b i l i t y t o lead t he Finns, d id not choose t o do so f e e l i n g t h a t t he church

"should not be t he focus of c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y . I have t r f e d t o keep t h a t

separate." He offered advice and support but chose t o l e t t he Finnish Ethnic - - - - - - - - - - .i - - - --LA

Association operate on i t s own though it used t he st*. John's Church basement

. as its headquarters.

The leaders of t h e Finnish E t h q i c Association were surpr ised by the

success of t h e language c l a s se s as a l l t h e courses were e a s i l y f i l l e d . Those . "

who knew no Finnish, sohetimes non-Finn husbands o r wives who wanted t o

converse with t h e i r in-laws, took s t a r t e r courses while those who knew the

language took t he advanced adu l t course.. The accomplishments of t h e program _I

. -. enabled t h e Finns t a expand and sponsor the program under .the-Keritage - ppp-p

- Language Program subsidized by the-prov inc ia l government. -- >

The language school_allowed t h e Finns t o educate t h e i r chi ldren, as *. well as many of t h e i r non-Finn spouses, t o provide t he necessary l i n g u i s t i c

0

- 349 -

/

. E . -

- -- - - - -- - _ --- i- - :--- y framewqrk f o r e thn ic identity: Many ~ i - i n Timmins - .. have .married o ther Finns 3

e i d

but o the r s liave m a r r m B g l i s h and TrenifiCanadiam;. The b'inni sheuthe.ranAU M

- ; f

pastor commented t h a t i n Sudbury mosi of t he F i m s mdrried Italians b u t i n 3 4

- S Timmins most seemed t o be marrying French Canadians. The non~Finn spouses .r:

- i .: - r a r e ly r e t a i n co"masctionq,with t h e i r own ethnic communities while t h e i r Finn - . ( 7

spouses a r e o f ten members of t he Finnish Ethnic Association. , I - 1 4 . d

The Finnish assoc ia t ion w a s a l s o buoyed by t h e move of t h e ~uomi Club /-

3

L \ and the' Lutheran Ghurch t o sponsor ' the fo r t i - t h i rd annual 'Finnish Grand

a -

.4

Fes t i va l ' t o be held i n South Porcupine i n Ju3-y 1982, Thrs was symbolic of a - - -

growing kinnish community i d e n t i t y &I theW~orcupine Camp. This was - t o be t ~ ? 4

1' - - .,_ - -

f i f t h time the f e s t i v a l woul N e l d i n t he Porcupine (1946, 1950, 1959, d

\-\ '- 1965) though the l a s t time had been'%ome seventeen. years before . The e thnic

assoc ia t ion was not d i r e c t l y involved ind t he spbnsorship but' i t s members were fi_ I . .'

t o a c t as the' sec re ta ry and t r e a s u r e r of the planning committee and the ,, - i - 4

Finnish Fes t i va l served t o s t rengthen t h e . ~ i n n i s h assoc ia t ion . I.

-- Involvement i n t h e language program and the Finnish-Canadian Grand* . -

Fes t i va l d id no t , however, allow %he Finnish assoc ia t ion t o extend t h e i r

commitment t o the f e s t i v a l committee. There were questions as t o whether t he - I Finns would be a t t he 1982 Ethnic Fes t i va l s ince t h e Grand Fes t i va l took

4 , i -

place a few weeks l a t e r . The Ethnic ~ e s t i v a l Committee, however, supported d

+ t h e F inn ' s expansion of i n t e r e s t s . The'Finns maintain t h e i r commitment t o t h e -

f e s t i v a l c o m i t t e e with t h e i r represen ta t ives standing as vice-president and 4 -

h

secre ta ry of t he committee. The Finn leaders did not wish t o remove i ; 3 i -

themselves from involvement with t he other e thnic communities o r place - : L 1 -

-- -

theaselves on t h e i r own a & n s t t he FrenclTand EngSGh CanaTiXns,They- 4 -

i L - planned t o reaffirm t h e i r commitment t o the committee a f t e r t h e i r language

B

2rogram wzs f i rmly es tab l i shed and obl igat ions t o t h e Grand Festival. ended. -

- - /

e

The Forty--Third AnnualFinnish _G_yand Festiva? was_&ldJuly 2 - 4, 1982 _ .

and qonsis ted - of spo r t s - - -- and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s with F i r k s h groups from - --- -- -- - -

across Canadh Far t h e f irst time t he Finnish Ethnic Ass.ociation nenbers - -

learned spe&al ' - Fipnish dances and involved t h e i r husbands i n Finnish

assoc ia t ion b c t i v i t i e s . They emerged from the f e s t i v a l with t he c u l t u r a l

support and confidence t o reaff i rm t h e i r pos i t ioo- as a .major e thn ic community -.

on a par with t he I t a l i a n s , English and French Canadians and with a r

< +

.' d i s t i n c t i v e r i g h t to be considered p a r t of the - - ' he r i t age ' of t h e ~ o r c u p i n e

-

Camp. They were unwil l ing t o see any res t ruc tu r ing of he r i t age which d i d not .

include themselves o r t h e o ther ethnic?.

On t he other s i d e of e thn ic i d e n t i t y i n the' Porcupine Camp are those -

. organizat ions which becan& divided by f e s t i q a l committee a c t i v i t y . This is i n '. . p a r t exemp1 i f i ed .b~ Cg-an community involyement i n t h e ' f e s t i v a l *

* -

committee which created new p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t groups wi thin the e thn ic -

x .

community. - - - -- - - - - -- ---

The Croatian H a l l had qeen formed i n 1930 as the i n s t i t u t i o n a l

foundation f o r an expa t r i a t e nationalism which had be,en formalized-in t he

l o c a l chapter ' of t he Croatian Peasant Party. The Croatian Hall rema'ined t he

major i n s t i t u t i o n of t he Croatian community i n Schuinacher though h a l l

-

membership, l i ke - the Croatian populat ion i n Schumacher, declined. a f t e r World

War 11. The Croatian H a l l was con t ro l l ed by t he Croatian_ Peasant p;rty but

t h e i r support was mostly among t h e o lder members of the'community. The par ty f'\ -

l e ade r s c&ld not r e c r u i s w me-mbers because even t h e i r own ch i ld ren - - - were --- - - --

d

not i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e "old pol i t ics" . They could not r e c r u i t members among , * - - - - -- -- -

t h e newer immigrants as t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s were o f t en open - $0

question. i any were refugee suppor%ers o f . the rightwing Ustashi ( r ebe l ) -

8

regime which- in May 1941 had proclaimed t h e F a s c i s t Independent S t a t e of *

&

t h e i r f o m e r enclave i n Schumacher. Croat ians were moving o u t o f t h e enclave

i n t o o t h e r p a r t s oS Timmins o r ou t of t h e camp K n t i r e l y , The vacuum was -

f i l l e d by French Canadians who began t o e n t e r t h e commanity i n g r e a t e r -

numbers.'French Canadian encroachment occured j u s t a t t h e ' t i m e of nZw -

i n d u s t r i a l growth. This new growth a ided t h e Croat ian H a l l and Peasant paxty - . --

a s Croat ian miners were ~ t b l e - t o f i n & jobs, e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e new Texas Gulf 9 -

Mine and remain i n t k e a r e a . The l e a d e r s of t h e Croat ian Peasant P a r t 7 and - -

h a l l acqui red k e ~ ~ g a t e k e e p e r p o s i t i o n s i n t h e mine and u t i l i z e t h e i r -- - - - -

p o s j t i o n s t o a i d t h e i r suppor te r s . A s one Croat ian s a i d of t h e p res iden t of t

t h e Peasant p a r t y ; . .

He g e t s jobs f o r a l l t h e Croat ians down a t Texas Gulf , He was t h e f irst one t h e r e and he has h i r e d a l l t h e Croat ians and TG l e t s him

;9 - because they make t h e b e s t workers. That why a l l t h e Croat ians a r e

f o r him because he has helped them-so much, No mat t e r who you a r e - . i f you need a job you j u s t go t o him and y o u ' l l g e t it. T h a t ' s why - t h e r e i s I t h i n k about 5% of t h e men at Texas Gulf a r e Croat ian.

/ - The l e a d e r s a t t e m j f t e d t o mainta in-cont ro l f - t h e e n c l a v e a g a i n s t French

Canadian i rArus ion . This meant f i n d i n g jobs f o r Croat ians t o ensure they

would s t a y (,most Croat ians were not even bur i ed - i n t h e community). The

c o r o l l a r y was t o exclude Frenoh++Canadians from key jobs i n t h e mine. A s t h e %

p a r t y p r e s i d e n t -

-

I can g e t every Croat ian a job i n Texas Gulf no ma t t e r t h e ,

p o l i t i c s . Every Croat ian a p p l i c a t i o n t h a t comes a c r o s s my desk, no ma t t e r i f they a r e not a'member of t h e Hal l o r n o t , I h i r e them. The company t r u s t s me and i f I say t h a t t h i s guy i s g o d they w i l l - h k e them. Most of t h e jobs a t Texas Gulf a r e Croat ian r a t h e r than . ;

- -

French. The only reason t h e Croatians-do no t leave i s Texas Gulf They can d%e here now. More than 60% of i h e Croat ians now work at T-Gulf, mcre young men t o tl-nzir-m a ~ p q l e - a r e g e m ~ back i n t o t h e mines.

It i s not enough t h a t jobs be found i n t h e mine because t h e s e jobs do

--

--

I -

-

not ensure t h e continuance of the e t3nic comuni-ty or-of -the-speekFia e thn i c - -- --7

P

3 educated i n t u r n and wish t o f i n d b e t t e r jobs i n o ther a r ea s . The ~ r o a t i a n

'

l eaders decided t h a t they had t o compete d i rec tzy with WiFFrench Canadians - .d -

who they s a w going from an ' e t hn i c group' t o a dominant cha r t e r community.

The Croatians f e e l threatened, as do t h e o t h e ~ e thn ic communities, with-what

they perceived as a new accommodation between French and English Canadians - -

and a t tempts t o exclude them from d i r e c t competition over l o c a l resources, -

-

espec ia l ly jobs. Already with informal bi l ingualism they see t h e i r f r i e n d s - and r e l a t i v e s being pa s sed oveF f o r pos i t ions i n government and, with French -

- -

and Engllsh &:nadian caritFol-of b u s i G s s e s , f i n d themselves 1arge"ly a

- -

r e s t r i c t e d t o the mines.

The Croatian par ty 1eadershLp f e l t t h a t the only opt ion lef t t o them,

espec ia l ly . - i n the face of a threatened breakdown of the l o c a l consociat ion,

was t o meet the French Canadians d i r e c t l y i n the p o l i t i c a l arena. This was-

not poss ible wlthin t he confines of t he L ibera l party which they i d e n t i f i e d - - - - - - - - - -- - - -- -- - - - -- -- - --

as thk "French" par ty . Ins tead - they turned t o the p rov inc ia l progressive

Conservative party as a mean& t o maintain the h a l l and t a ensurk t h a t

b i l ingual ism never became i n s t i t u t i ona l i e ed . The 'peakant pa r ty pres ident f e l t

t h a t i n t h i s way he could b e t t e r ensure t h a t French Canadians would be

constrained p rov inc ia l ly no mat ter what happened on the f e d e r a l - level . Though

politicalrlip-service4might be paid t o t he French Canadians, he f e l t t h a t

they would no t receive concessions on the p rov inc ia l l e v e l a t e thn i+ fo.

expense'. -

The pres ihent of the Croa t ian P F t a s a n t . y rd i e s ' Q n ~ o r L h ~ -- -1- -

-

garners i n t he community not only a s a jab gatekeeper and l eader of a - L -

1

r e l a t i v e l y defunct organization but t h r o u g h his p o l i t i c a l cdnnections t o the' , q

-

- -- - - pL - - - - - -- - - -

h o s t s o c i e t y as a l ongs t and ing mitmber gf t h e l o c a l Conservat ive pa&y .- - -PA--

- o r g a n i z a t i o n . Through t h e s e connect ions he is a b l e t o g a i n p r o v i n c i a l g r a n t

Q f

money t o i m p r o v e t h e Croa t i an Hall and i n t u r n provides t h e h a l l t o t h e

0

Conserva t i teg_ar ty f o r i t s l o c a l convent ions a t a nominal-cost . The l e a d e r

has cal ledbupon Croatian.; t o f o r g e t about t h e o l d e t h n i c na t iona l i sm and t h e 1

4

. -- o l d problems i n Europe and t a k e a g r e a t e r i n t e r e s t i n Canadian p o l i t i c s , I n

- 1 2 t h i s r ega rd t h e Croa t i an H a l l i s becoming r e s t r u c t u r e d t o a l o c a l form of .- --

k t h n i c na t iona l i sm, a l o c a l i a e d ~ p o l i t i c a l i n i t i t u t i b n , a n a d j u n c t of t h e

p r o v i n c i a l Conservat ive p a r t y . ' - -

I - The Croa t i an .Ha l1 i n Schumacher has been r e s t r u c t u r e d t o pursue d i r e c t

i !

- i -

L

p o l i t i c a l g o a l s ( j o b s , an t i -b i l i ngua l i sm) and has main ta ined only t h e pose of -- 4

4 . its o l d na t iona l i sm i n t h i s r e d e f i n i t i o n . The p a r t y ' h a s dec ided t o confront . t h e i r problems on a d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l l e v e l as a n i n t e r e s t g r o u p r a t h e r t han

1 as a n e thn ic .g roup . "I t o l d Premier Davis t h a t our group i s i n t e r e s t e d i n

. ' Canada f irst , Ontar io gecond, and Croa t ian t M r d . " I n doing s o they have * A

el

al lowed o t h e r s t o t a k e u p l o c a l ett#li+-i&erests w h i c h - h a s - t . h r e a t e n e d - t k e i - ~ ~ - - e -. r e v i s i o n of e t h n i c na t iona l i sm. The Croa t ian-Pe~sant P a r t y had developed a

*

r e s t r u c t u r e d e t h n i c na t iona l i sm b u t t hey soon came up a g a i n s t a , new -

c u l t u r a l l y de f ined e t h n i c community movement which sought tq- circumven$ t h e - - -

p a r t y ' s i n f l u e n c e ,

With t h e succes s of t h e Timrnins-summer Ethnic F e s t i v a l i n t h e 1970s -

t h e r e was a ' c a l l , bo th from t h e f e s t i v a l committee and Croa t i ans who knew

about t h e f e s t i v a l , f o r Croa t ian involvement. This involvement began i n 1978 . *

---

i

and was l e d by Croa t i ans who were i d e n t i f i e d by t h e p a r t y l e a d e r as - , . '.

--

" F a s c i s t s " . These were ind iv iduaxs who had been o s t r a c i z e d from anf d i r e c t *-

p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e h a l l because of t h e i r perce ived p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s .

Hindered f rom" jo in ing t h e Peasant p a r t y ' s new.po l i t i ca1 r%ructuring they

- - - -- - - - -- -- - - -- - -

turned t o c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y which t h e p a r t y appeared-to h a v d i s a v o w e d . They -

young Croat ians and more r ecen t immigrants. A s t h e l e a d e r of t h e c u l t u r a l . - -

committee s a i d ; - - -

- - The way-it developed was t h a t t h e CrGitian Hall was here' but

t h e r e was no t much a c t i v i t y and it was not doing much a c t i v i t y . ..

- The h a l l i s n o t a c u l t u r a i t h i n g t o t a l l y because i t was p o l i t i c a l b u t t h a t was what we were t r y i n g t o change-to go from p o l i t i c a l t o -

c u l t u r a l and t h a t way g e t more people i n t h e h a l l . We s t a r t e d i n ., 1978 as we no t i ced t h e Finns were g e t t i n g s t a r t e d and t h e ot-her groups and t h e y brought i n t h e Finnish dancers from Thunder Bay and they were a b l e t o g e t _money 40 b r i a g them i n . So we s t a r t e d t o develop our r e sources . The people-yho a r e involved n o w ~ a r e t h e next gene ra t ion a f t e r t h e first involvement. What I-want t o s e e is ,

t h e t r a n s i t i o n of t h e h a l l t o make it non-po l i t i ca l s o t h a t everyone can have b i s say t h e r e , x - - - - - -

C .

The younger members of .the community, un in te res t ed i n t h e o l d p o l i t i c s -

of t h e i r p a r e n t s and t h e Croat ian Peasant P a r t y , which they saw as emblematic %

of" those poJi t ics , c a l l e d on t h e p a r t y t o g i v e up i t s c o n t r o l of t h e h a l l . = r

They wanted t h e h a l l t o become a pure ly c u l t u r a l o rgan iza t ion l i k e t h e Dante -

Club. But t h e p a r t y was r e l u c t a n t t o g ive up i t s p o l i t i c a l base. The Peasant --

- T----p--Lp- -

p a r t y was p r e s s u r e d , however, m t o a l lowing t h e committee t o meet i n t h e

h a l l . The c u l t u r a l committee l e a d e r s had come to t h e r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t c u l t u r e

was a p la t form which they could u t i l i z e t o t h e i r advantage. The- o l d p o b i t i b a l

-

pla t form was no longer u s e f u l e s p e c i a l l y a s they had no a c c e s s t o t h e , -

r e s t r u c t u r e d e t h n i c na t ional i sm which t h e c o n t r o l l e d . -

'People a r e t i r e d of h e a i n g about p o l i t i c s and t h e ones who t a l k about i t do not know what they a r e t a l k i n g about anyway; They a r e always t a l k i n g - p o l i t i c s b u t t h i s p o l i t i c s i s - n o longer. r e a l and d o e s n ' t make sense . They a r e not doing anyth ing o r h e l p i G

- S anything o r achieving anything. This genera t ion i s nb t i n t e r e s t e d

- - - - - - - - -

i n t h e o l d c ~ u n t r y , i s s u e s . ~ T h e young people a r e t i r e d of t h e oldK t r o u b l e s and b icke r ing and t h a t is .why they s t a y away from t h e h a l l because t h e y ha had enough o f *a% s- -&-t;kin~:4"neg-are i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e c u l 3 ure now and f o r t h a t they w i l l come. They do no5 ca re i f Yugoslavia i s t a k i n g over Croat ia o r t h e p o l i t i c s '

"here. They a r e Canadians and t h a t i s what they a r e i n t e r e s t e d i n now...We a r e t r y i n g t o p resen t a view t h a t r e p r e s e n t s everybody - a

- I

- 355 - -

me, h e r and even him ( t h e p a r t y presidext,x as-much as h c s a y i - - --- - - -

that ,he might d i s l i k e me. -

-- - - - ---

. Cul tu re w a s recognized by t h e committee l e a d e r s as a necessary -

- b

i n g r e d i e n t i n >he p u r s u i t o f l i m i t e d r e sou rces 'with and a g a i n s t a e r

communities, p a r t i c u l a r l y - t h e French Canadians. The p a r t y l e a d e r , however, . s a w c u l t u r e simply as a * p o l i t i c a l ins t rument i n a n i n t e r n a l - C r o a t i a n

community s t r u g g l e .

It i s p o l i t i c s because whatever they ( t h e ' F a s c i s t ' l e a d e r s ) do . is p o l i t i c s . They push_ c u l t u r e a l l of a sudden and i t ' s because of p o l i t i c s ; We were involved i n m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ~ b e f o r e it became - p o l i t i c s . We h e r e i n t h e h a l l s t a r t e d it a l L b u t t hey have d iv ided from t h e h a l l and t r i e d t o t a k e it over. . .These people a r e still c a r r y i n g o u t o l d count ry p o l i t i c s of f i f t y y e a r s ago when they should be concerned about Canada,

- -

I n s p i t e of t h i s v i t r i o l t'he k r o a t i a n committee became an important -

segment of t h e e t h n i c f e s t i v a l o rgan iza t ion . The Croa t ian committee l e a d e r , a

noted p a i n t e r , c r e a t e d t h e f e s t i v a l ' s main e n s i g n i a which shows twelve

* / ;b n a t i o n a l f l a g s around a c e n t r a l Canadian f l a g and a l l growing ou t of a l a r g e -

r e d maple l e a f . The Croa t i an commit;tee w a s so s u c c e s s f u l it was soon a b l e t o ! .

expand w i t R t h e c r e a t i o n o f C r o a t i a n language c l a s s e s - u n d e r t h e a u s p i c e s ~ f ----. --

t h e p r o v i n c i a l Heri'tage language program .- They. a l s o formed ,a ko la (hay) dance

-group c a l l e d he A d r i a t i c P e a r l s ' . The da d ce group was l e d by a nephew of i

- t h e committee l e a d e r , a p r o f e s s i o n a l dance t e a c h e r i n Toronto, who%agreed t o

t e a c h t h e g i r l s du r ing t h e summer wi th t h e s t i p u l a t i o n t h a t p o l i t i c s was t o *

be avoided a< a l l t imes . One of t h e members of t h e t roupe was t h e d&ghter of * -

t h e Peasant p a r t y leacter. She had been g iven i n s t r u c t i o n s by h e r f a t h e r t o

watch f o r any a t t empt t o make t h e c u l t u r a l o rgan iza t ion i n t o a F a s c i s t

- --- p o l i t i c a l f r o n t .

-,

Tensions grew between t h e Croa t ian ~ u l t d r a l Committee and t h e ~ r o a t g n -

-

Peasant P a r t y as t h e committee e a s i l y co-opted t h e p a r t y ' s r o l e as c u l t u r a l . .

I

- ' h'

a 1 -

e c -

h

- - -

- -- - - - - -- -- -- -- - - -- -- - spokesman f o r t he Croatian community. m e Peasant pa r ty l eader now began t o

charac te r ize the committee l s ade r s more o F Z y a s Ustashi and Fasc i s t s . He -7

was even prepared t o accept t h a t h i s o ld ~ o m m ~ n i s t ~ e n e m i e s were b e t t e r than -

these new ones, "I would say t h a t he ( the former Croatian Communist l eader ) - I

-

is a be t t e rL guy than t he Fasc i s t s . . .I hate them worse than Communists. " The

Croatian committee l eader i n t u r n s a id t h a t the Communist-leader w a s a b e t t e r -

+ -

man than the leader of t h e Peasant payty. ~ h k s e were unthinkable statements' - -,

two decades before but were symbolic of s t r u c t u r a l changes i n t he coGuni ty .

The c o n f l i c t came t o a c r i s i s i n May 1 80. The par ty l eader wanted t he -

Z a i - k

-dance group t~ perform a t the Croatian H a l l before a number of p rov inc ia l -

-

Progressive Conservative par ty gues t s , including Premier Davis amd l o c a l MPP

~ l l a n P o ~ e , which would confirm h i s p o l i t i c a l connections. Ins tead the dance

group chose t o perform a t a Croatian National Fe s t i va l i n Montreal ofi the * I

9 - =-I - same dayeYThere appears t o have been some miscommunication. The par ty l eader

n i n s i s t s the dance group was informed and had accepted t he i n y i t v t i o ~ $0

-

perform bef-ore t he Premier a month before but t he committee l eader s a id they

were informed only on t h e day of t h e i r departure. The l o s s of t he dancers w a s -

taken by t he par ty pres ident as an i n s u l t t o theePremier and himself. -

When the dance troupe re turned home the par ty l e a d e r ' s daughter a l s o

informed him t h a t t he Croatian F e s t i v a l they at tended was a 'Fasc i s t

f e s t i ? a l 1 and she resigned from the dance group. . " Q

-

I n t h a t Kola group I was a member f o r a few years and t h e . Fransiscan f a t h e r s a t t h a t f e s t i v a l gave out l i t e r a t u r e and , I knew

enough about p o l i t i c s t h a t they had t he Ustashi c r e s t on t h e paper and I saw t h a t but t he o the r k ids d i d not know-hat-was going on. -- --

I grew up with my f a t h e r ' s p 'o l i t i c s and I d id not want t o have anything-to do with t he o ld . country p o l i t i c s .

--

, The par ty executive refused t o l e t t h e dance group use the h a l l any

- -

longer. The r e s u l t was a break i n t he Croi t ian community between those who

-- -

\ supported t h e Peasank p a r t y , t h e o l d e r -

- - -- - - - ,*-- - -

immigrants and t h o s e suppor t ing t h e

Croat ian Cul turaf Committee, t t n i - y o q e r -hnnrfgrzmts and first generxtion. --

Committee suppor te r s s a w t h e expuls ion as an unnecessary b o l i t i c a l

development, a r e t u r n t o o l d country p o l i t i c s , which they had h q e d t o

avoid. ,-

The p a r t y p r e s i d e n t c a l l e d f o r a meeting befween t h e p a r t y a n d .

- committee execut ives b u t committee l e a d e r s refused t o a t t e n d as they

+ suspected t h e meeting would be used *the pa r ty l e a d e r s a s a n excuse t o g a i n

c o n t r o l of t h e c u l t u r a l commit%ee. The p res iden t ~f t h e Croat ian C u l t u r a l -

Committee t r i e d t o r e so lve t h e impass by a p p e a l l i n g t o l o c a l MPP Allan Pope - t o use h i s in f luence t o a l low them t h e use of t h e h a l l . They saw t h e use of

-

t h e h a l l a s t h e i r r i g h t as Croat ians s ince they c h a r a ~ t e r i z ~ d t h e h a l l as a

c u l t u r a l organiza t ion . Pop,e d j d not choose t o use h i s in f luence and s ided

with h i s f r i e n d t h e p a r t y l e a d e r by not g e t t i n g involved. he-party l e a d e r -

-

saw t h i s a t tempt a s an e f f o r t by t h e c u l t u r a l committee t o use t h e government 1

-

i n f luepce t o circumvent t h e i r e f f o r t s . The Croat ian C u l t u r a l Committee

continued t o meet i n t h e h a l l b u t t h e b a r r i n g of t h e danc&t_roupe was a

warning by t h e p a r t y l e a d e r t o g e t i n l i n e . The dance group continued t a t

p r a c t i c e a t o t h e r h a l l s i n t h e community.

I n s p i t e of t h e p a r t y ' ? b e s t e f f o r t s t h e Croat ian committee w a s a b l e t o _ g a i n a number of<new members who supported t h e i r c u l t u r a l emphasis.

-

I n d i v i d u a l s who h a no t previous ly a s soc ia t ed because of t h e i r p o l i t i c s .

-

seemed ready t o support each o t h e r on t h e b a s i s of c u l t u r e . Confident of its

1 support t h e Croat ian committee agreed t o meet thk party I e - a TESUPE- -

-

I

t h e i r problems. The meeting occured i n t h e Croat ian Hall i n February 1981.

The p a r t y aga in at tempted t o b r i n g t h e c u l f u r a l committee under i ts f i rm r

% *- -

P--- - .

cont ro l 8u€ many of t h e people present at- t 3e m6ee€ing-=I€ ~ i ~ ~ i s w a s p - . 4

-

meeting t h a t he had used h i s inf luence t o block the at tempt by t he Croatian

Cul tura l Committee t o use h i s f r i e n d PPPP Allan Pope. He also bragged of h i s

own power and inf luence i n obta ining Ontario government g r a n t s which would, -

he implied, not be avai lable \wi thout h i s influence. The meeting broke dowii

i n t o a shouting match between t h e l eaders of t he Peasant pa r ty and t he . -

Croatian Cul tura l Committee; - 9

The leaders of t he Croatian Cul tura l Committee, unable t o push t he -

-

*arty' leadership from con t ro l of t h e h a l l , responded with a r a t h e r unique -

- - -

- - - - - - - - -

move. They chose t o make t he internalbickering'between t h e two groups a

publ ic af fa i r . . I n t h i s manner they hoped t o circumvent t he i n t e r n a l a t t a c k /

aga ins t them, whiih was on the b a s s of a s t r i c t pol lZica1 nati'bnalism i n *@

which they were a t a disadvantage, by emphasizing t he neu t r a l elements of

Cayd i an c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y .

>or- of the ~ikihs ail^ Press i n which he c r i t i c i z e d MPP Pope f o r h i s

i n a c t i v i t y i n the c r i s i s . "It is apparent from t h a t a c t i on t h a t t he Croatian

H a l l i n Schumacher i s becoming more and more t he PC's u n o f f i c i a l headquarters .I

- r a t h e r than a h a l l apd meeting place of the Croatian people." (Timmins Daily 7

Press 17 March 1981, p.4) He made it appear as i f h i s own group w a s a purely . .

c u l t u r a l group and t h a t t h e i r opponents were the p o l i t i c a l group and, i n an w

-

attempt t o circumvent the par ty l e a d e r s ' s .control of economic resources , even

made an appeal f o r money. ,"I a m asking the executive and Pope, ' W h e r e i s ---- -----p--

government r e a l l y ' s u B o r t multiculkuralism t o put t h e i r money where t h e i r - -

words a r e . " (Tiramins Daily Press 17 March 1981, p. 4) I

< /

E-

The p r e s i d e n t of %he E a t i a n Peasant P a r t y responded wi th h i s own - -

l e t t e r i n which' ?e presen ted t h e 'facts, ' o f t h e even t s which had been / / - - - - - -- --

desc r ibed . H e c r i t i c i z e d t h e i d e a t h a t t h e r e was b i c k e r i n g w i t h i n t h e

Croa t ian H a l l as imposs ib le s i n c e t h e h a l l i s owned, "and w i l l remain so" , by . *

- t h e Croa t i an Peasant P a r t y . He a t t a c k e d t h e committee f o r sending t h e dance - ,

' group t o perfdrm a t a Croa t ian . C u l t u r a l F e s t i v a l i n Ki tchener on A p r i l 10 a

. " day-which he i d e n t i f i e d as be ing " t o c e l e b r a t e a F a s c i s t ho l iday , a day when -

Croa t i a o f f i c i a l l y d e c l a r e d war a g a i n s t t h e A l l i e s , Canada indluded?!" b

( ~ i m m i n s Dai ly P r e s s 19 March 1981, $1.4) H e f u r t h e r a t t a c k e d t h e committee 4

. p r e s i d e n t f o r mi s rep resen t ing h i s : group and f o r a t t a c k i n g MPP Allan Pope, "a

' good f r i e n d o f mine, of th; Croa t i an H a l l and of a l l ~ r o a t i a n s . " He s a i d that- I - - - - - -

' .Ghe*Croatian H a l l i s n o t a meeting p l ace f o r j u s t t h e P rog res s ive

-

Conservat ive p a r t y as o t h e r Canadian p a r t i e s had al*so h e l d meet ings t h e r e ande 2

concluded wi th a n a t t a c k on ' p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r a l g roups ' . -

The Croa t ian H a l l ha s always supported and k i l l cont inue t o suppork, t r u e n o n - p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r a l groups. The Croa t i an Hall i s

- a meeti"ng p l a c e f o r a l l democracy lov ing Croa t ian Canadians and w i l l always remain so . ( ~ i m m i n s Daily P r e s s 19 March 1981, p.4)

- - -- - -- ---

--

-

I n s p i t e of ' t h i s a s s a u l t t h e Croa t ian . C u l t u r a l Committee r e t a i n e d

\\ c o n t r o l of c u l t u r e i n t h e community. They cont inue t o b e l i e v e i n t h e \

1

n e c e i s i b of changing t h e makeup of t h e Croa t ian Hall from a l e s s p o l i t i c a l l y

c o n t r o l l e d t o a c u l t u r a l l y m i t i g a t e d o rgan iza t ion though t h e i r opponents s e e

i t more d i s t i n c t l y as g i v i n g up one p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r ano the r .

Nei ther i n t e r e s t could c o n t r o l t h e Croa t ian community as t h e o l d

Peasant p a r t y once d i d . Never the less t h e Croa t ian Peasant P a r t y w a s l o s i n g

suppor t as its membership d i e d o f f . The c u l t u r a l committee cont inued t o gain- - - -

"

new r e c r u i t s who were not i n t e r e s t e d i n the o l d p a l i t i c s hut rrishpbfe &die-

p a r t ~ n l y i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y . The committee wanted t o end t h e emphasis on

Z

I e t hn i c nationalism, which they - - could not con t ro l - and under which t h e i r former -- - - -- -- - - -- - - - - - - - -- -- - -

o r p reva i l ing rightwing p o l i t i c a l ideology would have been anathema, t o an - - -* - -

- emphasis on a wider concept of l o c a l e thn ic community cu l t u r e t o which they

had g r e a t e r access and control . The p o l i t i c a l b a s i s of t h e i r e thn ic -

nationalism was dangerous t o them f o r it could cont inual ly be brought up and

made pub l ic , as was soon made apparent.

When it w a s d isc losed i n November 1982 t h a t the f e d e r a l government had

made a conf iden t ia l handbook on t he p o l i t i c a l (i . e . a n t i - l o y a l i s t a c t i v i t i e s

. . of e thn ic s o c i e t i e s , t h e Fasc i s t 'United Croats of Canada' w a s l i s t e d as .

having a branch. in Timmins. This became f r o n t page news i n t he l o c a l paper /-

C

which interviewed t h e par ty pres ident who informed them t h a t the re was a -- - - - - D.

P

Fasc i s t organization i n Timmins. "They're a f r a i d t o show themselves though. , -

They hide behind c u l t u r a l clubs." (~immins Daily Press 2 December 1981, ~ . 4 ) -

This w a s a d i r e c t a t t a c k on t he Croatian Cul tura l Committee whose pres ident & -

was forced t o s t a t e , " I ' m not a member. I ' m j u s t involved with-Croatian

c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . A s f a r as p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s go, I ' m not involved." Q

( ~~i j ns Daily PrTSs 2 E ~ e m b e r - r 9 8 T ; p ~ l )-TliF-final compet i t 3 0 ~ 7 W F r t h e ~ - -

e thn ic community w a s s t i l l an ongoing a f f a i r and it would t ake time t o ,

5esolve i f it ever could be resolved.

A similar development between ideoJogica1 an tagonis t s could a l s o be

found- in t i e Ukrainian community where tLe former r a d i c a l Ukrainian Hall

became the base f o r a new panethnic organization i n opposi t ion t o t he - -

f e s t i v a l committee. Where t he f e s t i v a l committee was concerned with l o c a l -

e thn ic community s t r u c t u r e s , the other organization suppor ted f e d e r a l - - - -- --- -- -- ---

government ~ u l t i c u l t u r a l po l i c i e s . They u t i l i z e d mu l t i cu l t u r a i ideolbgy t o - - - - - - - - -- -- -

gain access t o those resources which they previously been denied them because I

of t h e i r $ormer p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . There was now a change of rol%s; t he

, .%

' r e d s ' were now suppor t ing t h e federal"context- whl'le the-"whites ' were- - - - -

- ,

The Ukrainian Museum - I n most communities i n Canada mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has bec6me t h e .

G

' pre roga t ive of conserva%ive e t h n i c o rgan iza t ions who j e a l o u s l y gu&d it 'i

a g a i n s t le f t -wing e t h n i c associa t ion ' s ( p e t e r 1981 : 64). Ukraiftian conservat ive

\ organ iza t ions i n p a r t i c u l a r r e a d i l y accepted m u l t i c u l t u r a l po l i cy and

rece ived p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s , on t h e Senate and Canada Council, which gave

them c o n t r o l of g r a n t s a s w e l l as ensur ing t h a t t h e i r p o l i t i c a l opponents % . \

would f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o acqu i re t h e same resources (waggenheim 1968:662; \

- --

P e t e r 1981 : 64)- I n t h e Porcupine Camp, however, t h e n a t i o n a l context had been . a l t e r e d l o c a l l y by l o y a l i s t organizat ions 'who r e f u s e government sponsored

s(r

m u l t i c u l t u r a l suppor t . The Ethnic F e s t i v a l Committee should e have - been t h e

l o c a l agent of m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y bu t its members, i nc lud ing t h e 4

Ukrainians, favour l a f a l e t h n i c community c o n t r o l of t h e a rena of pub l i c

a c t i o n a 8 n d p lace themselves i n v i r t u a l oppos i t ion t o government m u l t i c u l t u r a l - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

policy-. This opposi t ion l e f t a gap i n t h e community which was f i l l e d by

another e t h n i c i n t e r e s t group which was w i l l i n g t o accep t m u l t i c u l t u r a l

po l i cy ; t h e s e were t h e remnants a'f t h e e t h n i c p rogress ives and r a d i c a l s .

This process began i n t h e l a t e 1970s when t h e Ukrainian H a l l i n

Timmins, one of t h e few remaining p r o g r e s s i v e - i n s t i t u t i o n s , found its

membership dwindling. ?hose who remained- were mostly t h e o l d e r prewar . .

immigrants. Leadership of t h e h a l l f e l l t o one of t h e younger members of t h e

p rogress ive community, S t a n l e y K~emyr , but he was i n h i s mid fi-fti-es when t h e -

- - -

e t h i c fas%ivaS. begaa 4 n $874,4i%kE-%% g r 4 g imp&mee of4&e,Absk&vz+

c v i t t e e under t h e l eade r sh ip of h i s major Ukrainian a n t a g o n i s t , Kremyr

began t o r e a l i z e t h a t s i n c e t h e f e s t i v a l committee w a s de-emphasizing

- 362 -

-

9 -- multiculturalism h i s organizat ion might b e able-to-at3Ai-z-e it-to gain aeeess - - - -- +

. *rt

f o r a r e s t ruc tu r ing of t h e h a l l from a c l a s s conscious e thn i c & s t i t u t i o n t o pi d .- I -3 f(

an os tens ib ly mu3ticultural organizatibn. 5.-

I n May 1978 Kremyr w a s delegate and o f f i c e r t o the National Committee 6 -

of t he Association of United Ukrainian Canadians (AWC) meeting i n Winnipeg.* r.

I n an e f f o r t t o gain t he f i nanc i a l resources which had long been denied them, + ..I

the AUUC leadership decided t o make a f i rmer commitment t o t h e i d e a l s of - -

multiculturalism c a l l i n g upon "equal acc&ss" to f inancial . and p o l i t i c a l

c e s as t h e i r " inviolable r ight" . ( ~ s s o c i a t i o n 1978 : 30). Where previously ysO<

AWd leaders had opposeZ the po l icy ofmuH3cuItural ism as "an a c t of - -

- - - - 7

p o l i t i c a l expediency, designed to"mintain t he s t a t u s quo i n t he t e e t h of t he

c r i s i s of ~on fdde i a t i on" ( ~ s s o c i h t i o n 1978:27) they now supported it "as a -

pos i t ive and dynamic fo r ce capable of adding g rea t r i ches t o t he c u l t u r a l

treasure-houses of both Canadian nations" ( ~ s s o c i a t i o n 1978: TO).

The AUUC members even began t o r e s t ruc tu r e t h e i r h i s t o ry t o prove t h a t - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - -- - -

they had always p rac t iced "the democratic and progressive elements of

multiculturalism". Their. e a r l y dance-and handicraf t a c t i v i t i e s were presented

as "pioneering e f fo r t s " . Their involvement i n t he r a d i c a l labour movement as

a dev&lopment "without which t h e mate r ia l and c u l t u r a l achievements of today

e would have been impossible" ( ~ s s o c i a t i o n 1978:30). Contacts with the Soviet

Union were now expressions of t h e c u l t u r a l r a the r t h a n , p o l i t i c a l nature of

t he AUUC. Kremyr s t rongly supported these changes and returned t o Timmins t o G-.

r e s t r u ~ t u r e the Ukrainian Hall i n t o a mul t i cu l tu ra l organiaation. - - -

- - - - -

-

- ~n 1 978- ke t 0- g e h a -$~;~=-grant * - k ~ n t a r i o ~ L

l o t t e r y organization f o r c rea t ion of a 'Ukrainian Cul tural and H i s to r i ca l

Yuseum' t o a c t a s a base f o r Ukrainian h r i t a g e and cu l tu re i n Northern 1

-3 - - - - <--- Ontario. .The i n i t i a l g r a n t was no t l a r g e enough t o r e c o n s t r h c t t h e Ukrainian

- 7---

H a l l bu t h a l l members bought m a t e r i a l and, through f r i k n d s and r e l a t i v e s , d l d . .

most of t h e work themselves. ' I l

The Ukrainian Museum was o f f i c i a l l y opened i n May 1979 by t h e Timmins

rdayor a t a ceremony which inc luded d e l e g a t e s from theq Sov ie t embassy. Though '

t h e c u l t u r a 1 , a s p e c t of t h e museum w a s accentuated i t s - p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r

cant inued t o reinain important . C u l t u r a l e x h i b i t s comprised m a t e r i a l suppl ied

by t h e h a l l members, many of whom had v i s i t e d t h e Sovie t Ukraine and brought -I

d back a r t i f a c t s , and by t h e Russian-based 'Ukrainian Socie ty f o r Fr iendship t -

and C u l t u r a l - R e l a t i o n s ' and t h e Soc ie ty ' w r a i n a ' . The major e x h i b i t -- . *

c o n s i s t e d of photographs of t h e e a r l y yea r s of t h e h a l l which accentuated -

* t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l commitment t o t h e progress ive movement. Small s e c t i o n s of , % 6 .

t h e photographic d i s p l a y weye s e t a s i d e f o r t h e i n c l u s i o n of F innish and 4. a

~ r o a i i a n progress ive m a t e r i a l . The museum was f r e e l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i t s - /

' c u r a i o r as a "people ' s musem" and a "workerg' museum" and he compared it *

w i t h t h e l a r g e r Timmins IjIusew-which h e c h a r a c t e r i z e d unfa-vxmrably as-a-!!mine---

m a w g e r ' s museum".

The museum was t h u s an important a t tempt t o ensure t h a t t h e o l d e t h n i c

- c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s were not r e l e g a t e d t o t h e f inkp i l e of r e v i s e d l o c a l

h i s t o r y i n t h e i n t e r e s t s ' o f e i t h e r t h e consocia t io n6 a1 a l l i a n c e , exemplif ied

by t h e f e s t iva lpcommi t t ee , o r t h e e l i t e reaccommodation, exemplif ied by what

t h e c u r a t o r considered Timmins Museum at tempts t o "whitewash" and "hide t h e ' . . b

truth" about t h e t r u e h i s t o r y of ' t h e Porcupine Camp. A

The o t h e r museum has money b u t we don ' t and I ' m f i g h t i n g l i k e dr . h e l l f o r some sup9ort because we go t a h i s t o r y no o t h e r s have, I - - -

have t o l d them I a m p resen t ing t h e h i s t o r y of t h e immigrants who r e a l l y contr ibuted ' i n t n e mines. I ' m not i n t e r e s t e d i n showing what T?oah Timmins 3id. . .11m i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e labour movement and t h e immigrants -- our immigrants. I'm i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e immigrants because they a r e v e r i c l o s e t o g e t h e r , t h e Finns and CroaYians too . t

- - - - - -- For many y e a r s w e a l l cooperated t o g e t h e r i n t h e p m g r e s s i v 6

-

movement and i n t h e union.

To t h e government t h e museum.p.resented i t s e l f as a m u l t i c u l t u r a l

i n s t i t u t i o n but l o c a l l y it at temptgd t o maintain and compete fror t e t h n i c - -

?@

c l a s s h i s t o r y of t h e progress ive communities a g a i n s t a t t empts by English and, 4

French Canadians, a s w e l l a s t h e f e s t i v a l comrng4tee, t o c i rcumscr ibe . the i r - 1

s t a t u s . he museum al lowed t h e progress ive e t h n i c communities suppor t - to . . e

' a f f i rm t h e i r p o s i t i o n ; now they s a i d h a t they were t h e t r u e pioneers7 who had . . -

b u i l t t h e whole community from bush and pa id with it i n misery f r o m s i l i c o s i s

and p re jud ice a t t h e hands of Anglo-Saxons, French'Canadians and c.onservative -

e t h n i c s . They even denied t h a t t h e i r a n t a g o n i s t s had a h i s t o r y of any s o r t . - -

"They have no h i s t o r y . How can you have a h i s t o r y wi th noth ing b u t

'boot-gers and highgraders,." The Ukrainian Museum c u r a t o r w a s thug choosing $9

- - L

t o compete fo'r one of t h e most important o f l o c a l symbols, p ioneer s t a t u s . /

i Never the less p a s t p o l i t i c a l f f i l i a t i o n s might' h inder t h e i r a t t empts t o g a i n

l o c a l s t a t u s f o r t h e P ~ O e s h were not ready t o g ive up t h e i r c l a s s Y -- - - - -- - - - -- - - - --

i n t e r e s t s . -

I

The p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r of t h e museum remained s t rong . A t t hp small .t ,

museum g i f t s h o p one could huy p e r o g i s and,Ukra in ian c r a f t s bu t one could a l s o

f i n d m a t e r i a l published i n t h e Sovie t Union a t t a c k i n g Ukrainian ' n a t i o n a l i s t s .. .

as Nazis and c o l l a b o r a t o r s , The museum displayed p i c t u r e s a long t h e t o p of -

i t s e x h i b i t cases showing Ukrainian p r o s p e r i t y under Sovie t r u l e . Russia whs - now presented as t h e epitome of t h e m u l t i c u l t u r a l n a t i p n r a t h e r than '

p o l i t i c a l s t a t e . A handwrit ten p laca rd confirmed t h e m u l t i c u l t u r a l na tu re of

t h e USSBby s t a t i n g it was a f e d e r a t i o n of ' n a t i o n s ' a s Canada w a s a

f e d e r a t i o n of 'p rovinces ' and t h a t Ukrainians had equa l r i g h t s i n t h e Sovie t 4

union' and were "con t r ibu t ing t o a new s o c i a l i s t c u l t u r e which w i l l r e p r e s e n t

- - -- -

a u n i f i e d and s t r o n g homeland".

CO-operative f i n a l l y s h u t t h e &or o n . i t s last s t o r e i n l a t e November 1980 i 1

t h e Ukra in ian museum c u r a t o r , a long s t and ing member of t h e co-op execu t ive ,

made c e r t a i n t h a t a l l r e c o r d s and m a t e r i a l s would go t o h i s museum r a t h e r

t h a n t h e Timmins museum. The Ukrainian museum was t h e d e p o s i t o r y of <orking I

: c l a s s h i s t o r y i n t h e Porcupine Camp and Workers Co-op was p a r t o f t h a t - * - . -

1

h i s t o r y . The banner had been passed to t h e only s u r v i v i n g p rog res s ive t - -

i n s t i t u t i o h and t h e c u r a t o r made p l a n s 3 0 c r e a t e a n e x h i b i t on the ,

A c o - o i e r a t i v e s i n c e . "It served i t s purpose ' in t h e h i s t o r y of t h e s e

-

(p rog res s ive ) people. " He was c a r e f u l , however, t o emphasize Workers -

panethnic n a t u r e , b r ing ing t o g e t h e r b k r a i n i a n s , F i n n s and Croa t i ans , abeve -

i ' i ts c l a s s n a t u r e i n o r d e r no t t o draw a t t e n t i o n t o t h d S o n l y remaining

p rog res s ive i n s t i t u t i o n i n Tirnmins, t h e Ukrainian MuSeum. , f l

I n s p i t e o f t h e c u r a t o r ' s a t t e m p t s t h e ~ k r a i n i k n l e a d e r of t h e f e s t i v a l

committee perce ived t h e museum as j u s t ano the r g u i s e f o r what had always been. - - - -- - -

a p o l i t i c a l ' i n s t i t u t i o n . "They change* t h e i r name and now it i s t h e Ukrainian

Pluseum. They say t h a t t h e y a r e no t a p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n b u t s t i l l wa*ers

run deep." The Rumanian or thodox p r i e s t , l e a d e r of t h e Rumanian con t ingen t of

t h e f ~ s t i v a l committee, a f f i r m e d , "The museum i s n o t Ukfainian b u t aA agency ' I .

Bf Sov ie t propaganda. People a r e v i s t i n g a n arm of Sov ie t propaganda." -

T$e conse rva t ive l e a d e r s of t h e f e s t i v a l committee d i d a l l t h a t t hey

=ox13 t o ' e n s u r e t h a t t h e Ukrainian muse& w a s i d e n t i f i e d as a r a d i c a l \

0

)organiza t ion . Thus w h e r r . t ~ e ' c u r a t o r a t tempted t o g e t t h e government gra-nts -

,

?ht t h e Ukrs in ia*fes t iv+l cmmittee l e a d e r had r e p i d i a t e d , he fowmt t h a t , -

--zfter t h e i n i t i a l g r a n t , t h e government w a s r e l u c t a n t t o g i v e him more

, gmn%s. Thi s iizs b e c a s e they r ece ived complaints from t h e e t h n i c committee

\ + \

\ \ -

- leaders about go' ernment sponsorship f o r a 'Communist' organizatkon; - - -

- -

Y -

I n response t he msgm eur&or ask& d A y eettffcLL-i;rr earl+L98LC~r--- - -

f i n a n c i a l ass i s tance . He c i t e d t h e museum as contr ibut ing a g rea t dea l + t o the

coriimunity by- helping "Ca&dians t o understand one another". He added a f i rm ,

statement- on museum purposes t h a t was devoid of p o l i t i c a l comment and a

v i r t u a l statement of mul t i cu l tu ra l policy ca l l i ng on 'support f o r t he . ,.

e thn ic groups i n a pointed address t o the' e t hn i c members of c i t y diff -

.I - council. . ,-

-

F i r s t l y , t o acquaint a l l Cariadian~ as t o who the Ukrainian immigrants were by showing t h e i r o r ig in , d isplay t h e i r cu l tu re . ' Easter Bggs ' an& 'perogis ' a r e not the only c u u u r e of t h a t nat ion. We want t o show t h e i r contr ibut ion i n t he growth of Canada - i n farming, i n d u s t r i a l invent ions , art , l i t e r a t u r e , music, song and dance, t h e bui lding of t rade unions and the labour movement, churches, e t c . Secondly, we hope i n assmall way, t o help t h i s g r ea t country of ours t o solve the probleq now ex i s t i ng between out two founding nat ions and make - them understand t h a t t he e thn ic groups i n Canada, as i n t h e pa s t , a r e wi l l ing t o coptr ibute '

f u r t h e r , i n developing a s t rong uni ted Canada,

Kremyr f e l t t he museum would contr ibute t o a g rea t e r understanding

between a l l the groups i n t he Porcupine and Canada by teaching about the - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - pp - -- -

his to ry of e thn ic g roups , , con t r ibu t ions which were being denied.

I n many cases , h i s t o ry i n t he Porcupine has been r e f l e c t i n g the t

l i f e and contr ibut ions of t he English and French populations r a t h e r than a l l Canadians. I n order t h a t we may some day enjoy a uni ted Canada it i s imperative t h a t the l o c a l governments r ea l i z e

*

and take a lead i n our communities t o respect t h e contr ibut ions of a l l e thn ic groups and see t o it t h a t they receive t he same bene f i t s as our two founding feople..

H e spec i f i ed t h a t t he museum served the- whole comfiunity , even ,

businessmen, by a t t r a c t i n g v i s i t o r s and serving a s an educa t iona l ' too l f o r

school chi ldren. He asked t he counci lors f o r a 50% municipal t a x r eba t e , < - - -

ass5stance fx bui lding display cases a& removal of padciffg me- %cm iff

front of t he museum since no o ther comparable bui lding, such a s the Dante

Club and La Ronde, had n e t e r s i n f r o n t . He fu r the r i n s i s t e d t h a t the s m a l l

%

- p a r k e t t e on t h e sou th s i d e of t h e b u i l d i n g , which had o r i g i n a l l y been h a l l 1 . - - , - -

proper ty b u t was conf i sca ted dur ing World War I1 and not ' r e tu rned , be -

The museum's reputatiron as a former Communist s t rongho ld , however,

remained i n f o r c e . Tl-ie Ukrainian, R i a n i a n and Croat ian l e a d e r s of t h e

i f e s t i v a l committee continued t o po in t out t h e h a l l ' s p o l i t i a l l ean ings t o

municipal o f f i c i a l s and l o c a l government g r a n t e f f i c e r s . S imi la r ly t h e l o c a l

department of t h e Minis t ry of Cul ture and Recreat ion comnented t h a t t h e t-

museum should not r ece ive g r a n t s because it d i d not meet t h e requirements of

a museum bu t was more a " p r i v a t e c u l t u r a l club" where involvement.by o t h e r ,

4 e t h n i c groups was only a token i f i -o rde r t o be e l i g i b l e f o r funds from t h e

m u l t i c u l t u r a l branch of t h e min i s t ry . The M u l t i c u l t u r a l H i s t o r i c a l Socie ty of

Ontario w a s equa l ly cl5smayed by t h e haphazard manner i n which t h e huseum - +

:. . s t o r e d and exhibzted m a t e r i a l s . The Timmins museum d i r e c t o r remarked on many ' ,

-

o c c a s s i o n s t o g r a n t propogals t h a t t h e Ukrainian c u r a t o r d i d no t wish t o 1

develop t h e h a l l s o l e l y as a museum a s it w a s more a pe r sona l and p o l i t i c a l *

i

s ta tement t h a t would probaBly f o lC a f t e r E i s death. It littlTwOnXeFthTn------ - i t h a t t h e Ukrainian museum did not r ece ive funding fro; t h e .city couracil o r

t h e p r o v i n c i a l min i s t ry .

'Krenyr only inc reased h i s a t t empts t o co-opt e t h n i c group i n t e r e s t s

from t h e f e s t i v a l committee. I n February 1981 he aga in addressed c i t y counci l

t o endorse a proclamation recogniz ing 1981 a s t h e ann ive r sa ry of Ukrainian C

i m i s r a t i o n t o Canada. bIe f u r t h e r asked t h e counc i lo r s t o use t h e i r i n f luence

and support h i s a t tempt t o g a i n government g r a n t s s i n c e he w a s having

i i f f ' i s u l t y . He f u r t h e r reques ted t h a t t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s of a l l persons of

e t h n i c o r i g i n f i n a l l y be recognized i n t h e cornuni ty by c a l l i n g on t h e 5

m u n c l l t o rename 'Iountjoy S t r e e t , on which t h e Ukrainian Museum was

s i t ua t ed , o r Gkdar S t r e e t p where t he Ukrainian - Church was -- - s i t ua t ed , - t o - - - -- - -- - - - -

'Kobzar' ( t he nickname of Ukrainian revolutionary poet Ivan ~ r a n k o ) , He said, - - 2 - -- --- - L - ---

the gesture would honour a l l Ukrainians who had l i ved and'worked i n t h e -

community s ince t he f i r s t ~ k r a n i a n came 5n 1908. The l a rge e thn ic contingent

on council-were forced t o support him f o r , as the I t a l i a n Canadian councilor e

*

L - - -

f>om Schumacher s a id , "It was time t h a t persons of d i f f e r e n t o r ig ins came - --

f o r t h t o be Yecognized" . he matter of renaming t he s t r e e t s w a s l e f t f o r t h e f u r t h e r

inves t iga t ion of the planning and engineering departments. They reported t h a t -

it would be too cos t ly ( a s Kremyr knew it would be ) ; as an a l t e r n a t i v e - -

council bffered t o rename the parket te .bes ide the museum t o 'Kobear Park' and - - - X

give t he AUUC r e spons ib i l i t y f o r it% upkeep and use. This was what Kremyr had

hoped f o r from t h e beginning.

This a c t i o n d id much t o improve Kremyr's community reputati 'on, He now '

.found it eas i e r t o ge t g r an t s from-the f ede ra l and prov inc ia l governments. g

The museum began t o assume a new r o l e i n 7 t h e community t h a t w a s a t variance

-- - L -- - - -- - - - -- - - - - -- ppp

with i t s previoug r e p t a t i o n . The museum succeeded i n co-opting mul t i cu l tu ra l

a f f i l i a t i o n . The museum, however, continued t o maintain a muted p o l i t i c a l

stance which made any mul t i cu l tu ra l u t i l i z a t i o n d i f f i c u l t . I n reactuon a new

organizat ion was 'formed,*the museum associa ted 'Mosaic Club' which would

B -1

emerge as t h e most important m u l t i c u l t u ~ a l i n t e r e s t group i n Timmins.

Mosaic Cul tural Club . .

The c u l t u r a l a r m of t he Ukrainian Cul tural and Historica.1 Museum w a s , b

t he 'Mosaic Cul tural Club', formed i n l a t e 1979 soon a f t e r completion - of thk -

museum. The Nosaic Club w a s founded by the r a in i an museum cura tor and h i s t - - -- -

daughter who became the c lub ' s c u l t u r a l coord na tor and f i r s t pres ident . The

focus of t he club w a s a firm commitment t o d i r e c t mul t i cu l tu ra l a c t i v i t y and

. ideology. The c lub l e a d e r s , sons and daughters of t h e o l d e r Ukrainian k

- - - - - -

-

progress iyes , s t a t e d t h a t they accep ted t h e government's ve r s ion of (r - - - - a - - -- -- -

mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm not only as a metaphor bu t as a - s t r u c t u r e on ijhich they

could b u i l d i n t e r e s t s and compete-for l o c a l resources .

i d e n t i t y ensured t h a t t h e e t h n i c , as w a l as p o l i t i c a l , i d e n t i t y of t h e

- c h i l d r e n of t h e p rogress ives could be open t o quest ion. Even t h e museum

For many it was t h e only course a v a i l a b l e because t h e o t h e r s had a

\ 1

a l r e a d y been taken. The f e s t i v a l committee's v i r t u a l c o n t r o l of l o c a l e t h n i c I

c u r a t o r c o u l d come under some c r i t i c i s m as h i s family w a s h i s t o r i c a l l y German

and i n Tirnrnins t h e f ami ly had in t e rmar r i ed i n t o some s i x d i f f e r e n t groups,

i nc lud ing French Canadian. H i s daughter , t h e c l u b ' s c u l t u r a l coord ina to r , -

spoke French and was married t o a Hungarian. She f u l l y recognized t h a t t h e

ambiguous n'ature of t h e i r e t h n i c konnect ions, a r e s u l t of in t e rmar r i age , was *

one of t h e foundat ions of t h e o rgan iza t ion ;

The people i n t e r e s t e d a r e thdse i n t e r e s t e d i n mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm and who cannot g e t i n v ed with t h e i r own group. There i s a whole

-gene ra t ion a f t e r t h e war who l o s t t h e i r c u l t u r e through mixed marriages o r it was not pushed and they changed the i r -names - t o g e t - -

ahead. An a u f u l l o t of the- o l d e r gene ra t ion l e f t - t o w n and t h e i r c h i l d r e n had nowhere t o go because of t h e p o l i t i c a l stigma a<socia ted with t h e H a l l . We escaped t h e p o l i t i c s wi th t h i s group. You have t o be a l i t t l e - l e f t a i n g though j u s t t o cons ide r t h e concept of t h e c lub a s we a r e not c h a u v i n i s t i c enough t o say t h i s c u l t u r e i s more important than t h a t . The people i n t h i s group a r e not i n t e r e s t e d i n what is happening i n t h e Ukraine o r anywhere e l s e . Thky a r e j u s t i n t e r e s t e d i n Canada.

The c l u b ' s l eade r sh ip cons i s t ed mostly of first genera t ion Ukrainians

+ wno had grown up i n t h e Ukrainian H a l l bu t d i d not want - to be r e s t r i c t e d by

t h e o l d ~ o l i t i c s . -4s t h e second c lub p r e s i d e n t , a Ukrainian Canadian who was

iaerried t o an I r i s h Canadian, s a i d ;

We hope t o go above p o l i t i c s an& n o t s t a y with t h e same probTems. -

Ye have a l i m i t e d number of peo3le working t h e r e bu t we want t o p a r t i c i ? a t e i n t h s nosaic...We want t o s t a y out of t h e o l d ? o l i t i c a l t h i n g s wi th t h e Communist stigma and picayune ma t t e r s .

- 370 - I'

-. --, -52 -

- - - - L - - -- - - - - - - -- - - -- - -

It i s the old people who have t h a t problem. That 's unimportant t o .r

me. Why go back. Lets show what Canada i s a l l about. T e x p e o p l e - - - - +-

about 'the good things . My object ive i s t o ekpand t h e club i n t o t h e community. We w i l l keep expo~ff)f)%iaIAy. -

In l i n e with its acceptance of mul t i cu l tu ra l ideology t h e clbb included .

French Canadians whom they read i ly accepted as a mul t i cu l tu ra l ly mitigated

char te r group and not as an e thn ic ~ 0 m m ~ n i . t ~ . t h e first cluQ,.Fesident d

emphasized, "The Anglo-Saxons were no good f o r us. I f it weren't f o r t h e 1

French Canadians pushing there would not be any multiculturaIism." A s a -

, r e s u l t La Ronde gave them more help than they gave t o t he f e s t i v a l

committee.

La Ronde deals wikh us r a t h e r than the o thers and %hey have - - -

helpeg us 'with advertisement i n t h e i r h a l l . There is a resentment of the Ethnic F e s t i v a l Cominittee because they look a t them as e thn ic but the committee sees them as a t h r e a t and t h e f a u l t l i e s

9 with them.. .They do not want t o jo in t he committee because there is t h i s problem. T considelf the French Canadians as one of the

? f ounding groups r a the r tha'l:'e'thfnic",

- The club o r ig ina l l y begun with twenty fami l ies uho d id not choose t o 't -,

make t h e i r presence known u n t i l they had bu'ilt up t h e i r organization. "The- -- ------ - ----

-

recruitment i s through word of mouth and f r i ends so we can con t ro l our

memberkhip b e t t e r . " Suppers and e thn ic food nights were held t o r a i s e money

and educate ind iv idua l s i n d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s . embers were taught t o V

dance, s ing , play instruments and p a r t i c i p a t e i n an annual concert. The

.t. concert t i c k e t s were r e s t r i c t e d , however, t o club members, r e l a t i v e s and

f r i ends . This served a s a con t ro l aga ins t c r i t i c a l a t t a c k from the f e s t i v a l

committee members. A s t h e c u l t u r a l coordinator remarked, "We have not gone

outs ide t he h a l l f o r concer_ts because I do npt f e e l we have-been ready. I -- -

want t o be over-ready because t h e concept of mult iculturalism is s t i l l m n - --

50 c r i t i c i sm . "

Their major f e a r was s n a s s a u l t by the more powerful f e s t i v a l committee

-

I e s e c i a l l y a s it As under t h e c o n t r o l of a n opponent tGPthe museum; They --- - -

---

were b u i l d i n g up a n a l t e r n a t i v e %o t he eemit%ee1s+%Ue-$-ew+----- . 4

of c u l t u r e i n which t h e i r former class base would no longer b e - a l i a b i l i t y . - &;+

They even proposed t h a t one'day t h e f e s t i v a l committee would j o i n them when

it changed t o a more m u l t j c u l t u r a l c a t i o n a l e .

The e t h n i c f e s t i v a l has i t s u s e s as t h e people a l l g e t t o g e t h e r - and they s e e each o t h e r ' s c u l t u r e b u t t h e r e i s no in t e rconnec t ion . The groups t u r n - o u t f o r meetings bu t each grouj? does t h e i r own th ing . It i s a l s o a l l run by t h a t woman and she i s so much a g a i n s t u s t h a t we have. no t approached t h e f e s t i v a l committee t o g e t involved. We w i l l when I f e e l we a r e s t rong enough.

The new East Ind ian p r e s i d e n t of t h e e t h n i c committee - i n t u r n preposed

t o i n c / l d e t h e ~ o k a i c Club i n - committee proceedings sometime i n t h e f u t u r e . -

He hoped t h a t the - e t h n i c 6 w&d f o r g e t t h e o l d p o l i t i c a l problems and j o i n 1

* * A

t o g e t h e r i n one cohesive an$ ;dwe@ul o rgan iza t ion which would be more

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e i r i n t e r 2 s t s vi's-a-vis t h e French and English Canadians. -

I n t e r n a l p o l i t i c s , however, was s t i l l t o o d i v i s i v e a n i s s u e t o a l low f o r easy

r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . -

I n t h e i n t e r i m t h e No s a i c CIubb?0n=uEd~t o rerui t members,eveniif Tompypp -- % - cbpnun i t i e s a l l i e d t o t h e f e s t i v a l committee, such as Sco t s from t h e S t .

llndrews Soc ie ty , They were a l s o a b l e t o g a i n a s s i s t a n c e f o r t h e i r dance

r o u t i n e s from t h e Native Ind ians and P h i l i p i n o s who had been a f f i l i a t e d with

t h e f e s t i v a l committee. PIembers p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a l l t h e d i f f e r e n t dances and

c r a f t s . h e G e has been a poin ted e f f o r t t o c u t a c r o s s e t h n i c boundaries; one

xenber of t h e S t . Andrex Socie ty became so good a t Ukrainian egg decora t ing ,

o f t e n @;ting S c o t t i s h enldems on t h e eggs, t h a t she became a t eache r of t h e

a r t t o o t h e r members. Club l e a d e r s s a i d t h i s was a n example of t h e

- intermeshing of c u l t u r e s , of t h e "flowing" of t h e d i f f e r e n t co lour s of t h e

r ~ o s a i c o a t s i d e t h e i r own boundaries .

-

I n s p i t e of t h e i r aff i l ia*iun with %he Ukrairrias HalL the-Mosai~ ~l&b- - - . , members Here ab l e t~ largely avoid poL i t i c a l stimna. Yet t h e _ p o l i t i c a l apect

of mult ici i l tural ism remained-of i n t e r e s t f o r a t l e a s t some of t h e Mosaic Club Z

executive, if not membership. The f i r s t pres ident and c u l t u r a l coordinator- -

was an a,dmitted Marxist. She believkd t h a t mul t icul tura l ism was "leftwing" -

j u s t a s she character ized the e thn ic group concept of t he F e s t i v a l Committee

a s "rightwing". "Multicultural ism i s p o l i t i c a l . It i s more l e f t i s t a s you a r e -

not rightwing na t i ona l i s t , bu t more l$beral ." Nul t icul tura l ism was an - -L -

-

acceptable idiom through'which t o gain access t o eeonomic and p o l i t i c a l - /

resources and t h i s time they were supporting the soc io -po l i t i ca l context . A s

-1 the c u r a t o r ' s ctaugher s a i d , "My coficept is not c o n t r a r y t F T r u d e a u t s concept -

-

of Canada so I a m acceptable now and I do not have t o push my p o l i t i c a l

ideology because I f e e l t h a t through what we a r e doing I a m advancing my - . .

ideas ." I n t h i s regard she plans. t o continue operating t h e Ukrainian Museum

a s a "working c l a s s museum" a f t e r he r f a t h e r ' s dezth. -

Government p o l i c i e s on b i l i n ~ a l i s m and mul t icul tura l ism a r e lauded by

the c lub i n comparison t o the c r i t i c i s m they receive among members of t he

f e s t i v a l committee. The o fgan iza t ion ' s l eaders a r e not r e t i c e n t about going

a f t e r and receiving f e d e r a l g r an t s . "The government i s us ing us f o r t h e i r e

devices and we a r e using them f o r our ow; a s well and we need t h e money f o r 0

now. "

The c lub successgully developed i t s i n t e r n a l organizat ion and c u l t u r a l

a c t i v i t y t o the point t h a t t he leadership decided t o make t h e i r a c t i v i t y -

publ ic . The prime focus f o r t h i s p b y i ~ emphasis w a s a concer t . ?'he f c r s t - - --

concert had been h:ld i n 1980 but had k e n l a z g e b r e&r i c t ed t~ -an -

inernbers and t h e i r f ami l i e s . A more publ ic concert was held i n May 1981 and

adver t ized a s "A Mult icu l tu ra l Sharing", The announcer a t t he opening of the

.- - - . %

concert , a ~ r e n c h "@%adian, presented - - - -- - - - - - -- -- - - --

t he c lub ' s ideology which included a C

- ,- -veiled c r i t i c i s m oT t h e fesfTva1 co&ttee .- . .

Canada. Our home and na t ive la& Welcome t o our second annual Mosaic Cul tural Club Concert. We hope our program w i l l impart t o you, our audience, j u s t how important we f e e l t h a t t h e sharingoof mul t icul tura l ism is t o our g r ea t country. We have been learning from each o ther throughout t he year t h a t , i n s p i t e of our.cultura'1 - ' differences , a l l Canadians. have t he same bas ic dreams--dreams of peace uni ty and prosper i ty . We have s e t - a s i d e our p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g ious and c u l t u r a l d i f fe rences t o help bu i ld a t r u l y s t rong

'and mul t i cu l tu ra l Canadian i den t i t y . Out of our meager e f f o r t s we hope t o impart t o our community t he importance of dropping old country chauvinisms and accepting ourselves first as Canadians and . second as a people i n a unique pos i t ion of becoming t r u l y , cosmopolitan. We have been accussed of watering down cu l tu re but de ce r ta in ly .cannot be accussed of chauvinispl.and bigotry . For t h i s our executive is proud. It is hoped t h a t as our s k i l l s improve we xi11 prove once and f o r all t h a t one does not b v e t o '

be French Canadian t o enjoy and take p a r t i n French Canadian - -

cu l tu r e , o r Slovenian t o enjoy and take pa r t i n ~1ov;nian cu l tu re . We believe a l l ' c u l t u r e s belong t o those who p a r t i c i p a t e i n , o r experience, i ts bene f i t s .

The f i r s t ha l f of t h e concert consis ted of a p resen ta t ion by club .-

members of d iverse e thn ic dances ; Native Indian, French Canadian, ~ c o t t i s h , 1

English, Mexican, Slovenian, Chilean, Rumanian, Ph i l ip ino , I t a l i a n and - -

Croatian. The second ha l f consis ted of Ukrainian performances by members i n

ce lebra t ion of the n ine t i e th anniversary of Ukrainian immigration t o ~ a f k d a .

This successful presenta t ion of mul t i cu l tu ra l ideology pointed t o t he f a c t

t h a t t he Mosaic Club, as wel l as t h e Ukrainian museum, w a s quickly and . .

successful ly co-opting the l a r g e r framework of mul t icul tura l ism.The club was

a l s o gaining the sponsorship of t he f ede ra l and provincia l governments who,

through g ran t s , supported l h e i r presenta t ion of mul t i cu l tu ra l ideology. Local

success, however, was s t i l l l imi ted by the ac t ions of t h e i r e thn ic opponents t

i n t he f e s t i v a l committee, some of whose members maintained a c lose watch on -- - - -

club a c t i v i t i e s .

The f e s t i v a l committee could preserve i ts pos i t ion only by qa in ta in ing

* - . - L . i n f a v o u g ~ f 3 v d t E ~ o w n - s p ~ 1 T l c e f -C community d e i n i t i o i r . -Any a ccentuati.on 3'.

on multiculturalism threatened t h e f e s t i v a l cornmlttee becaise they had

committed themselves t o e thn ic community'initiat'ives and multiculturalism.was

now l a rge ly control led by t h e i r opponents i n the Mosaic CJub. This explains .- t h e vehemence- of the"c&nittsee ' s reac t ion aga ins t a prov inc ia l government

Heritage Fes t i va l which, &tempted t o redefine l o c a l historiography i n favour -

of t he char te r groups -and r e l ega t e t he committee t o acckpting circumscribed . e - CJ 10

0 mul t icu l tu ra l resources which they d id not control . The Heritage Fes t i va l

introduced a c o n t e x t u d ';ariety i n t o the T i m i n s publ ic arena - . which cai'led -

- - - - - -

f o r an . immediate a i t u a t i p n a l response by d i f f e h n t i n t e r e s t groups, -s3,

a l l

s 1

- - - - - -- -- -

-- -- -- - -- A - --Pi - --A - --A

- 0

-

1

X I V . THE HERITAGE FESTIVAL d

The i n t e r e s t groups t h a t w e have examined i n t h e previous chap te r s were , "

vying f o r l i m i t e d r e sources w i t h i n t h e Timmins a r e a . Each was0able t o

- maintain a p o s i t i o n a g a i n s t a t t empts by o t h e r i n t e r e s t groups to .co-opt t h e i r , . p o s i t i p n and fo l lowers . F+ch had carved o u t t h e i r o m nichk a n d b c a r r i e d out -

mutual competi t ion t h a t while d e l i b e r a t e w a s a l s o r e l a t i v e l y gradual i n itst I

5

development. They were a b l e t o respond t o ou t s ide p o l i c i e s by a modif ica t ion r t

1 of t h e i r l o c a l group i n t e r e s t s according t o - . t h e i r own c a p a b i l i f i e s . ~owevek , 1

i

i n t h e e a r l y 1980 s a new government i n i t i a t i v e w a s in t roduced .$ i r ec t ly in toe . i i

3 1 fl 1

t h e community and fo rced an immediate c r i s i s wi th in t h e community. t'

;i

This c r i s i s was in t roduced i n t h e summer of 1981 when t h e Onta r io '

Government Ministry of Cul ture and Recrea t ion he ld a t h r e e day f e s t i v a l i n 1

1

/- - 3

i - -3

t h e Ci ty of Timmins c a l l e d " ~ I o T i n g O u r 7 e r i t a g e - t h e Nor€hTsTerP1- - --- 1 Experience I". The f e s t i v a l was o s t e n s i b l y in t roduced t o - conscious of t h e i r r e g i o n ' s h e r i t a g e and t o i n s p i r e amdauppor t l o c a l

6 ! 1

& s t o r i c a l , i n i t i a t i v e s ; a praiseworthy a t tempt t o f i l l a l a r g e gap i n l o c a l

and r e g i o n a l h i s t o r y . The f e s t i v a l , however, was t o a c t as a c a t a l y s t which

s e r v e d . t o accen tua te a c i s of meaning. 1

The b a s i s of conte on was over t h e concept of ' h e r i t a g e ' . On t h e n 1

f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l i t a p p l i e s t o a c l e a r l y demarcated r e l a t i a n s h i p I

- -

between French and English Canadians which accepted both a s c h a r t e r groups --

with r i g h t s which went beyond t h e phlegmatic cond i t ions s e t by government

b i c u l t u r a l 'and m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s ( p e t e r 1981; Dahlie and Fernando 1981).

i

-& .,

. -. 'i

- - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -

A s -a government d i rec ted i n i t i a t i v e t he Heritage Fes t i va l introduced a . *

-- - - - - C

precise Ehglish and French Canadian-version of h i s t ~ r i o ~ r ~ ~ . Yet, wi thip

t he l o c a l community, English and French Canadians had no sbch r i g h t t o s t a t u s

s ince t he r e was. no consensus on t h e n a t p e of l o c a l heri t&e. Any -attempt t o

s o l i d i f y t h e de f in i t i on of he r i t age would have severely handicapped a l a r g e G

measure of the l o c a l community, nata<ly t he e thnics . The ~ t h n i c Fes t i va l

Committees, proponents of a continuing consociational a l l i a n c e , were fo r ced t o I

reac t immediateIy o r become subservient t o t h i s res t ruc tur ing . r

*c

The reasons f b r c rea t ion of t he Heritage Fes t i va lVcan be d i r e c t l y 'F

I ,

r e l a t ed t o French Canadian a t tempts t o develop h i s t o r i c a l s t a t u s i n a Ontario - - - - - - - - - - -

-

i n t h e i r f i g h t t o be addressed as a provincia l char te r group. The importance

of th98 attempt i s d i r e c t l y r e l z t e d t o changes i n t h e s t ruc tu r e of b i l i ngua l , >

policy. F'rench and English Canadians ha4 developed a new postwar na t iona l

accommodation on t he b a s i s of b i l ingual ism and b h l t u r a l i s m , however, when . Y

t he P a r t i Quebecois came t o power i n &uebec i n 1976, t he p rov inc ia l leadtfrs . .

of Quebec no longer chose-topact -as~spok~~meri f o r F rench ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~of - L

The French Cqnadians i n Ontario were forced t o a c t as t h e i r own 2

i n t e r e s t group o orris and Lanphier 1977:186). One r e s u l t has been

/ t h a t Franco Ontarienne organizat ions (ACFO and its a f f i l i a t e d assoc ia t ions ) @

had t o pressure f o r g r ea t e r p rov inc ia l government support of c u l t u r a l - ,

a c t i v i t y a s a means t o s t rengthen French Canadian i d e n t i t y i n Ontario. Since

they no longer had a 'motherland' t o support the ik posi td" ions they had t o

bu i l d up c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l support f o r b i l i ngua l pol icy i n t he , -

- - - - - - - - -

province. *

They ca l led f o r support of t h e i r "specia l nee'd f o r a popular cu l tu re 5( f .

whibh gives them the opportunity t o ge t tggether , know each o ther and develop:

an i den t i t y . This would be a good cure f o r ang l ic iza t ion , apathy and t he

f > - .3

- - "- 1

'!$ -

- 3 - o t K e r l l l s -%hich a f T e e t t h - e m 7 ( ~ e d e ~ a t i o n 1 9~7i63j ic~=larTu - 3

- --

4 - ~ I V I - u w F r r r e n c f I Camd5ana ' 'in *

t o fo r ce government pol icy ang invoke char te r group ideology t o maintain and 3 $ ..=-

improve t h e i r posi t ions . I n Timmins t h i s e f f o r t was t o f i n d f r u i t i o n i n t he <$ J

tL F

symbolically named ' ~ e r i G e Fes t i va l ' under provincia l governmeqt -1 *+ *T

sponsorship. -E 3

5 The Ontario government focus of at tempts t o develop French Canadian . -Is =

- - - - I - - - - - - - - +

'popular cu l tu re ' was t h e 'Heritage Conservation ~ i v ' i s i o n ' of t he Ministry_ of - - . ti

Culture and Recreation. I n t he 1977 Arts Council of Ontario repor t on

~rench-speaking Onta'rio t h e Hexitage Conservation Division was s a i d t o be t h e L - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -A - - - ' - - -- - - - -2- - - --

- -- --

only- &visiorwithha "pa t en t capac i t y t o f u r t h e r th6 development of 3

Franco-Ontarian cul ture" (pvard 1977 : 171 ) . The repor t c a l l e d on t he

government t o "do i ts p&t i n making known and appreciated t h e her i t age of

i ts French minority, so deeply rooted i n t he h i s to ry

( ~ a v a r d 1977 : 171 ) . It ca l l ed upon t h e Heritage Conservation 2 v i s i o n t o +

"encourage t h e gathering and publ ica t ion of Franco-Ontarian heri'taae" ( ~ a v a r d

1977: 172) 1

The ministry and i t s her i t age d iv i s ion g r ea t l y expanded its French - . .

Canadian representa t ion as the provincia l government, under Franco Ontarienne

pressure , extended t h e terms of re fe rence-of t h e 'Council f o r Franco-Ontarian

Affairs'. The Timmins represen ta t ives on t he council were Treva Cousineau

and, l a t e r , Gaston Mal le t te . More b i l i ngua l personnel were now h i red by

ministry o f f i c e s , specially i n Timmiqs which became the minis t ry ' s regional

--

c e n t e ~ f o r Northeastern- . EPthnics w&rcmX?egatZd- tb- €lieMuIt~'Cultural

a concern of the Heritage branch s i r k e , by t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n as e thn ic groups,

they were not pa r t of t h e t r u e 'he r i t age ' of Canada or Ontario. . - -

J

Regional ' Ekploring Chx H e r i tagel -f e s t - i v a l s - w e r e s s e ~ as-ow-meanti 6- - -

b r i n g p e o p l e - - togeteer and make them aware of t h e i r r e & ~ n * a her i t age , ins -. &=e

t h G r i n t e r e s t i n l o c a l h i s t o r i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and provide support t o char te r . .

\ ' . t .

group a c t i v i t i d I n t h e summer of 1978 the Ontario Heritage Foundatioli hkld

2 spec ia l her i tage f e s t i v a l i n Arnprior, a comrnunity,forty miles e a s t of

Ottawa, c a l l ed , 'Exploring Our Heritage: The Ottawa Valley Experience'. The . .

Arnprior f e s t i v a l brought together museums, h i s t o r i c a l , s o c i e t i e s and other

organizations t o $carnine the h i s t o ry of the-Ottawa Valley r

revolved around t h e re la t ionk between t he English and t he

French Canadian population who founded and continue t o be t he l a r g e s t

c m u n i t i e s ia fhe-gb~t; The fes-khaz ~erved t o support -aCea&y --s€TEgP =

concepts of l o c a l he r i t age and w a s , not su rpr i s ing ly , g r a i s ed by a l l . as a . triumph.

t

The succes& of t h e f i r s t f e s t i v a l a t Arnprior l e d t o c rea t ion of a . second f e s t i v a l i n t he long neglected region of Northeastern Ontario.

Heritage would again be the operat ive word.as was the accentuation on t he

Anglo - Franco framework of her i t age . The French Canadian her i t age emphasis ~

was insp i red by previous s t ud i e s on the French Canadian population of the - -

region (Qavard 1977/ Federation 1977).

I n 1979 the Ministry of Culture and c rea t ion sen t a FrenckCanadian l;h representa t ive from Kapuskasing , an overwhehingly Francophone community, t o

do a preliminary survey on t h e c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s i n the a r ea t o see a

G

"whether her i t age groups i n t he a r ea f e l t c they- could-benef i t from such an

event". The response _was _said t o be "overwhelmingly posit ive". The suzvey- .

l i s t e d t h e _cu l tu ra l and her i t age a c t i v i t y ava i lab le i n the communities such

arts and c r a f t s exper t s -bu t the re was a n

- - - pp -- --

as dancers, l o c a l h i s t o r i ans , f

overwhelming concentrat ion on

-

Francophone a c t i v i t i e s with some English

- 379 -

. - - . -, 'T . --

. * * 1 -- -

3 - g e

3 - Y -- -

*&! -

- - - - - -- - - - -- - -- -- - - - -- - -- - - -- -- -- - - -

Canadian organizations bu t no e thn ic organizations. This study, p lu s t h e - - -- -

experiences i n Arnprior, s e t t h e

beginning; a condi t ional view of her i t age limited t o French-and English ,-s % s

'I

Canadian char te r group input. % .F -+ 2:

Timmins was chosen as t h e s i t e of t he f e s t i v a l because of its c e n t r a l *+ 4

f -- 1

loca t ion , t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y of f a c i l i t i e s and ex i s t i ng her i t age groups, The + . I _

new English and French Canadian e l i t e s , which were a l ready attempting t o -

3 , <

- - - -- - - - -- 4".

redef ine l o c a l ' he r i t age ' as a means t o develop t h e i r own pres t ige and access +

-

t o resources , . r ead i ly accepted tHe f e s t i v a l as a means t o f u r t h e r t h e i r ends,

English Canadians from t h e Porcupine Camp Hi s to r i ca l Society and the Friends - -- - - - -- - -- - -- - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - --- - - - - --

- - -- --

of t h e Museum, who had been circwnscr%bing pioneer s t a tu s , as wel l as French

Canadians from Northern College, the. 'Separate School Board and French

Canadian assoc ia t ions such a s ACFO and the S t , Jean Bapt is te Society, b e c a a -

the major l o c a l supporters of t h e f e s t i v a l . x.

The int roduct ion of t he Heritage Fes t i va l coincided with a move within

the Porcupine Camp Hi s to r i ca l Society, Friends of t h e Museum and the Timmins - - - - - - - - - - -A

-

Museum towards a French Canadian or ien ta t ion . The Timmins Museum 9

f

and Exhibit ion Center, under t h e f i n a n c i a l aeg i s of t he f ede ra l government,

k expanded its f o r t s t o allow f o r b i l i ngua l presenkations of h i s t o r i c a l * I * 5

mater ia l as well as t he use of b i l i ngua l s t a f f members and exhibi t ions . The

h i r i ng of a new museum cura tor i n 1980 was with the express s t i pu l a t i on t h a t

he l e a r n and u t i l i z e French i n t h e musetrm,

A s imi l a r change had a l ready occured i n the leadership of the-Porcupine -- - - - --

Camp Hi s to r i ca l Society as t h e o lder , e thnic- leadership was forced out. The

new leadership EsmngeF, l a rge ly English Canadian and museum or iented, and

included f o r the first time a French Canadian representa t ive i n t he executive - ".

committee. There had been some t rep ida t ion amongst members of t h e h h t o r i m i -

f

I

- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - -- -- - --- - -- - -- - - -- -

soc i e ty i n nominating a French Canadian t o t he soc i e ty ' s executive. Older .?

mefiers-felt-that T ~ T ~ e O n e o f t h e m got i n t he door they would push u s a l l

out". Nevertheless t he revised h i s t o r i c a l SO which @d bken absorbed bg -

t h e FrTends of t he Museum, accepted h i s i n c l as a necessary in t roduct ion i

of "f resh blood". Li -

, ' 3 i

'9 The French Canadian represen ta t ive now took on an increas ingly

' 1

important leadership r o l e , o f t en superceding t he English ~ a n a d i a n pres ident . - - 4

-

H e introduced t h e use of b i l i ngua l pos t e r s t o adve r t i s e soc ie ty meetings. He :

was ins t rumental i n r e s t r uc tu r i ng t h e socie ty i n t h e first meeting @ the new 1 I

executive i n February 1981 i n t o a fou r member organizat ional committeei - -- -- - ---- -- - - - - - - - -

i cons i s t ing of t h e p res iden t ; himself , a a t Northern College

I -d

and t he new museum cu ra to r , t o run t he soc ie ty . There a new recruitment d r ive

t o b r ing i n new members, e spec i a l l y from the French Canadian community. The -

res t ruc tu red h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty %ecame the Heritage Foundation's agent i n t he

i d e a l way t o present t he h i s t o ry of the T i m i n s gion i n a publ ic forum "&, I

C

which would include a l l the d i f f e r e n t po in t s of view. The s t r u c t u r e of the ' . -

f e s t i v a l , h wever, was l a rge ly s e t before any c a l l was made f o r l o c a l input . 9, The brganiz&on consis ted of two adv ise r s who sat on t h e Heritage Foundation \

1 I board; one French Canadian, oneL English Canadian. There was one main r' . 1

! coordinator i n Toronto and a l o c a l coordinator who was t o be appointed l a t e r . i A Regional Programme Committee was t o s t r uc tu r e the program and a c t i v i t i e s I '>

I i

- - - - - - - -- - --

and a l o c a l ~immins-Coordinating Committee would o n l y dea l with l o g i s t i c s . 7 ---- 1

- Even the l o c a l m e z e r s o f The Cul tu re and Recreation Ministry began t o . 1 I

maintain t h a t t h e f e s t i v a l w a s being pushed down t h e i r t h roa t s . The Museum 1 - -

cura to r was a l s o he s i t an t a s she saw t h i s a s an attempt t o "parachute" a I

1 - - - - - - -- - -- - - - - -- pp - - - -- -

f e s t i v a l i n t o t h e a r ea without much l o c a l invohement. - - * - - - - -

When s h e ( t h e ~ e r i t a g ; c%nat&) s t a r t e d t a lk ing about ' t h i s ' - .. her i t age t h ing she s a i d it was a l l going t o be a b i g dea l l i k e i n Arnprior and-i t i s f o r g e t t i n g a l l t he people i n t e r e s t e d i n l o c a l h i s t o ry , 'You'll have l o c a l high school teachers i n t a lk ing about how they teach l o c a l h i s t o ry i n t he classrooms and you ' l l have I

pro j ec t s and y o u ' l l have t h i s and t ha t . There ' s not going t o be any of tht, The only t h ing I can see is t h a t they a r e bringing a l o t of people up here from Toronto-or down South t? t a l k about Timmin's h i s t o ry o r Northeastern Ontario h i s t o ry , This is going t o . t u r n a l o t of people off.. .Their concept was based on t h e i r e y e r i e n c e s i n Arnprior and how s t imulat ing it was f o r t h e l o c a l

4

community.-But I think these th ings a r e b e s t when they r i s e f r o m - -

- -? -

a i

'the community-like t h e e thn ic f e s t i v a l . -

everth he lass t h e Heritage Fes t i va l coordinator informed the pres ident -

of t h e h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty of t he success of t he previous f e s t i v a l i n Amnprior - - -- - - -

- - -- - - - - - - - - - - -7

- - -- --- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

and. the p o s s i b i l i t i e s such a f e s t i v a l would o f f e r t o t he communjty, The

soc ie ty pres ident thought t he f e s t i v a l an excel lent idea which,would help her

own organization s ince it appeared t o be d i rec ted towards t h e same i n t e r e s t s .

The museym d i r ec to r s t a t e d t h a t t h e her i t age coordinator was only t r y ing t o

make t h e h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty pres ident take respons ib i l i ty f o r t he l o c a l I

both ways f o r t h e ministry-because i f something goes wrong it won't matter as

they j u s t bugger off afterwards." -

The Timmins Coordinating Committee consisted of two b i l i ngua l '

f

represen ta t ives from t h e l o c a l minis t ry o f f i c e , t h e museum d i r ec to r , the I - -

h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty pres ident , a representa t ive from t h e board of education

and a French Canadian represen ta t ive from Northern College, Concerned t h a t

t h e Ethnic Fes t i va l Committee not be l e f t out , the museum d i rbc to r i n s i s t e d -

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - -- -

t he coordinating committee i n v i t e them t o pa r t i c ipa t e . The e thn ic committee -- - - - - - - - - -- -

w a s i nv i t ed t o send delegates but from the beginning t h e e thn i c s were not

allowed t o s e t pol icy bu t only a c t as support personnel, serving e thn ic foods

at a recept ion.

- 382 - -

a .

-

The f i r s t e thnicfest i v a l reprssentati-ve -tttZ-he-Bmi;ns-Coor&i&ting-- '-- -

Committee ~ ~ , t h e Croatian leader. She spoke French f l u e n t l y but thr-st *

<

meeting gave her t h e impression t h a t t he whole f e s t i v a l was, as she s a id

afterwards, "going t o be i n French and t h a t only t h e French were going t o be

accommodated", The Croatian representa t ive reported her f e a r s t o the o ther B

e thn ic l eaders of the f e s t i v a l committee. The e thn i c s t o l d t h e museum -

d i r e c t o r t h a t they were concerned t h a t only the French Canadian community , - L - - -

were being involved, t h a t the e thn i c s were re legated t o suppor-k'.personnel and

t h a t t he Heritage F e s t i v a l would be a t h r e a t t o t h e i r own f e s t i v a l . The

museum d i r e c t o r agreed t o address t h e f e s t i v a l committee i n i ts February

-- -- -p- -- A - -p - --- - - - - - - - -- -

meeting t o a l l a y any f-earsr- - --

The museum d i r e c t o r answered t he e z i c committee members' questions by

explaining t h a t t h i s would probably be l a rge ly a profess ional workshop, "I

don ' t want people t o f e e l t h a t they a r e being put upon o r t h a t t h e her i tage

group i s d i r ec t i ng th ings and doing th ings around you, which is something,I

- f e e l a s wei l , but anything t h a t br ings people together has t o be good no - - - - - - - - - - -- . -- - --

matter what." The Croatian representa t ive t o t h e - s t e e r i n g committee

emphasized t h a t she wanted the committee t o do something as a group besides - -

" j u s t running wire under the s tage o r d i r ec t i ng a shutt lebus." She was -

concerned t h a t t he committee not leave the presenta t ion of ' he r i t age ' so le ly -

t o t he French and English Canadians.

They have 2iot asked us t o do anything but we should do something-

I.,

because we do e x i s t and have be-en here f o r qu i te a while and i f they don ' t know about us so f a r they should f i n d out..,They a r e -

concerned with her i tage and t o them t h a t does not seem t o have anything t o do with the ekhnics as such. I - - - ---- --

=

The Ukrainian e thn ic l eader voiced -- t he major view t h a t the program ms

already s e t and t h e e thnia committee purposefully l e f t out . "I feelpthey have -

t h e program a l l s e t up >nd now a r e asking us t o help them. Why d idn ' t they

3

- - -- 3

m X n g and l e t u s know w l i Z f T S b ~ ~ . " 3 i

This was t h e viewpoint most members accepted f e e l i n g that if t h e ~ e r i t a g e ' 8 -3

F e s t i v a l wanted t h e i r contr ibut ion why did it not do it t h e service o f > 1 u

I - addressing t h e committee and c l e a r l y specifying w h a t they uanted.

The committee wanted t o pa r t i c ipa t e but f e l t they were being l e f t i n d

t he dark. I n order t o avoid f u r t h e r den ia l s of t h e i r pos i t ion a proposal was I- - - - - - - - 3 *

made by -the Rumanian leader t h a t t h e committee pres ident prepare a speech on- - -

t h e h i s t o ry of t h e e thn ic committee and r e a d d i t a t the conference i n order t o -

make t h e i r presence known. This was passed but so many questions - were s t i l l - - -- --

- - - - - - -- - - - -- - -- - - - - - - ----- - - - , - l e f t t o be asked that t h e committee decided t o send more represen ta t ives t o

t h e next Heritage Fes t i va l meeting t o gain fu r the r c l a r i f i c a t i o n .

9 The museum d i r e c t o r l e f t t h e meeting f ee l i ng she had been caught i n t he L

middle. The e thn ic committee d id not blame her f o r t he d i f f i c u l t i e s but she f

was the only person t o whom they could address t h e i r questions. She now knew

k@t t h e committee wanted t o have a speaker, a say i n t he programming and - - 4 - - - -

--

knbw more about what was going on as a whole, She voiced these concerns t o B

t h e l o c a l a s s i s t a n t coordinator -who assured her t he e thn ic committee would be

included and promised t o address t h e committee a t its next monthly meeting.

The museum d i r ec to r , however, f e l t t h a t t h e e thn ic committee would never get

any s a t i s f a c t i o n as a l l the Heritage coordinator wanted them t o do was "to . -

- serve t h e food, si t down and play spoons".

Another problem t h a t annoyed t he committee was t h e poss ible inclus ion

of t he Ukrainian Museum cura tor i n thK E r i t a g e Fesfivax prograiir-The c m t o ~ - 7

haa heard ZbCui m e - K & a g e m v a l a 1 7 - 0 r d i r e e % & p L

accepted t o make-a presenta t ion on l o c a l labour h i s to ry . The coordinator,

however, d id not r e a l i z e t h e problems t h a t t h b might cause cc t he type of

"I ara r e a l l y ready t o open up and give them h e l l at t he Heritage Fes t iva l .

The French h i s t o ry here was not u n t i l much l a t e r . They t a l k of Timmins but

not* o f 2 t he people who dug t he gold out." The Timinins Museum director,knsw the -

problems that-& inc lus ion might cause. . She ( m e F'est ival coordinator) is being naive because t h i s

commynity is so divided i n so many ways and so deeply, Well i n some ways she is at a n advantage because she doesn ' t know-and can make moves t h a t I could never chance t o make. She is t r y i n g t o g e t t h e Ukrainian Museum cura to r t o t a l k and she doen' t know the t roub le t h a t w i l l cause ye t if I say something about him I will be looked a t as troublemaker so I s a i d go ahead.

a

The F i m i s h _Qa&iin and _ U k r a i n i a ~ l eaders o•’ -the e t h n i c c_omit%ee --

were present a t t he next Coordinating Committee meeting t o observe and have

t h e i r questions answered. The meeting set t he f i n a l p lans f o r t h e f e s t i v a l t o I be held on the weekend of June 6 and 7 at 'Nor thern College. The Friends of

i *,

t h e Museum agreed t o host a recep t ion on Friday night a t t h e museum and t he

e thn ic committee's con t r ibu t ion w a s t o provide ' f ingerfoods ' f o r t h e t I

- - - -- -

recej7tiEiTTh-eTtliniC c ~ i ~ t e ~ r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s ' quest ions remained

unanswered and t he meeting only sekmed t o confirm t h e i r own worst f e a r s . A s

t h e Finnish leader s a i d ; 1 I thought t he Heritage F e s t i v a l would include a l l t h e people i n

t h e community. They a r e not i n t e r e s t ed i n what t he Finns d id l oca l l y . They do not want us t o t e l l them how we contr ibuted t o t he community. They w i l l t e l l us. This i s not a t a l l how they s a id it w a s going t o be. There i s a s t e e r i ng committee ye t t he r e i s

- nothing t o s t e e r a s they have a l ready s e t it up. ,

I n f a c t t h e arrangements had s t i l l not ye t been f i na l i z ed . Arrangements I - -- - - - -

were made t o h i r e a local f e s t i v a l a s s i s t a n t who would a i d - t h & f e s t i v a l -

I

eemnatm, tke Tf lwri;lrs W e t ' m g fhrmkttee and-%eneglonal Programme i i !

Committee. The a s s i s t a n t would answer i nqu i r i e s , provide pub l i c i t y , contact I

i - groups i n t he region t o encourage t h e i r pa r t i c i pa t i on and f i n d appropr ia te ,.- -

1 '6

r o l e $as extremely itaport-ant a s r t h e a s s i s t a n t was t o be t h e regional and -d 3 -2

l o c a l representa t ive who would g e t people who would s e t t he Heritage Fest iva a ; program. The f e s t i v a l a s s i s t a n t 'selected, not coincidenta l ly , was one of t h e

leading Franco Ontarienne n a t i o n a l i s t s i n t h e community who was, a t t h i s 2 I /

t i m e , g l s o presictent of t h e S t . Jean Bapt is te Society and t r ea su re r of ACFO. 2

- 4 The a s s i s t a n t coordinator ' s contribition&e&me so-dominant that she was - -

f - 7:

given equal standing as a f u l l coordinator on a par with t h e main .

impl icat ion only t he char te r groups have r a the r than ' c u l t u ~ e ' which was urn

something t h e e thn ic groups had. The f e s t i v a l a s s i s t a n t rsaffirmed t h i s

approach by bringing t o t he Heritage Fes t i va l a demarcated French - English *

concept of her i tage. She informed me t h a t t he f e g t i v a l was f o r "all t h e

groups --T ~ a t i v e s , Francophones, Anglophones" r a t h e r than f o j h e e thnic

communities. I n t h i s r ek t ruc tukhg t h e nat ive Indians given a \

l imi ted char te r @oup s t a t u s of a l a rge ly which they

were symbols of t he ea r ly days of exploration. , h '

This char te r group d iv i s i on was car r ied even f u r t h e r &assistant -

coordinator ' s s e l ec t i on of t h e Regional Programme Committee. O f t h e eighteen

committee members, t e n were French Canadians, s i x English Canadians and two

Native Indians. The Timmins represen ta t ives on the committee consisted of t he -

-

Anglo H i s to r i eag - Soeie ty pres ident , -tw Native Indian -leaders-fronrtb- treat^- * 4 l n e - Q j i b a g 4 h e X d L m a l C u l t u r a l C e n t e r one French canadia reazesentative

who was a l s o regional pres ident of t he ACFChffi l iated 'Federation des Femmes

canadienes-francaises' . /

Similar ly t h e Timmins Coordinating Committee came t o cons i s t of two ,

- 386 -

French Canadian representatives from the local m ~ ~ u s t r v . . - - -- - -- o f f i c ~ b ~ o f i D h

Canadian representatives from the Chamber of Commerce, the museum director, -

the Historical Society president, a representative from the board of

education, a representative from the Separate School board who 'was &so % -

A - president of the 'Association des Ecole separees de Timrnins', a French

Canadian representative from.Northern College who was a leading advoca$e of, a

bilingualism in the college, but no representatives from the Ethnic Festival

Committee. The ethnic representatives were disenchanted.

In the midst of growing concern-by the &h&c committee leaders the

- Heritage Fest-ivtT ccar65nator cm -=Tom-* -€iTR -te- txe- C3iiuifiE-€e%Sa~d[~=-- P

clear-up any misunderstandings.. She was tbld beforehand by the Finnish leader -',

and committee vice-president to state specifically what she wanted the ethnic

committee to do because there had been's0 much misunderstanding. "They want -

to know do you want us or don't you want us and if you do want us what do you

want." The coordinator respond?d by saying that there were so many Finnish - -- - - - -- - j L - _ - -

7- and Italian people in the community why didn't they have-an historian who

could come and speak. The Finnish representative responded by saying; I .

' That is the first time I have heard that you wanted a historian. Why didn't you come forward before. You've been meeting us at the local committee. Why not take the time to ask, 'Hasn't your group someone who has lived here a long time and would be interested in coming.' But we were told specifically that all the historians and workshop people were already set up.

n .. The coordinator impded that the problem had probably stemmed. from the

first committee representative who had not understood what had been - - -- - -- - - - - -- --

discussed. This only further angered the ethnic leaders as this implied that- - - - --

they did not understand the English language. The Finnish leader was

particularily offended by the implications;

They figure the ethnics are & bunch of dummies who can't understand English and are misunderstanding everything. As far as

-- -.

-< -+- ,,> _ = _ - _ ; _ ,- < =,,, ,, ,-L% + .> - i ; 35- -lW--+" -fs-i6as " - . W - '-1 f-+a . ; *-A ' .- _ + - - ' - -- - - _ * 01 , 1__ -

-

- - - - - - , - -- -

- -

--

I am concerned I h in t i ng sub t ly t s t h e Croatian represen ta t ive a t t h e first meeting t h a t screwed everything up but she knows English and she knows French. But she keeps saying, 'We notif iecl you.'; 'We s e n t Bach one of you an inv i ta t ion . ' ; 'Each one should have 3 received one of these ' . It was one th ing t o have something on a 3 %

piece of pager bu t t h e r e was a l s o what was s a i d t o you by people 4 on t h e committee who a r e suppossed t o be high up. If they don ' t 1 bother t a lk ing t o you w e are not going t o be placated by any piece $

% -* of. paper. C I

A

- - - - - - - - - -- - . - .B *The ~ e r i t a g e cordinator d i d not address the-committBe leaders ' concerns

' - -&

, - - - - - - - - - 9

but went on with a speech she had before on t h e success of i

t h e previous f e s t i v a l a t Arnprior t h e f e s t i v a i f i

would make t o t h e m W sEe- =--- ----->I -& en- 2

<

simple question as t o whether t h e c associdt ions would be pa id f o r t h e i r 4 , . a

food contr ibut ions desp i te t t h a t t h e f e s t i v a l was budgeted f o r some 4

$30,000. After t he meet he e thn ic committee was even l e s s grepared t o

p a r t i c i p a t e and they informed t h e p r o g r d com&ittee. that they would not be *

52 - making a formal p resen ta t ion on t h e h i s t o ry 6f t he f e s t i v a l committee. They % .

- -- - - - - - - - - -*-- -- -- - no longer sen t any of t h e i r represen ta t ives t o the l o c a l coordinating

"They doY e a l l y need us and, j committee. A s one e thn ic membgr commented, "d

h e n d they do and c a l l us a b ~ c h of dummies. We'll 3

don ' t want us so wh .d-

leave them alone and t h e y ' l l leave us alone."

. . The f e s t i v a l coordinatqr took t h e a t t i t u d e t h a t she had gone out' of her

way t o t r y t o explain. She s t a t e d t h a t it d id not matter i f t he e thn ic

committee l eaders understood o r not because t he f e s t i ~ a ~ w a s going on "come

L m " 4?&&€ ~ 8 ~ e s b ~ p a c k z h c & m g g e d it c&f saying t h a t e thn ic - -

input was not important asAhey a l ready had a l o t of l o c a l input. She d id

make a smal l cancession t o t he e thn ic committee, spec- i f ica l ly t h e Ukrainian - - -- -

represen ta t ive , by not including t he Ukrainian Museum curator . "He is one of

- 388 - <

"s b J

f - - -

- - t h e s e - p @ e f.t-Lz-rro6 worth- invi t ing -as ft-wS-1-1jnst ~ u s ~ o u b l e r lLThe------ -

2 + o % h e ~ ~ f theqrohlemwafithat=mdLdm-haxceqh4hnv~~. Ih&#nic-- C

I LL

and c l a s s c h a r a c t e ~ of l o c a l he r i t age . i - . -

I n at tempting t o ga in informqtion om t he Heritage Fes t i va l I a l s o

t a lked t o the f e s t i v a l coordinator ' s supervisor i n t he Toronto o f f i c e -o f t h e

- Heritage Foundation. OriginaL-ly my meeting was t o have been with the '

coordinator but she decided it was b e t t e r t h a t I t a l k t o her supervisor - . - LL -

ins tead as he could b e t t e r answer my questions. The i n f o G a t i o n I gained from - + - -

t h e supervisor only f u r t h e r added t o f t h e d i s t i n c t i o n I have made between' ' T t C

her i t age and cu l tu re . m e r a t i o n a l he gave f o r t h e f e s t i v a l was an a n t i s e p t i c v'

introduce t he idea &at the e thn ic communities might a l s o want input as p a r t J

of t h a t he r i t age he f e l t I was becoming confused-since-the e t h n i c s were

c l e a r l y t%e''purvue of t h e Mul t icu l tu ra l Division and not h i s concern. He s a w

t h e e thn i c s only i n , t e r m s of t h e i r "folk contributions" r a t h e r than heritagit

contr ibut ions . The only elements of her i tage the e thn i c s were t o pe allowed Oq *-- - -- - -- -

t o contr ibute was &the(edge of t he r e a l presenta t ions . Ethnic herit;&e was ..

something which could only be 'd isplayed ' , l i k e a piece of ar t , while char te r -+

w

group her i t age was something which could be 'presented' as i n a his tory .

There was no r e a l i z a i o n i h a t ' he r i t age ' and ' cu l tu re ' could be one and t he f -

same espec ia l ly i n a community which could not agree on a l o c a l h i s to ry . P

I advised him t h a t the ' fee l ing i n t he community was t h a t t he f e s t i v a l

was being i n s t i ga t ed and la rge ly control led from outside. He i n s i s t e d t h a t

they were unconcerned w i t h yllocal paroehiaLisml' -but were charging-akd-even----

W a n U e l p i r y .~~mp-ps i f t h a t implied upse t t ing Local co

over others . "Our goal i s t o s t imulate a c t i v i t y i n regions where it w a s not 1C

found before and i f , as p a r t of t h a t a c t i v i t y , the re is the s e t t i n g up of

. * a z h k v - e d . " .,

The groups which would benefit from this activity were %he French and

English Chadian elites. The ethnic communities would suffer as thfs would

change the meaning'of symbols and resources in the community. French and

English Canadians would become enshrined is local charter groups while the

ethnics-&Id be reduced to peripherals. This did not concern the , -

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -

bureaucrats. "If _there are A problems within and between groups, _thaLis no%-. _ .- -- -

IT*

1- our concern as that is multiculturalism and we don't deal with it." They '.. '3

would go ahead no matter the problems encountered. "It's my'job not to let

In spite of *he problems the Ethnic I?eetival Committee experienced dth *' a.

6 -

the Heritage ~estival they were being,p9:essured to participte. Acquaintances

I t

in the Friends of the\luseum and Historical So~iety~began to tell the ethnic L

Bssociation leaders t4t their presence would be missed and that they yere ,

. / I _

museum director used her personal influe$ce:knd - -

was able to bk paid for their - t 2

further able that their c to be - - '

5 -

for the museum jather than.for the Heritage Festival. Only because of their L -

personal loyalty to the muBeum director did the 'ethnic committee leaders - * 0 '

agree to contribute ;foods for the opening reception and 'then only because the

reception also clesigned to familiarize people with a new exhibit at the

museum.

- Thg c.*sr - - -- -

lan and P ~ l ~ ~ Z e a a e r s , w h o ~ d dZirice groups available, also

- - - dl , .

committee might -have decihed to utilize the Aosaic Club* s cultural activities I

--- - a & + k e 4 ~ - ~ ~ ~ e & , . a a t tn e - last .

minute, t o include h i s small presentatLon on t he h i s t o ry of t he e thn ic

committee. The pres iden t had i n s i s t e d t h a t the e thn ic committee make a t l e a s t

i this an imal concession, "We s t a r t e d with a very negative f e e l i n g t h a t we

qhould not pa r t i c ipa t e 9s we had not been consulted. They had t h e i r own s e t l

' plan of a c t i o n ' s 0 we should not p a r t i c i p a t e but I wanted;.us tb pa r t i c ipa t e i n '-

2 - - ,

d . some shape o r form." They decided it w a s b e t t e r t o be- represented i n t h i s + . . 4 .c

C P

manner than be l e f t out of t h e festival. ' - I

9 -

The opening recept ion on Friday evening at t h e Tlmmins Museum welcomed

wel l as t o the debut of t he new museum exhib i t which t o l d t h e s t b ry of t he -

/ . - * $

Porcupine Camp through p i c tu r e s and a r t i f a c t s . The exh ib i t , l i k e t he

fes$ iva l , served t o b o l s t e r t h e museum e l i t e ' s con t ro l of pioneer s t a tu s ; '-"

the re was no e thn ic display of any s o r t . The only e thn ic reco&tion was > 1 l imi ted t o a population p i e g a p h on a small sec t ion of t he w a l l which only

-- -- -- - - - - - -- -

" served t o emihasize t h e i r small s i z e .

Representatives from t h e Ukrainian, Finnish a n d - I t a l i a n e thn ic

* &*

assoc ia t ions were present a t t he opening i n t h e i r &%hnic costumes serving

t h e i r prepared foods. The Finnish representa t ive informed me she was t h e only* ' i -

one t he r e from her own group because the' Finnish l eader had promised t h e

museum d i r ec to r but t he l eader refused t o be there fierseif because of her , -4% leel if tgs aga ins t t he f e s t i v a l . The I t a l i a n representa t ives a l s o f e l t t h a t 1

that was about a l l t h e f e s t i v a l people deserved. The I t a l i a n group leader I 1 -

' f e l t t h a t these people had no idea of 1talian cu l tu re o r cared t o know. "What 1 - 1

1W

as cheap serving h e l p and they recognized tha t they were being perceived, as -'pn Q $f

such by t h e Heritage Fes t iva l . Their presence did , however, allowed the 9 ?i v ' -I

coordinator t o adver t i se t h a t t h e Heritage Fes t i va l would have a 4 9

"mult icul tura l flavour". 2 .

A+ Northern College the next day f e s t i v a l pa r t i c ipan t s presented - . d

- A li-- i.

t i isplays and a r t i f a c t s on lumbering, r a i l m y models, English and French --

co lon ia l so ld i e r s and f o r t s , Native Indian and French Canadian c r a f t s and 9 -

h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty presenta t ions . The overwhelmimg nature of t he d i sp lays was - - - - -- - - -- - -- - - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - PA -

- - - - - - - - - -- I--

an emphasis on the major cha r t e r groups and t h e i r regional h i s t o ry and

pioneer s t a t u s . The e thn ic group d i sp lays i n comparison were small and

l imi ted t o purely c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s . 9 :

The Pol ish exh ib i t , s e t up by t he l o c a l Polish' White Eagle Society,

displayed o ld country c ra f t , samples wifh straw d o l l s and i n l a i d boxes and

1 - pic tures . The Finnish display consis ted of a Finnish loom which was simply -

4

l e f t i n one of the a r t i f a c t rooms and could not be .dis t inguished from other 4 2

a r t i f a c t s . The Dante Club was l i s t e d on t he program as having an exh ib i t a t -

t he f e s t i v a l but, they had not chosen t o contr ibute which w a s ind ica t ive of

t h e general f e e l i n g i n t h e e thn ic committee. The Ukrainian group was t h e only

community t o pa r t i c ipa t e on a personal l e v e l and they were re legated t o - -- % -- --

corner t a b l e s doing embroidery and decorating eggs. The Ukrainian leader s a id

she had come because she wanted t o contr ibute i n order t o meet people. She - - - - - - -

f e l t t he r e had been a mi s sde r s t and iG-wi th t he ~ e r i t & e Fes t i va l coordinator

and EiI no3 w a n € t o h o l d a grudge f o r XXiS -was about her i t age and t h i s was Y

what she f e l t she was presenting.

This br ings up a major problem which faces e thn ic cumm&t+s in

w - - - -- - -- - - -

Timnins as wel l as i n most of Canada. A forced emphasis on e thn ic c r i t e r i a ----- - - - -- - -

due f'o gove en t pol icy has come tommean t h a t t he e thn ics have l i t t l e ,F understanding of what c o n s t i t u t e s l o c a l her i tage . They r e su r r ec t mother *

country symbols which a r e t h e only responses they may have ava i lab le as they

have been os t rac ized from any at tempt t o e s t ab l i sh t h e i r l o c a l contributions.

Ethnics a r e seen as con t r ibu t ing only p a r t i a l l y t o ' t h e p o l i t i c a l and economic 1

s t r u c t u r e and a r e l e f t with passive responses within t h e c u l t u r a l s k c t u r e ,

Similar ly t h e Heritage F e s t i v a l ' s concern wa;; with dua l i t y and not d ive r s i t y

4 . which c a l l e d on the e t h n i c s t o emphasize theiir e thn ic group diffeGences

The t a l k s $resented during t h e f e s t i v a l a e r e d i i i ded i n t o French and

English language sess ions and o f fe red a san i t iged vers ion of regional -

his to ry . They d e a l t with the contributi 'bns of English and French Canadians

with a small mention of Native -Indians and no mention of t he e thn ics . What

'was being communicated w a s a ' s a f e ' vers ion of he r i t age s t r e t ch ing from the

--

e a r l y I n d i a n s 3 T t h e FreIiFhTndEnglishfFrtraders t o t h e i 5 S , mining an4

railway i ndus t r i e s and present ing t he northeast as a land of growth and'

peaceful co-existence without t he bothersome complexities t h a t t he e thnics

migh% have intGoduced. Mine owners who had been known f o r t h e i r repressive

measures aga ins t e thn ic 'miners , such as Harry Oaks i n Kirkland Lake, were

<

A? r e u r rec ted as heroes.

On t h e second day the Heritage Fes t i va l changed t o a workshop format -

which combined French and English presenta t ions i n t he same session. The - - ---- - - - - -

p a r t i c i p a n t s learned how t o develop t h e i r l o c a l her i tage through - - - - - - - --

a r c h i t e c t u r a l conservation, museum a c t i v i t y and l o c a l research. A t one of -

tlfese sess ions t h e pres ident of the Timmins and D i s t r i c t Ethnic Association

gave h i s speech which had been reduced by the program committee t o a t e n

- . - --- - - - -

minute presentation. He e l t t h a t even t h i s ~ a s a necessary contr ibut ion as - - - - - - - -

he d id not want t h e e t 4 committee '4 9

" A{ t h e start of h i s talk on "The History of t h e Timmins Ethnic k s t i v a l 3 4

9

and t he Timmins and D i s t r i c t Ethnic Association", t h e assoc ia t ion pres ident g ,-I

began with a wide-ranging de f in i t i on of e thn ics which affirmed that a l l t h e 2$ 3

people i n

more than

"unity i n

equal i ty .

Canada were e thnics . He was presenting a statement of philosophy - *

-. A$

a his tory . - He emphasized t h a t - Canada was a spec i a l country - - o f sf

- + - g - "2

L' . _ ,, divers i ty" and a land of opport~ini ty which allowed everfiody T

*, He fu r the r s t a t e d h i s i n t e r e s t t h a t t he assoc ia t ion become more -

f v i s i b l e outs ide of t h e e thn ic f e s t i v a l as they became more assured of

-P - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - -----

- -- A - - PA -- - A - - - - I

themselves. . .> il

&

The final r e s u l t s of t he Heritage Fes t i va l appeared t o be of l i t t l e

s i gn i f i c an t impact on t h e local- level . The f e s t i v a l d id l i t t l e t o s t r e k h e n

the immediate concept of Ftench - English her i tage i n t h e c o m m ~ t y (though I

1; it may have succeeded on a regiohal level.). The, Porcupine Camp HistoricaX

L \

l o c a l i n t e r e s t i n hist iography, d id not succeed i n amalgamating o r carrying Y I f " +

out t h e ambitious expansion of cha r t e r group i n t e r e s t s i n t h e community. The

Heritage Fes t i va l d id succeed i n arousing t he e thn ic committee and its

assoc ia t ions who no longer wished t o see themselves be l e f t out of any -

attempts t o redef ine t he community's ' he r i t age ' . The f e s t i v a l had forced t he . , - ,

committee to recognize t h e importance of symbolic resources (her i tage,

cu l t u r e , ideology) as a b a s i s f o r i n t e r e s t and ac t ion . v -

-- - -- - - - - - - - --

After t h e ' f e s t i v a l t he pres ident began t o t a l k of how the assoc ia t ion -9

- - - - - -

would have t o change t o "a more heri tage-oriented r e l a t i onsh ip t o Timmmins"

i n which t he e thn ic communities would compete d i r e c t l y

English Canadians f o r l o& resources. A s p a r t of t h i s

with t he French and f

3

change he proposed

that *he JS#U&G commiktee-begF~Aqath~infnrmn. l - . i Ff an&h - - F ! n 7 r l n r , -

possibly i n cooperation with t h e h i s t o r i c a l soc ie ty , t o provide a h i s to ry of k

. -

"4 * .

t h8 e t h n i c comrhunitfes i n Timmins. He even considered expapdi t h e e thn ic

f e s t i v a l i n t o a t w o day event which would br ing together&e tkad i t i ona l *

e thn i c element of t h e f e s t i v a l with t he newer elements of her i tage. I

The leaders o f . t h e Timmins and D i s t r i c t Ethnic. Fes t i va l Committee were

i n t h e process of preparing t o compete d i r e c t l y and;unequivocally with t he % - . ,

*,

D French a d t he English Canadian communities. The duefstion remains as whether .

-

t h e e t h n i c - f e s t i v a l committee w i l l succeed i n its attempts t o maintain and - -

- - -- - - -- - . - - - develop l o c a l etFEiFstXltus i n - t h e -face o f -internal. ?Evi$ions and3Tar t e r -

+ -

group potency. One t h i n g w e do know i s t h a t i n t e r e s t group ac t i on w i l l ' .. .'. . .

continue t o be res t ruc tured by t he nat ional context and t he s i t u a t i b n a l / I

- kesponses of l o c a l i n t e r e s t groups i n t h e ongoing process of i n t e r e thn i c -

- -- d - r " A. 4 --

1

- A

% - -- - -- - - - - -- - - - ----- - - -- fl

$ . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - LP -- I -

fi - *

>

G * ? +

. . - XV. CONCLUSION

The primary purpose of 'this thesizhas been to repudiate *he apolitical f

and culturally traditional model of Canadian ethnic' studies. - - This has -been -- - - -

accomilished throtigh, an examination'of ethnicity and class within a mini%

community in order to, shbw that even in a minirig community, which has'been

. considered one of the bastions of class conflict (~orcese 1975t31), ethnicity - - - - - -

7 - - -- - - - - - - - - --- - - - - -- - - - - - - - - -- - - - - ---A

- - - -- - - -

can be utilized as a primary basis of action in the pursuit of economic and

political gaals. The persistent and complex relationship between ethnicity 1 -

and class is shown to form a major framework for social relationships in one . .

'

such community. Lack of an appreciation of this relationship has often Y ".

I - resulted in the upnecas$ary opposition o f ethnicity an& class. The basis of

- - - -

on the elements of the other. -

C 3

The salience of ethnicity and the degree to which members of an ethnic

population subscribe.to ethnic, class or other ideologies will differ not

only between groups but even within the ethnic community. The major

conditional elements which will affect this relationship is the context1 , which is imposed by dominant groups, and the situational response of

individuals and groups at the community level. The context is imposed both -

- - -- - - - - -- -- - -- - - -

informally and formally through implied conformity (norms and values) and - - -* - --

-

direct policy (biculturalism and multiculturalism). Ethnic and class -

differences will change according to the changing context within which a - -- -

community must operateand which will affect the situational responses of

4ABivi~irtals and g s w p s , - - - - - - ----

The genera l context d e f i n e s t h e necessary requirements, . t h e

a v a i l a b i l i t y of b a s i c r e sources t o be u t i l i z e d t o meet t h e s e requirements and

t h e 'manner i n which they a r e t o be acquired. It s e t s t h e l i m i t s w i th in which

a c t i o n i s taken though t h i s does no t mean that i n d i v i d u a l and group responses ' .

a r e f o r e v e r cons t ra ined . The context can be overturned and, when t h i s has

been a t tempted , t h e context must be r ev i sed o r a c t i o n taken, notably by t h e

- government, a g a i n s t t hose who have at tempted a rev i s ion . The r e v i s i o n of -

context i s t h e p re roga t ive of t h e dominant a u t h o r i t i e s ; any a t tempt t o change 0

t h e c o n t e j t onme n a t i o 5 5 l r r e g i o n a l l e v e l ts a t h r e a t to t h e preVaiItmLp---

a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e and a c t i o n w i l l be taken -to r e d r e s s t h e t h r e a t . Action /7

can be t aken , however, on t h e community l e v e l by i n d i v i d u a l s o r i n t e r e s t

groups t o r e s t r u c t u r e s i t u a t i o n a l l y t h e l o c a l meaning 'b con tex tua l elements * J

and, o r poss ib ly , r ede f ine what a r e t o be consiitered t h e important resources

f o r which they must compete v'is-&vis o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s and i n t e r e s t groups - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - --- -- - - -- - --

e x i s t i n g i n t h e p a r t i c u l a r environment. -

The major s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l context of n ine teenth and e a r l y twen t i e th

century Canadian s o c i e t y w a s one of Anglo-conformity (palmer 1975 r 112), a-

s t a b l e s t r u c t u r e which was def ined by r e l i g i o n ( p r o t e s t a n t i s m ) , language c,-

-

, ( ~ n ~ l i s b ) , economic sys tem (urban cap i t a l i sm) and p o l i t i c a l system ( ~ r i t i s h

par l iamentary) . French Canadians were allowed a nominal p o s i t i o n i n t h i s

s t r u c t u r e , notably i n p o l i t i c s , bu t they were a l s o expected to.conform t o t h e -

Anglo s t r u c t u r e . They were i n e v i t a b l y expected t o change t h e i r l a n g u a g e - a s - --

- were allowed time t o adapt . The c o n f l i c t s which shaped Canadian s o c i e t y ,

l o c a l l y and n a t i o n a l l y , even t o t h e - twen t i e th century , were t i e d t o t h e

cont inuing c o n f l i c t between French and English Canadians over t h e b a s i s of

- -

Gz&azn a niral , Catholic XniTnan=pitali-~-a&- I -

t h e i r economic and s o c i a l system from on by Anglo - c o x h o l . This k

r e su l t ed i n a divergence between t he i n t he l a t e nineteenth -

century. .

I n theywake of French Canadian d i s i n t e r e s t , English Canadians were a b l e

t o define t he new Canadian i n d u s t r i a l socie ty i n t h e i r own images. They went 4

- - - -

- out of t h e i r &y t o maintain t h e i r exclus ivi ty and access t o p o l i t i c a l and - . d - economic power. I n t h e years of t he l a t e nineteenth and e a r l y twentieth

-

century t h i s was e s s e n t i a l w e f f o r t l e s s as Canadian nationalism was - - - -- - -- -- -

- ---- -- --- - 6 - - ---- --

commensurate - with a pan B r i t i s h imperialism ( ~ l a r k 1962 : 228, 23&;McCo%ck--

1981:43). This v i s ion of an ' Imperial nation' had been resurrected by English -

, * / - Canadians a f t e r -6onfederation i n an attempt t o r e s t r i ' c t French Canadian -

-

access t o p o l i t i c a l power a n d - i t came t o control competition f o r p o l i t i c a l

and economic resources even more than l a t e r re l i ances on- t he l imi ted concepts

- ---- - -- of na t iona l i sm - - - -- (wade 1968 1384; Mi l l e t t -- 1981 : 70). --p--- 1t s e t t h e context f o r the

-

responses i n t he arena of publ ic ac t ion , r e s t r i c t i n g French Canadians t o -

those a r ea s which were reserved f o r them. It took no cognizance of t he small $ - -.

t r i c k l e of e thnic immigrants as they were considered t o be simply sojourners

and unl ikely t o challenge t h e p reva i l ing conformity.

A t t he t u rn of t h i s century, however, these same immigrants, g rea t ly

increased i n number, came t o th rea ten the prevai l ing soc io-po l i t i ca l balance

-2 of Canadian socie ty . The e immigrants began t o clamour f o r recognit ion of - -

t h e i r e t h n i c a n d c l a s s roTes i n f he new Canadian industri-al s t a t e ~ E t - ~ d - -

Been one of tkiezr%p'r@k~f t l ~ a t state that t-pa+%~ yra +a t h i s

land disoriented-and p o l i t i c a l l y paralyzed, forced t o adapt o r r e t r e a t within

t h e i r t u r t l e l i k e s h e l l of e thn ic i d e n t i t y (Handlin 19 j l :8 ) . The v ia ion af the

- - -

- - -

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - - -- - -- -

' stalwart peasant ' , conservative, hardworking, with a s t rong back and a weak

mini-who s a v X E s i E o n e y t o r e tu rn t o t he o l d m n t r y o r t o b r ing over h i s -

own family and a s s imi l a t e t o Canadian socie ty , was a s t rong symbol f o r t h e

host soc ie ty fo very 1979213) :But these immigrants were not a conservative

peasantry and $heir e m i & a t i o n Z ~ s l e s s an ind ica t ioh of t h e i r

conservativeness than of t h e i r a b i l i t y t o adapt and seek new mechanisms f o r ,

accommodation and resource acquis i t ion . . +

- - -

The only- means of access t h e host soc ie ty offered t o these immigrints,

so necessary as labour i n t he e r a of i n d u s t r i a l expansion but unnecessary

complications t o t he s o c i a l framework of Canadian soc ie ty , was a'ssimil&tion. - - - -- -- - -- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - A -- - - - - -

- - - -- But those immigrants who d id aMempt t o ass imi la te found it extremely

d i f f i c u l t . Assimilation required a la rge investment of time and money, t o

l e a rn t h e language and mores o f t h e host soc ie ty and even then d id not

guarantee one's acceptance. he-host socie ty defined -who were Lo be

ass imilable according t o negative and pos i t ive s tereotypes which were o f t e n n '

changed so t h a t few immigrants could ever be sure of t h e i r accep tab i l i ty . - - - - - - -- --

I n t he face of i n t ru s ion by la rge - numbers of immigrants t he English I

Canadians continued t o emphaske t h e i r hegemony. They were so successful;in

presenting themselves i n t h i s l i g h t t h a t they came t o be 'seen as a s ingular

and dominating group of l a rge ly fictitious construction (WASP's, Anglos,

B r i t i s h Canadians, English ~ a n a d i a n s ) by both e thn ics and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s -

( ~ n d e r s o n 1982 : 18) . -

I n t he i n d u s t r i a l f r o n t i e r regions such as the Porcupine Camp, t he - - - - - - - - -

immigrants were harshly exploi ted f o r t h e i r labour with l i t t l e monetary

compensat'lon a n 3 even l e s s rECoumeFfJT e c n i c anll p o l i t i c a l p o w e r i n the--

community. The only option ava i lab le t o the immigrants, on a l o c a l and

n a t i o n a ~ ' l e v e 1 , was t o respond dn a co l l ec t i ve b a s i s i o res t ruc ture t he host .

-". - 1 - b - - + > < ; - - - - ? '. 1;' ' - . .5-& . " 2.;,2-*+-_ *. +-

V

- - - - - - - - -- pip- - - socie ty . This res t ruc tur ing , however, as they soon came t o r ea l i z e , could

- - - - - -- - - - C

only take place with a change i n c o n t e x t 'and a v i r t u a l overthrow of Canadian ' '

r

society., A blnepr in t f o r 'change &s ava i lab le i n t h e r a d i c a l c l a s s moven6nts

of communism and socialism. f

= ' 3 The immigrants began t o th ink l e s s of their..own mother countr ies and - . :- "aF ; A - I

more about the r e s t ruc tu r ing of the new ~ount-a r e s u l t of ' thei r . * r

i n c r e a s i k - confrontation wi th t h e Canadian- economic and p o l i t i c a l system. I n - - - - - - - - A

t u r n t h e English Canadian population saw i m i g r a n t at tempts t o redress -

grievances and c rea te a nelw b a s i s pf competition as an extremist p o l i t i c a l m

posi t ion. Symbolically almost a l l e thn ic ' ac t ion , without regard f o r i ts -- - - - - - - - -- -- -- - - - - - - -- - -- -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - -- - -- - - - -- - - . - -- - -- - . ---- -A

p o l i t i c a l content bu t only i n terms of $ t s accept+nce by t h e host socie ty , *

became seen as a radicalism. (~gmundson 1977 : 254) , -9

The immigrants could not even-f ind support among the Canadian r ad i ca l * a

p o l i t i c a l organizations because, i n s p i t e of t h e i r h o ~ i t i c a l ideology, - they

were English Canadian control led and maintained a parochial Canadian

- - - - - - - .radical-i,snrwhi& r ~ a n t & - t ~ - & & f l i t d i a n s ~ c i e t y - b ~ l ~ --

control . The immigrants responded t o t h i s parochialism as wel l as Anglo

r e s t r i c t i o n s on t h e i r ass imi la t ion t o Canadian soc ie ty by c rea t ing an e thn ic -

consciousness which combined with c l a s s consciousness t o c r ea t e a uniquely

panethnic c l a s s movement.. %

Kuper (1972:400) has s t a t e d t h a t the re are some s o c i e t i e s which do not

-Tollow the Marxist pa t t e rn of c l a s s d i f fe ren tka t ion because t h e r a c i a l ( o r

e thn ic ) s t r uc tu r e r a t h e r than c l a s s s t r uc tu r e is the c r u c i a l poi@ i n - - - -- - - - - - - - - - ---

revolutionary change. This is espec ia l ly so i n p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s where the - ---- - - - - - -

r a c i a l o r e thn ic s t ruc tu r e and t h e d i f f e r e n t i a l incorporation of t he races o r

e thn ic groups can cause revoluti&ry change (1 972 : 415-i8) . Class f a c t o r s /

e x i s t but a r e o f ten simply r h e t o r i c a l i n a movement aga ins t the. d i f f e r e n t i a l t.

d

-

* - 7L--L-- - - - - -- - - - -- - -- - - --

incogPoration of competing groups. Class then can perhaps be bes t understood - -- ---

as a n idiom of competition, o f t en ut i l i -zed by both s i d e s but especia l ly by

t he subordinate groups.

A s a r e s u l t one may of ten see , as Berdichewsky (1978:387) noticed, t he

paradoxical development of e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s pa r a l l e l i ng t he development of

c l a s s consciousness. Nowhere was t h i s more evident than i n Canada and -

espec ia l ly i n t h e Porcupine Camp where the c l a s s movemeat took on an d

appreciably e thn i c character . However, Berdichewsky has made e thnic

consciousness appear as an outgrowth of and even secondary t o , c l a s s I

consciousness, whereas i n t he Porcupine Camp at l e a s t e thn ic and c l a s s - - - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - - - - - -- ---- --

- - - - - -- - - -

consciousness was much l e s s p a r a l l e l and more in tegra ted i n t h e i r <

development.

Class became the ideology of a new panethnic a l l i a n c e i n the pre World

War I period which brought together many e thn ics and even English Canadian D -

workers. '!This r e su l t ed i n a new Canadian c l a s s codsciousness a t a' time when

t h e s t a r k elene_nts~sfCamdian_ca&a~~~ere-most-distinct -The~tk~is

immigrants created a new c l a s s consciouiness and, provis ional ly a t l e a s t , U

agreed t h a t e t h n i c i t y w a s t o be subservient t o c l a s s and would dissolve i n

the equi table r e s t r uc tu r i ng of Canadian socie ty .

* I n t he Porcupine Camp, c l a s s , union and e thn ic assoc ia t ions were a l l

a l l i e d i n the i n t e r e s t s of c l a s s solidari ty- . This panethnic c l a s s so l i da r i t y

was a response t o e ~ l o i t i v e condi t ions by t he mines and t he society. The

t e s t of its take co l l e c t i ve a c t i o n , - t o th rea ten Anglo control of - - ----

Canadian soc i e ty /came i n the 1912-1) ~ t r i g . The. r e s u l t , an e s sen t i a l

f a i l u r e t o hold t o the= demandsas we11 as t a t h e i r c l a s s ideology, l ed t o

the a l l i a n c e ' s i nev i t ab l e

The f a i l u r e of c l a s s the a l l i ance between the e thnics

L * -1 - .--. ' - - , , " - % " + . ,

. 1 -

- - - -- - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -- - - - and t h e i r English a l l i e s . The c l a s s a l l i a n c e was f u l l y destroyed during World

'

-- A - War + ~ > t h t h e r ise of Canadian nationalism. The English Canadians who had - been' c l a s s compatriots with t he e thn i c s began t o g ive up t h e i r general c l a s s

commitment i n favour of a new Canadian nationalism; t h i s comprised a new

vers ion of Anglo Canadian conformity, more. l ibera1 perhaps i n a l lowi

c l a s s English Sanadians wider access t o resources b5t j u s t as restri

aga ins t e thnics . ( ~ e n n e r 1977276) - 2 -

I I _ - - _ f f

Panethnic c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y d i s so lved i n t h i s new context which L. "-

emphasized t h a t c l a s s ideology was an unacceptable & ~ i s of na t iona l

- - competition. The e thn i c s came underxmassive p r e jud i c i a l a s s a u l t f o r t h e i r

t - -- - - - - - - A - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - --- - -- -- 2- - c l a s s commitment. Mang were forced out of t h e i r mine jobs and out of t h e

, . V

camp. Those who remained repaired t o t h e i r e thn ic h a l l s and emerged only t o -

mollify the host community by present ing theinselves, f o r t he first time but -

not f o r t he lastc, as a p o l i t i c a l e t hn i c group c u l t u r ~ l ' r ~ ~ r e s e n t a t i v e s ,

Nevertheless the e thn i c s re ta ined t h e i r c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y but infused it with

- - - - a - ~ i t u a t i o n a l - r e l ~ a n c e o n e t h n i i n s t i ~ ~ i ~ ~ s - ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ r ~ ~ r ~ ~ i - e ~ ~ . L

- 1% I

> I n t he mid 1920s, c l a s s i n t e r e s t s re-eme&ed i n a co l l e c t i ve a l l i a n c e % 2 "i

though one infused with a d e f i n i t i v e e thn ic character . The nature of t h i s -

p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s consciousness and i t s dependence on t he e thn ic community -

could be seen i n t he emergence of t he Communist Par ty of Canada (CPC) and t he I

CPC's dependence on e thn ic involvement h t h e Porcupine Camp. -

L

The e thn ic p o l i t i c a l support f o r t he CPC must be gauged by the response .L

of t he e t hn i c communities when, i n t he l a t e i920s, t h e CPC ca l l ed on them t o - - - - - - - L -- - --- - --

give up t h e i r e thn ic a l l eg iances i n t h e i n t e r e s t s of c l a s s consciousness. The -

majori ty refused t o give up t he one f o r t he other i n one of t he more i r o n i c

a developments of the c l a s s movement i n Canada. The Communist Par ty of Canada,

- - t h e supposed i n s t i t b t i o n a l foundation of the c l a s s movement, was dependent

taking resources away from t h e e thn ic progrecssives and giving them t o the - - .+ r

Anglo r a d i c a l l eaders i p , they were defeated by t he h t T i g e n c e of e thn ics . .,. 9

who~~began t o th ink l e s s of na t iona l movements and more of l o c a l i n t e r e s t s . 4

Y , ' - The CPC wat--never ab le t o a c t as an e f f ec t i ve nation& p o l i t i c a l . f o r c e ' -

- "

because large numbers of e thn ics took this unconipromisi@ positio,n. ~.

The time following the Great Depression of 1929 became a period of

c r i s i s a sSL in a few yea?-s the e thn ic ~re&t&onship and commkt-ment $0 _%na_dian_---- - - -- -

soc ie ty was a l t e r e d once again. The seeming col lapse of t he c a p i t a l i s t

economy boded well f o r t h e success of another c l a s s revolut ion todwhiCh many

ethnic r ad i ca l s were r eady - to commit themselves as well as t h e i r ethriic

communities. Before t he e thn ic r ad i ca l s could coalesce t h e i r support, H

however, Anglo Canadian a u t h o r i t i e s reacted swi f t ly t o make c l e a r t h a t they . uaurd ha t ' a c i e ~ ~ a ~ e t h n i c p c 1 ~ t h r e a t to ' t h e p r e ~ ~ T i n g T r d e r . The ' e - C - -

> - r a d i / l s , as well as thei iTprogress ive a l I i e s , were h a ~ a s s e d and j a i l e d i n

swi f t order. Radical publ ic demonstrations be'came excuses f o r pol ice J

- b r u t a l i t y . Notwithstanding t h e success of t h e i r physical a s s a u l t s on t h e e thn ic - ---,

r ad i ca l s and progressives, Canadian a u t h o r i t i e s a l s o began t o o f f e r a -

a l t e r n a t i v e s t o e thn ics who d id not participate i n r ad i ca l a c t i v i t y and d id

not seek to ' overthrow t h e i r contextual control of Canadianwsociety. They - -- -- - -- - - - -- -

< -

, ( . asked f o r ' loya l ty ' t o t he host system ( i . e . conformity to-&an - - -- ---

nationalism) allowing a l t e r n a t i v e options f o r group operation (e thnic group

and ' l oya l ' e thnic nationalism) i n re tu rn f o r increased access t o resources

such a s jobs, Loyal is t e thnic organizations received the r i g h t t o determine

society against the onslaughtL of those who sought i ts contextmi dissolution.

.The r e su l t was the f r u i t i o n of new l o y a l i s t ethnic organizations i n the %.

Porcupine &m<aiound 1931 which .came in to rapid conf l ic t with rad ica l -and . . 4 3

.- r F" - progressive ethnic- organizations. ' - - - - . - - -

There was now a fundamental spLit ia?,the ethnic c m u n i t i e s . Further-- - a - - 4 I $

t h i s s p l i t was i n s t i t t ional ized with ' l oya l i s t h a l l s and a l o y a l i s t ccpop 8 . 4 j

and, one s ide a t l e a s t , gaining the t a c i t accegtanfe of the host society. The - - - . =

-- - - -- -- - -- -- - - - - - - -- -- - - - -- - - - - - - - - -- --

! 3

community s p l i t was between ethnic c l a s s suppoders (whose e f f o r t s were seen d

and ethnic l o y a l i s t s who began t o co-opt , '

cul tura l

a c t i v i t y a s a means t o gain host community acceptance. Radical c l a s s a c t i v i t y

was largely decimated on the nat na l l eve l but progressive support remained tp 7

strong, i f muted, on the c o m m d y level . Instead of large-scale attempts t o . < - ,

revise the socio-polit ical frameworkeof' Cawdian society the bsis of - - - -- - - -- - .*

competition w a s now local ized and over loca l issues. It was largely -4'

A .

I j /. Z

r e s t r i c t ed t o a competition f o r supporters between opposing ethnic il - - > i n s t i t u t ions i n the ethnic &omrnunities or f o r loca l p o l i t i c a l power. The

Y d

l oca l rad ica ls and progressives were able t o rebound by the l a t e 1930s and

gain p a r t i a l control of the Timmins town council. But t h i s success w a s

destroyed due t o French Canadian middle c l a s s pressure and the onset of World

War 11. /

- - - -- - - -- - pa - - -

The war created circumstances which seemed t o doom a l l aspects of L

ethnic class act ion forever. Radical support f o r the Soviet Union, which was

now considered a mil i tary enemy, hurt ethnic c l a s s supporters. I n a short

time a l l rad ica i and progressive associat ions became i l l e g a l an& t h e i r - --

i- 9

membershrp sca t te red . Ethnic represen ta t ion vms-_taken-oxer c o m p l e t e Q - b y - t h ~ - --

l o y a l i s t s . Yet a -- -

t h e r a d i c a l s and

P 6

few years l a t e r , when t he Soviet Union pecame a war a l l y , b

- - -

progressives re-emerged and co-opted t h e i r an tagonis t ' s

' r o l e s as l o y a l supporters of t h e host soc ie ty and its war e f f o r t , I n t u rn t he

host soc ie ty accepted t he r ad i ca l s as allies r a the r than par iahs . The e thn ic

c l a s s 'communities emerged from the war with renewed vigor and once again

BT;c - thought of taking co l l ec t i ve c l a s s ac t l on on the na t iona l scene s ince it

appeared they were now accepted 2s p a r t of t he new universal context of

Canadian nationalism. t

Class was allowed t o take t he place of e thn ic cu l t u r e , which was seen

P- as an unnecessary i n t r u s i o n i & ~ - Canadian-li& iof divi-sive foreign standards, - - i'-; as a frameworrk f o r e thn ic pa r t i c ipa t i on i n Canadian socie ty . Class-again

became an acc t a b l e b a s i s ,of d iscuss ion and organization.. Yet, with the r i s e \ \ - of t he Cold War, c l a s s once again became-an unacceptable framework f o r

&eking p o l i t i c a l and economic power on t he nat ional l e v e l ; t h e context of I

Canadian soc ie ty had been changed once again.

pp - - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - --

The.loca1 importance of c l a s s was destroyed i n t h e Porcupine Camp i n

t h e l a t e 1940s with t h e weakening of t h e r ad i ca l Mine M i l l Union. I n 1939 t he

French Canadian middle c l a s s i n the-Porcupane Camp had sided with t he English

m i h l e c l a s s t o s t op r a d i c a l con t ro l of t he Timmins town council. I n t he l a t e

1940s-the French Canadian working c l a s s , under Catholic Church pressure,

a l l i e d with the English Canadian working c l a s s t o destroy t he Mine M i l l

union's e thn ic c l a s s base. 4 '/

I n t h e Porcupine Camp the progressive e thn ics were unable t o gain - - --- - -

support among the postwar immigrants, many of whom were expressly channelled - - - - - --

i n t o t h e camp by Canadian a u t h o r i t i e s because of t h e i r anti-Comnunist

a t t i t u d e s . The e thn ic progress ive i n s t i t u t i o n s weakened under the onslaught

and most -ere forced t o c lose t h e i r d~ors;-=i. s -coimide&wL%h-the-snovemen+---- - 4;' 5

-; * t he f e a r t h a t the mines were c los ing down. The e thn ics were replaced by ";. -

w S*

French canadians who bought t h e i r businesses and took over t h e i r mine jobs. 0

b

. f -? I

Class and i ts r a d i c a l e thn ic supporters f a i l e d i n Canada as a r e s u l t of d 2 .I

4.9.

t h e postwar Communist sca re and new economic growth. Class became a v i r t u a l 3

nonissue on t h e na t iona l l eve l . A t the local- level t he r e was a d i sso lu t ion of -

* a - - - - -

t he condi t ional (-i. e . progressive) re la t ionsh ip between e thn ic and c l a s s -

consciousness, Without e thn ic consciousness, which had long been t h e b a s i s of

l o c a l c l a s s s t reng th ( a s wel l as its major weakness), c l a s s support i n t h e

'Po?cT@ine Camp =fal teFMalmost i r r6€Zfeva 'B~. 3T c Ia s s was t o be r e s u ~ ~ ~ e ~ = p - p p - p ~

as a v i ab l e form of consciousness and an organizing pr inc ip le it would be

without e thn ic consciousness which was co-opted i n t o the Canadian s o c i h

s t ruc tu r e . Ethnic i ty would remain as t h e only possible b a s i s f o r economic and

p o l i t i c a l a c t i on on t h e loca l - l eve l i f un iversa l i ty f a i l e d , as it would.

The i n d u s t r i a l growth of t he postwar period allowed e thn ic immigrants - - - - - -- - -- - - - --

an opportunity t o pa r t i c ipa t e more equitably f o r new economic and p o l i t i c a l * ' r e sou rce s . The contextual b a s i s of t h i s competition was t o be universal

achievement c r i t e r i a , f o r t he w a r had shown the danger of demarcating grcups,

such as t h e Jews, according t o t h e i r e thnic di f ferences . The new framework of

postwar Canadian soc ie ty thus necess i ta ted a la rge degree of e thn ic . ass imi la t ion and t h e weakening of e thn ic ins t iku t ions . I n t h e Porcupine Camp

t h i s i n i t i a l universal context allowed f o r t he development. of a

consocia t ional a1"liance between-loyalist e thn ics , English and-Frene&-------

C a n a d i a n s i n x h i c b a l l a g r e d - t o e a u 1 access t o b c a J economic and p o l i t i c a l

resources according t o nominal un iversa l c r i t e r i a . I -

This Ioca l consociation was maintained i n the face of soc io-po l i t i ca l -

. -- F

+ - --- - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - -- - -

changes on t h e na t iona l l eve l . I n s p i t e of t he f a c t t h a t postwar Canadian -

soc ie ty w a s supposed t o woX aCcord~5g To un iversa l c r i t e r i a , Anglo C;anadiEEp

emerged t o regain con t ro l of Canadian conformity. This brought them i n t o

c o n f l i c t with French Canadian soc ie ty which had changed-into a modern '

economic and p o l i t i c a l f o r ce i n many ways similar t o English Canadian soc ie ty

but without t h e commensurate power. The French Canadians pressured f o r a

r e s t ruc tu r i ng of Canadian society..which would take cognizance of t h e i r new -

r o l e s . I n 1963 t h e Royal Commission on Bilingualism and ~ i c u l t u r a l i s i w a s

formed. The commission's conc lu shns were used as t h e b a s i s f o r a new

na t iona l accommodation between English and French Canadians who were t o be 7 dis t inguished a s t he super ior cha r t e r groups of Canadian soc ie ty .

f 4

Canadian s o c i e t y enshrined cha r t e r group con t ro l and e x c l u d ~ d i ; la rge-scale e thn ic p a r t i c i p a t i o n - f o r economic and p o l i t i c a l power on t h e

na t iona l l eve l . Thus one p a r t of Canadian soc ie ty w a s given p r e f e r e n t i a l

i n t e r e s t group treatment while t he other w a s r e s t r i c t e d t o un iversa l c r i t e r i a

which were becqming r e l a t i v e l y u se l e s s ( ~ e i t z 1980 : 239). uii!versal c r i t e r i a

were of no use t o t he e thn ics i f advancement i n soc ie ty and even t h e i r jobs, I which had formerly been on the b a s i s of a b i l i t y , was now t o be r e s t r i c t e d by

an added c r i t e r i a of being-able t o speak both o f f i c i a l languages. The f a i l u r e - i

of un ive r s a l i t y and t he concept of s o c i a l equa l i ty served t o f i r e the flames

of revived e thn ic -consciousness ( ~ u ~ h e s 1971 : 144-150).

There w a s a massive e thn ic reac t ion aga ins t t he Royal Commission. I n

the face of widespread e thn ic pressure , the government introduced -:<-- ---- -

mult icul tura l ism i n 1971 as a conc i l i a to ry move though they made it

subservient, t o bicuI€uralism. The Ent ro f ic t lon ~ T m u i t l c u l ~ l i s m as

government policy d id not measurably add t o the economic o r p o l i t i c a l power

"-f of t h e e thn ic communities. It w a s never designed f o r t h i s purpose but was

- - - - - - - - P - - - - --- - .--- --

r a t h e r an attempt t o reduce the-political_ controversy over bi lm.gual isn

1981~64) . -

'It&s~ change i n t h e s o c i a l context of Canadian socie ty , through 2 **- c- -. . -i

bil ingualism and mu l t i cu l t u r a l i s n , l a rge ly bypassed t he Porcupine Camp i & l o c a l consociational a l l i a n c e w a s

The a l l i a n c e held f o r a number of

i so l a t i on . Another w a s t h a t while

maintained i n s p i t e of na t iona l changes.

reasons. One w a s t he a r e a ' s general - - -

t h e r e s t of-Canada was experiencing an -

economicboom which fueled t e e changes i n s o c i a l s t r uc tu r e , t he Porcupine

Camp w a s i n an economic depression from which it d id not begin t o r i s e u n t i l - - - - - - -- - -- -- - -

- -- - - - - - - -

-

t h e l a t e 1960s. The - t h i r d reason was- tha t t he consociational a l l i a n c e had

been ab le t o l a rge ly e rase t h e record of pa s t c l a s s and e thn ic c o n f l i c t s i n

t h e i n t e r e s t of t he l o c a l accommodation.. A s a r e s u l t ~ t h e r e was no s t ab l e

h i s t o r i c a l ba s i s t o give one group >dominant au thor i ty over t he others.

There w a s an ongoing process within Timm'ins - which res t ructured pas t -

events i n t o innocuous elements t o avoid an outbreak of in te re thn ic -and -

- - - - - -- - --- - -- - --

1 i n t e r c l a s s c o n f l i c t s which had long w n common i n Timmins. I n par t t h i s has

r e su l t ed i n such l o c a l myths a s . t he c l a s s l e s s socie ty of t he north, t he lack

of e thn ic and c l a s s c o n f l i c t and t he continued accommodation - through time

amongst a l l groups. Major events were now e i t h e r l a rge ly fo rgo t ten (1912-13

s t r i k e ) o r t h e i r meaning was changed (1929 ~ e ~ r e s s i o n ) t o make them l e s s

d- t o t he accommodation, -

The problems which could r e s u l t from a precise understanding of t he

h i s to ry of t he Porcupine Camp w a s a11 too- c l ea r a s t h e e € ~ i c s , ~ ~ o t F i

. . , +a& conre kt0 t o w r c f e s p r e a c t - F y c3assandt a s comrmmrtres A

Anglo - Franco au thor i ty . These c o n f l i c t s were now muted i n favour & a new

consociational a l l i a n e e i n which no one group gained complete con t ro l ~f

-

l o c a l p o l i t i c a l and economic power. TherFrench and English Canadians' might # - A - - - - - - - - L " . .' * ,

well hold t h e r e i n s of l o c a l power bu t %ecause it w a s ndt enshr&& thrdugh - ." ' C

such a process as o f f i c i a l b i l ingual ism o r an o f f i c i a l h i s t o ry and former

c o n f l i c t s were muted i n favour of an accommodating akd' c l a s s l e s s i n t e r e thn i c

mythology, it allowed a l l groups equal access t o l o c a l p o l i t i c a l and economic

power according t o nominal un iversa l c r i t e r i a . -

This did not mean t h a t con f l i c t s could not a r i s e bu t r a the r t h a t when

large-scale c o h l i c t d id occur it was over t he h i s t o r i c and symbolic -

resources which could confirm one e thn ic community's r i g h t s over another. I n

t h i s c o m p e t i t i ~ ~ i t was the nature of ' legitimacy' which became the f o c u s of_- - =-

a t t e n t i o n through a t tempts t o con t ro l l o c a l h i s to ry ( ~ ~ h e n 197jz l ) . This

c o n f l i c t began i n t h e *ear ly -1970s with the start of a breakdown i n the ! consociation61 a l l i a n c e spurred on by an economic boom with t he r i s e i n the q - f pri'ce o f gold which f i n a l l y ~ o l ~ d i f i e d the economic f u t u r e of t he camp. New

3

organizations such as t h e Association Canadienne-France de l lOn ta r io , Friends 1 -- A-A---

of the-MTse~Xd~inStitUEoIIs such as ERndK %d t ~ ~ i ~ ~ ~ & e u m , now

became major a r b i t e r s of' cu l tu re and h i s to ry amd began t o compete f o r l o c a l

dominant group legit imacy.

I n t h i s respect t h e s t a t u s which is most sought f o r , as a valued and -

scarce resource, i s t he concept of ~ ~ i d n e e r ' . h e word is a symbol and keeps

cropping up a s a s i t u a t i o n a l response t o modern contexts. It i s used by some

e thn ics t o j u s t i f y t h e i r s t a t u s aga ins t what they see as an in t rus ion by

French Canadians, espec ia l ly 'through t he in t roduct ion of o f f i c i a l i - - - - -- -- 1

J 7-

bil ingualism. It is a l s a increas ingly used by French Canadians t o t r y t o add 1 t o t h e i r r i g h t t o l o c a l economic and p o l i t i c a l power as a char te r group, The I

1 1

- recent e l i t e at tempts a t l o c a l h i s t o ~ y , including the Heritage Fes t i va l , were -

attempts t o j u s t i f y e l i t e and char te r group pioneer s t a t u s i n t he community

- 409 - \

i n t he f i g h t over p o l i t i c a l and economic reqources. 3 -- - - -- -- --

-

New English and F r e n a Canadian e l i t e s developed i n t h e ea r l y 1970s and +

attempted t o emphasize cha r t e r group legit imacy s ince , under t he inf luence of

government pol icy , t h i s would have r e su l t ed i n t h e r e s t r uc tu r i ng of economic "B

and p o l i t i c a l power t o t h e i r bene f i t . However, while c h a r t e r group s t a t u s was

confirmed on a na t iona l l e v e l it had no such support on t he loca l - l eve l as -

A

the e thn ics , i n s p i t e of a recent decrease i K numbers, re*ained tkie r i g h t t o - 7 - - -

l o c a l s t a t u s , This has r e su l t ed i n t he new challenge over who w,Lll con t ro l

h i s t o ry and cu l tu re on t h e loca l - l eve l . On the na t iona l l e v e l d t has been

-t -- -- l a rge ly prosc-pibed t o the-benef i t of- the charter group= Bu+ t - --==e- - - - - -+ -

r

proscr ip t ion is still being fought over on the local - level . ,

The e thn ics were forced t o respond but s ince c l a s s had been l a r g e l y

destroyed as an e thn ic veh ic le t h e only o ther c r i t e r i a availa'tille wera e i t h e r

-

d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l a c t i on o r e t hn i c i t y . Some chose d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l ac t ion. The

Croatian l eaders i n Schumacher r e v i t a l i z e d t he Croatian Hall and the Croatian - -

-- - - -- - - - - -?

'Peasant Par ty t o respond t o a breakdown i n the consociat ion and what they

perceive as an i n t r u s i 6 n by French Canadians. They chose t o meet t he ~ r e n c h

Canadians d i r e c t l y wi thin t he p o l i t i c a l arena. They d i d not th ink t h i s would -

be poss ib le within t he confines of t he Libera l Par ty , which they saw as "the / -

French Party" and turned ins tead t o supporting the p rov inc ia l Progressive

Conservative Par ty . The Conserva-tive Party was t o be a new source of

resources t o help secure jobs, maintain t h e Croatian H a l l and ensure t h a t

b i l ingual ism would never become f u l l y i n ~ s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n t h e province of ,

Ontario. I n t h i s regard t h e Croatian Hallbecame res t ruc tu red i n t o a - - - - --- -- - - -

l o ca l i z ed p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , an adjunct of the Prov inc ia l Conservative -

- - -

Par ty .

Other e thn ics responded by reviving t h e i r moribund e thn ic i n s t i t u t i o n s

s t a t u s w a s t h e Timmins and D i s t r i c t Ethnic Fe s t i va l Committee, a s t rong A

c o a l i t i o n of otherwise weak e thn i c organizations, The f e s t i v a l committee was

ab le t o hinder t he English and ~ x e n c h Canadian at tempts t o ga in cha r t e r group

s t a t u s as wel l as e f f ec t i ve ly compete f o r l o c a l s t a t u s because it refused t o

accept mu l t i cu l t u r a l pol icy and be i d e n t i f i e d as a co l l e c t i on of a p o l i t i c a l -

-

c u l t u r a l groups. The f e s t i v a l ' committee favoured local con t ro l of the arena

of pub l ic a c t i on , with e thn ic inpu t , and placed i t s e l f i n v i r t u a l opposit ion I

- t o government control led mult icultural ism. The only groups t o f u l l y accept -- -

-- -- - - - - -

government mu l t i cu l t u r a l p o l i c i e s were the remnants of t he e thn ic , progress ives , t he Ukrainian Museum and the Mosaic Club. They d id so because

t h a t w a s t h e only means ava i l ab l e t o them and as a r e s u l t they have gained

. l o c a l con t ro l of mul t icul tura l ism. >,

-

On the n a t i o n a l - l e v e l t he e thn i c s have been l a rge ly l imi ted from d i r e c t

access t o power and forced t o r e l y on circumscribed rdsourcgs ( p o l i t i c a l --- - ---- - - ----- -- --- ---- 4- --

i appointments and ;rants) . In t h e Porcupine Camp, however, s i%ua t i ona l ., responses have enabled t h e f e s t i v a l comittee t o compete more d i r e c t l y with

- -

l o c a l cha r t e r groups. A s a r e s u l t t he na t iona l po l i c i e s of b icu l tu ra l i sm and

mult icultural ism have become r e s t r i c t e d by l o c a l rzsponses. The contextual

_res t ruct&ing of e t hn i c s t o a p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r a l groups which occured on the

na t iona l l e v e l i n - t h e 1960s and 1970s w a s met i n t he Porcupine Camp with

at tempts t o rev i se s i t u a t i o n a l l y t he conformity i n l o c a l s i n t e r e s t s . - u

Ind iv idua l s and i n t e r e s t gmups 5.n t he camp hqve become more-concerned---

w i # the ewtrol OX-- f s s m s zuxl ~ma-aagemmLcS~agel~-iklls-phe~

publ ic ac t ion . The loca l i zed resources, both mater ia l (gatekeeper pos i t ions -

and jobs) and symbolic (pioneer s t a t u s ) , a r e imp-ortant because they a r e

-- ,& 3i

governments. !The resources - cannot b e f u l l y a s sa i l ed o r control led because t h e 3 - 9

outside i n t e r e s t s have l i t t l e kniwledge of t h e i r precise l o c a l s ign i f icance , 3 k$ , -

as was evident i n t he ac t i ons of t h e Heritage Fes t iva l . *L

a

The int roduct ion - of the provincia l ly sponsored Heritage Fes t i va l i n - 5

1981 made evident each community's at tempts t o appropr ia te s t a t u s a t t h e

expense of o ther communities on t he ba s i s of the s i t u a t i o n a l con t ro l of l o c a l - - - - - - - - A

his to ry . The f e s t i v a l was a c a t a l y s t which served t o accentuate a c r i s i s of - -

meaning i n t he l o c a l community. The

i n t e rp re t a t i on - of the words pioneer - -

which had not been ab le t o agree on

focus of contention was over t he

and her i tage. Timmins w a s a community - - - - - - - - --- A

- - - - - - -- - - - -- - --- -

t he nature of i ts her i t age o r on t he

loca l ized elements, of what cons t i tu ted a t r u e pioneer. These mahe r s have

la rge ly been l e f t open t o i n t e rp re t a t i on so t h a t t he word 'he r i t age ' has a *

number of d i f f e r en t meanings i n t h e Timmins envirowent which apply t o

e thn ics , English and French Canadians i n a number of d i f f e r en t a l l i a n c e s

i n d i c a t i v e o f l o c a l -

o r i n t e r e t h n i c c u l i u r d soc i e t i e s . -

- The f e s t i v a l p r e s e n t a t i o n s , however, were essen t ia l ly -char te r group

confirmations. They d e a l t with the contr ibut ion of English and French

Canadians and even the Native Indians , with no mention of the e thnics . The

l o c a l pas t was " .presented as one of geaceful co-existence without t he

bothersome complications t h a t t h e e thnics , ' i n t h e i r previous c o n f l i c t s with

Canadian soc ie ty , might have demonstrated. The e thn ic communities were forced

t o r eac t o r become subservient t o t h i s res t ruc tur ing and be re legated t o

e thn ic group s t a tu s . They did r eac t and i den t i f i ed t h e f e s t i v a l as a t h r e a t

t o t he l o c a l consociation. By t h i s ac t ion they e f f ec t i ve ly negated t he

f e s t i v d ' s impact while, a t t h e same time, increas ing t he importance of t h e i r 7

own organizations. The-fest ival committee and t h e - e a i c communities, ibhe - - ---

face of t h e continuing breakdown i n t h e consoc - -

prepared t o respond t o l o c a l cha r t e r group a t t

and ev,e* compete f o r t h a t s t a t u s t o t h e i r own

tu rn a f f e c t the l o c a l arena of public ac t ion and lead t o new r e s p 0 n s e s . b ~ the

- other e thn ic communities and i n t e r e s t groups.

Each community's at tempts t o appropriate s t a t u s i n t h e Porcupine region <

must compete wit3 other communities who attempf t o gain support f o r t h e i r

claims t o economic and p o l i t i c a l means. Each community w i l l ga in , o r lose , i n

competition and a l l i a n c e with o ther i n t e r e s t s and i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o '

circumvent t he aktempts o f ' &hers. This -is the t r u e b a s i s f o r r e l a t i o n s in ' -

the Timmins area; not c l a s s alone o r even ethnicl"ty but r a the r a condi t ional

s i t u a t i o n a l re la t ionsh ip between groups and t h e i r i n t e r e s t s i n re la t ionsh ip

t o a changing context. i - Throughout t h i s t h e s i s I have been discussing the importance of t he

soc i a l and p o l i t i c a l ion tex t a s an a f f ec t i ve s t ruc ture . This of course r - 1 - - - -- --- , . -- -- - - - - -- -- --

implies a ce r t a in dominant group i n t e r e s t i n maintaining order. But order i s -

r a r e ly prevalent o r i n f a c t necessary. Confl ic t , competition and disharmony - ! a re not a n t i t h e t i c a l t o community s t ruc tu r e nor does order necessar i ly e x i s t

J

i n p a r a l l e l t o "harmonious in te rac t ion" ( ~ a c k s o n 1975: 2 ) . The context may # i

imply a prevai l ing model of c u s t ~ m but t h a t need not be equated t o a concept i 1

s . * of order. The model r a the r is a symbolic and po l i t i ' ca l s t r uc tu r e ( i .e. the

< -

context) which i s u t i l i z e d by the dominant group t o influence other i n t e r e s t -

groups through t he grant ing o r hinderigg of an app l ica t ion fbr re_so_urces-, - - --- 1

!

This does not mean t h a t we must therefore be concerned with con f l i c t - { - - - -

-

reso lu t ion o r s t ruc tured con f l i c t ( ~ a c k s o n 1975). Both imply a Godel f o r

order a s well . Rather i n t h i s t h e s i s 1-have been concerned with intergroup

, . -

competition and t h e situationa-l--rest-ntctwi-%-of context-,--mi+ i s - p o s s i b 3 e A - - --

/.- Accordingly e thn i c i t y emerges as a b a s i s of a c t i on ( a s does c l a s s ) w l p ~

, i n t e r e s t groups, pursuant t o t h e i r goals , seek t o form &' cohesive i n t e r n a l

order and ga in members f o r tQe pursu i t of e i t h e r a s p e c i f i c o r general

i n t e r e s t iil r e l a t i o n t o t h e context . The immigration of ind iv idua l s and.

groups t o a foreign and host soc ie ty , which has i t s -own conformity; - -- - -

necess i t a tes the development of sp@ci f ic responses t o a new context by t h e - -

immigrants. Aspimila.tion i s one such response but t h e r a r i t y of such a -

.development points out t h e d i f f i c u l t y of t o t a l ass imi la t ion and its cont ro l

by o ther gro&as. Accammo-*Fon 2s a o ~ v ~ o p m ~ t ; ; - a - p Z r € i a E acqi&eme-=---

t o t he c o n t r o h t de context . If t h e individual and. &oup, however, chooses, ,

as they more of ten do, t o seek a rev i s ion of t he context they must s e t up a .

new s o c i a l order (conformity) of t h e i r own which w i l l imply t he correctness

of . t h e i r own convention over t h a t of t he ' outs iders ' . ~ i a s s may serve as such

a convention but c l a s s goa$s a r e e s sen t i a l l y ac t ion or iented ( ~ o r c e s e

1975 : 19). They require a quick v ic to ry . The r e s u l t i n Canadian soc ie ty has

more o f ten been a quicker l o s s . Once t h i s l o s s occurs it i s d i f f i c u l t t o hold

members t o an i n t e r e s t which appears t o have l i t t l e chance of v ic to ry o r L

-

requ i res more patience than they were i n i t i a l l y l e d t o an t i c ipa t e .

Ethnic i ty emerges i n t h i s circumstance as a much b e t t e r operat ional .

i n t e r e s t and support base. It provides a conventiofi; 'us ' *- a commonality of

kinship, blood, family, group, language, cu l tu re -- c r i t e r i a which can be ,

both, r e a l a n d symbolic and aga in s t which o t h e r s are- measured .--Xt a l s o -1---

provides an interes* 'ours ' -I which can be ca r r ied out with t he suggort

( t a c i t o r r e a l ) of-a*membership whose commitment i s ra&ly open t o question. '

The support w i l l vary0only according t o t he perceived value of t he i n t e r e s t

a \

-- - - - - - - - --- - - - -- - -

and t he l e v e l t o which it ~ i l l ~ a p p l y . The lowest such l e v e l i s the 'e thnic - - - - - -

community' ; a c o & o ~ & i t ~ h o s e i n t e r e s t s have . . been i n t e r n h i z e d and

,confirmed. The f a c t t h a t it e x i s t s pa in t s out its own' success f o r its

i n t e r e s t i s t o make an individual and pr iva te i d e n t i t y i n t he host soc ie ty

(what had been a publ ic na t iona l o r regional i d e n i i t y i n t h e i r country of '

or ig in ) i n t o a publ ic ' e thn ic ' i e n t ' t y i n . which there i s a c l e a r 4-3 -

understanding of who is a member of t h e community ,and who is an outs ider . I

I d e n t i t y now becomes a publ ic (community) f a c t and a cohesive basis f o r

a c t i on and i n t e r e s t (~e rnandez 1979 : 1 6 ) . There a r e lower l e v e l s , individual ,

family, a concept of sub-cgmmunity, but they e x i s t i n r e l a t i o n t o t he e thnic - pp

community which may o r may not hive a s p a t i a l r e a l i t y ( ~ a s i l i a d i s 1978). - For ,

i n t e r e s t s b e y ~ n d ~ i t s d i r e c t a b i l i t y t he e tht l l~community may a l l y with other

e thnfc communities from the same environment o r with similar e thn ic

communities from another a r ea ; .communities who can agree on a public i d e n t i t y

and so operate as an ' e thn ic group' i n r e d t i o n t o other such groups. But

e thn ic group ~ o p e r a t i m i s r a r e ~ a n L ~ a n b e ~ n t r o L 1 e d ~ by the dominant groups

who may do so i n order t o maintain ' t h e i r 06 dominance;

Ethnici%x;Fs t h e prime framework of group acbion and i n t e r e s t i n t he

Porcupine Camp not only because of i t s a b f l i t y t o hold ind iv idua l s together

but a l s o because of i t s innate s i t u a t i o n a l f l e x i b i l i t y . This f l e x i b i l i t y i s

necessary because t he e thn ic community is influenced by ex te rna l (conforrnity

and po l icy) and i n t e r n a l ( individual) i n t e r e s t s t o which it must respond on a

regular ba s i s . This f l e x i b i l i t y a l s o allows e thn i c i t y t o co-opt and carry O out -- - -- -- - - -p

i n t e r e s t s which a r e p o t exclusively its own. Thus it may co-opt c l@s - J

c r i t e r i a ; an e thn ic group [ ~ r ' ~ r o u ~ s ) may behave group, as

I have demonstrated. But i f t h a t c l a s s i n t e r e s t

f a i l as well. It may dissolve from competing on t he higher (na t iona l ,

.*\ - - - 7 - 2 .- - , i r i 3 l - r , . ^ *. , . h -.

9 '? -

/i -

* - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - --- - - - -- - - --

provi c i a 1 o r regional) l e v e i y e t continue t o operate on t h e e thn ic community - -

l eve l . Within t h a t l e v e l it is r e l a t i v e l y protected from a l o s s of i n t e r e s t ;

only when individuals o r i n t e r e s t groups begin t o operate outs ide t h e e thn ic

-

community, f o r ins tance i n p o l i t i c a l a l l i ance with o ther communities over

f e d e r a l p o l i c i e s such as bil ingualism, does e thn i c i t y become a f f ec t ed by

l a rge r i s sues and i n t e r e s t s . On the wider l e v e l it is l i t t l e wondepthat D

e thn i c i t y may become excepted - as - equivalent - t o such a c r i t e r i o n - - as c l a s s - o r -

-

be contextually defined. That is what e thn ic i ty is, a t ransac t iona l and

c i rcumstant ia l soc io-po l i t i ca l phenomenon. That i s its t r u e baser not -

cu l tu r e , e thn ic i d e n t i t y o r e thn ic group membe~ship. - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - - -- - -- - - - --- - --- - - - - - --

0

This study has attempted a r a the r ambitious examination of i n t e r e thn i c *

r e l a t i o n s which, by necessi ty, has placed 'certain l i m i t s on t h i s t he s i s .

Primary among these l im i t a t i ons has been a lack of a, t r u l y in-depth ana ly s i s

of any s ing le spec i f i c e thn ic community. I csuld have l imi ted myself t o a

s ing le community but - t h i s .would have negated much of t he intergrouz ana lys i s -

. s i t u a t i o n a l examination of e t h n i c i t y on t he community, l e v e l , Such an e f f o r t ,

i f'

however, would have necess i ta ted many more years of study and a l s o precluded +-

1 t h e i n t e r e thn i c focus of t h i s study.

I

a

- - - - - -- - - - -- - - - - - -

X ~ S , APPENDIX I

- - - - - - - - -- - - - .

FIGURE 6 Organizations and Abbreviations. . L

AFL---------- The American Federation of Labour ACFO--------- Association Canadienne-Francaise de llOntario AUUC--------- The Association of United Ukrainian Canadians CLDL--------- The Canadian Labour Defence League CGL---------- T&e Canadian Congress or Labour Cercle------- La Cercle Canad.ien-Francais cpc-- y------- The Comniunist Party of Canada Comintern----The Communist International CIO---------- The Congress of Industrial Organizations Consumers----The Copsurners' Co-operative of Northern Ontario em---------- The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation cuc---------- The Co-operative Union of Canada CFOA--------- The Council for Franco-Ontarian Affairs cpp---------- The Croatian Peasant Party FOC---------- The Finnish Organization of Canada FSOC--------- --- -

'phe Finnish SoCiaIist OFganization of Canada - FLAC ----- ---- The French Language Advisory Committee FO&--------- The Friends of the Museum GWVA--------- The Great War Veterans Association IWW---------- The International Workers of the World (~obblies) I)fMSWU------- . s The International Mine, Mill and Smelter Workersl'Union Lpp----e----- The ~abour-~rogressive Party LSWTJ--------- The Lumber and Sawmill Workers Union Masons------- Golden Beaver Lodge of A.F. 'and F.M. Mine Mill----The Internation51 Mine, Mill and Smelter ~orkers'union MW---------- The Mine Workers' Union of Canada

The On+Bie JJnl;o+--- - - - -2 -- oBU-- -- - - -- PCHS--------- The Porcupine Camp ~istorical Society Prosvita----- The Ukrainian National Federation 'Prosvita' Hall ' SDPC--------- The Social Democratic Party of Canada spc---------- Socialist Party of Canada Steel-------- The" United Steesworkers of America *

T&No--------- Temiskaming and Northern,Ontario Railway TDEA--------- The Timmins and District Ethnic Association UCA---------- The Ukrainian Canadian Association UCC---------- " The Ukrainian Canadian Committee ULDL--------- The Ukrainian Labour Defence League ULFTA-------- The Ukrainian Labour Farmers Temple ~ssociation TJMWA--------- The United Mine Workers of America USDP--------- The Ukrainian Social Democratic Party WM---------- The Western Federation of Miners Workers------ The Workers' Co-operative of New Ontario Limited- WDL---------- The Workers Defense League

1-Ukrainian Museum 2-Porcupine D a t e Club 3-La Honde 4-Ther iaul t High school 5-Timmins High School (New) 6-Moneta Recreation Club 7-Polish white Eagle B a l l 8-Masons Hal l - 9 - ~ d d f elJuws Hal l

Churches 10-6t. Mary's Roumanian Orehodox 11-St. George's Ukrainian Gathol ic 12-Sacred Heart ( I t a l i a n ) Cath$lic 13-St. Hark's Lutheran ( ~ i n n i s h ) 1 4 - ~ h r i - s t Lutheran ( ~ l o v a k ) 15-St. Mathew's Anglican Cathedral 1 &St. Antoine C a t h o l i c Cathedral

(French) 17-Church of t h e N a t i v i t y Ca tho l ic

FIGURE 8 ETHNIC INSTITUTIONS I N THE PORCUPINE CAMP

(*-no longer ex tan t )

-& m a p t i s t Church Chinese Community Center

Croatian Croatian Fra te rna l Union l o c a l " 608' Croatian, Peasant Par ty "Croatian Club Croatian Fra te rna l Union l o c a l '931' 1

~ r ~ a t i a f l u l t u r a l Committee

' East Indians East Indian Ethnic Association

English Orangemen 4

Masons - Golden - - Beaver - - - - Lodge - A.F. and A.M. ~ d d f e l l o w s *Canadian Club *Cagos Club (pre WWII)

I GWA - Great War Veterans Association - became Royal Canadian Legion m e Cornish Society (p re WIT) T h e Lancashire Society (pre WII) Y h e Welsh Club (p r e . WWII) t 7

IODE - Imperial Order of t h e Daughters of the Empire *DOE - Daughters of Errgland (pre WII)

*

FOM - Friends of ' the Museum r 1, APEC - Alliance f o r t h e Preservat ion of English i n Canada

- --- -- - -- - - -- - -- A- - - -- - - - - ---

Finnish fo Finnish S o c i a l i s t Organization - succeeded by (FOC) Finnish

'

Organization of Canada and located i n t he Finnish Halls *Finnish Presbyterian Church group (pre WII) - succeeded by Finnish

United Church *Finnish Loyalist Society %'he Workers' and Farmers Association located i n Harmony H a l l S t . Mark's Lutheran Church S t . John 's Lutheran Church S1 Sp lem Finnish Pentecosta l Church *Workers Co-op Consumers Co-op Porcupine Finnish Club Finnish Ethnic Association

- - - - - - - - - -

French-Canadians S&A&kny's W& - -SaisLAnbLne-Begadoue -rimin---- *Club Champlain - which became Le Cercle Canadien-Francais (pre WII) Bichelieu Club ACFO - Association Canadienne-Francaise de l lOn ta r i a

, - > 1 - _ i( ., A I * i s

. -;i C F G 6 - French Language ~ a d i o ~ ~ t a t i o n - - -- - - - -- - - - - - - -- - pp - - +k

La Ronde - French Canadian C u l t u r a l Center 3 7

-- - ThnT.ix H i p h h o d - - pp ;?2

C 4 -z

Germans - G Gepnan Ethnic Associa t ion

I . 2 f &+

Ind ians - ' t

Ojibway - Cree C u l t u r a l Center A

Treaty Nine Headquarters +

I r i s h Church of t h e N a t i v i t y

I t a l i a n s " I t a l i a n Socie ty ( W W I e r a ) Sacred Heart c a t h o l i c Church 'f

*Sons of I t a l y r re WWII) Moneta Recrea t ional Club The Porcupine Dante Club

-

I t a l i a n Etkmic k s ~ o c i a t ~ o n - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - --

Jews - *Jewish Synagogue *Btnai ~ ' r i t h lodge 1234 . *Jewish C u l t u r a l Associa t ion

P o l i s h P o l i s h White Eagle Socie ty

Rumanians -- - S t . Mar-v' ~Rumanian-Or tho dox Church-

Rumanian Ethnic Associa t ion

Sco t s -

' *The Sons of Scotland (p re WWII) S t . ~ n d r e w ' s Socie ty Daughters of Scot land (Loch Lomand Camp #23) school f o r Gael ic A r t s

Slovak - ' C h r i s t Lutheran Church

Ukrainian i

Ukrainian S o c i a l Democratic P a r t y (USDP~ - s u c c e e b d by Ukrainian Labour Farmers' Temple Associat ion (ULFTA) - succeeded by Associat ion of 9

United Ukrainian Canadians ( A U U C ) i n - t h e Ukrainian H a l l - - - -- -- - - -

*Workers1 Co-op "Ukrainian National Federa t ion ' P r o s v i t a ' Hall

- - pp

S t . George's Ukrainian Cathol ic church-- Ukrainian Cathol ic Women's League Ukrainian Cu l tu ra l -Committee

-

-.. Ukrainian Hal l - became Ukrainian H i s t o r i c a l and Cu l tu ra l Museum

0 .

Mosaic Club

Interethnic *Workers1 Co-op Consumers' Co-op Lions Club Kiwani s CI

Moose *Mine MilT Union Steelworkers Union Timmins and District Mosaic Club

Ethnic Association

FIGURE 9 MounKjoy (M-), Tisdale (T) and-Wstlitney- (w) Townships Ethnic Populations 1921-1971

_ P

-

%own- Dutch s h i p s

- PS- 1 T 24 W -- 1931

16

German Czeck- Hebrew Slovak

---2- - -- -* 3 7 - -

4 -- 93 -- -

4 8 2

'Pinn- i s h

-43- ' 168

15

116

I ta l - i an

- - 20- 439

5

5 3 T 49 W - - 1941

' 7 T 61

15 480

5 4 584

3 4

- - - - - - 303 45 5 9

15 5 19 262 53 131

16 - - -

P o l i s h Huss- Scand- i a n aavian

- - - -- 4

180 32 - - 4 2 3 - -

-

8 1 7 466 j 69 113 1

19 5 - - 44 .

-

1 - - - -- - -

-

-

- "

F---

. -

81 790

W 1 7 1 225 1951 0

T NO COMPARABLE DATA AVAILABLE -

w ' .

- 422 -

= ~

_ 15 3 2 172 116 65

5 8 9 4

1961 1

T 55 W 3 0 1971

15 T 65 W -- - -

C I

18 262 70

-- -- -- --

-

4 1 16 308 43 8 1

4 8 -- 19 - - - - - --

55 -- 195 20 305

10

E; 1 K. 2,

- - -- - - - - - - 17 - - - - - - a

9 5 - - - - ~ 2 3 5 _ -- 20 115 -- - - -,

3 830

19 -

30 730

3n , . --

~ o u n t j o y -(M); TiSElale (T) -8Rd WhitnG (w) Townships E thn ic Popu la t ions 1921-1971

Town- ships 1921 M - T

UkrainJHung- Human- Other Chin- Syr ian Other I n d i a n Unknown &an

1 37

a r x a n i a n Europ. e s e As ians Eskimo Others

-- -- -- -- - - - - -- 5 -- -- 211 23 27 - - - - --

Year Populat ion •‹ 1912 600 1913 --- 1914 935 1915- --.- 1916 --- 1917 --- - 1918 ---

- 1919 --- I 920 ---

- 2 W i o n , & 9 1 7 - 1 y 3 L Year Populat ion Year Population 1931 14,484 1950 25,779 1932 16,318 1951 26,385 1933 17,061 1952 25,910 1934 1.7,535 1953 25,910 1935 19,076 1954 26,713 1936 20,076 1955 27,342 1937 23,622 1956 27,297 1938 25,119 1939 26,345 1958 1957 28,17 27t?

Year Populat ion 1969 27,937 1970 27,803 1971 27,863 1972 27,903 Amalgamation 1973 43,990 1974 42,893 1975 43,988 1976 44,261 1977 44,815 -

1978 44,251 -- 1979 43,857 1980 44,513

H --.highest populat ion ---- - -- - --

-FIGURE I2 Immigrant Populat ion By Period of ~ m r n i ~ r a t i o n .l2/O - 1961

Period E t %o v 1910 - 1920 - 1924 - 1 s o - -zlo~&----- 1-39- . --

464 799

1931 - 1940 ' 150 1941 - 1945 44

314 12

1946 - 1950 722 428 32 .

294 ..,

1951 - 1955 1,487 826 661 - 1956 - 1961 2,017 1,057 960

Tota l

- --

- / -

' FIGURE I 3 -

-

Timmins Mount joy Tisdale Whitney

B r i t i s h , French and ~ t h n i c *population S h i f t 1951 - 1971 - 1951- 1961 - 1971

B r i t i s h French Ethnic-Bri t ish French E t h n i c - ~ r i t id--~rsnch Ethic---- -10,065 11,495 6,185 8,822 13,243 7,205 8,470 14,195 5,875

- '- --a --- - - -

- 247 -1.117 - - L2,--6 - --- --- - -- - --- --- ---

3,374 908 3,653 3,685 1,525 298% 643 314 537 1,030 485 485

. . I I I - I I I I 1 I I I I I I I l l 1 I Ill I I I 1 1 1 I I I Ill I I I 1 1 1 1 I I !I! I I I ili 7; i I Ill dl I I Ill * I I I I l l a 1 I I 1 1 1 9 1 1 I I n 1 b4 I I I

I 1 1 1 1 - I I I W L O I I I H C c I I I I ~ or I I lU? I I l l I I I I C 0 1 l l l m E = I I I M I I I I C I I I M I I I I ~ I l l l L U I l L Y

F3 1s 3% I l l

1 U l

- The Fieldwork,Experience: - - - - - - -

In add i t ion t o t h e s e c t i o n on fieldwork i n t h e f irst chapter of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n I add t h e s e ext ra comments which, while not d i r e c t l y appropr ia te t o t h e text i t s e l f . a r e necessary t o an under- -

s tznding of t h e fieldwork experience which shaped t h i s s tudy. I h ~ v e ettempted throughbut t h i s work. consciously and, i n p a r t ,

unconsciously, t o smooth out t h e fialdwork condi t ions I experienced end WPS a f f e c t e d b y in my r o l e a s researcher . While t h i s was d e s i g m d t o add c l ~ r i t y t o t h e ene lys i s and maintain adherence t o a c e n t r a l theme, it has necess i t e t ed a muting of my experiences and t h e i r e f f e c t on t h e work done.

As an ind iv idua l r e ses rcher I have a l r e a d y focussed t o a de4re-e on t h e f ieldwork prok lems t h a t I came up aga ins t but I wiah t o y k e c l e a r t h c t I wss ~ ~ n d e r inf luences which shaped my approach t o

=- these pro? lems end thus t o t h e research i t s e l f . Cer ta in ly a s a researcher i n 2 v i r t u a l l y unknown cornrnunitf, my a b i l i t y t o e n t e r i n t o ' discuss ions with community members was, a f t e r a l l , t h e whole point of t h e exerc ise . The difficulties I faced were minimized by q y own e t ~ i l i t y t o respond s i t u a t i o n a l l y t3 inforGints and condil5ons a s I- found them.

1-1:- own e t h n i c i d e n t i t y a s a Greek Macedonian ( ~ a s i l i " a i 8 1978) was pn T n s t ~ m e n t a l nsse t i n t h e s e endeavors.' ' h e n addressing French o r En€lish C ~ n a d i a n i n f o r m n t s I r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i e d m p e l f a s a Greek. T?,e g e n e r ~ l h c k of knowledge abmk Ihcedonjrns by most Canadians would have forced me t o go i n t o a long eq l -a t ion before each b-berriew. ~ n d even then d i d not g u e r m t e e ready acceptance, creek i d e n t i t y , howTver, wf s e a s i l y und'erstood a d offered no i n t e r p r e t i v e problems.

Nevertheless, f b r Croatian, Ukrdinian, Slovak and R w n i a n informants, it was more advsntfigeous t o present ~lryself a s a Macedonian a nd thus- P s e f e*low - ~ - l a v ~ w f i o ~ ~ k r 8 s i m i ~ ~ ~ a n ~ u ~ e ~ - 1 1 1 - thas eP---- ins t snces i t was necessary t o provide a n explana+iOn i n order t o provide a common ground of experience.

In point of f a c t my i d e n t i t y may have had an opposite e f f e c t from t h a t one would suppose. C e r t a i n l y my identity-and language c s p a b i l i t y would l eed one t o expect t h e t my g r e a t e s t success would l i e i n t h e S l a v i c e thn ic communities. But t h e community t h a t was most open t o my cpestions-was t h e Finnish community t o which I chose t o i d e n t i f ~ a s dreek. Tde Croatian and Ukrainian communities were o f t en t h e most d i f f i c u l t t o pene t ra te and rece ive answers from. Perhaps t h i s was due t o t h e schismatic problems i n t h e s e p a r t i c u l a r communities and t h a t my presence might w e l l have a ided and a b e t t e d one o r not her i n t e r n e l i n t e r e s t group over others. I c e r t a i n l y found myself being co-opted by one g >up o r another and being asked m(y opinion on l o c ~ l sub jec t s and. condit ions. I had t o s t e p l i g h t l y i n o f f e r i n g ony answers t-o profered ques t ions o r e l s e 3 would have - --

keen i n dpnger of b e i perceived a s supporking one o r another f ac t ion . , This i s no t t o I -a ~asbrsf -tsmperW-sb--

I WP; of ten caught i n s i t u a t i o n s t h a t might have been seen as support ing one p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t group but I made it a r u l e t o alwsys seek opposing opinions and focus on a middle g ~ o u n d when forming my own opinion.

~ ~ ~ c o m m e n t s ckkd d i r e c t & zxffeet rqy reso&chasforexaq&+---------- t h e F i n i sh Informant who c o n s p i r a t o r a l l y vo iced ,he r b e l i e f t h a t 4 t h e t t h was dsngerous. This happened solnewhat e a r l y i n ~qy experiences end it would not bze u n f a i r t o say t h a t t h i s i t e m s tayed in my mind throughout my f ieldwork and shaped my ana lys i s . I have attempted t o downplay i ts a f f e c t but t h e in f luence remains and I would never wish t o completely deny i t s importance.

If informants influenced nie then I no l e s s inf luenced t h e work of t h o s e &%searchers from t h e York - Tinunins Proje,ct who joined me i n t h e summer of 1982. The p r o j e c t was designed around @ fieldwork. end q y rca l i=at . ion t h a t t h e e t h n i c communitieA i n Timmins -were more , numerous and complex than i n i t i a l l y bel ieved. A s a r e s u l t e e r t a i n .

) a r e s and communities were i d e n t i f i e d f o r more i n t e n s i v e r e s e a r c h . U t i l i z i n g my background information t h e p ro jec t r e sea rchers c a r r i e d out t h e i r own ana lyses . A l l r e sea rchers , while carrying out o f t en divergent research problems. d i scussed t h e i r f i n d i n g s and problems on E g e i l y b a s i s with me. t h e f i e l d d i r e c t o r , and t h e o the r researchers . Their information-served t o &up&ement my o m . - - -

Cer ta in ly t h e pu t%l ic? t ion of t h e p ro jec t working' papers ( ~ i ~ i a c ~ m o 1953; b m 1981; Vpsi l i ad i s 1983) added t o my a v a i l a b l e i r i fo rm~t ion though t h i s was pn add i t ion a f t e r t h e s o l i d i f i c a t i o n of qy own research. The working papers were a d i r e c t response t o t h e lonpstendinp f ieldwork ques t ion on t h e benef i t of research t o t h e community; a recognit ion t h a t any research had ( o r should have) a reverse o t l i g a t i o n foy t h e resea rchers t o r e t u r n some of t h e informetion i n a r e a d i l y e c c e s s i b l e form, t o t h e community.

Even t h i s leudehle p o s i t i o n forms i ts own i n n a t e problems. - As we have e l ready seen Timmins was a community which was going -

throuph - his to r iopraph ica l - - c r i s i s . Our research might we l l only - --

serve t o e x i c e r t a t e a 1 r ea dy exist ingApr3k lemSTPT h i 3 T s s O m e t - t l l n g ~ we must thf ik ' about kut it mipht be a quest ion f o r another p n e r a t i o n .

- of resesi-chers .

4 6'

. XVII. RWERENCE~ CITED 4 - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - --

"g ,.

Abella, I . M . , 1973 Nationalism, Communism and Canadian Labour, Toronto, University of

Toronto Press.

------------ ,- and Mil lar , D . , .(eds , ) , 1978 The Canadian Worker'in t h e Twentieth Century, Toronto, Oxford

un ivers i ty Press. u

-

Adellard. M.A.. f s-

1982 he Key fnf ormant Technique :A Non-Ethnographic ~ ~ ~ l i c a t i b d ~ , F ie ld Research:a Sourcebook and F ie ld Manual, ed i ted by R.G. Burgess, pp. 9'8-104, London, George, Allen and Unwin Ltd. -

Anderson, G.M., . 1974 Networks of Contact :The Portuguese i n Toronto, Waterloo, Ontario,

Wifred Laurier University Publ. -

1981 Ethnicity i n Canada:Theoretical Perspectives, Toronto, Buttersworths and Co. Ltd.

Anderson, A.B., @

1982 "The ' I nv i s ib l e Majority' I n CanadazIn Search of t he Anglo-Canadian -

~ t h n i r G r o u p " , &, Canadian Ethnic Studies Association Bul le t in , I X ( ~ ) : 1 , 17-18. -

Angus, I. , I 1981 Canadian Bolsheviks, Montreal, Vanguard Publ.

- - -- --- -

Arensburg, C.M., 1961 "The Community as 0b j ec t and as Sample", i n , . American Anthropologist -

63:241-318.

Arnopoulos, S.M., 1982 Voices From French Ontario, Montreal, McGill-Queen's University Press.

Association of United Ukrainian Canadians, - 1978 Our Commitment To The Future i n A United Canada, Wiqnipeg, Yanitoba. 4 .

Avakumovic, I . , 1975 The Communist Par ty of Canada, Tordnto, McClelland and Stewart Ltd,

Avery , D. , 1975 "Continental European Immigrant Workers -in Canada 1896-191+:fr-o~--

' s t a lwar t peasants ' t o qadical p ro l e t a r i a t " , &I, Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology_, 12 (l) : 53-64. - -- - -

r--------,

1977 "The Immigrant I ndus t r i a l Worker i n Canada 1896-1 91 9 :'The Vert ical -

i Mosaic as an His to r ica l Real i ty , - Toronto, Peter Martin Assoc. 4 - f I d e n t i t i e s , ed i ted hy W. Isajiw,

9

-

-

- -- -

-

---------

Power and P o l i t i c s i n Canada, e d i t e d by J. Dahlie and T. Fernando, pp.68-93,'Toronto, Methuen Publ ica t ions . .-

Baer, D.E., and Lambert, R.D. , =I982 "Education and support f o r dominant ideology" &, Canadian Review of

Sociology and Anthropology, 19(2) : 113-1 95. -

B+iley, F.G., 1971 G i f t s and Poison:The P o l i t i c s of Reputat ion, Toronto, Copp Clark. .

Baker, D.G. , 1977 "E thn ic i ty , Development and Power:Canada i i n Comparative Perspect ive" ,

i n i d e n t i t i e s , e d i t e d by W . 1 = 3 i w , pp; 109-131, Toronto,-Peter -9

Martin Associa tes Ltd. -

Barnes, M., 1975 Gold i n t h e Porcupine, Cobalt , Ontario, Cobalt Book S t o r e ,

-

Eurry, J . D . , k 1913a "The Porcupine Miners of Ontario", in, The I n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t

Review, pp ,605-606, kebruary.

-

-

B e l l , D., 1975 "Ethnic i ty and Soc ia l Change", &, ~ t h n i c i t ~ : ~ h e o r ~ and' Experience,

e d i t e d by N . Glazer and D.P. Moynihan, pp. 141-174, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univers i ty P ress .

- -

t B e l l , C . , and H. Newby, 1971 Community S tud ies , . London, George Allen and ~ n w i n Ltd.

I , Bennett , J.W.,

1969 The Northern Plainsmen, Arl ington Heights , I l l i n o i s , A.H.M.*bl. 9

Cmp . I pip 6

- - - - - - - - f --- - -- - -1- Berdichewsky, B . , i

1978 "Class and Ethnic Consciousness:The Case of t h e Mapuche Ind ians of I Chile", i n , Pe r spec t ives i n E thn ic i ty , e d i t e d by R.E. Holloman and i S . A . ~ r u z u n o v , pp .375-388, The Hague, Mouton Pub1 .

Bernard, J . , - i

1973 W e Sociology of Community, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , Scott-Foresman.

Barry* J L . KalFn, ~,+an&h&or,n.~ .-,- L -

1976 ~ulticulturalism and.Ethnic Attitudes in Canada, Ottawa, Ministry of Supplies and Services.

Boissevain, J., 1970 The ~talians of Montreal: Social Adjustment in a Plural soci&ty,

Ottawa, Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism.

/- Bradwin, E.W., + rn

'1928 The Bunkhouse Man, flew York, Columbia University Pressw -

Breton,.R., 1964 "Institutional Completeness of Ethnic Communities and the Personal . -

Relations of Immigrants", -' in Anerican ~ o u r G l of Sociology, 170:193-205.

- 0 ----------

1 974 "EfXnZ c Plu=$im Zfi~t-~o== ~?jTfiCl-i;@y Tn -* Hman Re-hf f oW-22r &flip p-=

---------- . hb

1978a "The Structure of Relationships Between Ethnic Collectivities", in, .The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic, edited by L. Driedger, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Ltd., pp.55-73. -

1978b "~thnic Stratification Viewed From. Three Theoretical Pershectives" , + in Social Stratification: Canada, edited by J. Curtis and-W. Scott, -9

pp.270-294, Scarborough, Prentice-Hall.

1978~ "stratification and Conflict ~<tween Ethnolinguistic Communities with Different Social Structures", &I, Canadian Review of Sociology and . A~thropology , 15(2), 148-157.

---------- , J. Burnet, N. Hartmann, W. Isajiw, and.J. Lennards, 1975 "Research Issues On Canadian Cultures and Ethnkc Groups:An Analysis Of

-A Conference, - in, Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 12(1) :81-94.

---------- , Reitz, J.G., and Valentine, V., 1980 Cultural Boundaries and the Cohesion of Canada, Montreal, The

Institute for Research on Public Policy.

Briggs, J,, - - - - - -- - --- -

1971 "Strategies of Perception:The Management of Ethnic Identity", &I, Patrons and Brokers in the East Arctic, edited by R. Paine, pp.55-73, St. John's, Nfld., Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial - x

University. -

Bullivant, B.M., 1981 "Multiculturalism:Pluralist Orthodoxy or Ethnic Hegemony", &I,

Canadian Etbic Studies, 8(2) : 1-22. -

Bulmer, M . I . A . , 1975 " S n ~ o g i c a l Models of t h e Mining Community", i n , Sociolbgical

Review, 23:61-92.

d

Burnet, J . , / 1978 "The Policy of Multiculturalism within 'a ~ilP-1 Frdework:A t Stock-taking" , in, Canadian Ethnic Studies 10(2) : 107-1 13. - -. -

Burgess, E.W., 1947 llAccomodationl', &, Encyclopedia of t he s o c i a l Sciences vol . I - 11,

pp ,403, New York , Macmillan Company. b

Burgess, R .G. , 1982 F ie ld Research:Sourcebook and F ie ld Xanual, Boston, George Allen and

- Uiiuin . Caesar. C . . >-

1939 he -s tory of t h e Prospectors and t he Porcupine 1909-1939, Timmins, Porcupine Prospectors Assoc.

- - - - - - - -

Calemon, A . A . , 1912 "Ontario Mines and Miners", in, Empire Club Speeches, Toronto,

pp .163-165, February 29.

Canada Manpower and Immigration, -

1974 Canadian Immigration and Population Study, Vo1.2, Ottawa. Information

# ~ a h a d a ,

Canada Census, 1921-1971, Ottawa, Queen's P r in t e r . \

4

- T h e Canadian-Mini@aur~ld--- - - - - -

1913 "The Labour Question i n Porcupine", 34:198-199. ' ~ a r r , E .H . , \

1961 What Is History?, New York, Penguin Books.

Casson, A.M., and G r i f f i t h , A . I . , 1981 ''Class and Ethnicity-:Producing the Difference t h a t Counts", in,

Canadian Ethnic S t u d i e s , 8 (1) : 109-129. P

Chaperoh-Lor, D . , 1974 'Une minorite s 'expl ique, Toronto, Ontario I n s t i t u t e f o r Studies in,

Etlucation.

Chimbos, P.D., u. 1980 The Canadian-Odyssey, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart - - - - - --

Churchil l , S . , -- - -

1975 "Recherches recentes s u r lebiTin~~Smeee€Feducation des Francophones minor i ta i res du C"anada:l'example"ontarien, in, Bilingualism i n Canadian Education, 3 : 27-61 .

.Clairmont, D. , and BB, -Wien, "Race Relations i n Canada", s, Sociological Focus 9(2):185-197.

e

. B

- 4 3 1 -

1962 The evel lop in^ Canadian Community, Toronto, Universi ty of Toronto - 'Press;-- -

1966 The pos i t ion of the French-Speaking Population i n t he %or them I n d u s t r i a l Communit~, a r epo r t prepared f o r t he Royal Commission on . Bilingualism and Biculturalism, February.

----------- 1971 "The Posi t ion of the French-Speaking Population i n t h e Northern

I n d u s t r i a l Community", 9, Canadian SocietyrPluralism. Change and Conflict , ed i t ed by R .3 . Ossenberg , pp .62-85, Scarborough, Ontario, Prentice--HaU Ltd. . --- - q - - - -

----------- 1976 Canadian Society i n H i s to r i ca l Perspective, Toronto, McGrau-Hill

Ryerson Ltd.

Clement, W . , 1975 The Canadian Corporate EliterAn Analysis of Economic E l i t e s , Toronto,

McClelland and Stewart Ltd.

1981 Hardrock Mining, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart.

Cobalt Daily Nug~et . 1912, 1913. - --- - -- -- - - - -- -- - -

Cohen, A . , 1969 Custom and p o l i t i c s i n Urban Africa, Berkeley, University of

Cal i fornia Press.

1974a Urban Ethnic i ty , London, Tavistock Publ. -

1974%~ Two Dirnenskonal Mantan essay on t h e anthropology of power and sym~olism i n complex soc ie tx , London, Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Cohen, A.P., 1975 The Management of Myth:The P o l i t i c s of Legitimation i n a Newfoudland

Community, S t . Johns' Nfld., I n s t i t u t e of Socia l and Economic - - - - - - - - - - - --

Research; Memorial Universi ty. 0

GemeE, a<, - - -- - - - -

l.

1909 The Foreigner, Toronto, Westminster Press.

Connor, R. , 1977 "Nation-Building o r Nation destroying", i n , Race, ethnic it^ and S o c h l

Change, edi ted by J. Stone, pp. 238-269, North Sc iu ta te , Duxbury Press.

- 432 -

Conseil des AlTaires Fr

1979-1 980 W t r i e m e rapport.annue1, Toronto.

Consumers' Co-operative Minutes. 1932-1961, ~Timmins , Ontario.

Dahlie, J., and Fernando, T., 1981 "Reflections on Ethnic i ty and the Exercise of Power:An Introductory

Note, - i n , Ethnic i ty , Power and P o l i t i c s , pp.1-5, Toronto, Methuen Publ. ,

Dahrendorf, R . , 1959 Class and Class Conflict i n Indus t r i a l ~ o c i e t ~ , Stanford, Cal i fornia ,

-

~ t a r i f o r d University Press .

Darroch, G . , 1981 "Urban e_thnicity i n Canada:personal ass imi la t ion and p o l i t i c a l

communit<es" , - i n , Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 18c1):93-100. -

- - - - -

, -

Dawson, C.A. , 1936 Group Sett lement, Toronto, Macmillan ~b .

/'

Dennis, N . , F. Hqnriques, and L. Slaughter, .. f

1956 Coal Is Our L i fe , London, Eyre and Spo t t i s Woode.

Deverell , J . , e t a l , 1975 Fa1conbridge:Portrai.t of A CanadiAn Mining Multinational , Toronto,

James Lorimer and Co.

DiGiacamo, J.L., 1982 They Live I n The Moneta:An dkerview of the History and Changes i n

b Social Organization of I t a l i a n s i n Timmins, Ontario, Toronto, Working

paper number 2 , York Timmins Pro jec t , Ethnic Research Programme, York University.

,

, gominion Management Associates Ltd., 1960 Economic Survey Of The Town of Timmins, Ontario, Canada, Toronto.

Driedger, L . , 1976 "Ethnic Self-1dentity:A Comparison of Ingroup Examinations, in,

Sociometry, 39(2) : l 3 l - l 4 l . 1, -----------

1978 T h e Canadian Ethnic Mosaic, Toronto, McClelland and Stewark Ltd.- -

f

&gland, R. , -- -- - -

' 1929 The Central European Immigrant i n Canada, Toronto, Maciillan Co.

Faludi and Associates, 1967 The Future of Timmins:An Urban Renewal Study, ,Toron'to; Town Planning

Consultants Ltd.

black- Skin, White Pfask, New Yorky- Grove-Press .- - --- -- ppp

1977 The Heirs of ~ o r d Durham; Haniifesto of a Vanishing People, O t t a w a , Burns and Macl?achern Ltd.

-

Fernandez, R.L., 1979 The Social Meaning O f Being Portuguese Canadian, Toronto, -

Mult icul tura l History Society of Ontario.---

Feuer, L.S., (&.), 1959 Marx and Engels, Garden City,*N.Y,, Anchor Books.

Forcese, D., 1975 The Canadian Class S t ruc ture , Toronto, ~ c ~ i a w - ~ i l i Ryerson Ltd .

, - Foster , G.M.,

1965 "Peasant Society and t he Image of Limited Good", in, American Anthropologist 67:293-315.

- - - - - - - - - - - - --

Foster , K . , 1926 Ouc Canadian Mosaic, Toronto, Young Women's Chris t ian Association.

Francis , E.K., 1976 ~ n t e r e t h n i c Relations :An ~ssay i n Sociological heo or^, New York,

Elsevier S c i e n t i f i c Publ. Co.

Frene t te , N . , 1984 "The Recent Ideological Evolution of the Association

Canadienne-Francaise De LIQn$ario and t he Struggle f o r Symbolic Power", paper hresented t o t he Ontario Association of Sociologis ts and.

- A n t h r o p o l o g ~ s t ~ C o n f erence f l o r o l r t c r - - -

Fromm, E. , (ed . ) , 1967 Marx's Concept of Man, New York, F. Ungar Ltd.

Gaida, P.R., et a l , 1967 Lithuanians i n Canada, Toronto, Lights Pr in t ing and Publishing C O . '

Ltd.

Gardner, R..C., and R. Kalin, 1 1981 A Canadian Soc ia l Psychology of Ethnic Relations, n to , ~ e k h u e n

Pub1 . -

Geertz, C . , (ed . ) , 1963 Olb S m i d i e s a T l r l ~ ~ ~ . u York+!be-Eree_PreSSt -

Gibbon, J.M., 1938 Canadian Mosaic, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Ltd.

- - - - - - - --

Gla,zer, N . , and Moynihan, D.P., 1975 Ethnicity:Theory and Experience, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univers i ty

- - - - Press. - - - - - - - -- --

5 -

' Glenday, D. , L

1981 Dependency, Class Re la t ions an$ P o l i t i c s i n Rouyn-Noranda, ~ u e b e c . Ph.D d i s s e r t a t i o n , Car le ton Univers i ty .

Gluckman, M . , =- %

S i t u a t i o n i n Modern ~ul;land", &,=Bantu S tud ies - - ,C(s

@

- 7,-

-

Gold, G.L',, 1975 S t . Pasca l : Changing Leadership a& S o c i a l o r i a n i z a t i o n i n a Quebec,

Town, Toronto, Hol t , Rinehart and Winston Ltd. - Golds te in , J . E; , and R .M. Bienvenue ,

1980 E t h n i c i t y and Ethnic R e l G i o n s I n Canada, Toronto, Buttersworth and Co. Ltd. -

Gordon, M . M . , 1964 Ass imi la t ion i n American ~ i f l : ' h e Role of Race, ~ e l i g i o n , and National

- Origins,New York, Oxford Univers i ty Press. '

1975 "Toward a General TQeory of Racia l and Ethnic Group Rela t ions" , in, Ethn ic i ty : Theory and Experience, e d i t e d by N. Glazer and D.P. . . Moynihan, pp.84-110, cambridge,-c ass,; Harvard University.Psess;;

- ------------ 1978 Human Nature, Class and E t h n i c i t y , New York, Oxford Univers i ty Press .

-- - -- -- - - - - - -- - - -- --- - -- - - - . -

Grand Trunk Railway System, e

1912 The. Porcupine Gold F i e l d s and t h e Cobalt. S i l v e r ~ i $ e s , NorFthern 1

Ontario, Canada, March. i i

- Haas, J . , and W. S h a f f e r , ( e d . ) , . G

1978 Shaping I d e n t i t y i n Canadian S o c i e t ~ , S c a r b o r o u g h , Ontar io , Prent ice-Hall of Canada. -

- I -

Handlin, O . , -

1951 The Uprooted, Boston, L i t t l e , Brown and Co. -

d

~ a r n e y , R .F. , a n d Troper , H; , I

1973 1mmigrants:A P o r t r a i t of t h e Urban Experience, Toronto, Van Nostrand I

Reinhold Ltd, i Hawkins, F. ,

1972 G m A a & I & p * * k - W e y aa& Publ ic G e ~ ~ c r n , m t r c a l , McGill-Queen's Univers i ty Press . . - -

Haywood, V . , 1922 Romantic Carrada, New York. -

Heinonen, A . I . , - -

1930 Finn i sh F r i ends i n Canada,- Toronto, Board of Missions of i h e United -

Church of Canada. - -

Henderson, M.C., -1

1975 ' "The E thn ic i ty Fac to r i n Angl Cana'dian F o l k l o r i s t i c s , in, Canadian Ethnic S tud ies 7(2) 17-18, / -

Hodgins, B. W. , -

1976 P a r a d i s of Temagami, Cobalt , Ontar io , Highway Book Store . -

- ---

- Hofley, J . R . ,

. 1981 "John P o r t e r t h i s a&lysis of c l a s s and h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o Canadian

Sociology", i n , Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, - -

/d\ 18 (5) : 595-60r - - - - - - - - - - -- - -

A

Hogan, B.F., 1980 CobaltrYear of t h e S t r i k e 1919, Cobalt , Ontar io , Highway Bookstore.

Hopkins, J . C . , 1913 F r e n c k Canada and t h e S t . Lawrence, Philadephia, John Winston Co . ,

2- Horbwitz, D.L.,

1975 "Ethnic I d e n t i t y " -) i n E thn ic i ty : Theory a n d l k p e r i e n c e , e d i t e d by N. - Glazer and D.P. Moynihan, pp.1ii-140, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univers i ty P ress . -

-- - - - - - - -- - - -- - - - - -- - - -- - - - --

Horowiitz, G . , - -

1968 Canadian Labour I n P o l i t i c s , Toronto,. Univers i ty of Toronto P ress . -

Hsu, F.L.K., L

1969 The Study of L i t e r a t e C i v i l i z a t i o n s , Toronto, Hol t , Rinehart and Winston, - -

Hughes, E.C., , 1943 - French Canada i n T r a n s i t i o n , Chicago, Univers i ty of Chicago Press . -

1971 The ~ o c i o l o ~ i c a l Eye, New- York, Aldine-Atherton. -

Hunter, A.A. , 1981 Class Tel1s:On S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y i n Canada, Toronto, Butterworth and

- - -- -- - -- - - - -- --

Co. Ltd. - -

-

T&S; B . A . , - -- - --

t

1936 Sett lement and t h e Mining F r o n t i e r s , Toronto, MacMillan Co.

Isajiw, W.W.,1974 "Def in i t ions of Ethnicity"., &I, E t h n i c i t y 1:111-124.

1975 "The ~ r o c e s s of Maintenance of Ethnic 1dent i ty :The Canadian Context", i n Sounds Canadian, e d i t e d by P.M.,Migus, pp.129-138, Toronto,Peter -9

Martin Assoc, +

- A Jackson, J.D.,

1973 " I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d C o n f l i c t : '$he 6 a n c o - ~ n t a r ' i a n Case" * - i n , Communities and Cu l tu re s i n French Canada, ed i t ed -by G.L. Gold and M.A. Tremblaye pp.218-242, Toronto, Hol t , Rinehar t and Winston Ltd.

1975 Community and Conf l ic t rA Study of French-English Re la t ions i n Ontar io, Canada, Toronto, Hol t , Rinehar t and Winston Ltd. -

Jaenen, C. J. , -

1977 " In t roduc t ion - Ethnic Studies:An I n t e g r a l P a r t of Canadian S tudies" , i n I d e n t i t i e s , e d i t e d by W. Isajiw, pp. x i - x v i i , Toronto, P e t e r -' Martin a s s o c i a t e s .

- - -

-

Johnson, L.A., -

1972 "The Development of Class i n Canada i n t h e Twentieth Centuryst, i n - - - -

- Capi ta l i sm and t h e Na t iona l - ! e s t i o ? , e d i t e d by G. Tseple , pp. 1 ~ : 1 8 ~ , Toronto, Un ive r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s . *

Kal len , E., 1982 ~ t h n i c i c ~ and Human n i g h t s i n Canada, ~ o r o i t o , Gage Publ. Co.

- Kent, J . , 1966 "Agr icu l ture i n t h e Clay B e l t of Northern Ontar io" , in, The Canadian

Geographer 10 (2 ) : 117-126. - -

-

Kerri , J,N. , - - -- -- - - -- - - - --- - -- - - -

1976 "Studying Voluntary Assoc ia t ions as Adaptive Mechanisms:A Review of Anthropological Pe r spec t ives" , 'in, Current Anthropology i 7 ( l ) : 23-35,

. - -

Kolasky, J . , 1979 The S h a t t e r e d I l l u s i o n , Toronto, P e t e r Martin Assoc.

Koski , V . , -

1980 ~ o u r n a l of V ic to r Koski, Timmins, Ontar io , n.d. . T r a n s l a t e d by V. Lindstrom-Best, e d i t e d by A . Seager. ~ i n n i s h - C a n a d i a n H i s t o r i c a l Soc ie ty (7633-~11) , Toronto, Pub l i c Archives of Ontar io .

t -

Kos-Rabcewics-Zubkowski, L., 1968 The Po le s i n Canada, Torohto, ~ o f i s h Al l i ance re& Ltd.

, J

Kostash, M , , I - - A

1977 A l l of Baba 's Chi ldren , Edmonton, A lbe r t a , ~ u E t k Publ. Ltd. - + - - -

-

- - - --- - - --

* K O V ~ C S , M.L., ed . , 1978 Ethnic Canadian:Culture-and Education, Winnipeg, Canadian ~ t h n i c - -

Research Center . -

- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - -- - - -- -

Kuper, L . , 6 -

1972 "Race, Class and Power", &, Comparative Pe r spec t ives i n Sociology and His tory , T 4 T 7 i @ G E Z L p "

-

Krawchuk, P., 1974 The Ukrainians i n Winnipeg's F i r s t Century, Toronto, Kobzar Publ. Co.

- Ltd. -

x

1979 The ~ k r i i n i a n s o c i a l i s t Movement i n Canada 1907-1918, Toronto, Progress Books.

Kremir , S . , 1966 "1928rA S to ry t o Remember". Repr in t , in, The Ukrainian Canad%an, - -

pp.16-29, Apr i l , 1981. *e --

Laine, E.W.,- 1981a "Finnish Canadian Radicalism and Canadian Po1it ics:The F i r s t For ty

Years 1900-1940", in, Ethn ic i tg , Power and P o l i t i c s , e d i t e d by J. - Dahlie and -T . Sernando , +3,94412, T o ~ o n t o , Methaen Pub1 . - - - - - - - - -- - - - - -

- - /

, ----------- 1

1981b " ~ a t i l n a l F inn i sh Organizat ion i n h d a " , &I, Polyphony 3(2):81-90.

Lam, L., 1983 "The Whites Accept U s Chinese -NowW:The changing Dynamics O f Beinq

. Chinese I n Timmins, Toronto, Working paper number 4 , York Timmins P r o j e c t , Ethnic Research Programme, York Univers i ty .

Lamy, P * , -

1977 "TheFrench - - - - - - - - Language - -- i n Ontar io~Renaissance , S tagnat ion o r C o l l a p s e ? Y , ~ ~

paper presented t o t h e American Anthropological Associat ion meetings, - Houston, December.

- ,* - -

L a p o i n t e , J,, and Lee, D . J . , . -

1975 "Socia l C o n f l i c t and Community organiza t ion: he cases of Sturgeon F a l l s and Timmins", paper p'resented a t t h e Language and Community Conference,

,J- .. Lea-ch, E. , -

1954 p o l i t i c a l Systems of Highland Burma,, Boston, Beacon Press .

LeBourdais, D.M., L I

1957 Metals and Menrthe s t o r y of Canadian Mining, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Ltd.

-

- - - - -- -- - - - -- - Lee, D . J . , and Lapointe, J . ,

1974 "Plural ism and Ontario CommunitiestCornwall, Timmins, - Stmgem TaTfs paper presented a t t h e Canadian

Sociology and Anthropology Congress, Toronto.

1975 "Conf l ic t Over Schools i n a Multi-Ethnic Saciety:A Case Study", - unpublished manuscript , Department - of Sociology, Univers i ty of

O t t a q . -

1979 "The Emergence of Franco-0ntarians:New M e n t i t y , New-Boundariesw,-&, - Two Nations, h n y Cultures: ~ t h n i c Groups i n Canada, e d i t e d by J .L.

-

E l l i o t t , pp.99-113, Scarborough, Ontar io , P r e n t i c e H a l l Ltd.

L idd le , W . , -

1970 E t h n i c i t y , Pa r ty and Nat ional 1ntegration:An Indonesian Case Study, New e v e n , Conn., Yale Univers i ty P ress .

-

Linda l , W.J., -

1967 The Ice lander s of Canada, Winnipeg, National Publ: Co. and Viking P r i n t e r s . - - -

Lindstrom-Best , v., 1981a "Finns i n Canada", in, ~ o l ~ ~ h o n ~ 3 ( 2 ) : 3-15.

------------------ 1981b "Central o r&niza t ion bf t h e Loyal Finns i n Canada", &, Polyphony

3 ( 2 ) :97-103s ,,

1 9 8 1 ~ "The s o c i a l i s t Pa r ty of Canada and t h e Finnish Connection l9O5-19l I " , i n E t h n i c i t y , Power and P o l i t i c s , e d i t e d by J. D a h l i e a n d T. -'

, Fernando, pp.113-122, Toronto, Methuen Publ. . - I

Lipton, C . , J' 1978 The Trade Union Movement of ~ a n a d a 1827-1959, Toronto, Mew Canada

P r e s s . 7 - -

- >

- - --- --

Lloyd, G.E. , 1929 "Nativism Canada i n t h e 1920's". i n Immigration and t h e

R i s e of ~ u l t i ~ u l t u r a l i s m , 1975, e d i t e d by H. Yalmer pp.55-56, - - /' Toronto, Copp Clark-Publ.

- - - -

Lougheed Associates . 1958 The Gold Mining Cornmunity:A Study of t h e Problems of Economic Growth,

Timmins, I n d u s t r i a l Commission. - -*

'Lower. A.R.M.. -

1936 se t t l emen t on t h e Forest . F r o n t i e r i n & s t e r n Canada, Toronto, MacMillan Co. Ltd,

Lucas, R.;. 1971 Minetown, Milltown, Ra i1 tom:Li fe i n Canadian Communities of- Si-ngle----

Indus t rx , Toronto, Univers i ty of Toronto Press .

1 9 8 2 A ~ e r i t a g e - o f Tradi t ioniEssays Z t h e History of Ukrainians i n Canada, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Ltd.

\

- r' Lynd, H , and R . Lynd,

1929 Midd1etown:A Study i n Modern American Cul ture , New YorR, Harcourt , Brace.

Mack, R.W., and Snyder, R.C. , - - - -- -- - - - - - -- -- -

1957 "The G l y s i s of s o c i a l Conflict :Toward an Overview and Synthesis", i n Journal of Conflict ~esolution,lr212-248. - '

-- - - - - - - - - -

MacPherson, I., 1979 Each For A l l r A History of t h e Co-operative Movement i n English-Canada

1900-1945, Toronto, MacMillan Co. Ltd.

Wdge, J . , - 1965 The Tools of Socia l Science, Garden City, New York, h c h o r Books.

1 - Makowski. W.B. -

1967 History and In tegra t ion of Poles i n Canada, Niagara Peninsula, Ontario, Canadian Pol ish Congress,

1 -

Marchak, M.P.., 1975 Ideological Perspectives On Canada, Toronto, Mcqraw-Hill Ryerson. -

1L.z - -

Marston, W.G., -

1369 "Sacial Class segregation within Ethnic Groups i n Toronto", s, Canadian Review of %cialogy an& h t h r o p a l o ~ ~ 6 (2) s65-79. - - - - - - - -- -

- -

Marx, K . , 1853 -"The B r i t i s h Rule I n India", i n , Marx and Engels, 1959, edi ted by L.S. -

Feuer, pp. 474-481, Garden ~i5, Mew York, Anchor Books. -

-

Marx, K. , -

1844 "Excerpt from Toward the Crit ique of Hegel's Philosoby of Right", &, Marx and Engels, 1959, edi ted-by L.S. Feuer, pp.262-269, Garden City, New York, Anchor Books.

-

McCormack, R . , 19sl CIoth It aps and Jobs :The Ethnic i ty of English Immigrants i n ~ a n a d a 1900-1914", &, Ethnic i tg , Power and P o l i t i c s , ed i ted by J. Dahlie and

- T. Fernando, pp.38-55, Toronto, Methuen Pub$. I

McFeat, T., -

1978 "The Survival of Groups and the' Evolution of Boundaries", paper presented t o t h e Canadian Ethnology Society Conference, London, Ontario.

McKinney, J . C . , 1966 Constructive Typologies and Socia l Theory, ~ e w b o r k , -

Appleton-Century-Croft. > - ,.: -. -

k s 9 *

Memmi , A . , < > =

1965 The Colonizer and t he colonized, Boston, BeacmTf:. Press. - - - - - -

Merriam-Webster, %t

Mertanen, P., and Eklund, W . , -

1942 The I l l e g a l Finnish Organization of Canada Inc . , Sudbury, Ontario, - - Vapaus Publ. Co. -

- -- - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - - - - - - - -- --

Millett, D., A br

- 1981 the %cmfcTlarrt eirrorrp"'; ' - 2 2 , ba-

n h n i c * P - '-~3.1(3) 164-79.

- Mine Mifi Union Minutes..1941, Local 145, Timmins, Ontario.

Miner, H., 1939 St. Denis r A ~renoh-~anadian Parish, Chicago, university of Chicago

Press. .

. Mitchell, J.C.., . 1969 Social Networks in Urban situations, Manchester, Manchester University

Press. - -

Montero, G., - 1979 We Stood Together, Toronto, James Lorimer and Co.

-

Moore, W. , 1918 The lash!^, Studx-in Nationalitie-s, Toronto, J ,Me Dent. ' - -

$. Morris, R.N., amd Lanphier, C,M,,

1977 Three Scales of Inequality, Toronto, Longman Canada Ltd.

Nagata, J., 1969 "Adaptation and Integration of Greek Working Class Immigrants in

- ~or'onto8A Situational Approach", in, The International Migration Review, 1 : 44-70. -

---------- 1974 "What is a Malay? Situational Selection of Ethnic Identity in a Plural

--

m i e ti", = , ~ ~ i i i i € h o i s ) C331 z35orJ -

1980 Malaysian Mosaic:Perspectives from a Poly-Ethnic Society, Vancouver, -

University of British Columbia Press.

Newman, WLM., - 1978 "Theoretical Perspectives for the Analysis of Social PLuralism", &,

The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic, edLted by L.Driedger, pp.40-54, Toronto, - McClelland and Stewart Ltd.

Nisbet, R., -

1953 The Quest For Community, New York, 0xf ord University Press.

Northern Miner, 1919-1922. - - -- & - - -"--

O'Bryan, K.G., Reitz, J.G,, and Kuplowska, O., 1975 k+&fi&af 1- a s t ~ + m & i ; ~ ~ M t n ' a ~ 8 t t a # a i -

I

Multiculturalism Branch of the Secretary of State.

Ogmundson, R., 1977 "On The Du&us Validity Of Official Versions Of Who ParTicipates In

Protest MovementszA Comment On Avery", &, Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 14(2) : 253-255,

Ossenburg, T.J., 1956 TdeKtco~yY1n A r ~ u r a l society,-Ann Arbor, Isrichigan, ~ n i v e r S T v

Microf.ilms. , -

1971 Canadian SocietytPlural ism, Change and Confl ic t , Scarborough, Ontario, Prentice-Hall Ltd. '

Paine, R. , 1977 The White Arc t i c , S t , John's, NeKfoundland., I n s t i t u t e f o r Soc ia l and

Economic Research, Memorial University.

Palmer, H., -

1975 Immigration and the Rise of Mult icultural ism, Toronto, Copp Clark - '

Pub1 . /

---------- - 1

1977 "History and Present S t a t e of EZhnic Studies i n Caqada", in, - I d e n t i t i e s , e d i t e d by W. LsaJik~~ pp.167-183, Toronto, Pe te r M a r t i n - = - -

Assoc. Ltd.

- Park, R.E.', '

1950 Race and Culture, Glencoe, Free Press.

Park, L . , and Park, F., 4

1962 Anatony of Big Business, ~oron.t;o, James Lewis and Samuel.

1970 Anthropological ResearchtThe Structure of Inquirx, New York, Harper and Raw.

Penner, N . , s

1977 The Canadian Le f t , Scarborough, Ontario, P ren t ice Hall Ltd.. (1

- I

4 Perkins, B.B., -

1960 Co-operatives i n Ontario, Guelph, Ontario, Ontario &picultural College.

o-- Pete r , K..

1981 "'The Myth of Mult icultural ism and Other P o l i t i c a l Fables", &, . . Ethnic i ty , Power and Pol i t iw ' , ed i t ed by J. Dahlie and T. Fernando, pp.56-67, Toronto, Methuen Publ.

Philbrook, T., 1966 Fisherman, Logger, Merchant, Miner 8 Socia l Change and Indus t r i a l i z a t i on

i n Three Newfoundlandp C-ommaitie s , St. John ' s , of Socia l and Economic Research, Memorial Un iveq i t y . .

Porcupine Advance. 1912-1950.

Porcupine Golden Anniversary Commission, 1 1959 Souvenir Booklet c e l e k a t i n g the Golden Anniversary ~f the Porcupine

Gold Rush, Tirnmins, Northern Sta t ionary and P r in t i ng , Jufy, -

D

- , - -- - -- - - -- P o r t e r , J . , <

1965 The V e r t i c a l Mosaic, Toronto, Universi ty of Toronto Press, - -- - - - - - -- -

---------- , - 1967 Canadian S o c i a l ~ t r u c t u r e : ~ S t a t i s t i c a l P r o f i l e , Toronto, McClelland

and Stewart Ltd.

---------- 1975 " ~ t h n & P lu ra l i sm i n Canadian Perspect ives" , &I, E t h n i c i t y i Theory and

Experience, e d i t e d by N. Glazer and D.P. Moynihan, pp.267-305, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univers i ty P ress .

. Pres thus , R . , 1973 . E l i t e Accomodation i n Canadian P o l i t i c s , - T o r o n t o , Macmillag Company.

La Raconteur. October and November 1980. -

- Radecki, H. , and B. Heydenkorn,' - 1976 A Member of a Dis t inguished Family, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Ltd.

-

Ramcharan, S . , 1982 Racism:Non-whites i n Canada, Toronto, Buttersworth and Co. Ltd.

-

Rasporich, A.W., 1982 For A B e t t e r L i f e :A His tory of t h e Croat ians i n Canada, Toronto,

~ c ~ l e l l a n d and Stewart Ltd.

- Redf ie ld , R . , 1960 The L5 t t l e Communitp:Peasant Socie ty and Cul ture , Chicago, Univers+ty

Re i t z , J . G . , --

1980 The Surviva l of Ethnic Groups, Toronto, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Ltd.

Rex, J . , 1970 Race Rekations i n Soc io log ica l Theory, London, Weidenfield and

Nicolson,

Richmond, A r , 1969 "Irnmigratiofi and Plura l i sm i n Canada", &, I n t e r n a t i o n a l Migration

Review, 4 ( 1 ) : 5-24. - Robbins, E . , 9.

1975 "Ethn ic i ty o r Class? :Socia l Rela t ions i n a Small Canadian I n d u s t r i a l Community", &I, The New Ethnicity:Pers=pectives from E-bhnolo~ty, e d i t e d

- - - -

by J.W. Bennett , pp.285-304, New YorE, West Publ, Co.

Roberks, W., &d.f, --

1979 Miner 's L i f e , Hamilton, Ontar io , Labour S tud ies Programme, pub l i ca t ion 79i02, McMaster Un ive r s i ty .

Robin. M. . 1968 Radical P o l i t i c s and Canadian Labour 1880-1 930, Kingston, Ontario,

I n d u s t r i a l Re la t ions Center , Queen's Univers i ty .

197P An Inventory of H i s to r i c a l S i t e s I n Timmins-Porcupine, Timmins, Ontario Ministry of Education and Timmins D i s t r i c t Roman Catholic Separate School Boa$&.

Rosaldo, R e , 1980 I l i n g o t Headhuntina 1885-1974tA Study I n Society and History,

, . .. Stanford, Ca l i fo rn ia , Stanford University Press ,

ROSS, C . , 1977 Th3e Finn Factor i n American Labor, Culture and Society, New York

Mills, Minn., Pa r ta P r i n t e r s . - -

Royal Commission On Bil ingualism-and Bicultural ism, 1968 Report on Education -Book 11, Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r .

1969 The Cul tura l ~ o n t & b u t i o n of the Other Ethnic Groups-Book I V , Ottawa, Queen% Printer; - - - - -- - - - - - - -- - -- - -- --

-

Sarnia Daily Register . 1912, 3'913. r -

Seager, A , , d 1981 "Finnish-Canadians and t h e Ontario Miner's Movement", in, Polyphony,

3(2) :35-45.

Savard, P., Beauchamp, R . , and ~hornpsbn, P., 1977 Arts With A DifferencerA Report On French-Speaking Ontario, r epor t

presented t o t h e Ontario A r t s Council, September. - - - - ---- -

~chermerhorn, R.A. , l

19'70 Compdrative Ethnic Rela t ions , Chicago, Universi ty of Chicago Press ,

- S h i l s , E . , -

1957 "Primordial, Personal , Sacred and Sociology, pp.130-147, June.

Simmons, J . , and Simmons, R ; , 1964 Urban Canada, Toronto, Copp Clark

Smith, W.G., 1922 -Building t he Nation.

Spada, A.V. , 1969 The I t a l i a n s i n Canada, M-ontreal,

-

Civ i l Ties", in, B r i t i s h Journal of

Rivera P r i n t e r s and PubL, heL--- - -

Spr dley, J .P - ' r- --I979 $ The ~ t h n o g r a p 5 i c f n & r v i e i , New YorkHOlt, Rinehart and l i n s ton .

I .fi.

s-devgnson, P. , 1977 "Class and Left-wing Radicalism", in, Canadian Review of Sociology and

Anthropology, 14 (3) : 269-284. - + -

/

Stymeis t , D.H., L

1975 E t h n i c s d n ~ 1 n d i a n s : S o c i a l R e l ~ ~ i o i i l i n B ~ 6 ~ t h w e ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 0 f i f ~ f i 3 ~ o ~ n ~ ~ Toronto, Pe te r Martin Assoc.

Sudman, , S. , and Bradburn, -N.M. , 1982 Asking QuestionsrA P r a c t i c a l Guide t o Questionnaire Design, London,

Jossey-Bass Publ.

1981 " ~ e o r & n i & t i o n of t h e Finnish Lutherans i n Canada, in, Polyphony, 3(2) : 91-96.

Tes te r , J . , -

1979 The Shaping of Sudbury:A Labour View, Sudbury, Sudbury and D i s t r i c t H i s to r i ca l Society. 0

Timmins,.N.A., 1935 "A Reminiscent History Commencing 1909", &I, Canadian Mining Journal ,

September, pp ,353-362,

Timmins and D i s t r i c t Ethnic Fes t i va l Committee Minutes. 1977-1981, - -

- - -

Tirnmins Cit izen. 1928.

Timmins Daily Press. 1936, 1939, 1940, 1944, 1980, 1981,

Timmins Porcupine News. 1975, 1976.

Toronto ~ a i l y S ta r . 1928, 1984.

Toronto Sunday Sun. 1981.

- --

Tremblay , M . A. ; 1982 "The Key Informant Interview : A on-~thno~pa~hic Approach", 2, Field

Research, ed i ted by R, G. Burgess, pp .98-104, Boston, Geo rg~ Allen and Unwin Ltd..

Tremblay , R. , 1951 Timmins , ~ e t r o p o l e De L' O r , documents h i s to r iques no. 22, Sudbury ,

Societe h i s to r ique du Nouvel-Ontario. <

Trofimenkoff, S.M., 1975 Action Francaise:French Canadian nationalism i n t h e twenties, Toronto,

, University of Toronto Press.

Trudeau , P . E .*, 1971 Statement by t he Prime Minister , P ie r re E l l i o t t Trudeau, Ottawa,

Queen's P r in t e r . - r-- - - - -

Tr-n, G., -- -- -- - -

1971 "The Effect of Intragroup Conflict I n An Ethnic Community", -* i n Canadian Ethnic Studibs 3 (2) : 85-1 15.

Tucker, A , , 1978 Steam In to Wilderness, Toronto, Fitzhenry and Whiteside.

, L* .3 5i

d

- -

i

-- Vallee , F .Go , Schwarte , M. , and Darknel-1, I?;, --- - --

- - - -- - - -- - - - - --

1957 "Ethnic Assimilation and Di f fe ren t ia t ion i n Canada", &, Canadian. * . &-2 of %&ad Pd1 t1 -1 .%kV*%%

Van Den Berghe, P. , - 1967 Race and Racism:A Comparative'Perspective, New York, Johh Wiley and

- -

Sons Inc.

1970 Race and Ethnic i ty r ~ s s a y s i n Comparative Society, New York , Basic Books Inc.

'q

1973 "Pluralism", in, Handbook of Socia l and Cultural Anthropoloky, edi ted- by J.J. Honigman, pp.959-977, Chicago, Rand McNally Publ. Co.

Vansina, --- J e t - - -

1970 "Culture T h r o k h ~ i m e " , in, A &nd5G% of Nethodoloay i n CuT€uraT- - -

Anthropolog, ed i ted by R. Naroll and R. Cohen, pp. 165-179, New York, Columbia Universi ty Press.

Vasiliadis, P., 1978 "Ethnicity and ~ e t w o r k g Among the Toronto Macedonians", Master 's

t h e s i s , Soc ia l Anthropology, York Univers i ty .

1984 "Th'e ~ r u t h Is Sometimes Very Dangerous., ." r Ethnic Workers And The Rise And F a l l Of The Workers' Co-operative I n The Porcupine Camp, Toronto,

- - - Wmkiq-papper - n m % e r 3 y Y orkTtmmin&oje c-c,HhIllcdesearch--- -- Programme, York University.

Vidich, A.J., and Bensman, J., +

1960 Small Town i n Mass Society , Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday and Co. Inc.

Wade, M . , 1968 The French Canadians 1760-1967, Toronto, Macmillan Co. Ltd.

Waggenheim, E., I968 "The' Ukrainians: A Case Study of t he 'Third Force "' , in, Canadiaq

Society:Sociological Perspect ives , ed i ted by B. Blishen e t a l , pp. 648-666, Toronto, Macmillan Co.

I

w a l i a n , S., (ed.) , 1979 Ethnickty kt Work, London, The-f4acFli;llan Press Lfdi - - - c- -- - - - -L

-

Weber , X. , - - - - - -- - - -- -

l92Za Economy and Society, vol.1, London, Bedminster Press.

l 9 Z b Economy and Society, vo1.2, London,- Bedminster Press. yr- -

~ 4 3 S t r e e t Corner Society, Chicago, University of Chicago Press. - - - - - - - - . --- -- -

. /I954 "Cobalt and t h e Porcupine" i n , The Beaver, pp.44-48, Hudson's Bay ' - Cornpiny. .

Wirth, L., 1945 "The Problem of Minority Groups", i n , n - e Science '"of Man i n t he Wo~ild

C r i s i s , ed i ted by R. Linton, pp. 367-372, Columbia University Press. *

Wiseman, N. and Taylor, K.W., 1982 "Voting i n Winnipeg during t h e Depression" i r l , Canadian Review of- ' -

and ~ n t h r o p o l o ~ ~ l9(2] : 215-236. b

Q Woodsworth, J.S., d -

1909 Strangers Withi Our Gates. Reprint, 1970, Toronto, University of Toronto Press.

---------------- - - - - -

- - - - - - - - -

- j - --

1911 My Neighbor. Reprint , 1972, Toronto, University of Toronto Press.

Workers' Benevolent Association, 1972 Friends i n NeedrThe WBA Story, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Comet Press.

Workers ' ' Co-operative Minutes. 1928-1958, ~immins, Ontario.

Young, M . , and Wilmott, P., 1957 Family and Kinship i n East London, Markhq, England, ~ e h g u i n ~ o o k s .

C

-- Yuzak. P. ,

1973 - ~ o ~ t t ~ & n a d a d a ~ - ~ o r ~ i t o , ~ a i n i a n ~ c h o h b l i s h i n g Co,. Ltd. ,

Z e i t l i n , M. , and J. Pe t ras , 1967 . "Miners and Agrarian Revolution", &, A h w ,

,32(4) ,

I

Zielyk. >-I ,V., 1975 "Two Types of Ethnic Communities", i n , Sounds Canadian, edi ted by P.M. .

Migus, pp. 147-137, Pe te r G r t i n ASS=.

interethnic competition in a northeastern Ontario goldmining ...

Documents

Transcript of interethnic competition in a northeastern Ontario goldmining ...