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Gabriel M . Rosenbaum. 2000.

"Fushammiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose Gabriel M. Rosenbaum, Jerusalem

Pp. 68-87.

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"Fusziimmiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian prose' Gabriel M. Rosenbaum, Jerusalem

1. Introduction The change of attitude in Egyptian culture toward the colloquial and the change of stylistic norms in the literary system2 have encouraged the appearance of various kinds of mixed styles, not only in oral performance but in written texts as well. In this study I will concentrate on a kind of unique style which consists of an alternation of Fushd, Standard Arabic, mainly modem, with CAmmiyya, Colloquial Egyptian ~ r a b i c , ~ a style which I choose to refer to as "alternating style" and define as F u suimmiyy a.

The coexistence of more than one language in one society, as is the case in Egypt, provides a fertile soil for the creation of various kinds of mixed varieties. This alternating style has connections with language variation, code-switching, code-mixing, borrowing and interferen~e,~ but I intend to show here that

1 Department of Arabic Language and Literature, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mt. Scopus, Jerusalem 91905. Israel.

This paper is part of a larger study that I am conducting on styles of Egyptian prose. A shorter version of this paper wqs first presented at the 3rd A ~ D A ("ASSOCIATION INTERNATIONALE POUR LA DIALECTOLOGIE ARABE") conference in Malta, on April 2nd 1998.

I wish to thank Professors alSacid Badawi, Joshua Blau, Simon Hopkins and Aryeh Levin for reading a draft of this paper and for their useful comments.

2 In Egyptian society which, like all Arabic-speaking societies, exists in a state of diglossia (see for example Ferguson, Diglossia, and Diglossia Revisited; Blau, Arabic Diglossia), until the 20th century, for about 1400 years, the colloquial ('~mmiyya) had been considered an inferior language, not fit for use as a vehicle of "serious" literature, which according to the prevailing norms should be written in Standard Arabic (Fushd) only. During the 20th century, mainly after the 1952 revolution, the norms of the language of written literature in Egypt have changed, and 'Ammiyya began to receive recognition as a written language too, in addition to Fushd, especially - but not only - in dialogues. See for example Somekh, Genre; Rosenbaum, Language; Holes, Modern Arabic, 303-309.

3 The colloquial language which is represented in all the texts that I have found so far is the dialect of Cairo, which is the most prestigious dialect in Egypt.

4 Sociolinguists usually distinguish between code-switching, code-mixing, borrowing and interference (although, in the words of Hoffman, "as so often happens in the fields of linguistics, there are no clear-cut distinctions or

"Fushdmmiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose 69

Fushcimmiyya is the style of a group of texts whose traits cannot always be fully described by these terms.

A large number of studies about language variation, code-switching , code- mixing, borrowing and interference have been published in recent years, and sections on these topics are included in many books on sociolinguistics (Hudson, Sociolinguistics, 56-6 1 and Wardhaugh, Sociolinguistics, 99- 1 12, in addition to the references in n. 4 above, to name only a few). The works of Weinreich, Gumperz, Labov, Lakoff and others, are often described and referred to in studies on sociolinguistic issue^.^ Many studies which describe these phenomena in different societies all over the world appear frequently in scientific periodicals specializing in sociolinguistics (in the International Journal of the Sociology of Language, for example).

Many studies describe these phenomena in Arabic speaking societies. It is beyond the scope of this paper to refer to them all, and only some will be mentioned here. Blanc and Badawi, in separate studies, proposed (different) divisions of the Arabic language into five levels, which benefited many scholars afterwards (Blanc, Stylistic Variations; Badawi, Mustawaycit6). Some of the later studies are Holes' Language Variation and Change in Bahrain; Heath's Code-Mixing and Borrowing in Moroccan Arabic; Abu-Melhim's Communication across Arabic Dialects. Some studies concentrate on rules of and constraints on code-switching (see for example Myers-Scotton et al., Arabic and Constraints; Eid, Principles).

commonly agreed approaches to analysis or description, and the definitions one comes across may, at times, seem contradictory": Hoffman, Bilingualism, 95). One such distinction is, for example, that "code-mixing suggests the speaker is mixing up codes indiscriminately or perhaps because of incompetence, whereas the switches are very well-motivated in relation to the symbolic or social meanings of the two codes", and that borrowings reflect "lack of vocabulary in a language" (Holmes, Sociolinguiszics, 50). Another distinction is that "The former [interference] is a feature of 'parole'; the latter [borrowing] of 'langue', The one is individual and contingent; the other is collective and systematic" (Mackey, Bilingualism, 569). All of these terms, however, are different facets of the same coin, that is the use of more than one code in communication. Some scholars prefer to treat all of these facets as variations of one phenomenon, as does, for example, Treffer-Daller in her study on code-mixing in Brussels, where she suggests that code-mixing and borrowing should be considered "as similar phenomena from a theoretical point of view" (Treffer-Daller, Code- Mixing, 90). I find this attitude convenient for this paper, which describes a phenomenon which is related to, but at the same time different (as will be described below) from the above-mentioned ones, whose boundaries are sometimes blurred. The terms Fushcimmiyya and "alternating style" which I use here have not been used to refer to any of these phenomena and may therefore refer to both the above-mentioned phenomena as well as to the phenomenon which I describe here.

5 For a concise and compendious description of these works see now Mazraani, Language Variazion.

6 A short summary in English of Badawi's division is given in the introduction to Badawi and Hinds, Diczionary, viii-x) .

G. M. Rosenbaum

The studies mentioned above refer to oral performance. Others are based on written texts and show the impact of the colloquial on written modem standard Arabic. Blau's studies on Syntactic Trends in Modern Standard Arabic (Blau, Syntactic Trends 1, 183-1 87 and its sequel Syntactic Trends.2, 162-17 1) contain many examples of the penetration of various phenomena of colloquial Arabic into texts written in Fushd. Somekh describes the language of dialogue of writers who use Fushcf but try to simulate 'Ammiyya for the sake of creating realism, defines the style as "colloquialized Fushd", and shows that it is created by using either short elements of 'Ammiyya, hybridizations or calques, while the aim of the writers is not to create a new code but rather to preserve Fushd and its rules (Somekh, Colloquialized Fushd). In Genre and Language (Chapters 2 and 3) Somekh also describes cases of the use of straightforward elements of 'Ammiyya side by side with Fushd in written texts, and so does Holes in Modern Arabic (303-309) where he describes both standard and colloquial Arabic and their mutual relations.

The colloquial Arabic spoken in Egypt and its relations to Modem Standard Arabic have been received a great deal of scholarly attention, resulting in numerous studies, of which I will mention some: Wilmsen describes the spoken language of a theatrical community in Cairo (Wilmsen, Codeswitching); Killean describes mixed style in the Cairene media - radio and TV (Killean, Mixed Style); Holes and Mazraani, in separate studies, analyze language variation in the speeches of Gamd 'Abd al-N*ir (Holes, Variation; Mazraani, Language Variation, 48-98lStyle Variation); ElGibali describes language variation in both Cairene and Kuwaiti dialects (ElGibali, Stability); Holes in his book Modern Arabic mentioned above includes many references to Egyptian Arabic, as well as to the use of Fushd and 'Ammiyya in literary dialogue^.^

Some of the studies dedicated to these phenomena refer to stylistic features, but most of them stress the socio-linguistic aspect of the phenomena (using accommodation theory8 as a primary explanation for code-switching). As mentioned above, some of the studies try to set up rules for code-switching and code-mixing, and constraints for both.

In this study I deal with a group of written texts that utilize standard Arabic and colloquial Arabic in a different way from the style variations described in the above-mentioned studies; I shall refer to the style of these texts by the term FushGmmiyya.

7 On the relationship between Fushci and Ammiyya in modern Egyptian drama whose dialogues are written mostly in CAmmiyya where it is generally the Fushd which is incorporated into the CAmmiyya see Rosenbaum. Fushci.

8 On accommodation see for example Giles, Speech Accommodation; Giles and Powesland, Speech Style, chapter 9: " A Social Psychological Model of Speech Diversity", 154- 1 8 1 ; Trudgill , Dialects-Contact, 1-38.

"Fushamrniyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose

2. The concept of Fuqhdrnmiyya By ~ushcimmiy~a~ I mean a style which consists of an alternation between F u s h ~ , Standard Arabic, and CAmmiyya, Colloquial Arabic. Code-mixing, code-switching, borrowing and interference, whether planned or not, intentional or not, are described in modem research as phenomena connected to oral performance, and that means that they occur on the spot and are the result of instant decisions taken while conversing. Fushcimmiyya, on the other hand, is found in written texts, and that means that the style of these texts is not only obviously intentional, but that writers have the opportunity to go over the texts again and again, re-edit them and shape their style by replacing elements of one code with the other.

Fushcimmiyya appears more in narrative than in dialogue, generally from the first-person point-of-view, a characteristic which to a certain extent keeps this style close to the spoken language or to simulations of it. Fushcimmiyya may be the style of an entire text, or of a part of it, and writers may opt for either. I would like to emphasize that as this style occurs in texts which are written and published, we may assume that these texts are not casual or improvised as often happens in oral discourse, but rather planned and intended as such. One main point that should be noted is that the occurrence of Fushammiyya does not mean that there is code-switching or code-mixing or borrowing, as often happens in oral discourse, or sometimes in written literature. Fushcimmiyya is the result of the intention of a certain writer to create a style whose constituents are taken from the two stocks, that of Fusha and that of CAmmiyya, but is neither; rather, it is something else."

9 After reading a draft of this paper, Prof. al-Sacid Badawi drew my attention to an article entitled "al-luga.. al-FusCammiyya" - "The Fuscammiyya Language" written by 'Ali 'Abd al-W*id W S i some decades ago, and gave me a photocopy of this article. The author uses a similar term (Fuscammiyya) for a different purpose: he considers 'Ammiyya as a "poor" language not suitable as a tool for writing texts of literary or scientific merit, and describes the use of Fushd by writers of CAmmiyya who have no choice but to resort to the former because of the weaknesses of CAmmiyya. The style thus created is disparagingly named by him "Fuscammiyya" and is severely attacked and criticized. The term which I use here (Fushammiyya) merely acknowledges the fact that there is a style which utilizes both Fusha and CAmmiyya, without passing judgment on its merits.

10 There are, however, some correlations in stylistic characteristics between Fushdmmiyya and the other phenomena, such as mixed style, borrowings, etc., mentioned here. See for example Holes, Variation and Mazraani, Language Variation, 48-98/Style Variation on the style of 'Abd al-N*ir speeches, and Somekh, Genres (chapters 2 and 3) on the stylistic characteristics of mixed style in modern literature. It might be useful, however, to avoid the term "mixed style" (used, for example, by Somekh, Ibid, or by Doss, Dialecte &gyptien), when referring to written texts of literature whose style - if we eliminate the factor of incompetence - in most cases is intended as such, and to replace it with the term "alternating style". This may apply also to oral performances of written texts (such as speeches). Characteristics similar to those of Fushcimmiyya may also appear here and there, both intentionally or unintentionally, in casual oral discourse.

72 G. M. Rosenbaum

For writers who do not hesitate to use both languages or codes in creating such a text, Fushdmmiyya offers stylistic opportunities not available to writers who insist on writing in one language only (either Fushd or 'Ammiyya). It seems that this alternating style has begun to attract writers and is becoming slowly but discernibly more and more common in writing in Egypt in recent years.'' 3. Fu$hdmrniyya in published texts: examples The following are some examples of FushGmmiyya, which represent data I have collected in recent years. Fu&d sections in the examples are printed in regular font, while CAmmiyya sections are printed in bold. As many words in both Fushd and 'Ammiyya are common to both codes and very often written with the same spelling (and sometimes also pronounced the same), it is not always clear, especially at "transition points"I2 between Fushd and 'Ammiyya, to which code a particular word may belong, and some words may be realized in two ways (see also below). Those sections which are ambiguous or common to Fushd and 'Ammiyya are printed in italics.13

Text I (The title of this example is Hebit 'amal rakba gamal14 by Sakina al-Sidiit. It appeared in the column al-Sittdt al-hilwin ("The nice ladies") which was published regularly in the (then) weekly magazine KdrikdtEr; its subject is the population explosion in Egypt.)

1 1 There are earlier texts (or parts of them) whose style may be defined as Fushammiyya, such as some of the texts written by 'Abd Allah al-Nadim (1845-1896) in the nineteenth century (on the style of al-Nadim see for example Doss, Dialecte &gyptien; Hafiz, Genesis, 1 1 1 - 132; Moosa, Origins, 67-89), but there are not many texts of this kind, and those that were written in this style did not receive recognition as "literary texts". Al-Nadim himself criticized this style and felt the need to justify its use (Doss, Dialecte &gyptien, 148-150; compare al-Gabarti's criticism of a style which he used himself: Blau, Theory and Practice); the text quoted by Somekh as an example of mixed language has some traits of Fushdmmiyya (Somekh, Genre, 18). (See also n. 10 above.)

12 By "transition point" I mean a word or phrase common to Fushci and CAmmiyya which is located between an unambiguously Fusha text and an unambiguously CAmmiyya text.

13 As "transition points" may be interpreted and vocalized differently by different readers (as actually happened when I asked native speakers to read such texts aloud for me), possibly not all "transition points" are marked here, and there may also exist other alternatives for marking such texts.

14 Since in such texts it is not always clear whether their titles are in Fushd or in CAmmiyya or a combination of the two, the title of this text may by read in Fushd (without case endings) as baybat %ma1 rdkiba gamal. Other combinations are also possible.

"Fushammiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose 73

1 4 o9I 141 &I+ ..&,hi &,A2

(Al-Siidat, Haybat 'amal). [...I And what is this strong frustration which spoiled my life for several days? It is that I asked the Central Authority for Mobilization and Statistics for a report on the newborn babies in Egypt during the year 1993. The truth is that these people did not keep me waiting and sent me the report which grieved and saddened me very very much completely, for it turns out - oh!, how sad and disappointing! - that the newborn of Egypt - may they be protected from the evil eye! - have reached all-in-all together during the year 1993 (the number of) a million-and-a-quarter babies! ! How awful and bloody unlucky! Whence shall we feed this alarming number of children? And where are the schools that will take them in? Where will we get enough money for building new hospitals to treat all these children? Is there no more good taste and humanitarianism, people, while we keep on writing and having conferences and all kinds of lousy stuff (lit.: "pitch and tar"), and none of this talk is of any use. The reason is very simple aild well understood. But we have come - to our great regret! - to love indifference and to pretend not to hear (lit.: "to have one ear made of mud and the other one of dough"), and in the end what we do is say, as Sarnir ~ l n i r n does in the character of FattutaI5: "What should I do then? Kill myself?"

Text 2 (Headline from the newspaper al-Dust~r'~.)

15 Samir ~ 5 n i m is a popular comedian in Egypt. The quotation is taken from the program Fawazir Ramadan - "Ramadan Riddles", which was broadcast on Egyptian Television several years ago, and in which Samir Giinim portrayed a funny character nicknamed "Fattfita".

16 See n. 42 below.

G. M. Rosenbaum

Investigate with the police influence, personal connectionsI7 and corruption in the police academy.

Text 3 (From a collection of short humorous stories by Iscid Yunis.)

. .>-k.*o 4 lib - &I -333 rx l+ c .Lz ..d& G& p ,.Jk #I ..r+l &I lil JLI ..+- A&, L IiJI J b l

(Yunis, Nura, 20).

When one is afraid of something, this something might happen to him (lit.: "one who is afraid of the devil, will have him appear to him"). The day came when my mother got married - what, my friend, did you stop reading and start striking your face in grief? Then what should I do?!

Text 4 (From the novel "Memoirs of a Young Egyptian Washing Dishes in London" by Husayn ~ a d r i . ) ' ~

!!a+&+ . aPI j& b

$ j,k; i91iJlp;, 6-11 - JAJII &r; iU&l $ b19 IrahA h, LC.& &iJI ' i 9 W I j .. JJI - +&I JI.A b & I j4JII di @j ijbj d 6d.d d b l b3 ..fl$u b, 6 3 - &Jl bbj, h& &h k&

.!ID1 J& dy l i b ..- p &a dl 13 4 & I#l (Qadri, Mudakkirtit, 13).

[...I ~ r . ' ~ Horthington left us and returned to his office, while we went back to the street empty-handed without H~rthington!!~~ Good grief!

17 The word kusa (pronounced also kdsa), which has been in common use since the 198O1s, is considered an 'Ammiyya slang word; it is parallel in meaning to wtisi!a which is a Fushd word used also in 'Ammiyya (pronounced wasta).

18 I wish to thank Prof. al-Sacid Badawi for drawing my attention to this book.

19 The word "mister" (mistir or mistar) in contemporary Egyptian Arabic sometimes replaces the term hawciga used as an address-form and a title of non-Arab strangers. Here it may also be regarded as a borrowing from English.

20 This is a play on words based on the classical Arab proverb 'cida (or: rajaca) bi-huffay Hunayn - to return empty handed (lit.: "with Hunayn's shoes").

"Fushammiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose 75

And what now? Are we in Alexandria that we can take the express-train2' and return to Cairo in order to break the neck (lit.: "grab the windpipe") of that doctor, that bureau chief in Cairo, who cheated us, made fun of us, took our money and kicked us out without employing us?! Now we're here in London, in England, so-and-so many thousands of miles from Cairo. What are we going to do now?!

Text 5 (The title of this example is giber wal-Baqqal wa-'ana - " S u ~ r , al-Baqqa! and I"~' by Muhammad &mad al-Misn. It appeared in the column Yawmiyyiit Abu LamCa - "The chronicles of AbO Lamc a", which was published in Karikater.)

521 j &,' L.t'j* $1 L1 I L .L-IJI, ,+/.L-I,

[ . . . I J9Yl 541 b* kYJ '&uI (Al-Misri, Saber, 34).

And indeed al-Baqqal's keen eye proved to be right as we expected of him, and Suber became a most distinguished goal keeper. I wished that he had been my faculty's goalie when we were playing against the faculty of agriculture. I saw the cunning forward Ahmad Mikkawi - the star of al-Ahli at that time. To tell you the truth, I was scared of him, even though we were very far apart. I wanted to be on the safe side, so I said I will pass the ball to my team's goal. I happened to kick the ball with the tip of my shoe, and the result was that my team lost one:nil, and as for the one goal, it was me that scored it against our own team, not against the opposing one, and on that day I was removed from the ranks of the first team [...I

Text 6 (From a collection of short humorous stories by Suha 'Umar.)

21 /I-magari - lit.: "the Hungarian" is still today a nickname for any express train that goes between Cairo and Alexandria, because the first trains on that line were imported from Hungary.

22 m m a d Sub& was for many years the goal keeper of both a/-Ahli and the Egyptian national football (soccer) teams; al-Baqq81 was a/-Ahli's talent scout.

G . M. Rosenbaum

yayaya -&b~~ l@dL i .dU I j ~ , , p ~ Y , & d ~ , $ L *,$&I - c s + , & , i l U l ~ / J ~ l & & & & -

(~;prl gj) "4irr( gIjn & (#L) JLC i&IJ & - &I .L.(

! 'Ir L L I

LUI 6 liJj '&%I &-a 9 - d U l ,y g j U I LcL d 3 j di [ . . . I JG9$&p3 ~ ! , L ~ i i & ~ L + l ~ l - (JJ1.L: I.)

('Umar, Farakik, 8-9). Of course the story has a basis: When I first got married I was really naive, for I had never washed or hung up to dry anything while I was living with my mom. So I was surprised (It's not as if I was so young at the time, I was just inexperienced) at a pile of washing that just had to be put into the washing machine. A fully automatic washing machine - chug chug chug - I put in the washing, and the washing machine worked, and finished, and I hung it up - my hands hurt after hanging up the washing - I wasn't used to hanging the washing at my mom's, but never mindz3, necessity has its own rules! In the afternoon my husband stood up and looked out of the window - he is very observant, with a look like Zarqii' a l - ~ a m i i m a ~ ~ (may God protect him) - smiled the tender smile of someone who has come upon a treasure, and said [...I

Text 7 (From the article Garrabu.. wi-s'alu t-tabib - lit.: "try and ask the doc t~r"~ ' by Mahmiid al-Sacdani which appeared in the column 'Ala bib Allah ("Living on God's mercy"), which was published for years on the last page of the weekly al-Mu~awwar .)

Jsi9,1&Jsi9;jl+~I& Jl+Jfi&Lier*(J~I>jl, ,I + g9- JA r ik lL~9JA .?* JSi9 +,I tyl

!~Ut.6. j J J I y Y b o . + (Al-Sac dani, Garr-abu)

Let's say that a penniless clerk pilfered a bag of sugar or two once a month or once a week or even once a day. Is it the end of Malta (i.e. of

23 The author of this text offers here two possibilities for spelling the CAmmiyya expression zayy-i baCdu - "never mind, it makes no difference".

24 ZarqB' a l -Yamha was a woman in pre-Islamic times whose extraordinary eyesight became proverbial. According to a quotation given by al-Jshiz, she was one of the two most cunning Arab women (al-Jghiz, Baycin, vol. 1 , 3 13).

25 The title is based on the proverb 'is'ai migar-rub wala tis'al tnbib - "it is better to consult someone with experience than the doctor".

"Fushdmmiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose 77

the world)? Has the future of Egypt been endangered? Or has its destiny been thrown to the wind, God forbid?

4. ~ u s h d r n r n ~ ~ ~ a in published texts: Description As can be observed in the quoted texts, the alternations in Fushammiyya occur at the word, intra-sentential, and sentence levels, but not word-internally. The elements at each level may come from either 'Arnmiyya or Fusui. This leads not only to the coexistence of the lexicons, grammars and syntaxes of both codes in one text, but also to the coexistence of their different writing and spelling systems.26 Hyper- corrections, which are a characteristic of Middle Arabi~,~' are absent from texts written in Fushammiyya. Their absence testifies to the fact that in the eyes of the writers it is not Fusha which serves as the ideal, but rather the alternation of the two codes, Fushd and CAmmiyya.

One of the unique features of this style is the option of creating both hend iad~s~~ and paral lel i~m~~ by a combination of elements taken alternately from Fusha and CAmmiyya.

Such examples for hendiadys are zaCCalni waJahzanani and giddan giddan halis in text 1, and wasita and kdsa in text 2.

Parallelisms of all kinds are very common in ~ u s h ~ f m m i ~ ~ a . ~ ~ The power of these parallelisms - as well as of hendiadys - is derived mainly from the fact that their constituents are taken from the two codes, Fusha and CAmmiyya, and brought together. These parallelisms create a balance between the Fusha and CAmmiyya elements of Fushammiyya, and consequently create a style which is quite exceptional in Arabic culture. Examples for such parallelisms are JLbl vs. J& , LJ i L I LJ vs. >,.&I ip 9 i-, a l vs. @ (text 1); !!ah3 VS. !r;)Vl& dF IjL (text 4); &Jl vs.

26 Both Fushd and 'Ammiyya use the same Arabic characters, which function differently in both codes. For a description of the emergence of conventions for writing in modem Egyptian 'Ammiyya see Rosenbaum, Language, chapter 1.

27 Hyper-corrections are often made by writers who feel insecure in their own use of the language and strive to use "higher" forms of the standard language which they regard as an "ideal" language, thus creating forms which do not exist in that standard. On hyper-corrections and other related phenomena see Blau, Pseudo-Corrections.

28 On hendiadys in Arabic see Beeston, Arabic Language, 1 12. 29 On parallelism in Arabic see Beeston, Arabic Language, 112; Beeston,

Parallelism; Holes, Modern Arabic, 269-276, 283-286. 30 According to Somekh, today "no writer of expository prose would habitually

use parallelism in his works" (Somekh, Colloquialised Fushd, 13), so it seems that there is a difference between Fushd and Fushdmmiyya in the use of parallelism per se.

78 G. M. Rosenbaum

&I;" I;Lj j L+ $1 bI VS. y jUl &ll yi ~ S J ; +Yl&- j VS. I+,,> (text 5); &I + (#b) u + I Y, VS. & . d l & (&) u iLIj ,+ (text 6); U b cj_i & VS. ~ J U - & &Up+, andalsoCLJl&j I...] bwyl,

Such an exceptional style will presumably attract the attention of the reader, thus fulfilling the "poetic function" of communication, according to the model proposed by Roman Jakobson (Jakobson, Linguistics, 356-377).

Another unique feature of this style is that there do not appear to be any tangible constraints on the ways of alternating both codes in Fushamiyya. To demonstrate the apparent lack of constraints I conducted a small experiment. The following text is a reversed version of a section from text 1 quoted above, in which I have endeavored to replace elements of Fusha with CAmmiyya and vice versa (the same type of exercise may be implemented on any Fushcimmiyya text):

2 i-, - i I ' I+ d L JL &j3 &PI 6Jl ,+I J I+> J U I , I& - DL& LI DLI"L, - dlr 31 - 3 , ~ l . I ;cr ~ p l i L ; ~ & , 3 y I + ~ ! ! ~ j & e J , L + f Y i ; r &

4 ipi p, I ~ + L z &I pJ,l*ll *I, ~ J l i b Y l p D J J A I &I + d b & &, rJ l ibYl .Yjr JS cW i4+ -I+l j l U l JUI

[ . . . I 3,; In my opinion, there is no difference in acceptability, meaning and style between

the two versions.32 We can also see that here we do not have a case where one code is used for one purpose and the second code for another, as for example narrative versus dialogue, or indirect speech versus direct speech, formal situation versus an informal one, etc. As all Fushcimmiyya elements enjoy equal status and most are mutually replaceable, it is also clear that the motivation for using this style is not the prestige of some items in comparison to others, or lack of vocabulary in either one of the two codes of which Fushcimmiyya consists. Since it is also clear that shifts in Fushcimmryya do not depend on the social context, we may state that they are more in the nature of "metaphorical switching" and not "situational switching" (see for example Blom and Gumperz, Social Meaning, 424-426).

Hybrid forms on the level of the single word are rare, and apparently are not a characteristic of Fushcimmiyya. The smallest unit used is generally the single word, with its prefixes and suffixes, which is taken either from Fusha or CAmmiyya.33

31 In colloquial Egyptian Arabic (gdn, = gdl) - "goal", is used also in the meaning of "goal keeper".

32 This was also the opinion of informants who were asked to read the reversed version too (see n. 34 below).

33 Hybrid forms usually appear in mixed oral discourse (see for example Holes, Modern Arabic, 70-72, 295-300, inter alia, Mazraani, Language Variation, 37-38, 120-121, etc.), or in written texts where the writers are trying to avoid overt cAmmiyya (see for example Somekh, Colloq~ial ized, 183- 190), but in Fushdmmiyya, where there are no limits on the use of CAmmiyya, writers feel

"FushcTmmiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose

It should be emphasized that, as mentioned above, unlike mixed texts which are performed orally in casual conversation or in a formal speech, written texts may include some ambiguous forms, mainly in "transition points" between Fusha and 'Ammiyya. In some of the cases, because some of the .words are common to both Fushcf and 'Ammiyya, and also due to the double function of some of the Arabic alphabetical signs used for both codes, it is not always clear to the reader whether a certain word is an 'Ammiyya or a Fushd one, and consequently may be read as either Fusha or CAmmiyya.34

On the whole, it would seem that writers of Fushammiyya feel free to choose elements from both codes, in a way which has not in the past been acceptable in Arabic culture, in order to create a third code, which consists of alternations between the two.

5. Discussion and Conclusion As mentioned above, most studies that deal with style variations in oral conversation refer to social and situational variables and stress the socio-linguistic aspect of the phenomenon, and consequently use accommodation theory as a primary explanation for it. Some of these variables are indeed valid also for Fushamiyya. However, one major motive for using Fushamiyya is in my opinion a stylistic one which focuses on the message itself, and this is expressed in the alternating use of the two codes simultaneously. The result is a unique style variety or perhaps even a third code (see below).35

It is possible to interpret the motivation for using Fushfimmiyya by means of accommodation theory, and to regard it as an attempt to gain the sympathy of the addressee, the reader in this case. This interpretation seems to be only partially valid since, in contrast to oral discourse, the creator of a printed text can only guess who his addressees will be, and is devoid of any knowledge concerning exactly what their reactions might be. Also, there might be an open question as to what code the accommodation would be achieved with - Fusha, CAmmiyya or Fushctmmiyya?

Complete understanding of Fushammiyya undoubtedly requires ~a mastery of both codes, Fushii and CAmmiyya.36 In one of the conversations which I had with

comfortable with the elements of CAmmiyya they use and do not feel a need to turn to hybrid forms.

34 This trait of the alphabet in some cases confused the native speakers of Egyptian Arabic whom I asked to read text 1 (see also n. 13 above, and see below).

35 Following Saussurean principles (see de Saussure, Course, 122- 127). we may state that the user of Fushammiyya has at his disposal two different associative or paradigmatic sets of relations between signs which become one combined set.

36 Compare for example Van Ginneken's remark on the dialect of Brussels: "In

80 G. M. Rosenbaum

Sakina al-Sldlt, she maintained that the style of her text (see text 1 above), as well as of other texts written in a similar style by her and by others, aims to reach and influence classes of Egyptian society, which are less educated and therefore might find this style easy to apprehend. I said that in my opinion the comprehension of such a style requires a good knowledge of both Fushd and CAmmiyya, and might pose difficulties even for educated people who are not used to reading such a style, not to mention the non-educated. It seems, however, that writers believe that this style makes the text more comprehensible to the reader.

I gave the text written by Sakina al-Sldlt quoted above to some native speakers of Egyptian Arabic, and asked them for their opinion.37 The reactions were divergent: some were very pleased and amused by it, while others expressed dissatisfaction and indignation, reactions that show that this style is still not accepted as a standard one.

Some of the reactions reminded me of the attitude towards Franglais in French culture. Franglais is a term which designates mainly the use of English loan words in French, although it may refer also to a mixed (or alternating) style in which the proportion of English is quite large. Severe attacks have been levelled against the use of Franglais, and there are attempts to root it out from French cu l t~re , '~ like similar attempts in other cultures where this kind of phenomenon is found. On the other hand, there are cases where mixing two codes is looked at favorably, as is the case in Brussels. According to the study done by Treffers-Daller on code- switching in Brussels, where French and Dutch are mixed, the Brusselers, who are nicknamed zinnekes - "mongrels", are proud of this nickname and "have the reputation to speak a mixture of French and Dutch" (Treffers-Daller, Mixing, 1).

Bentahila and Davies, in their study on Arabic-French Code-Switching in Morocco, state that the result of mixing of two codes together "might itself be called a third code" (Bentahila and Davies, Syntax, 302), and, further on, "The use of this mixture [Arabic and French], involving very frequent code-switching, could in fact be considered a separate language variety" (Bentahila and Davies, Syntax, 303). Wilmsen speaks of the contribution of theatrical jargon to the establishment of a new standard of speech in Egypt (Wilmsen, Codeswitching, 90), following Kroch's assumption that the prestige dialect "seems most characteristic not of an economic and/or political ruling class but of the professional representatives of the dominant culture" (Kroch, Social Dialect Variation, 17, n. 3). In written texts, as

this dialect French and Flemish flow so surprisingly into each other, that the mixture becomes incomprehensible for all those who do not master both languages" (quoted in Treffers-Daller, Mixing, opening page).

37 It should be noted that all of the readers, who did not know what I was after, referred first to the contents and the message of the text, which they regarded as "a very important issue", and referred to its style and language only after I asked them to do so.

38 See for example Etiemble, Parlez-vous; Thody, Franglais.

"Fushammiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose 8 1

we have seen here, a kind of third code, or a style variety which I call Fushdmrniyya, is being created.39

Using more than one code in a single text is not a new phenomenon. Kaye, to name just one example, states that there are "mixed written MSA (modem standard Arabic)-colloquial texts from various countries and from various periods" (Kaye, Formal, 49; see also n. 11 above). What is new is the volume of writing and the publication of these texts in Egypt, the way in which these texts are constructed (as demonstrated above), and the legitimation accorded to these texts by their being published in "respectable" vehicles of the printed media.

Even if the results are similar, the reasons for using Fushdmmiyya may differ from writer to writer. Sakina al-SidSt and Is'ld Yunis may feel that this style would help them in conveying messages to a certain group of addressees; Husayn Qadri, whose main hero is a journalist who accompanies Egyptian students in their stay in London and is the narrator of the story, may feel that this style brings the main character closer to both the other characters in whose adventures he participates and the readers who expect him to behave both as one of these students and also as a "respected" journalist; Lenin al-~arnl? may feel that this style would help him to ridicule a literary rival, whereas al-Misri uses this style for self-mockery and Yunis and 'Umar use it for sarcastic humor.

An unusual mixture or alternation of two languages or codes may create humor, and this is undoubtedly one of the motives for using Fushdmmiyya. Mixing two codes - Egyptian Arabic and French - was a popular style in Egypt in the first half of the century, and was known as "Franco-Arabe". It was made popular by the two leading comedians of that time, Nagib al-RihSni and 'Ali al-Ka~sir.~' These texts were not published at that time but only performed on stage, and were meant to amuse the bilingual audiences of Cairo's elite and cause them to laugh, not to try and create a new code or a style variety as is the case, in my opinion, with Fushdmmiyya (which nevertheless may also be regarded as a style meant to amuse the modem diglossic reader).

Indeed, creating humor is one of the aims of Fushdmmiyya. It also seems that the idea behind using Fushdrnmiyya, as was done for years by journalists (like Malpntid al-Sacdani in his column 'Aid bdb alldh published on the last page of the

39 This third code is different from al-luga al-lali_ta - "the third language" proposed by Tawfiq al-Hakim (al-Hakim, Safqa, 155- l59lWarra. 170-1 80). who considered Fushd as an ideal and attempted to arrive at a language that would be a compromise between Fusha and =Ammiyya and diminishes the gaps between them. In Fushdmmiyya no such attempt is made.

40 An Egyptian playwright, in a response to criticism of his work (al-Ramli, Ayy maqala; not quoted here).

41 See for example Aba Sayf, Nagib, 39-64; ' h i i s , Masrah, 158- 161; al-Kassiir, Barbari. 13-17. 30-35.

G . M. Rosenbaum

weekly al-Musawwar) or by a newspaper (as is the case with a l -Du~tur~~) , and by an increasing number of writers, is to break down the barriers between the writer and his or her readers. The result, however, goes far beyond that.

Mixed style in oral performance is used in order to gain the sympathy of the addressee. In many cases, however, mixed style is looked at unfavorabfi, and even attacked and regarded as "bad style" or as exposing the inability of the speaker to stick to one preferred code. In some cases, mixed style is praised, as is the case in Brussels.

It is clear, in the case of Fu~hdmmiyya, that its creators strive to gain the appreciation of the readers. In Arabic-speaking societies, using 'Ammiyya in official types of literature has traditionally been considered taboo. It is only in the last few decades, and mostly in Egypt, that 'Ammiyya has penetrated into various types of literary texts, still with restrictive rules. According to the new literary conventions, the use of 'Ammiyya in dialogues has become a norm, whereas in narrative texts its use is more limited and still not very favored. Fushdmmiyya undermines these conventions, by setting a new norm according to which there is actually no rule as to where 'iimmiyya is permitted and where it is not. Fushdmmiyya really breaks the rules, old and new, of writing in Arabic, but does not encounter any serious opposition in Egyptian culture, probably because Egyptian readers have been accustomed to seeing 'Ammiyya forms in print already for decades. When 'Ammiyya first appeared in print it did indeed evoke indignant responses, but no longer.

Holes speaks of a "colloquialised standard" that may be aimed at in informal such as letters to friends (Holes, Modern Arabic, 41). Fushdmmiyya is still

not a standard, but there is no question about its existence in the printed media and its presence cannot be ignored. As to its destiny, we have to wait and see where this style will lead.

To conclude, in this paper I have described Fushctmmiyya, a written style which is a unique and novel alternation of Fushci and CAmmiyya. The main characteristics of this style are as follow:

a. Fushdmmiyya is a written style: Fushdmmiyya is first and foremost a written style, utilizing the alternation of both the standard and the non-standard codes as a stylistic means (as exemplified by the creation of hendiadys or parallelism).

b. Fushdmmiyya contains no hyper-corrections: Texts written in Fushdmmiyya preserve both writing and spelling systems, that of Fushd and that of 'Ammiyya. Hyper-corrections are absent from texts written in Fushcimmiyya, since

42 A weekly newspaper, published in the format of a daily newspaper. It was closed in March 1998; in its place, a sports newspaper is published under the title al-Dusrzir al-Riycidi, which is similar to its predecessor in both format and style (see text 2 above).

43 On the style o f written informal Arabic see for example Meiseles, Informal Arabic.

"Fushdmmiyya": Alternating Style in Egyptian Prose 8 3

in the eyes of the writers it is not Fushd which serves as the ideal, but rather the alternation of the two codes, Fushd and 'Ammiyya.

c. Fushdmmiyya is intentional: As Fushdmmiyya occurs in texts which are written and published, we may assume that these texts are not casual or improvised as often happens in oral discourse, but rather planned and intended as such.

d. Fushdmmiyya appears in the narrative: When 'Ammiyya was first incorporated into modem Egyptian literature, it was generally used in dialogues. The language of narrative has traditionally been Fusha, even when told from the first person point-of-view (see also next section). Fushdmmiyya appears mostly in narrative (generally from the first-person point-of-view).

e. Fushdmmiyya contains complete phrases in CAmmiyya: When 'Ammiyya is used in Egyptian narrative, it is generally restricted to single words, mainly for naming realia. In Fushdmmiyya, not only single words, but entire phrases and sentences are taken from 'Ammiyya as well.

f. Fushimmiyya contains abrupt alternations: Fushdmmiyya overtly uses both codes as they are, without any attempt to level any differences between them. This results in abrupt alternations between two codes without creating graded shifts.

g. Fushdmmiyya accords equal status to both codes: In Fushdmmiyya Fushd is not more prestigious than 'Ammiyya ; rather, all elements enjoy equal status and most are mutually replaceable.

h. Fushdmmiyya is becoming "respectable": Fushdmmiyya appears in the printed media, and is beginning to gain not only the appreciation of the reader but also a high status in Egyptian culture. Its expanding use and its use as a stylistic means by an increasing number of writers testify to the fact that it is becoming respectable in contemporary Egypt.

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