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Journal of Homosexuality, 57:226–248, 2010Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0091-8369 print/1540-3602 onlineDOI: 10.1080/00918360903488913

WJHM0091-83691540-3602Journal of Homosexuality, Vol. 57, No. 2, December 2009: pp. 0–0Journal of Homosexuality

el barrio de La Chueca of Madrid, Spain:An Emerging Epicenter of the Global LGBT

Civil Rights Movement

ChuecaO. Martinez and B. Dodge

OMAR MARTINEZ, BASchool of Law and Center for Sexual Health Promotion, Indiana University,

Bloomington, Indiana, USA

BRIAN DODGE, PhDDepartment of Applied Health Science and Center for Sexual Health Promotion, Indiana

University, Bloomington, Indiana, USA

The purpose of this article is to examine and deconstruct the lesbian,gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) barrio (community) ofChueca in Madrid, Spain, from political and sociological perspec-tives. First, we develop a critical framework for understanding thehistorical, political, social, cultural, and economic changes thattook place in Spain after Franco’s death in relation to LGBT issues.Ethnographic research was conducted from May to July 2007 inthe Spanish cities of Madrid, Barcelona, and Ibiza, and focusedprimarily on the community of Chueca. A social constructionistperspective was used to examine sociocultural issues in this ethno-sexual community through an in-depth study of the dynamics ofthis barrio. The theoretical framework of intersectionality and theconstitutive relations among social identities is exemplified inChueca. Hence, individuals in Chueca and their intersectionalityperspective reveal that their identities influence and shape theirbeliefs about gender and symbols. We describe how Chueca reflectsrecent progressive changes in LGBT-related laws and statutesdrafted by the federal government and how these have influenced

The authors would like to express their appreciation to Dr. Milagros Peña and Dr. KendallBroad at the University of Florida and Dr. Andrew S. London of Syracuse University for theirassistance and insight during the course of this study.

Address correspondence to Brian Dodge, Assistant Research Scientist, Department ofApplied Health Science and Associate Director, Center for Sexual Health Promotion,Indiana University, 1025 E 7th ST, HPER 116, Bloomington, IN 47405. E-mail: bmdodge@indiana.edu

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the high level of societal acceptance toward intimate same-sexrelationships in Spain. Additionally, we exemplify and presentChueca as an enclave that has been affected by the globalizationof the private market, “gay” identity, and enterprise, having adirect effect on cultural norms and social behaviors. Last, weexamine the current state of the Chueca community relative toother developing LGBT Latino/a communities in the United States.

KEYWORDS Chueca, identity, LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans-gender, Constructionism, Intersectionality, Movida Madrileña,globalization

INTRODUCTION

In order to comprehensively study emerging lesbian, gay, bisexual, andtransgender (LGBT) communities worldwide, scholars must approach thesewith critical, analytical, and objective/subjective perspectives. This includesexamining their unique ethnosexual boundaries in relation to the geopoliticsof the broader LGBT movement. The ability of political activism and activistmovements to foster change has been exemplified in the progression ofSpanish government and society as a whole in relation to LGBT rights. Incontrast to other “Latin” societies (also marked with histories of nationalism,Catholicism, machismo, rigid gender norms, and sexual conservatism),Spain has recently experienced LGBT-related political changes and constitu-tional reforms since the late 1970s. These changes have led to the recentdramatic changes in legislation, including the legalization of same-sexmarriage and adoption in Spain.

Chueca, as an ethnosexual enclave, has become a national epicenter ofthe LGBT civil rights movement creating change in Spanish society. Chuecais the most influential LGBT community in Spain and the only one with afixed physical and social structure. Indeed, it is the only LGBT enclave inSpain. In Barcelona, for example, LGBT resources exist in the form of bars,health and political organizations but these are dispersed throughout thecity and not in a fixed boundary. There is also strong political activism,exemplified through the presence of political organizations, signs, andsymbols throughout the community.

The aim of this article is to provide scholars with an empirical frame-work to understand the complexity of Spanish politics and their currentprogressive statutes, as exemplified in the evolving sexual culture ofChueca. Initially, reviewing the history of the previous century provides anunderstanding of the process by which LGBT individuals in Spain haveorganized and progressed from persecution and discrimination to becoming

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the leaders of social change and equality in Spain, as epitomized in commu-nities such as Chueca.

The Dictatorial Regime of Franco and Its Impact on Gender and Sexuality in Spain

A historical overview of the Franco’s regime will provide a framework forunderstanding the current construction of Chueca in Spanish society overthe past century and how they relate to micro, meso, macro, and globalinstitutions. Since the death of the former dictator, Francisco PaulinoHermenegildo Teódulo Franco y Bahamonde, commonly known as Franco,in 1975, the Spanish society and government underwent major changesimpacting the entire society. Overall, Franco enforced anti-Communistnationalist beliefs and Catholicism. These two major themes not onlyaffected the broader society but also the lives of LGBT individuals.

According to Nagel (2003), nationalism is “an ideology that professes acommon history, shared culture, and rightful homeland, and often ismarked by ethnocentrism where nationalists assert moral, cultural, andsocial superiority over other nations and nationalisms” (p. 148). Many dicta-torships such as those of Franco and Fidel Castro (in Cuba) have usednationalism to create a hegemonic power in society in order to control andreinforce norms and expectations. At the same time, these leaders formed abureaucracy of power and a strong military infrastructure in order to control,reinforce, and manipulate dissidents and sexual minorities. During theFranco regime, the military served as a powerful structure to control politicaland social unrest. Similarly, the military system put in place by the Castrobrothers prevents any type of political unrest and prevents the emergenceof any dissent movement, including the LGBT activist movement in Cuba.For example, according to Mario Jose Delgado Gonzalez, vice president ofthe Reinaldo Arenas LGBT foundation in Cuba, the LGBT march for socialequality and justice planned on June 26, 2008 was cancelled by the StateSecurity and Military System. Mr. Gonzalez went further and explained to anunderground independent journalist in Havana, “Los homosexualescubanos somos víctimas de la represión, no gozamos de derechos. Lo queestamos haciendo tiene como objetivo reclamar nuestros derechos. Quere-mos una igualdad de oportunidad, una igualdad de reunión, que no nosexpulsen de los parques, centros universitarios, las escuelas, de los centrosde trabajo” (Homosexuals in Cuba are victims of repression, we do not haverights. The main objective and goal of what we are doing is to claim ourrights. We want equal right to opportunities, the right to form committees,that we don’t get expel from parks, university centers, schools, and fromour jobs) (CubaEncuentro, 2008). It is also important to note that MarielaCastro, the daughter of Raul Castro, has made some steps in order to fighthomophobia in the island launching several “pro-gender equality” and HIV/

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AIDS awareness campaigns. In addition, she has pushed to change themacho/ideology within the regime but with limited and no major successdue to the fact that the bureaucracy and the executive branch are still con-trolled by the “old revolutionary beard men” from the 1960s. The Spanishand Cuban examples show that nationalism and dictatorial ideals can beused as a major tool against democratic ideals, dissidents and beliefs whileat the same time repressing sexual minorities.

Under Franco’s regime, nationalism in Spain created a source of conflictand marginalization for LGBT individuals. Franco condemned homosexual-ity, privileged the global institution of heterosexual marriage through theCatholic Church, and reinforced heterosexual cultural superiority. ManyLGBT individuals and journalists during the Franco regime decided to leavemajor cities such as Madrid and found refuge in the small Island of Ibiza inthe Mediterranean Sea (Fernandez, 1976). In mainland Spain, there was amarginalization of the civil society after Franco took power. The countrywas also devastated from the Spanish Civil War. Dissidents, critical thinkers,homosexuals, and activists did not find a safe space in the mainland. Rich-ards (2002) explains, “The point of departure is the hypothesis that memory,collective and individual, is always embedded in social change (in thebroadest sense) as well as political change. In order to show this, it is neces-sary to look closely at the subjective: the felt effects of war and repression ata personal level and their expression by individuals and groups” (p. 96).Repression was internalized by many LGBT individuals in the mainland ofSpain and they decided to go to the Spanish Mediterranean Island of Ibizato find freedom since the dictator had a strong control in the mainland,especially in the capital (Madrid).

Interestingly, Ibiza was later known as la tierra de libertad (the land offreedom) for those who experienced persecution and segregation. Currently,Ibiza is one of the major tourist destinations in Europe and receives LGBTvisitors from all over the world, particularly beaches such as Chiringay.

In addition to nationalism, Catholicism was strengthened and used toreify traditional gender roles and repress expressions of non-heterosexualityin Spanish society. Civil marriages, which had been taking place underRepublican Spain, were nullified and had to be reconfirmed by the CatholicChurch. Sex-segregated schools became the norm with different curriculumsand focus. Valiente (2002), one of the leading scholars in the study of genderin Spanish society, explained “in contrast to the boy’s curriculum, the girls’curriculum included a strong component of domestic skills (mainly sewing)and religious (Catholic) activities (chiefly prayers). Girls’ curricula also con-tained fewer academic subjects than did boy’s curricula” (p. 771).

In addition, women were forbidden in working in certain fields such asmedicine and law and by doing this; the dictator was strengthening the con-cept of machismo in Spanish society. The government drafted numerouspolicies including marriage bars to prohibit women employment. Furthermore,

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women needed their “husbands’permission to sign labor contracts andengage in trade” (Valiente, 2002, p. 773). While women did not have anysay in politics during the Franco era, today they have become one of thegreatest voting blocks in Spanish society and contributors to the policymakingof the Parliament. In fact, as of November 2007, 36% of the Spanish senatewas composed by women in comparison to 13% of women in the U.S.(Interparliamentary Union, 2007).

The Francoist regime took the strongest stand against homosexualityduring the 1950s. In 1954, the reform Ley de bagos y maleantes (VagrancyAct) declared homosexuality illegal and men found to be practicing weresent to prisons called gallerias de invertidos (deviant galleries; Valiente,2002). The imprisonment of men on the basis of their sexuality is a vividexample of how Spanish judges under the Franco regime became con-cerned with “something other than crimes, namely, the ‘soul of the crimi-nal.’” The judicial system shifted from the questions of “Has the act beenestablished and is it punishable? Who committed it? What law punishes thisoffence?” to the questions of “What is the act? How do we see the futuredevelopment of the offender? What would be the best way of rehabilitatinghim?” (Perez-Sanchez, 2000). Lawyers under the Franco regime began lookingat the negative consequences and impacts. In fact, these “negative conse-quences” were never substantiated with empirical research. The judgmentswere very subjective and based heavily on religious beliefs.

The deviant galleries created by Franco were supposed to reformtheir “evil” behaviors and ways through hard labor, thus, “benefitting” thecapitalist society at large. Because homosexuality was seen as “conta-gious,” non-heterosexual individuals required to be separated from all the“other” individuals and confined in “special institutions.” On June 1, 1971,the government established macro-institutions for the treatment of differ-ent types of “danger.” One such institution was called Huelva’s Center forHomosexuals, where individuals were “treated” with electroshock and theaversion therapy (Perez-Sanchez, 2000). More than 5,000 men wereimprisoned in sexual reeducation centers under the Franco’s regime. Inaddition, countless more were beaten, tortured, or forced into mentalinstitutions where they received electroshock treatments. In fact, Franco’stroops murdered Spain’s most famous poet and playwright, Federico GarcíaLorca, for the double crime of being gay and an intellectual (Loewenberg,2005). “The persecution of homosexuals under Franco was rooted in adogmatic understanding of Catholicism,” says Fernando Vallespín, presidentof the Center for Sociological Research in Madrid. (Lowenberg, 2005).“The Franco regime did not want to allow people to express themselves ifthey broke its conceptions of public morality” (Lowenberg, 2005, p. 34). SinceFranco strengthened Catholicism and the institution as a whole focused onsetting strong moral precedents, homosexuals did not find a place in thenew government and the new institutions. Franco perceived homosexuals

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as a threat to his ideology of religiosity and moral norms associated withheterosexuality.

Interestingly, women were not quarantined in such a fashion as women’ssexuality was relatively invisible in the patriarchal system of Franco.Although some policymakers and Franco’s supporters thought that “thislesbian passion must be an object of special concern,” lesbianism waserased from the sexual horizon of late Francoism (Perez-Sanchez, 2000, p. 386).Some LGBT individuals were able to survive Franco’s repression and movedto Ibiza and other cities. The death of the dictatorship was crucial for thosethat left the mainland and for those living in major cities to form and createactivist movements.

The Franco’s regime not only affected the social and cultural lives ofSpaniards but the economic structure of the country. The Spanish govern-ment remained excluded from the European Recovery Program (MarshallAid; Perez-Sanchez, 2000). The Marshall Plan was launched by the UnitedStates in order to help the economy of the European Nations after WorldWar II. Fascist Spain was rejected by the European nations, and the onlygovernment that supported the Franco’s regime was Argentina (under theleadership of Perón) from 1947 to 1949. During the 1960s, the regime wasable to recover and the new era of “economic miracle” emerged. TheUnited States provided more than $625 millions in loan to aid the Francoregime in response to Franco’s opposition to Communism.

Post-Franco Political Activism and Change in Spanish Society in Relation to LGBT Life

After Franco’s death, his political, social, and religious ideologies had ledthe country to major economic chaos leaving Spain in a critical economicsituation compared to other countries in Europe. La Movida Madrileña wasa major post-Franco social movement that led to sexual liberation, freedomand rights (Giorgi, 2002). This social movement also sparked new trends indesign, culture, fashion, music, film, and family structures. In addition, LaMovida Madrileña flourished in barrios (communities) like Chueca advocat-ing for LGBT-related equality and justice. It is important to clarify that thistransition was peaceful and violent revolution was not present (Allison,2001).

During this time, major repressive statutes and policies were abolishedby the new political system. Articles 10.1, 14, 17.1, and 23.1 of the SpanishConstitution, enforced since 1978, promote “the values of freedom, dignity,free development of personality, equality in the eyes of the law and partici-pation” (Pichardo Galán, 2004). The concepts of marriage and family appearin different articles of the Constitution (32 and 39, respectively). In addition,marriage is not seen as the sacred institution needed to form a family andprocreate (Pichardo Galán, 2004). Leaving space for interpretation and

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analysis has been the major success of the constitution in meeting the needsof LGBT citizens. The Spanish Constitution goes further and never defineswhat family is, leaving more space for interpretation and inclusiveness andembracing nontraditional families. Article 32.1 of the Spanish Constitutiondoes not define marriage as the union of a man and a woman but as a rightof a man and a woman to marry: “Man and woman have the right to getmarried with total legal equality” (Art. 32.1). There are many reasons related towhy this shifted and moved toward the decriminalization of these statusesoccurred in a society where machismo prevails and the Catholic religiousbeliefs are embedded in society.

During the Franco regime, liberal associations, political parties, socialclubs, and Casas de Pueblo of the socialist workers’ movement and tradeunions were made illegal in the country and closed down (Richards, 2002).Spanish lived this experience of repression and censoring and saw the neg-ative effects this caused in the economy, family, and the social life of thecountry. The situation lived by many in the country shaped the identity andthe social cognitive perspective of many Spaniards; the Spanish society real-ized that the repressive statutes that limited social freedom and liberation areassociated with Franco and, hence, the country took a stand to abolishthose repressive statutes.

In addition, during the Franco’s regime, there was a spirit of silenceand fear of repression (Richards, 2002). “It has often been argued that it wasevasion and apathy, rather than consent or support (or resistance) that char-acterized state–social relations from the 1950s in Spain. This seems to beborne out by other evidence from ‘the obedient generation’ growing up inthe postwar, struggling against a ‘monolithic conspiracy of silence’” (p. 110).Individuals became apolitical during this period and did not want to talkabout politics. Individuals all over Spain went through this psychological pro-cess. Spaniards realized that repressive statutes leading to fear and repressiondid not work during the Franco regime and therefore needed to be repealed.The negative effects of silence and repression were internalized by many citi-zens. Hence, the policies of repressions were abolished with the main mottoto eliminate the negative prejudices reinforced by Franco.

During the post-Franco era, a motto emerged among citizens:“no hayque meterse en nada” (one mustn’t get involved in anything). This behaviorcould have worked in the success of the LGBT civil rights movement;regarding to individual’s personal lives and behavioral decisions. There wasa sense of respect and letting the human being be (Bosqued Biedma, 2003).

The HIV/AIDS epidemic also motivated activism among LGBT individ-uals in Spanish society. Many individuals were concerned with the negativestereotypes and the stigma attached to the disease. In 1993, two of themajor LGBT organizations in Spain, the Coordinadora Gai-Lesbiana (CGL)from Catalonia and Colectivo Gay De Madrid (COGAM) from Madrid, beganto challenge the regulation of the de facto couples and creating alliances

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with the heterosexual community by incorporation de facto of heterosexualcouples that did not want to marry. During the 1990s, the Spanish WorkersSocialist Party (Partido Socialista Obero Español, PSOE) started reaching outand advocating for LGBT issues, in this case HIV/AIDS. During the 1994–1996 presidential term, the socialist government drafted the Law of UrbanLeasing (1994), “which recognizes the right to subrogate a contract in a defacto couple regardless of sexual orientation” (Pichardo Galán I, 2004).Many Spanish laws and statues refer to the concept of “affection” betweenmembers of the couple and do not mention gender or sex. This is a broadsense that includes the affection between same-sex individuals. Valencia,Madrid, and Canary Islands explicitly and by de jure, talk about this “affection”as crucial for marriage and couples (Pichardo Galan I, 2004).

LGBT families have been recognized by the Spanish government andtheir relationships are recognized by institutions in society. The concept offamily has been to an extent redefined not only by the political system butby Spanish society (Fassin, 2000). The National Adoption Law of 1987allowed any Spanish individual whether homosexual or not, to adopt ababy individually but it allowed heterosexual couples to adopt jointly. In2005, the Spanish government amended this law and currently same-sexcouples can adopt. While the United States has been faster to allow adop-tion for same-sex couples than to allow marriage, the Spanish governmentlegalized same-sex couples and then adoption; Spaniards were more hesi-tant to allow adoption for same-sex couples than Americans.

In 1984, the European Union (EU) Parliament, as one of the leadingvanguard in the LGBT civil rights movement, required all of its members toabandon policies repressive of homosexuality through the A-0028/94Resolution (El Mundo, 2003). Thus, the EU has also influenced Spain toadopt progressive legislative statutes in alleviating repression of LGBT indi-viduals. Since joining the EU in the 1990s, Spain has made considerableprogress in the area of policies related to gender and sexuality. These changesare most evident in the dynamics and structure of communities such asChueca in Madrid. Our examination of this neighborhood gives insights intothe progression of tolerance toward sexual diversity in Spain.

METHODS

This ethnographic study was conducted using the theoretical lens of socialconstructionism. Social constructionist theory emerged in the 1970s andcentral themes and constructs emerged: a) sexual identities and categoriesare not static and dynamically and continuously change; b) relations ofpowers construct and help shape sexualities; c) sexuality and gender are fluidinstitutions among human beings; d) dominant categories and constructsshould be investigated and analyzed in the context of sexual minorities

234 O. Martinez and B. Dodge

(Irvine, 2003).During the 1950s and 1960s, researchers began to studysociosexual phenomena such as prostitution, nudism, extramarital sex, andsexual diversity, combining their perspectives with the theoretical insightsof symbolic interactionists. Their studies were significant in the fact that theychallenged other scholars and scientists to question how sexuality is sociallyconstructed. Bearing this in mind, the first author was immersed in the barrioof Chueca with the goal of studying of how the ethnosexual community issocially constructed. A number of techniques were used in this investigation,including ethnographic observations, interviews, and document analysis.On the other hand, the theoretical framework of intersectionality can beapplied in Chueca, especially to the context of gender differences in termsof accessibility to the community and socio economic status hindering theprocess of inclusion. According to Collins (1990, 2000), the concept of gendermust be understood in the context of power relations and interactionsembedded in social identities. For instance, the number of openly lesbianbars in Chueca is less than the number of men. In addition, based on theprincipal investigator’s observations, transsexual and transgender individualsare being pushed out of the community and it is hard for them to find aspace within the community.

Observations

The first author performed critical and analytical observations in spacesthroughout the community. These included micro-institutions such as bars(Why Not, Bar Nike, Fulanita, Escape, etc.) and other venues within thebarrio. Direct observation of daily behaviors of individuals in Chueca wereconducted to determine the context of daily life as well as the impact ofsignificant global events such as Madrid Europride 2007 that occurred in thecommunity at this time. Observation offered the opportunity to examinefirst-hand the local beliefs, perceptions, cultural frameworks, and thedynamics of the community.

Interviews

Meetings and interviews were held with influential Spanish historians, poli-ticians, and researchers in Madrid in order to learn more about the majorLGBT-related political, social, and cultural events that occurred during andafter the Franco regime. Additionally, informal interviews and interactionswere also carried out with individuals living in Chueca.

Document Analysis

Document analysis allowed for problem/issue oriented research by identifyingthe major economic, cultural, ethnic, and gender issues affecting LGBT

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individuals in Spain through the collection and examination of official andlegal documents (such as the Spanish Constitution), as well as academicand popular culture books (Hernandez, 2004; Ortiz, 2003; Pombo, 2005),newspapers (i.e., El Pais Semanal), and other materials located within theboundaries of Chueca.

The principal investigator went further and established a critical under-standing and analysis of the concept and institution of family and how it isexplained and interpreted under the judicial branch in Spain. As stated inArticle 39 of the Spanish Constitution, the concept of family is not definedin terms of marriage and it is inclusive. In Article 32, the concept is alsobroader than heterosexual marriage leaving space for other forms and inter-pretations of marriage. In addition, the Constitutional Court (S.T.C. 222/1992, 11 December) defined family allowing for the inclusion of all kinds ofrelationships based on solidarity and dependence, far from the traditional(heterosexual) definition of family. Even though the Catholic Church playsan important role in the idea of procreation as essential for marriage, thisideal is completely eliminated in the legal spectrum of the Spanish judicialsystem.

According to the Centre for Sociological Research (C.I.S.) survey of2004, “family” is the institution that Spanish citizens value the most, overothers like employment, politics, leisure, friends, money or religion. Therefore,it is not surprising that LGB) rights are constructed by activists and policymak-ers within this framework (Platero, 2007).

FINDINGS

Structure of the Community and Public Images of Diversity in Chueca

Chueca has around 35 avenues and streets. Fuencarral and Hortaleza arethe major streets of the community and they have a large number of shops,cafes, and restaurants. In Hortaleza you can find hotels, hostels, and stores.During the day visitors from all over the city come to the enclave for recre-ation and shopping. Chueca is also home to the major clothing stores of thecity and it is the center of “fashion” of Madrid. LGBT political and socialactivism are at the heart of the Chueca community. The community has fourpolitical associations to advocate for LGBT rights: Atención a Homosexuales,Colectivo Gay De Madrid (COGAM), Fundación Triangulo, and Rosa Que TeQuiero Rosa (RQTR). The four of them are nongovernment associations andthe Fundación Triangulo is stated as public utility in Boletin Oficial delEstado (Ministerio del Interior, 2005); therefore, it is recognized by thegovernment and governmental agencies nationwide. These organizationswork actively as interest groups and advocates for LGBT civil rights inSpain. In addition, Fundación Triangulo reaffirms, “Our organization’s goalis to reach the equality of political and social rights for gays and lesbians.

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We consider that this aim can only be reached by modifying laws, workingagainst social differences and emphasizing the education for equality.”(Fundación Triangulo, 2008). These themes have not only been embracedby activist and politicians but by many citizens in Chueca and the entireSpanish society.

The LGBT community of Chueca has been able to neutralize homopho-bia in society by breaking down negative stereotypes previously attributedto the LGBT community. The community has become a political, cultural,and social landscape that has been able to transcend and emerge withpower to create change. One of the major mainstream Spanish magazines,El Pais Semanal, quoted “It seems unbelievable that old people from theFranco era do not say anything when they see a gay couple kissing in thesquare, while kids are playing in the swing. They accept it. It is possible thatsome of them don’t like it, but anywhere else people would react; theywould not allow the couple to kiss; they would insult them” (Elola, 1998, p.50). Additionally, the local government built a middle school in Chueca.Daily observations in the neighborhood revealed numerous interactionsbetween heterosexual and LGBT individuals. Different types of familieswalked through the streets with their children: single fathers, single moth-ers, same-sex couples, and other nontraditional families. One of the majorparking areas in the community shows pictures of how diverse is the com-munity in terms of family structure (see Figure 1).

Furthermore, the government has placed signs across the communitybreaking the traditional form of the “crossing sign.” The government acknowl-edges the presence and the power of the LGBT community and counterpartswith them in their struggle for equality and social justice (Figure 2).

FIGURE 1 Photo taken from a parking garage in Chueca. It exemplifies the diversity of familiesin terms of gender, sex, race, age, and sexual orientation in this community.

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The mainstream business community shows a strong support to theLGBT movement in Chueca, as seen in the placement of a rainbow flag inthe front of the door of Burger King. Travel agencies also try to attract gaytourism by portraying LGBT symbols in their establishments. But not onlysymbols, identity, culture, and political activism are part of the community:Ethnic minorities form and build the community as well.

Globalization of “Gay” Identity in Chueca

Giorgi (2002) defines gayness as “the culture, identity, and its relationshipwith visibility—not only narrated the aesthetics and the (micro) politics ofthe sexual secret; it also, after becoming a sign of global circulation, sets inmotion a narrative that locates bodies in a geopolitical order, making themvisible in some ways and determining their visibility under different condi-tions” (p. 73). Gay identity in Chueca is in part shaped and affected by aglobal “gay” identity coming mainly from North America and WesternEuropean countries such as France, England, and Germany. “Queer” is atransnational term, but Spaniards do not use the term. Queer is more intel-lectual and it is being used in literary and academic field. On one hand,“gay” and “lesbian” are the terms used but on the other hand Chuequi Perra(Chueca queen) and maricón (fag) are more for prejudice and forhomophobic attitudes. These terms are widely used in Chueca.

There has been a great move toward the globalization of “gay identity”(Grewal & Kaplan, 2001). “In modernity, identities inevitably become global.Indeed, few things remain local in the aftermath of the rise of capitalism.Just as goods and people come to circulate in new ways, so too identitiesemerge and come into specific relations of circulation and expansion. In

FIGURE 2 Chueca signage of a same-sex couple crossing the street.

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this globalized framework of encounter and exchange, sexual identities aresimilar to other kinds of identities in that they are imbued with powerrelations. These power relations are connected to inequalities that resultfrom earlier forms of globalization, but they have also generated newasymmetries” (p. 663). Many LGBT individuals in Chueca have embracedthe globalized LGBT identity by claiming international LGBT symbols suchas the rainbow flag. In addition, English names are common for the majorbars and restaurants. A new LGBT identity has been constructed in Chuecaand it has been shaped by a capitalist market economy and by a great influ-ence of international tourisms, especially from Europe. While the globaliza-tion and the capitalization of Chueca have led to the economic boom of thecounty, many others have been deprived from enjoying the benefits of thecommunity due to income status. Hence, creating two classes of gay citizensin Chueca—the low-income students who are not able to afford the nicerestaurants or enter the nice bars and the older gay men with a more stableincome and able to afford the commodities offered by the community.

On one hand, globalization can threaten the flavor (sabor) of the nativeculture. Culture, ethnicity, and customs might play an important role in thenational definition of individuals. These factors may fade with the increaseof globalization and capitalism. Flamenco dancing is a dramatic example ofthis in Chueca. The flamenco is the classical traditional dance of Spain. Itwas used to strengthen nationalism by the Franco regime. For manySpaniards, flamenco reminds them of the old Spain still behind and lackingeconomic power in the European Community. In addition, for many is therejection to modernity. Chueca as a community has in fact rejected fla-menco and its traditional and significant cultural values. None of the bars inthe community had a traditional flamenco dancing. For example, duringEuropride, all the main plazas in Chueca were playing house music, whileonly one plaza outside the heart of the community had a flamenco danceperformance.

LGBT individuals in Spain have adopted international symbols of “gay”identity. While walking through the narrow streets of Chueca, numerousrainbow flags hang on the old colonial buildings. In addition, the pink trian-gle can be seen throughout the community. However, LGBT Spaniards havealso claimed international symbols to form a globalized gay identity towhich they have shaped and created their own symbols of queerness. Therainbow bull becomes the main symbol claimed by the Spanish LGBT com-munity (see Figure 3). While the bull has always represented and embeddedthe meanings of machismo, sexism, and male domination, it has beenclaimed by the LGBT community with a different meaning and theme. Themajor bookstores and mainstreams LGBT magazines portray the rainbowbull as the main icon of the queer community in Spain.

Interestingly, since the Spanish Government joined the EuropeanUnion in 1986, there has been a shift toward the globalization of Spanish

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identity by claiming new symbols and embedding the economic and socialthemes rooted in the European Union. Pedro Almadóvar has contributed toportray this new globalized Spanish LGBT identity and to the transformationof the Spanish media and theater by rejecting old traditional values, normsand “morals” in his films. Almadóvar has become one of the most importantfigures in Spain by showing and capturing the most important times of theSpanish democratic transition since Franco’s death. Almadóvar started hisfilmmaking career with a Super-8 camera that he was able to afford aftermany hours of work at the Telefónica (the Spanish national phone company).His early work with the Super-8 in the 1970s, which include Fuck, Fuck,Fuck Me, Tim; Labyrinth of Passions; Women on the Verge of a NervousBreakdown; Pepi, Luci, Bom, and Other Girls on the Heap; and Solamé,reflected the early stages of the transition to democracy and social liberation.But the two films that contributed the most to the movement are Pepi, Luci,Bom and Labyrinth of Passions, where he was able to capture the realityand the experiences of Spanish families. Movies such as Law of Desire(1987) and All About My Mother (1999) resemble and capture social transfor-mation, restructuration of families, rejection to Catholicism, and the intro-duction of non-heterosexual lifestyles (Allison, 2001). Almadóvar brings tothe film field the reality of Spain and the struggle and conflicting viewsamong religion, nationalism, sexuality, and Spanish identity.

Capitalist Modernization of Chueca

The citizens of Chueca have assimilated the ideology of capitalist modern-ization, leading to the globalization of their community and it is exemplified inChueca through different forms, including but not limited to new symbols,

FIGURE 3 The rainbow bull.

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identity, and norms. Capitalist modernization includes the expansion of theprivate expansion of the market, the increase in global trade and investment,the learning of the English language, and the increase of social and eco-nomic freedom. There are several venues in the communities such as bars,travel agencies, saunas, restaurants, and shopping stores where investmenthas increased and progressed.

The market industry recognizes the potential of LGBT tourism and theSpanish National Tourist Office publishes a magazine entitled Madrid NightLife. Within this magazine, there is a section called The Gay Life whereSpanish citizens and tourists are informed about the major attractions andLGBT life in Spain (Giorgi, 2002). LGBT tourism is important for thecommunity and there is one major LGBT travel agency: The rainbow is vis-ible from a distance and the store welcomes its customer with postersadvertising LGBT travel. Also in relation to travel, the Spanish government’sprogressive policies to legalize same-sex marriage and adoption were rec-ognized by the EU and, as a reward, Spain hosted the 2007 Europride inMadrid. The event fueled the business and economy of the city and Chueca,in particular. Small business, hotels, and restaurants benefited from thisevent. All hotels and hostels from Madrid were booked months before theevent took place. In addition, during the 2007 Europride, Chueca hostedsigns with political messages including words such as equality, rights (dere-chos), dreams, humanity, pride (orgullo), hope, faith, tenderness (cariño),and sense (see Figures 4 and 5). These signs and posters gave a message ofinclusiveness and the emancipation of civil rights.

FIGURE 4 Logos and signs encountered while walking on the narrow colonial streets of LaChueca.

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During the Franco regime, Chueca was mostly populated by drugdealers, prostitutes, and immigrants. The community by itself was consid-ered dangerous. The gentrification of the community began during themid and early 1980s. Chueca is now one of the most expensive communi-ties in Madrid and citizens from all over the world stay in the area. In fact,there are nine housing facilities in the community. Many visitors decide tostay in these facilities because they want to be in the community whilecutting down the cost of transportation in the city. The housing facilitiesare not clustered but scattered around in the community. Visitors oftenneed to reserve rooms in advance due to the high demand. In addition,the community has 12 restaurants, as of the summer of 2007, including thewell-known Bazaar. The restaurant is designed in a modern style: thewalls are made of glass, it has wood floors, and all the plates are white.The food and their dishes are well known in Madrid for their taste andcreativity. The chefs are currently studying in Madrid’s top universities.Sexual diversity is evident in many of these establishments. Many heterosexualand LGBT business men and women come to have their lunch and traditionalcafé con leche.

Chueca embodies the modernity of the EU, capitalism and marketeconomy. Tourists from other European countries bring their cultures,ideas, and perspectives to the community. In fact, tourism dramaticallyshapes the dynamics of the community. It is important to understand thatmost of the restaurants, clothing stores and bars have English names. For

FIGURE 5 Logos and signs encountered while walking on the narrow colonial streets of LaChueca.

242 O. Martinez and B. Dodge

example, Black and White Disco, Espace Bar, City Sex Store Bookstore, andMy Way Coffee, show the influence of the English in the city. In fact, formany individuals, English words bring an air of cosmopolitan prosperity tothe community. Tourism influences individuals living in the community.Through tourism, there is a constant movement of individuals and theybring new international ideologies and perspectives such as the role ofgovernment, economic perspectives, the role of church, and the globalLGBT movement. For instance, tourism can fuel social political movementsto effect change. Many individuals in Chueca are able to learn from thehistory of sexual oppression and dictatorial policies from other countriesand learn from these experiences to effect change. In addition, tourismexpands businesses, creates more jobs and the infrastructure of the communityis improved.

Scholars have argued that “capitalism’s ability to spread and invade viaglobalization is commonly recounted as a non-reciprocal penetration thatbrings only loss to those people and institutions it touches” (Oswin, 2007,p. 94). The gentrification of Chueca can be seen in this light, as its formerresidents (such as drug addicts and street prostitutes) who existed on themargins of society were seemingly displaced. However, the economic andsocial developments in the area have benefitted the economy of Madrid aswell as many of its citizens. Still, however, some social groups (e.g., trans-gender sex workers) have been pushed to the margins and do not enjoy thebenefits of the increasingly affluent gay and lesbian market economy. Theseindividuals were pushed out of the community for socioeconomic reasons;Chueca rapidly became an expensive city to live in and the prices of productsand foods increased.

Transgender Sex Workers: Still Marginalized on the Border of the Community

Although minors’ prostitution and forced prostitution are forbidden, otherforms of sex work are currently tolerated the Spanish penal code and it isnot punished by the government (Valiente, 2002, p. 777). In Madrid, street-based sex workers have migrated from Chueca to the streets of a neighbor-ing district. Social interactions with these sex workers in calle de Monteraleading to Sol (one of the most well-known plazas for tourist attractions)and calle de Fuencarral (a street intersecting with Gran Via, which is amajor street in Madrid) occurred during the ethnographic research. Interest-ingly, most of the sex workers were transgender and/or transsexual. Manywere also immigrants, mainly from Africa and Romania, due to theirinability to gain employment and legal status. While Chueca remains a safeenvironment for gays and lesbians it has pushed away transgender andtranssexual individuals. There is a lack of visibility of transgender andtranssexuals in the community and many of them may feel a cultural/social

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pressure to work outside the boundaries of the “sexually safe” barrio. Ofnote, one of the major police stations is located on one of the core placesfor prostitution. Sex workers select this spot because the presence of thepolice gives security and safety.

In Chueca, transgender individuals explore the border regions of thecommunity but they find obstacles to fit in the enclave and find saferspaces in other locations and regions in the city. They are faced with thecontemporary gay and lesbians laws that embrace globalization, modern-ization and new “norms”—norms in which they do not fit and conform.The marginalization of transgender, as well as bisexual, individuals hasbeen noted in other “LGBT” communities. “Heterosexism against bisexualsand transgenders exists not only in the straight community, but in the gayand lesbian community as well…as the LGBT community developed,power relations arose which resulted in the four different groups L/G/B/T,assigning them different social locations. Prejudice in gay and lesbiancommunities against bisexual and transgenders is heterosexism because itis, among other things, and accomodationist attempt to disavow thesemore “radical” forms of sexuality” (Weiss, 2003, p. 27). Future scholarsshould focus on the reasons and factors that have led the transgender andtranssexual community to work outside Chueca. There is a need to under-stand the determinants associated with this phenomenon of pushing trans-gender and transsexuals outside the “safe boundaries of Chueca.” Thereare likely negative psychological and social effects associated with thisphenomenon and if so, there is a need to create an intervention programto address the inclusion of transgender and transsexuals in the communityof Chueca as well as the need to serve the transgender community withtheir needs.

Ethnic Minorities in Chueca

Chueca has become the epicenter of the Spanish LGBT community. Bywalking through Chueca, visitors and residents can perceive a sense ofinclusiveness and diversity. This is true not only in terms of sexuality butalso ethnicity. Cubans, Peruvians, Colombians, Ecuadorians, Moroccans,Romanians, and other immigrants find refuge in this unique community.Indeed, Spain is the first Latin country to enact laws and policies forbiddingdiscrimination in housing and employment based on race/ethnicity, as wellas sexual orientation (Giorgi, 2002). Chueca becomes the refuge for manybecause it is a safe space where they can freely express their sexuality,gender identity and their cultures are accepted. Many of these immigrantsflee their countries to find acceptance in the community.

Chueca is socially constructed as a safe space for immigrants comingfrom other countries. The boundaries of Chueca mean protection to theirsexual identity as well as their ethnic identity. In Chueca, individuals can be

244 O. Martinez and B. Dodge

free of historical repression and practice their current religious and culturaltraditions. For example, Duan, an immigrant from the Lebanon stated“Chueca es mi casita linda donde yo puedo ser Libanes y a la misma vez gay”(“Chueca is my beautiful home where I can be Lebanese and at the same timegay.”) His apartment, in the heart of Chueca, contained traditional Lebaneseart craft while a rainbow flag was hanging on the window. The Lebanese artcrafts and the rainbow flags created and shaped his identity, giving himstrength and security in the community—something he could have neverdone in his native country. Chueca is a place where immigrants, such asDuan, can come and pursue their dreams and a life in a space wherehomophobia has been at some point neutralized. There might be somestereotypes associated with the fact that LGBT immigrants come to Spain forprostitution and engage in sexual tourism, but immigrants can break downthese types of stereotypes associated with the community.

Black and White is one of the major clubs in Chueca. It is only openat night and it is frequently visited by many immigrants. Lola is the majordrag queen of the club who recently migrated from Cuba. Most of herjokes are sarcastic and the stories are always related to immigration issuesand topics. While the club is mostly visited by immigrants mainly fromMorocco, Latin America, and Africa, it is also frequented by many Span-iards. Many of the male immigrants engage in prostitution with older-agedSpaniards. As with the rest of the community, there was lack of visibilityof lesbians in this space. While it was clear to see the dynamics of the sexindustry and the role of immigrants in the industry, many immigrants werealso working in the bars and restaurants to make a living. It is crucial tounderstand that many immigrants coming from many countries in the Lat-ino diaspora (e.g., Ecuador and Brazil) do not have legal status in thecountry. The lack of legal status puts them at risk of engaging in activitiessuch as prostitution in order to survive and support their families in theirnative countries. The construct of structural intersectionality reflects anddemonstrates the ways in which the individual’s legal status or socialneeds in the community marginalize and subordinate them (Shields,2008). Social class, legal status, and education play a major role in defin-ing the lives of these immigrants in the receiving nation. But social classplays also a big role in the visibility of gays and the invisibility of lesbiansin Chueca.

Gay Visibility/Lesbian Invisibility

While walking through the narrow streets of Chueca, visitors and commu-nity members can enjoy the diverse environment in terms of food, ethnicity,and culture, and the gay visibility is present all over the enclave. Althoughgay men are visible, lesbians (as well as bisexual and transgender individu-als) lack visibility in the community. Gender and class play an important

Chueca 245

role in creating and defining space in the community. While Spanish menhave benefited from heterosexual institutions and well paid male-dominatedjobs, Spanish women have gone through job discrimination and have beenforced to follow gender norms. These gender norms still reinforce the ideaof women as the “homemaker” and men as the “bread winner.” Historically,these norms were strengthened by the Franco regime and still persist inSpanish society.

While most of the clubs and bars are more frequently visited bymen, there are only two bars geared primarily toward women: Fulanitade Tal and Escape. Fulanita is visited primarily by younger women,mostly college students, and Escape by middle-age women. In addition,the housing facilities and apartments for rent are extremely expensive.Social class and status may play another role in the lack of visibility oflesbians in the community. Many of them cannot afford the high pricesof the housing facilities or the cost of living in this LGBT enclave.Shields (2008) also explains that the intersections also create bothoppression and opportunity. For instance, she explains “…being on theadvantaged side offers more than avoidance of disadvantage or oppressionby actually opening up access to rewards, status, and opportunitiesunavailable to other intersections” (p. 302). The intersection position inthe Chueca context might be of advantage for many gay Spaniards but tothe disadvantage of women in the community.

La Latina: An Emerging LGBT Barrio

It is important to mention that because the living expenses and housingmarket have been increasing in Chueca, a “new” LGBT enclave is formingin La Latina, another barrio, where there is a strong migrant community.These immigrants are mainly from India, China and Africa. La Latina is con-sidered the oldest area in Madrid; it is structured with the Islamic citadelinside the city walls, large squares, and narrow streets. Will immigrants bewilling to accept and embrace the LGBT Spanish culture? How will thesetwo different groups interact in such a dynamic society? Future researchmay focus on this unique ethnosexual community currently in developmentin Madrid. Hence, we can see in this illustration how some constructs of theconstructionist perspective could be applied. Power relationships withinChueca are pushing others in the community to build new communitiessuch as La Latina. Dominant determinants such as the strong influence ofglobalization, high prices, and affordability develop new identities. Hence,it is important to mention that that future identity constructed by LGBT in LaLatina will be different that that developed by many LGBT in Spain.Environmental factors in La Latina, such as the fact that it is now a migrantcommunity, might affect sexual identity and the interactions within thecommunity and among its citizens.

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DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

LGBT Latinos/as in Acción: From Identity Formation to the Creation of El Barrio

In the United States, Greenwich Village was among the first LGBT enclavesin New York City. A brief comparison of U.S. LGBT enclaves and interna-tional LGBT enclaves such as Chueca reveals how the dynamics of barriodiffer based on history, socioeconomic status, sexuality, and ethnicity. Inaddition, there is a need to comprehensively understand the emergence ofnew LGBT Latino/a enclaves such as Jackson Heights and the dynamics andsocial complexity of the space. Chueca was not always a safe enclave forLGBT individuals, but its transformation provides a template for the formationof “neighborhoods” in other Latino/a communities around the world.

Latinos/as, many of whom can trace their ethnic heritage to Spain, havebecome a major political and economic force in the United States and willflourish to more than 40 million by the year of 2010 (González, 2000, p. XI).Within this major group there is an LGBT community who has to strugglewith the norms imposed by society but also with their enclave’s culturalexpectations. In addition, machismo, universities and colleges, norms, gov-ernments, religion, health, and new LGBT Latino/a organizations shape thelives of LGBT Latinos/as in the United States, creating a unique identity thatdistinguishes them from others in their cultural enclave and society in general.Interestingly, LGBT Spanish individuals are challenged with similar institutionssuch as machismo and religion but have seemingly overcome these issuesin communities such as Chueca.

Even though the Latino/a community is diverse in terms of race, countryof origin, ethnicity, culture, they all share similar struggles and challenges tosurvive in borderlands of homophobia, stereotypes, religious norms,machismo, sexual attitudes, and gender identity. LGBT Latinos/as have tostruggle with mainstream norms imposed by society but also with theirenclave’s specific cultural expectations. Many ethnic Latino/a enclavesconform to norms, cultural behaviors, and religious institutions. In many ofthese barrios, masculinity, heteronormativity, and gender inequalities arereinforced. Therefore, Latinos/as need to be empowered and enlightened toeffect change. LGBT Latinos/as may benefit from the creation of communi-ties such as Chueca, Madrid, Spain, with economic and political power tocreate change. This is already occurring in communities such as New YorkCity’s Jackson Heights.

As in Chueca, many LGBT individuals began moving in to JacksonHeights because of the inexpensive prices and the low cost of living, whichmarked the beginning of a neighborhood turnaround for Jackson Heights inthe early 1990s. One migrant described, “When I first moved here, I wasn’treally excited about it, but I just really grew to love the neighborhood,Bobbish said. The gay community is growing quickly, it’s really social and

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doesn’t have the attitude. We are even able to buy a car so we have accessto the suburbs now” (Eleveld, 2007, p. 3). The heart of the LGBT communityis at Roosevelt Avenue and about 75th Street. Gay male bars flourish in thatarea, and the business market economy is growing. Chueca on the otherhand, is a larger community with a stronger economic and political influ-ence. Jackson Height may be moving in a similar direction. Daniel Dromm,an openly gay Queens Democratic district leader, recalls that JacksonHeights has become the largest and most politically active LGBT communityin the borough of Queens. “‘I go into the coffee shop on 78th Street, and Isee gay guys sitting with the local straight guys talking about what’s goingon in the neighborhood, he said. No one’s sexuality really seems to matter.It hit me hard that this is exactly what we want to have in terms of themovement.” (Eleveld, 2007, p. 4).

Jackson Heights is an interesting community where there is a clearintersectionality of race, ethnicity and sexuality. There is a growing popula-tion of Latinos/as in the neighborhood and at the same time a great numberof LGBT individuals living in the community, many of those in fact Latinos/as as well. The future of this ethnosexual enclave, and whether or not it willfollow the similar path of globalization and conformity to international “gay”identity, remains to be seen as it continues to develop.

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