EDUCATION AND CULTURAL INTERCHANGE: AN INTRODUCTORY APPROACH BETWEEN BRAZIL AND CANADA

Werklund School of Education

EDUCATION AND CULTURAL INTERCHANGE:

AN INTRODUCTORY APPROACH BETWEEN BRAZIL AND CANADA

Wilson Alves de Paiva, Ph.D., Associate Professor

Pontifical Catholic University of Goiás (Brasil), and

Visiting Scholar & Post-Doctoral Fellow, University of Calgary (Canada)

1. Introduction

I would like to begin by acknowledging the contribution and support of the institutions

and individuals who have made it possible for me to become affiliated with the Werklund

School of Education, University of Calgary, as a visiting scholar and post-doc fellow. I am

particularly grateful to the Brazilian Government through the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento

de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)—a foundation affiliated with the Ministry of Education, for

providing a scholarship and lending support for this arrangement.

This paper constitutes an introductory discussion of the phenomenon of

multiculturalism, particularly its educational components, a topic that was initially proposed

and subsequently comprised a series of intellectual interchanges between myself, as visiting

scholar, and Dr. John W. Friesen of the Werklund School of Education as host supervisor. The

original proposal targeted a study on education and cultural identity with a focus on Portuguese

and Brazilian communities in Canada. The intent was to research and, hopefully, report on the

negative and positive effects on young people when exposed to varying cultural environments.

The research question was: “In what ways, positively and/or negatively, did the perceptions

about their Native cultures change when Portuguese and Brazilian youth were exposed to new

cultural environments?” The study also proposed to undertake a survey of one Portuguese

school’s attempt to preserve the language and related cultural values of Canadian-born

Portuguese and Brazilian youth in an effort to link them with their parent’s country of origin.

Oliveira (2009, p. 91-108) suggests that in Canada many Portuguese youth are forced by

their parents to attend Portuguese courses and cultural events within the community. Many

immigrant youth feel alienated or excluded from Portuguese institutions, and being excluded

often influences them feel ashamed of their immigrant status. Oliveira also points out (Id. p. 1


96) that these youngsters might retain their home country culture and language if they could

feel some benefit from having it, and if it did not constitute a source of embarrassment to them.

According to Burke (2009), immigrant groups often attempt to be isolated from

dominant society in order to maintain their cultural identity. This might prove to be somewhat

of a contentious observation. First of all it is important to determine if Portuguese and

Brazilians, as alien communities, prefer to remain isolated or if they are choosing to assimilate

into their newly adopted culture. As identity is defined relatively, that is "established by

marking symbolic relation to other identities” (Silva, Hall & Woodward, p. 13), it is also

important to determine whether or not immigrant youth are adopting a double lifestyle,

becoming homogenized (hybrid), or simply refusing to accept or endorse their native culture,

thereby deepening a possible crisis of identity.

The discussion emanating from this topic parallels the classic debate on

multiculturalism. My approach, from a philosophical perspective, will center on four premises

pertaining to the positioning of the self and of the other in the context of Western thought. I

propose to discuss the phenomenon of cultural mingling in Brazil which shall hereafter be

labeled “hybridity.” Multiculturalism in Brazil will briefly be compared with the Canadian

cultural mosaic in order to lay the foundation for a discussion of how educational policies and

school practices figure in improving multicultural understanding as well as in recognizing

cultural differences.

2. The Self and the Other

Whenever large numbers of immigrants from different cultural backgrounds migrate to a

new country the mere reality of their arrival reduces any dreams of building a distinct

homogenized society. Internationally speaking, as history has shown, succeeding social

interactions between members of immigrant communities and members of the host society

delineate new cultural configurations of humankind, which makeups vary, depending on the

extent and degree of mingling. A case in point is the Hebrew diaspora from Egypt to what is

now the country of Israel. The “new” Israelites came from the “middle of nowhere” in the

desert lands of the Bedouin to Egypt, and from there moved to Canaan, in a not so linear

movement. As time went on they developed a thriving identity despite enduring times such as

the inquisition in the Middle Ages and the holocaust in modern times. Although their persistent

religious unity, based on the Torah, resulted in the fact that Jews from South Europe, Russia, or 2


Ethiopia, or later from modern America, are culturally quite different from one another. The

resultant hybridism can be seen today in modern Israel. Although perceived as a country of

unity, the reality is that Israel comprises a multitude of different people with distinctive

languages and cultural complexions. Another example emanates from the history of Greece,

originally made up of a variety of backgrounds—potential world rulers and others who were

viewed as savage barbarians. Later this admixture of backgrounds and social classes produced a

highly distinguished culture, particularly in Athens, but made up of a multiplicity of diffused

elements including oriental roots and contributions from surrounding civilizations. Later this

cultural hybrid became a distinct political entity as well as producing Christianity. There is

ample evidence of its world influence in subsequent centuries.

Turning the attention to the Western world, it becomes evident that even though built

through cross-cultural encounters, its affiliated countries have not developed a pluralistic

perspective of tolerance and respect for others. Instead, its various countries have often been

torn apart by setting up artificial boundaries, cleansing wars, tribal rivalries, and religious

clashes representative of a hobbesian condition of “all against all.” The resultant chaos

incorporates a rage of societies from imperialist ideologies to local diffusionist movements

with the same end—to impose the self, seek to subvert, and replace the logic of otherness.

There is no need to go back to Hellenic times to identify this phenomenon. The Cartesian

cogito is evident in the very outbreak of the Modern Age—the imposing self is manifested

theoretically through the famous phrase, Cogito ergo sum - Je pense, donc je sui (I think,

therefore, I am) and means what Hegel (1977) calls “the spirit of the time”, which can be taken

as the humanist turn to a centralization of the self as well as the instrumentation of nature. The

outside world, including the reality of the other, is therefore solely conditioned by myself in

accordance with my perception, my understanding, and my reasoning, and in my power.

An observation emanating from this discussion is that the rational self is perceived as free

from any form of supernatural or otherworldly influence usually underscored by a theological

view. It is entirely developed via a subjective form of reason that presumes to be capable of

rethinking the world in its substantial components. The result is that despite the potential

possibility of improving humanity, provided by the Renaissance and various political and

religious reforms, human relations worsen as soon as cultural differences begin to appear. After

the waning of Roman Christendom as a universal domain, a large number of local communities

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tried to seize power and impose their culture upon other groups. This reshaped the European

map with a bloody mosaic of national states not seen before. In the whole process, the option

taken has not been the reaffirmation of humankind as a brotherly essence; neither has it

encouraged the development of a badly needed homo empathicus (Rifkin, 2010) version.

Instead, the birthing of new independent kingdoms produced a warlike version of the homo

politikus (zoón politikón) to whom the other was nothing. The other was perceived as a non-

self—one so different and weird enough to be feared and fulminated as a threat—one, when not

viewed as “an object of desire or derision,” (Bhabha, 1998, p. 67) was definitely to be

destroyed.

Targeting the worship of militarism has been one the most substantial criticisms of

philosophers against seventeenth and eighteen centuries societies. Even though these

individuals undertook an extreme effort to highlight the power of reason and the importance of

intellectual knowledge, their philosophical overtures did not influence power-hungry nations to

cease their domination-oriented appetites. On the contrary, past illuminist intentions were to

attack political fakes, general corruption, and fanaticism. Voltaire (1694-1778) and

Montesquieu (1689-1755) adopted oriental approaches by which to criticize European

procedures. One chosen avenue of such reasoning was a Babylonian philosopher named Zadig,

invented by Voltaire, whose problems were not different from the ones faced by Voltaire’s

fellow citizens. Even lacking historic verification, the subsequent tale illustrates very well the

most debated social issues of that time. According to Voltaire’s sketch, his hero, a good-

hearted young man, had to face betrayals, injustice, prison and disillusion before getting

married and eventually becoming king. Voltaire’s lesson is quite impressive at the end of the

plot; only after overpassing all the obstacles and solving the proposed intellectual enigmas, the

virtuous lad reached the level of a public man designated to rule over his people in prosperity

and wisdom.

Similarly, Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) penned a novel in which to reinforce the

political virtues required of a ruler. One of his most known books, Emile or on education, is

composed of five chapters (called “books” by the author) and elaborates the story of an orphan

raised and educated by a wise tutor. The result is that Emile, the protégé, develops a broad

acquisition of cultural, social, psychological, political, and personal faculties. But the drama

does not end there; it continues in another book entitled Emile et Sophie, ou les solitáres.

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Written as an appendix1 to Emile, the book comprises two long letters, despite the last one

being incomplete, and alleged to have been written by Emile to his former master. In this

treatise our hero reports the sufferings, pleasures, mistakes and everything – good or evil – that

he has gone through since his marriage. Quite unknown among scholars around the world, and

sometimes not taken seriously by experts not particularly impressed with Rousseau’s writings,

the tone of these missives is similar to those penned by Voltaire, namely to highlight man’s

virtuosity in a harsh and terrible world.

While Voltaire predominantly stressed the importance of positive education, based on a

scientific matrix, Rousseau tried to focus on natural goodness as the main channel through

which to develop an educational plan. A counterpoint to the Enlightenment project, his writings

postulated the virtue of natural man. In Rousseau’s perspective, Nature must always be utilized

as a platform for social relations, and as a fountain of inspiration through which to analyze

society as a whole. Rousseau’s prototype, that of the “good savage,” was embellished by many

writers as an ideal form and was sometimes compared to the original inhabitants of the

Americas. As Rousseau points out:

The example of savages, almost all of whom have been found in this state, seems

to confirm that the human race had been made to remain in it always; that this

state is the veritable youth of the world; and that all the subsequent progress has

been in appearance so many steps toward the perfection of the individual, and in

fact toward the decay of the species. (Rousseau, 1964, vol. IV, p. 171).

According to Rousseau, human beings in their natural state were endowed with a

few “passions” that had not been deteriorated by social relations. This fortunate state of affairs,

uninhibited by negative forces, enabled humankind to maintain a comfortable, natural, peaceful

lifestyle. Primary to that state was a most natural passion or faculty, that is, the amour de soi

(self love), which was designed to preserve itself from danger, and enhance self preservation.

This characteristic may be extended to include pitié (piety), a characteristic that outlines the

goodness of humankind. Essentially a natural gift, it allows individuals to exercise a genuine

homo empathic feeling upon the other. Often elaborated as empathicus, this characteristic

1 See my paper at: https://www.academia.edu/3753090/_Re_visiting_Emile_after_marriage_the_importance_of_an_appendix

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enables individuals to develop the orientation not to harm others but, if possible, rather to assist

them in attaining their life goals.

Although a contemporary of many other similar minded thinkers, Jean Jacques Rousseau

is alone among philosophers from the century of enlightenment to perceive the other, not as

different, or exotic, or as a subservient creature to be used merely as a metaphor by which to

criticize Europeans. The other is similar in nature and desire as his/her contemporaries, namely

a human being.

Although philosophers like Voltaire and Rousseau provided appropriate examples by

which to illustrate their thinking, their allegories have not always been successfully employed

in developing a compliant vision toward alien cultures. The “infidel” Moor, the so-called

“soulless” Indians, and the Sub-Saharan Africans have been viewed by Voltaire and

Rousseau’s successors as exotic portraits of the other, and have not been perceived as equals.

These images were not to be exposed among the nobles, appreciated by fully attended theater

audiences, nor admired by customers at public fairs. This, in summary, leads us to affirm that

from the populist orientation of the “feared beast” foreigners, the notion of equality for the

other has not been integrated because it allegedly inhabits realms far beyond the boundaries of

the “civilized” world. Aliens, as different creatures, should remain in the land they originally

belonged to – many times seen as a wonderland of fantastic beings, an arena of dreams

preferably viewed from a safe distance. Dwellers of other cultures have been considered naïve

and yielding creatures to be dominated and gradually introduced to the more “real” dimensions

of the “existing” world, namely European society with its carefully crafted stone buildings,

massive cathedrals and castles, and cemented traditions.

The foregoing discussions quite logically necessitates an elaboration of four premises: 1)

It is never easy to accept the other; 2) The other has historically been perceived as a threat to be

eliminated or subdued; 3) There must be no other, but others; and 4) The other ought to be

complementary to our perceptions of “the good life,” and not in opposition to it.

The Western world has been built on the principle of the self—not on the other. This kind

of thinking leads logically to to an ethnocentric perspective that has guided human relations

throughout history. It has never been an easy task to establish an empathicus relationship with

the different, with the ones who dress up in weird costumes, speak in virtually comprehensible

tongues, organize themselves in awkward or isolated groups, or perhaps behave in unusual

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ways. When perceived as oddly different, the habits of the other raise suspicion and are

assumed to prefer to behave unpredictably. Consequently, the unflinchingly different other

must be avoided, isolated, thrown away, locked up to be analyzed and dominated when not

made into ashes. In the past, even within the same society, individuals who were labeled as

“monsters”, biological freaks, or deformed by illness (so-called abnormals), were ostracized by

the “normal” ones. Foucault, in his History of madness, demonstrated that every individual,

even though only slightly different—including the mentally ill, handicapped or the none body

deformity related ones —such as demonized, sodomites, witches, wrathful, subversive, or

manifesting any kind of maligning element, would need to be dispensed with.

The discovery of the New World has perhaps been the most important event to fuel a

reinterpretation of the Old World’s perception of the other. Once discovered, far away, and

beyond the ocean, a wide range of views of newly discovered species affected human diversity.

Despite Spanish, Portuguese, French and English explorations of North America, and the vast

exploitation of the land and the peoples – including the Black element brought from Africa,

many interchanges occurred as a result of those encounters. There is evidence of this in relation

to clothing, food, and all kind of habits developed in a hybrid way, not forgetting to mention

interethnic crossings, like the Métis in Canada, the Cholos of Spanish America, and also the

case of the Brazilian melting pot with its fusion of diverse cultures into a new and unique form

of civilization.

3. Brazilian Hybridity

With continental proportioning, what was formerly known as Portuguese America has

served over many generations as the main destination for Lusitanian colonial enterprises. First

occupied with brazilwood extraction for over three hundred years, colonial economic

exploration soon evolved to include gold and diamond mining, slave trade, and the

development of a huge sugarcane plantation. The gradual dominant presence of a “white”

element soon stretched its dominance in subtle ways. The huge territory the invaders had in

mind to colonize was inhabited by numerous Native tribes that represented many distinct

languages and varying ethnic configurations. Instead of entering into a military clash of

cultures, however, the approach of the colonizers was more subtle. Their promoters established

a relationship of sorts with local tribes and formed alliances of sorts, primarily to foster their

goal of economic opportunism. The arrangement worked quite well, but was not entirely free

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from occasional military outbursts, land disputes, and deadly reactions against the colonizer’s

intention to enslave the natives. However, what initially appeared to be a “them versus us,” that

is, a perpetual clash between locals and invaders, ended up in an intermingled environment

whose interchanges between parties ranged from trading of goods to intermarriage - in other

words, a hybrid culture.

Not long after, the Roman Catholic Portuguese segment of Brazilian society launched an

overarching effort to “civilize” the Indigenous population, not only forcing Native women and

their children to be baptized but also be permitted to marry members of the invading class. In

this context proponents of the Catholic faith justified their efforts to legitimize their Portuguese

conquests because they were mandated by God to civilize resident “savage” tribes. Their

campaign to make over the locals may be translated into the Lusitan spirit of the time, and

expressed in the epic poem, Os Lusíadas, written by the most important Portuguese poet, Luis

de Camões. The central theme of the poem parallels Homer’s efforts in The Oddessey, in this

case aptly depicting Portuguese courage and bravery. Thus, with the Illuminist interpretation

of the Natives as noble savages by one side, and Christian faith on the other side, the colonizers

chose to project a lenient encounter stuffed with romance, greed, and conquest. Instead of

killing everyone, the newly arrived settlers and religious leaders tried to make their magic work

—namely to teach Natives to thrive in a hostile environment through the graciously provided

holes of social porosity. The newcomers provided a ludic format of interaction with Natives

that changed its rules according to time and place, to the occasion, and to their perceived need.

According to Sérgio Buarque de Hollanda (1936), an eminent Brazilian scholar of the last

century, this kind of leniency was one one of the factors in effectively introducing the image of

the “cordial man,” someone who stood ready to endorse whatever institutional ordinances it

took to achieve in personal relations, defense of family and community life, while maintaining

a subversive attempt to inaugurate the phantom of totalitarianism.

The reality of the aforementioned form of colonialism is why Wagley affirms that “…

Brazilian national culture is not simply a Portuguese way of life transposed to the New World,

but a unique development of diverse heritages molded into a distinctive whole.” (1963, P. 9)

Although Brazilian culture has a lot to do with the Portuguese culture, the encounters between

invaders and locals essentially molded a hybrid environment out of the interconnections

established through the centuries that passed. During the process of introducing their culture,

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the European masters themselves were partially acculturated by Natives as well as by different

groups of people brought to Brazil from Africa as slaves. Many of the single male interlopers

managed to segregate themselves from the moral teachings of the Roman Catholic Church, and

yield to their passions by marrying Native women. The result of these interactions, within or

without the blessing of the church resulted in the birth of children who exhibited a wide variety

of a dark complexion. A similar situation occurred with the arrival of African slaves who also

became involved in intercultural and/or interracial liaisons, thus adding another physiological

element to the newly emerging hybrid culture and way of life adapted to local conditions” (Id.

Ibid.). The result of these cultural interactions and entanglements reveals why non-European

cultural elements are so strong in Brazil. Sociologist Gilberto Freyre (1946) has ingeniously

sketched how African influences, as well as Indian ethnic and cultural heritages have infused

the country and produced Brazil’s existing hybridity.

While Brazil was in the process of merging cultural identities, some Jesuit priests who

had emigrated, in an effort to be accepted, tried to understand Native ways, speak their

languages, and adopt aspects of their lifestyle. They also developed a more lenient approach to

evangelization. When they experienced resistance from would be converts, they turned their

attention to catechizing children through schooling. As the generations passed the Jesuits

became quite effective in helping to develop a unique Brazilian character as well as play a

central role in colonizing the country. Their flexible attitudes assisted in formulating a more

popular form of Roman Catholicism, quite different from the European model as a strict

canonic orthodox establishment. Had this form of evangelism been practiced in Europe during

the Middle Ages, many priests would have been labeled heretics and suffered the consequences

at the hand of church authorities.

The combination of Brazilian hybridity and church leniency, and the emergence of

Hollanda’s “cordial man,” created a kind of a “cordial religion” that proved to be more

acceptable to local Natives. The new relaxed form of popular spirituality produced lay

clergymen, mystic leaders, devotees, and benzedeiras (female shamans charged to take care of

people’s health though the administration of ointments, teas, roots and a various forms of newly

originated prayers and litanies). The “new folk Catholicism” also endorsed African rituals,

dances, and other mystic aspects to the extent that these were appealing. The resultant

syncretism is still a strong characteristic of Brazilian spirituality to the extent that domestic

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altars with the statues of the Virgin Mary may have a Buddha or an African deity on the same

place. Every year a large number of women dressed in clothing representative of Candomblé

(an Afro-Brazilian religion) wash the steps of the local Catholic cathedral located in Salvador,

Bahia – to mention only two examples.

The rather unusual heritage that Brazil posits has tended to influence immigrants who

arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries from various parts of Europe and Asia

including Germany, France, Holland, Spain, Italy, Greece, Lebanon, Russia, the Ukraine,

Poland, Israel, China, Japan, and many others. Most of the immigrants from these countries

accepted the nuances of the society they chose as their future home. The Brazilian tropics quite

literally “warmed up their souls” and made them as plastic as the hosting society, so that inter-

cultural marriages became normal, and again produced a wide range of ethnically mongrel

backgrounds. As a result it is quite impossible to stereotype a Brazilian citizen or attempt to

classify individuals on the basis of racial attributes. Generally speaking, Brazil comprises a

mixture of Western and non-Western realities in the sense of Orient and Occident polarity, as

Bhabha puts it, as well as a mix of traditional and modern cultures resulting in what some

scholars call it the “Brazilian puzzle” (Hess & DaMatta, 1995). Having eased the stringency of

Western institutions, and substituted a series of plastic and “cordial” interchanges, a

“personalist” society has evolved. Many political and economic institutions essentially function

on the basis of who one knows, namely closely-knit personal relations and friendships that

feature mutual economic benefits. These kinds of interactions are enacted in accordance with

rules and laws derived from each specific situation and in accordance with the benefits one will

receive therefrom.

One of the most recent cultural movements in Brazil has come to be known as

“anthropophagy,” and comprises a kind of intellectual cannibalism whereby artists have set

themselves the goal of incorporating foreign elements into the national menu. Even though the

idea of digestion has been used by ancient writers, like Seneca (Burke, 2009), the metaphor

strongly fits the case. By “eating” (a process of digestion) they attempt to process alien

contributions and take new products out of the cultural stove. The movement has spawned a

multiplicity of tasteful wonders, such as Bossa Nova, Samba and MPB (Popular Brazilian

Music), along with many kinds of dances and artistic manifestations, the most famous of which

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is a mixture of dance and fighting called Capoeira. The multiple encounters led to innovation

and then to a distinguishable tropical creativity – full of swing and color.

The cultural cordiality achieved by the artistic community in Brazil has affected the

religious community as well. European, African, and American entities now worship at the

same altar and no longer dispute the grounds of one another’s faith. Even after the Protestant

movement reached the country, a significant portion of Catholics reacted by absorbing their

practices; for example, the Pentecostal movement, called Charismatic renovation, seeking

spiritual gifts within Catholic walls. Beyond African religious practices and elements of

Spiritism such as belief in reincarnation, communication with the dead, and spiritual healings

performed by religious mediums.

Part of Latin America – a hybrid region par excellence, accoding to Burke (2009),

Brazilian society should probably not be described as diverse or classically multicultural; a

more accurate term would be to think of the country as a hybrid. Although hybridity is a

“risky” notion (Kraydy, 2005) e a rather criticized term (Burke, 2009), it is the most

appropriate word by which to describe the dynamic interchanges that have historically occurred

in the country. The word hybrid comes from the Latin term hibridae, meaning a union of two

or more different entities. Primarily employed by biologists or agronomists, the word has been

used to define the act of grafting a bud in a different stem, or the intermolecular process of

joining two DNA elements into a new one. The two primary influences in Brazil have been the

transferred European heritage as one dominant factor, and Afro-American elements ad the

second influence. Together the two systems have managed to give birth to a unique cultural

admixture that seems to thrive a continual absorption of new influences. Nevertheless, in

applying the term to Brazilian culture, it does not mean a junction of only two elements, but a

series of different elements made into a new one – considering that “hybrid forms are often the

result of multiple encounters rather than a single one” (Burke, 2009, p. 25).

Huntington’s thesis (1996) that the clash of civilizations often produces change in small

segments seems not to apply to the Brazilian situation. Firstly there has been no significant

clash; secondly such a scenario of trans-cultured people stretched widely to all social segments.

Transformation that leaded to a new class of individuals and a new element to deny the

remaining sense of nobody. Used by a famous Brazilian anthropologist (Ribeiro, 1995) the

word nobodyness (ninguendade) referred to individuals born on the American continent during

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the beginning times out of the intermarriage encounters. Because of their mixed backgrounds,

Brazilians born of a cultural admixture were no longer considered Europeans or Africans; nor

were they considered locally born Natives. Their new identity - as nobodies - did not get

necessarily a negative delineation. On the contrary, they became part of a new identity—a

people born of a rich cultural admixture. From an anthropological perspective, the new hybrid

species demonstrates a potential triumph over the previous condition and the development of a

new people born for the occasion of creating a new citizenship.

In comparative terms, the Brazilian situation is quite different from that of other

immigrating countries like Canada. Brazilian society may be called multiple or diverse only in

terms of regionalism, whereas Canada has advertised itself as a multicultural whole. This

means that immigrants are basically welcome in all regions of the country. In Brazil, different

regions have developed along unique lines, emphasizing different imported aspects that have

nothing to do with race, but to language accent, food, songs, dances, popular beliefs and artisan

craft, as well as folk stereotypes regarding personalities and behavior. Wagley has depicted

those regions very well—for example, the Amazon Valley has given birth to a dramatic identity

made up of the mameluco (brown complexion, straight black hair, short stature), that resulted

from intermarriages between Europeans and local Natives. Having survived as nobodies, the

mameluco is a key element in the Amazon economy, highlighted by their involvement in the

rubber trade, fishing, hunting and gold mining. The Amazon character is regarded by dwellers

in other regions as lazy, resigned, and religious in popular Catholic terms, flavored by

surviving Indian customs. The entire Amazon region, along with its northeast portion, is a

remarkable birthplace of myths and popular medicines, outnumbered mystic legends, and

heroic characters. The sertão or backlands segment of population sprouted a strong man

(Cunha, 1944) image, a character exploited by huge sugarcane plantation owners during

colonial times. This strong man character was designed as a key figure whose actions provided

an underlying interpretation of the so-called aristocratic and semi-feudal society whose status

maintained a hard vertical and hierarchic structure in Brazil for more than three centuries.

Apart from Portuguese, African, and Native contingents, many descendants from Dutch

and French backgrounds, along with few Sephardic Jews, gypsies, and Arabians, have managed

to endure in arid terrains in outlaying Brazilian regions in an effort to survive. They raised

cattle, built barely subsistent homes and businesses, and even became street vendors. The

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southeast region of Brazil, which covers the most urbanized and industrialized states, has been

the best one in which to raise cattle and grain crops as well as develop entrepreneurship.

Naturally, people from this area are regarded as energetic, successful, and efficient

businessmen. The central and the western part of Brazil may be considered an extension of the

first bandeiras (exploring voyages made by colonial settlers from São Paulo in search of gold

and slaves into hinterlands), which produced a rural zone. Like the hillbilly English spoken in

Texas, the Portuguese spoken in this area (and also in inner parts of the southeast region)

essentially features the same accent. To exemplify, the sound of the letter, “r” is pronounced

like the English word “form” (/fɔː(r)m/) in American accent. Finally, the southern portion of

Brazil, due to its subtropical weather, has been the main destination for German, Ucracian,

Russian, Italian, Spanish and Slovak immigrants. Basically isolated from the rest of the country

during colonial times these folks developed their own version of Brazilian national culture,

accompanied by hard European accents. Mainly agrarian, the southerners introduced

mechanized agriculture and high forms of technology to the extent that nowadays the region

may be considered the wealthier region in the country, featuring an elevated standard of living.

Because of this, southerners tend to feel close to the more developed city of São Paulo, while

maintaining a feeling of superiority regarding the rest of the nation.

It seems somewhat miraculous that with so many varieties of cultures in the country,

Brazil has somehow managed to maintain a standard form of the Portuguese language. A

similar situation prevails with regard to food, architecture, sports (at least during World Cup

football games) and standard laws. Even in the arena of social relations there seems to be a

standard of interaction adhered to be all citizens and followed by everyone—the way to greet

one another, how to maintain a relationship, and how to negotiate a compromise. This reality

primarily applies to informal, face-to-face contacts from which the famous jeitinho (jay-tchee’-

nyoo) derives; it is manifested in a “personalist” way, a resource by which to subvert the order,

to by-pass hard rules, or to facilitate personal achievement. There is no English translation for

this method of social navigation (Barbosa, 1995) and it is employed more than “to pull a string,

to cut through red tape, to work someone’s magic,” or other similar expressions that vary in

intensity from one region to another. These expressions do not imply breaking rules or

reinterpreting laws pragmatically into an easier mechanism to favor someone as the jeitinho

does. Although some people praise this mode of expression, many scholars consider this form

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of communication a backward step in the social evolution process and a hindrance to the

Brazilian intention of being considered a First World society. Brazil is currently considered one

of the biggest world economic powers.

The Brazilian government does not postulate nor advocate a specific multicultural policy.

The challenge is vaguely dealt with in the country’s constitution, and then only in generalist

terms. The nation’s Magna Carta assures that it is important to “preserve one’s cultural

heritage, to enhance cultural development, and to promote the acknowledgement of Native

cultures and territories,” but does not mention how this is to be accomplished. The word

multiculturalism per se is not used. Similarly, the education law (LDB, a bill approved on

November 20, 1996 under # 9,394/96), advocates “cultural manifestations” as part of the

education process, but almost in a meaningless sense. The law seems to apply to intercultural

and bi-lingual schools, but the wording applies only to indigenous people. Academic concerns

in this area tend to be more critical by focusing on real problems, such as the standard living

conditions of Native people, linguistic prejudices, remaining racism against gypsies and Blacks,

and a preference for “Caucasian types” in the advertising industry as well as to employment

applications. Official mandates and the social media generally disguise their views on cultural

differences in order to postulate a homogenous vision of national culture. These forces tend to

adopt a generally liberal approach that promotes cultural plurality and diversity in a folkloric

perspective, thereby dodging a more critical discussion of existing inequalities, prejudices, and

stigmatizations.

4. Canadian Multiculturalism

The last two generations of Canadians have witnessed an increased emphasis on the

phenomenon of multiculturalism, particularly with the formulation of an official policy by the

Canadian federal government in 1971 (Friesen, 1985). This legislation was largely motivated

by the reality of Canada’s cultural make up and a continuing emphasis on immigration. After

the establishment of the policy, many of Canada’s ten provincial governments followed suit by

enacting similar legislation. Canada’s approach has proven to be significantly different from

the situation in Brazil since the latter country has advocated a more emphatic “melting-pot”

syndrome, more like that of the United States. In Canada, incoming groups are informed that

they can count on maintaining their homeland languages and cultures, but at the same time they

are encouraged to try to learn one of the country’s two official languages. The new arrivals are

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invited to call themselves “Canadians” even though they can maintain their native languages,

clothing styles, food, religions and other cultural aspects. They are encouraged to maintain their

traditional lifestyles but are expected to contribute to the Canadian economy.

Canadian multiculturalism appears idyllic from a romantic point of view,2 but in reality

dictates an entirely different scenario. Contemporary political movements such as the First

Nations “Idle No More” and the Ontario Portuguese “Invisible no More” campaigns are good

examples of the problems inherent in the nation’s stated multicultural policies. The reality is

that neither Canada’s First Peoples nor recently arrived immigrants can expect to experience

economic success in Canada unless they fully assimilate in terms of language and lifestyle.

Daily practices and even laws, accompanied by public apathy tend to function against the

welfare of the nation’s minorities. Although separated communities like the well known “little

Portugal, little Italy”, or “little China” may experience a measure of economic success through

interesting tourist exhibits, the isolationism reality of these groups may result in the existence

of urban enclaves. These communities may be free to practice revered virtues (or flaws) behind

closed doors, but the measure of economic success they achieve will be limited. At its base

Canada is still very much practicing a melting-pot economy.

Adopting new beliefs and behaviors is hardest on older immigrants because they usually

experience added difficulty in learning a new language or adjusting to what seem to be

radically different customs with the addendum of practical “oddities.” The situation is

worsened when local governments bypass their applications for employment or when local

communities fail to offer a welcoming hand and ignore the unspoken pleas of newcomers for

acceptance. A case in point is that of educated Portuguese women in Toronto who, after

immigrating to Canada, ended up in the cleaning industry in Toronto, and in 1984 had to go on

strike in order to have their rights recognized (Teixeira & DaRosa, 2009). The obvious

contradiction between alluring advertisements to attract immigrants, based on fine sounding

government legislation, offers a bleak reality. Integration appears to be the order of the day if

new arrivals hope to get past the first rung on the nation’s economic ladder.

2 Specially if we take the 13th Canadian Prime Minister (1957-1963) John G. Diefenbaker’s word seriously: “I liken Canada to a garden. A mosaic is a static thing with each element separate and divided from the others. Canada is not that kind of country. Neither is it a “melting pot” in which the individuality of each element is destroyed in order to produce a new and totally different element. It is rather a garden into which have been transplanted the hardiest and brightest of flowers from any lands, each retaining in its new environment the best of the qualities for which it was loved and prized in its native land”. (Apud Friesen, 1985, p. 2).

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A rather unfortunate situation with multicultural overtones has arisen in Canada with the

regard to the country’s stance on bilingualism and biculturalism, a policy that applied

specifically to the province of New Brunswick where large numbers of both English speaking

and French-speaking people reside. The other provinces appear to have been left out in the

process in developing the policy. One of the consequences of this action has been that

immigrants to Québec can have access only to French-language public schools in the same way

they can count only on English-language public schools in other provinces. This was the reality

in Canada until the 1950s when Canadian multiculturalism was restricted to English and French

cultures with virtually no recognition of Aboriginal cultures. After the Canadian Bill of Rights

was implemented by John Diefenbaker’s government in 1960, the influx of a variety of

immigrants changed the Canadian social fabric into a colored patchwork and additional cultural

rights had to be recognized.

The positive feature of Canada’s amended approach to multicultural reality may

encourage a greater degree of positive intergroup interaction. It is possible that co-existing

cultural groups may increase meaningful interactions and even influence and learn from one

another. To be sure, some elements of ghettoization may remain, as in the case of Indigenous

peoples isolated by the existence of reserves, or preferred isolation of ethno-religious groups

like Amish, Hutterites, and Mennonites. Amish and Hutterite communities (and a few

conservative Mennonite groups) actually prefer limited interactions with the outside world even

though they may adapt a degree of fairly sophisticated forms of technology. If groups like these

manage to survive and thrive economically with no contrary imposition, they represent as much

as possible the inherent reality of Canadian multiculturalism. Fully engaged in the process of

pursuing economic success, these communities have the best of two worlds; they have kept

their identities and at the same time successfully managed to apply the opportunities of

functional biculturalism and bilingualism—sometimes even stretching its limits. The route to

attaining public tolerance and understanding of this unique situation is best achieved through

education.

5. Challenges to Education

Every society, regardless of its multicultural make up, tends to impose certain restrictions

upon its citizenry, and these, if adhered to, have implications for economic success. In the case

of Brazil, hybridity (with the two predominant sides—European and the Afro-American)

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appears to have melted in a new one along with input from local Native cultures. The resultant

hybrid culture has even managed to incorporated elements from all three segments. The

dominant cultural strain, however, has been that of the Portuguese; even the gypsies, one of the

most traditional groups, appear to have been assimilated to some extent. Only a few Native

groups and a few imported ethno-religious communities like very conservative Mennonites

have managed to maintain a degree of isolation. A few isolationist Native groups continue to

hunt and fish, dwell in huts, sing traditional chants, wear minimal clothing – or nudity, and

endure few contacts or no contact at all with the “white” element. A limited comparison may be

made with the emergence of the Métis (meaning mixed) in Canada, a people born of two

peoples—incoming European traders and explorers and Aboriginal women, and the situation in

Brazil. Most Brazilians, with few exceptions, are able to claim fully multicultural

backgrounds.

The implications of this discussion for education are abundantly clear; there is a crying

need to promote tolerance and understanding in both countries as well as to offer information

about a huge variety of cultures in school curricula. In Brazil a bill on teaching African history

and culture has recently been approved, and the National Curriculum Guidelines provides

spaces for local culture inclusion. However, those measures are useless when not accompanied

by real policies and local action. For example, there is a gap in the education of the bordering

people. Along the frontiers of neighboring Hispanic nations such as Uruguay, Paraguay, and

Bolivia, and also along the Native people’s borders, the reality is that a growing number of

youth freely cross geographic limits through travel, intermarriage, and education, all of which

necessitate the need for additional language and cultural instruction.

Let us return to the comparison between Canada and Brazil where the occasional crossing

of cultural lines is quite frequent. Many Canadian (and Brazilian) young people of mixed

backgrounds who find it necessary to cross cultural limits, perhaps through the intermarriage of

their parents, will struggle with the problem of personal identity. Both Métis, Portuguese, and

Brazilian youngsters (to name only a few minorities) born or raised in Canada, have

experienced struggles with personal identity. In the case of the Portuguese community a dual

form of identity seems possible, often manifested when Portuguese youth are encouraged to

sing Portuguese songs, visit local relatives, travel to Portugal, and try to reinforce a feeling of

identification with their Portuguese roots. Other Canadian-born Portuguese individuals make

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sincere efforts towards self-integration, sometimes trying to avoid their Portuguese legacy. An

illustration of this challenge may be found in Coelho’s book, Small stories, great people:

Portuguese pioneers in Canada (Coelho, 2004). An examination of family photographs

featuring Portuguese pioneers, shows them engage in festivities, clubs, and cultural events with

their families, but only adults appear in these photographs. Children and teenagers are rarely

seen. The bottom line is that when the pursuit of personal identity proves unsatisfactory,

individuals feel like outsiders, always in the quest for an improved status. In one sense of the

word, they may consider themselves nobodies.

As has been argued, “ethnic groups who have not been assimilated via the British model,

have been disadvantaged in some way” (Friesen, 1985, p. 23). Canadian society may claim to

constitute a “salad bowl” society featuring a pluralistic identity, but underneath it all, the truth

is that adherence to the notion of Anglo-Saxon superiority is clearly the pattern to be followed.

As it is, the Canadian government is struggling to determine just what a pluralist Canadian

society looks like. Inevitably, the burden will fall onto the school and spill over to the teachers’

pedagogical practices, as it generally does. It needs to be emphasized that educators are not the

only ones responsible to carry on such a complex challenge. Establishing the base for necessary

political action to equalize educational opportunity is a government responsibility that will

hopefully be supported by the nation’s citizens, including culturally different communities. To

be truly effective it is essential that a national program for justice and equality be launched to

recognize the different ethnicities present in dailylife, and make every effort to eliminate

stereotyping, stigmatization, and discrimination. As Friesen points out, “eradicating stereotypes

that are false or even harmful is not a task limited to the classroom” (Id. p. 13). In the final

analysis, schools tend to reflect society’s successes and failings and must be supported in their

efforts to impart information that will help to correct wrongs.

The Brazilian school system is a good example of social reproductivity since minorities

such as Blacks have consistently been marginalized in the educational milieu. This has

continued to occur even after slavery was officially abolished in 1888. At present one can see

that inadequate Brazilian shantytowns (favelas) are mostly inhabited by Afro-Brazilians. The

same is true in terms of criminal records where Blacks are disportionately represented. This

reality demystifies the ideology of “racial democracy” advocated by Freyre, and highlights how

strongly Brazil’s colonial heritage has survived, not only in schools but in the whole of society.

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As a consequence, a narcissistic aggressive national attitude continues to nourish the

maintenance of old stereotypes and racial segregation. The positivity of whiteness prevails in

the country, which by itself constitutes a perpetual form of segregation in many situations. This

unfortunate condition was promoted by various Brazilian governors during the nineteenth

century and the beginning of the twentieth century as well as by the preference for Caucasoid

figures. That perspective remains unchanged to this day as a disavowal of the Negroid type is

still hinted at in the media world as well as in the arena of employment. Though controversial,

this has been the main reason why affirmative action policies have been implemented; for

example, reserving quotas for Blacks in universities. Critics claim that it is impossible to define

who is Black and who is not since there are many gradations of color among the various

minority groups in the country. This has posed a very complex challenge for educators,

administrators, and politicians since a hybrid population is often viewed as a positive asset.

Although national hybridity essentially implies a mixed society, Brazil is far from being

racially harmonious and cannot be described as peacefully integrated. Still anchored in

patriarchal values, it is hard to find a Black person occupying a place in the higher spheres of

Brazilian society where upper crust politicians and businessmen operate. Apart from its

hybridic composition, Brazil is still tied to traditional patriarchal values. Women continue to

play a secondary role in the political and economic spectrums. They are often depicted as the

fragile sex and docile housewives who are required to yield to paternalistic demands. A few

waves of change began to sweep across the societal sea during the 1960s and a few traditional

taboos have vanished. It is significant to point out that the current president of the Brazilian

republic is a woman. Hopefully, this is a sign of continuing reform.

In conclusion, it is important to point out that to build a democratic and just society,

education must not only focus on the acquisition of skills and scientific components. Educators

must be prepared to develop a critical pedagogy through which students will perceive

themselves as agents of social transformation (Freire, 2012). This is the challenge of diversity,

which cannot be concerned only with ethnic patterns, but also in regard to religious

multiplicity, gender inequalities, sexism, and the arena of physical challenges. Co-operation,

instead of competition must be the tune played by the band against neoliberal investments

orchestrated by world economic institutions and capitalist enterprises. Education cannot be

regarded as mere merchandize simply available for purchase, with no attached implications

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about its underlying values or cultural assessments. Nor is education a process of depositing

information in students’ minds to be withdrawn at an opportune time in order to attend to

material needs in accordance with Paulo Freire’s reflexions. Sad to say, but even beyond

racism, sexism, and other “isms,” class exploitation can be the worst form of domination, and

must be extinguished.

Properly described, teaching should be viewed as an act of communication and cultural

interaction that is posed to recreate the unfortunate and unjust world scenarios that principally

affect the underdog (oppressed). Education cannot be delivered as an enterprise of rhetoric,

either sophisticated or demagogic, but as a process that is attuned to rectifying the real

problems that the world faces in these complex times.

This paper may be brought to an appropriate conclusion by quoting a well-known North

American scholar:

Because of growing ethnic, cultural, racial, and religious diversity

throughout the world, citizenship education needs to be changed in

substantial ways to prepare students to function effectively in the 21st

century. Citizens in the new century need the knowledge, attitudes, and

skills required to function in their ethnic and cultural communities and

beyond their cultural borders and to participate in the construction of a

national civic culture that is a moral and just community that embodies

democratic ideals and values, such as those embodied in the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights. Students also need to acquire the knowledge

and skills needed to become effective citizens in the global community

(Banks, 2001).

References:

Banks, J. A. (2001). Citizenship Education and Diversity: Implications for Teacher Education. Journal of Teacher Education, Vol. 52, No. 1, January/February (p. 6). Available at: http://jte.sagepub.com/content/52/1/5.

Barbosa, L. N. H. (1995). The Brazilian jeitinho: An exercise in National Identity. In: Hess, David J. & DaMatta, Roberto (ed.). The Brazilian puzzle. New York, Columbia University Press (p. 35-48).

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Bhabha, H. K. (1998). The location of culture. London: New York: Routledge.

Burke, P. (2009). Cultural hybridity. Cambridge (UK): Malden (USA): Polity Press.

Coelho, J. M. (2004). Small stories, great people: Portuguese pioneers in Canada. Toronto: Creative 7 Inc.

Cunha, E. (1944). Rebellion in the backland. (Transl. by Samuel Putanam from Os sertões). 16. Ed. Chicago.

Foucault, M. (2006). History of madness. Oxon: Great Britain: Rutledge.

Freire, P. (2012). Pedagogy of the opressed. New York: Bloomsbury.

Freyre, G. (1946). The masters and the slaves: a study in the development of Brazilian civilization. (Trad. By Samuel Putnam from Casa Grande e Senzala). New York.

Friesen, J. (1985). When cultures clash: cases studies in multiculturalism. Calgary, AB: Detselig Enterprises Limited.

Hegel, G. W. F. (1977). Phenomenology of Spirit. Translated by A. V. Miller with analysis of the text and foreword by J. N. Findlay. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Hess, D. J. & DaMatta, R. (ed.). (1995). The Brazilian puzzle. New York, Columbia University Press.

Hollanda, S. B. (1936). Raízes do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro. See: Roots of Brazil. (2012). Translated by G. Harvey Summ. Notre Damme, Indiana-USA: University of Notre Dame Press. Available at: http://www3.undpress.nd.edu/excerpts/P03017-ex.pdf.

Huntington, S. (1996). The clash of civilizationss and the remaking of world order. New York: Touchstone.

Kraidy, M. M. (2005). Hybridity or the cultural logic of Globalization. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Monstesquieu. (2004). Persian letters. London: Penguin Classics.

Ribeiro, D. (1995). O povo brasileiro. A formação e o sentido de Brasil. 2ª ed. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.

Rifkin, J. (2010). The Empathic Civilization: The Race to Global Consciousness in a World in Crisis. New York, Penguin Group.

Rousseau, J.-J. (1979). Emile or on education. Introduction, translation and notes by Allan Bloom. USA: Basic Books.

Rousseau, J.-J. (1964). Oeuvres complètes. Paris: Gallimard (Bibliothéque de la Plêiade), 1964. 4 volumes.

Silva, T. T.; Hall, S. & Woodward, K. (Eds.). (2012). Identidade e diferença: a perspectiva dos estudos culturais. 12ª. ed. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes.

Teixeira, C. & Da Rosa, V. M. P. (Eds.) (2009). The portuguese in Canada: diasporic challenges and adjustment. 2nd. ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Voltaire. (2013). Zadig ou la Destinée ("Zadig, or The Book of Fate"). Paris: FLAMMARION.

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EDUCATION AND CULTURAL INTERCHANGE: AN INTRODUCTORY APPROACH BETWEEN BRAZIL AND CANADA

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