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Dark tourism revisited: A supply/demand conceptualization Author Details Anna Farmaki Lecturer School of International Business and Management University of Central Lancashire Cyprus Larnaka Cyprus Email: afarmaki@uclancyprus.ac.cy Biographical Details Dr Farmaki is lecturer at the School of International Business and Management at the University of Central Lancashire Cyprus, where she currently leads the Hospitality and Tourism Management programme. As a researcher she has published articles in several international refereed academic journals such as Tourism Management Perspectives and Tourism Planning and Development. Dr Farmaki’s research interests revolve around tourism planning and development, tourism marketing and destination branding. Structured Abstract: Purpose The purpose of this research is to advance the conceptualization of dark tourism by evaluating both the supply-side drivers for dark tourism development and the demand-side motivations for visiting two dark heritage sites in Cyprus. Methodology An exploratory research approach was adopted whereby 12 semi-structured interviews were conducted with supply-side stakeholders and two focus groups were conducted with local and foreign visitors. Findings Production and consumption of dark tourism is continuous and interrelated as demand appears to be supply-driven and attraction-based. Tourist interpretations of dark tourism are influenced by tourists’ personal factors, the passage of ‘time’ and the way the dark site is projected by the supply-side. A refined marketing segmentation strategy is proposed taking into consideration the purpose of visit, the relevance of the dark heritage site to the tourist and the depth of the dark element. Research Limitations/Originality of Paper The study’s focus is narrow but findings provide theoretical and practical insights into the conceptualization dark tourism by considering supply and demand aspects and the related influencing factors. In doing so understanding of the phenomenon is enhanced. Keywords: dark tourism; thanatourism; tourism development; tourist motivations Article Classification: Research paper

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Dark tourism revisited: A supply/demand conceptualization

ABSTRACT

Purpose

The purpose of this research is to advance the conceptualization of dark tourism by evaluating

both the supply-side drivers for dark tourism development and the demand-side motivations for

visiting two dark heritage sites in Cyprus.

Methodology

An exploratory research approach was adopted whereby 12 semi-structured interviews were

conducted with supply-side stakeholders and two focus groups were conducted with local and

foreign visitors.

Findings

Production and consumption of dark tourism is continuous and interrelated as demand appears to

be supply-driven and attraction-based. Tourist interpretations of dark tourism are influenced by

tourists’ personal factors, the passage of ‘time’ and the way the dark site is projected by the

supply-side. A refined marketing segmentation strategy is proposed taking into consideration the

purpose of visit, the relevance of the dark heritage site to the tourist and the depth of the dark

element.

Research Limitations/Originality of Paper

The study’s focus is narrow but findings provide theoretical and practical insights into the

conceptualization dark tourism by considering supply and demand aspects and the related

influencing factors. In doing so understanding of the phenomenon is enhanced.

Keywords: dark tourism; thanatourism; tourism development; tourist motivations

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1. Introduction

Lennon and Foley (1996) first used the term ‘dark tourism’ in the mid-90s to describe death-

related tourism activity. Also labeled ‘thanatourism’ (Seaton, 1996), ‘morbid tourism’ (Blom,

2000), ‘grief tourism’, ‘disaster tourism’, ‘black spot tourism’ (Rojek, 1993) and ‘phoenix

tourism’, dark tourism refers to visitation to sites associated with death, suffering and tragedy. In

recent years, dark tourism has attracted increasing academic interest and has become a popular

area of research. Despite the recent attention paid to dark tourism, it is not a new phenomenon.

Travelling to and experiencing places associated with death is an act that has been undertaken by

tourists since the 11th century (Dale and Robinson, 2011). According to Seaton (1996) dark

tourism dates back to the Middle Ages, yet its popularity intensified in the late 18th and early 19

th

centuries with visits to sites like the battlefield of Waterloo (Seaton, 1999). Stone (2005) sees

that dark tourism as an old concept in a new world. Roman gladiatorial games, pilgrimage to the

Holy Land to see the site of Christ’s crucifixion and medieval public executions have been

identified as the first death-related types of tourism (Stone and Sharpley, 2008). Similarly, visits

to battlefields, cemeteries, mausoleums, museums, former homes of deceased celebrities and

mass death sites also represent dark tourism. Indeed, sites associated with war, disaster, death

and atrocities have long fascinated people (Stone and Sharpley, 2008; Logan and Reeves, 2009;

Cohen, 2011). In particular, Smith (1998:205) suggests that “sites associated with war probably

constitute the largest single category of tourist attractions in the world”. Dark tourism has

become a widespread phenomenon that attracts an increasing number of travelers worldwide.

Approximately 1.2 million people visited the Holocaust site of Auschwitz-Birkenau in 2007 and

3.5 million visited the Ground Zero site in New York, making it one of the city’s top tourist

attractions (Kang et al, 2012).

Despite the increasing popularity of dark tourism over the last century, understanding of the

phenomenon remains limited (Biran, Poria and Oren, 2011) and attempts to define the term fail

to address the complexity of dark tourism. Specifically, Niemela (2010) views that dark tourism

as a multi-layered mixture of history and heritage, tourism and tragedy. According to Stone

(2005) the supply of dark attractions depends on factors such as the attempt to achieve a

mercantile advantage or to manipulate a dark heritage site for political reasons. Thus, the multi-

faceted interpretations of dark tourism and the differing elements the concept encompasses,

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make it a difficult concept to pin down. It can be argued that the different interpretations

attached to dark tourism are the consequence of a diverse pool of motives, which drive visitation,

as well as socio-cultural factors that influence tourist expectations and behavior. Taillon (n.a.)

argues that much of the debate on dark tourism is based on semantics and terminology; yet, little

attention has been given to the relationship between the various terminologies and tourist

motivations. It is, therefore, pivotal that the conceptualization of dark tourism incorporates

understanding of the reasons advocating its development, the motivators for travelling to dark

tourism sites and the preconditions surrounding the production and consumption of dark tourism.

With the majority of literature focusing primarily on the supply of dark tourism, motivation for

visiting dark tourism sites remains an under-researched area (Sharpley and Stone, 2009). The

need to conceptualize dark tourism from a consumption perspective is critical as understanding

of the concept could be enhanced if research draws conclusions from the tourist experience.

Nevertheless, as the tourism experience is based on an instantaneous production and

consumption structure (Sharpley and Stone, 2009), it is necessary that the reasons driving dark

tourism development are also explored. It is the purpose of this paper to enhance existing

literature by attempting to explore the multiple nature of dark tourism, through the identification

of supply and demand drivers as well as factors influencing both.

2. Supply and Demand Drivers

Miles (2002) proposes a distinction between dark attractions by classified them according to

several shades of darkness. He referred to actual sites of dark tourism (such as Auschwitz) and

sites associated with dark tourism (such as the Holocaust museum in Washington), implying that

the former are darker places as they embody an element of authenticity. These sites usually have

a higher political influence and tend to be history-centric whereas the presentation of the dark

tourism product is based on educational, memorial or conservational viewpoint (Niemela, 2010).

Also, Miles (2002) consideres time as an influencing factor in developing dark tourism, as the

amount of time passed from the moment the event takes place to the moment the dark site is

consumed by tourists contributes to the perception of whether the site is ‘dark’ or ‘darker’. For

instance, recent events may appear darker (Wisler, 2009) due to the level of empathy shown by

tourists (Miles, 2002) towards those who suffered the tragedy. A similar categorization model is

Stone’s (2006) ‘spectrum of supply’, which classifies dark tourism into seven categories with

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varying degrees of ‘darkness’ that are influenced by a variety of spatial, temporal, political and

ideological factors (Ryan and Kohli, 2006). Despite these academic contributions to the

conceptualization and comprehension of dark tourism, they tend to ignore demand-related

drivers as they are primarily supply-oriented. According to Stone (2006) no analysis of dark

tourism supply is complete if tourist demand is not considered. As dark tourism is primarily a

behavioral concept, it is fundamental that tourist motives are studied.

Motivation plays a significant role in influencing travel decisions and tourist behaviour

(Moutinho, 1987; Gartner, 1993). Representing the internal forces of individuals which lead to

action (Schiffman and Kanuk, 1978; Devesa et al, 2009), motivations have been at the centre of

tourism research for years (Huang, 2010). Many of these motivational theories are based on

Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (1943) whereby relaxation, seeking knowledge and family bonding

are identified as key motivational factors for travel (Pearce, 1993; Cha et al, 1995; Goeldner and

Ritchie, 2003; Pearce and Lee, 2005; Jang and Wu, 2006). Other notable motivation theories are

that of Dann (1977) and Iso-Ahola (1982), which suggest that tourist motivation has a

psychological (escape) and a social component (seeking) and Crompton’s (1979) identification

of psychological motives (push) and cultural motives (pull). Pull and push factors are central to

the discussion of tourist motivation with pull factors being described as destination-specific

attributes or outer motivations and push factors as person-specific motivations or inner

motivations (Heitmann, 2011). Within the dark tourism context, several motives for visiting

dark attractions are identified. According to Hyde and Harman (2011) just as multiple motives

exist for leisure travel so do dark tourists have multiple travel motivations. Seaton and Lennon

(2004) identified two main motives related to dark tourism: schadenfreude (the pleasure of

seeing others’ misfortune) and thanatopsis (the contemplation of death). Similarly, Seaton

(1996) proposed that tourists visiting a dark site are motivated by their desire for actual or

symbolic encounter with death whilst Dann (1998) identified eight motives including the fear of

phantoms, the search for novelty, nostalgia, the celebration of crime, basic bloodlust and

encounter with death as a way to sense mortality (Stone and Sharpley, 2008). The plethora of

studies on dark tourism motivations indicate some prevailing motives including curiosity,

entertainment, empathic identification, compassion, nationalistic motives, pilgrimage, event

validation, identity search, education and a sense of social responsibility (Ashworth, 2002, 2004;

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Tarlow, 2005; Iles, 2008; Dunkley et al, 2010; Biran et al, 2011; Hyde and Harman, 2011). This

multiplicity in demand yields different forms of dark tourism and different types of dark tourists.

Yet, one weakness of these motivational studies is the focus on individual motives rather than the

socio-cultural factors that shape those motives (Taillon, n.a.). Indeed, the interaction of

demographic factors, the passage of time as well as political elements will shape the perception

of tourists of the dark site visited, ultimately influencing the tourist experience. Hence,

conceptualization of dark tourism requires the inclusion of both supply and demand elements in

order to understand the multiple interpretations that exist. Interpretations of dark sites are

influenced not only by tourist motives but also by the image tourists hold of those attractions;

such perceptions are to a great extent mediated by supply stakeholders.

Sharpley (2009) attempted to offer a more holistic view of dark tourism by incorporating supply

and demand factors. Specifically, he establishes a link between the site’s attributes and the

experience sought by tourists and proposed four shades of dark tourism: 1) Black tourism

describing a pure dark experience; 2) Pale tourism referring to minimal interest in death; 3) Grey

tourism demand describing visitation to dark sites motivated by fascination; and 4) Grey tourism

supply which refers to sites developed to exploit death by attracting tourists with little inherent

interest in the site. The consideration of both supply and demand gives rise to an important

realization; that not all tourists visiting dark sites engage in a dark experience (Stone and

Sharpley, 2008) and not all tourists visiting dark sites are thanatourists (Slade, 2003; Biran et al,

2011). Indeed, tourists may implicitly take away meanings of mortality from their visit rather

than explicitly seek to understand death as a primary motive (Stone and Sharpley, 2008; Stone,

2012). Seaton (2009) attempts to provide an explanation for this by suggesting an evolution of

dark tourism. He states that dark tourism was initiated by Christianity in the 14th and 16 century,

then influenced by a secular-sacred ideology of national heritage and concluded that mortality, as

depicted in romantic art and literature, prevails in today’s perception of death by acquiring a

symbolic form. Poria, Butler and Airey (2004) agree that as some tourists may be unaware of

the site’s dark attributes, leisure or a cultural/educational experience may predispose visitation

and ultimately shape the experience. Several factors seem to influence site interpretation

including the different knowledge levels of the dark site among tourists and site location (Yuill,

2003; Biran et al, 2011). Poria et al (2006) identifies three types of tourists: those wanting to feel

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connected to history, those wanting to learn and those with no motives linked to the historic site

visited and concludes that expectations of tourists were linked to their perceptions. Also, they

find that those perceiving the heritage site as their own heritage have higher expectations and are

more emotionally involved in the experience. Biran et al (2011) agree that dark tourism

interpretation depends on the intensity of interest, familiarity with the event that has taken place

at the site and perceptions placed on the attraction. Hence, fundamental managerial implications

arise for dark tourism development as the factors influencing tourist perception of a dark heritage

site – and in turn their experience and satisfaction – need to be identified. The need to define the

various dark tourist types and the factors influencing their ‘dark’ experience are central to dark

tourism development. Wisler (2009) argues that understanding of dark tourism requires the

inclusion of the act of travel to dark sites, the interpretation of the event in question and the

consumption of the dark tourism product. Hence, this paper aims to address the highly

fragmented concept of dark tourism by following a supply-demand approach.

3. Methodology

3.1 Research Objective and Case Study Area

The literature of this review has highlighted the need to study the factors influencing tourist

experiences at dark sites using both supply and demand perspectives. It is believed that by doing

so theoretical and practical insights can be gained. Thus, the main objective of this research is to

contribute to the conceptualization of dark tourism by investigating the drivers for the dark

tourism development, the motivators for travelling to dark tourism sites and the factors

influencing production and consumption of dark tourism. The paper reflects these points by

focusing on two dark heritage sites found in Nicosia, Cyprus. Specifically, the sites are pre-

independence themed museums illustrating the Greek Cypriot struggle against the British rule of

the island. The first site, which pays tribute to the 1955-1959 struggle of Greek Cypriots against

British colonial rule, is the National Struggle museum and the second is a memorial place

containing the graves of 13 members of EOKA (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters)

killed by the British. The graves were found in the Central Jail of Nicosia after Cyprus gained

independence in 1960, and together with the cells and gallows, the site serves as a museum today

(Dale and Robinson, 2011). Whilst the memorial place in the Central Jail is purposefully -

empty- of personal belongings, visual aids and other objects to illustrate the few things that the

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Greek Cypriot fighters/prisoners were given by the British and place emphasis on the gibbets

used to hang the fighters/prisoners, this is not the case in the Museum of National Struggle. The

museum depicts several everyday objects such as diaries, clothing, guns, utensils that were used

by the fighters as an attempt to humanize them. Black and white photographs and newspaper

articles celebrating the Greek Cypriot resistance are also on display, which serve the purpose of

informing the visitors of the -victimization- the Greek Cypriots went through under British rule.

The choice of these museums as the focus of this study is well justified. Whilst being promoted

as heritage sites, the death-related theme of the museum as well as their educational and

commemoration purpose places these sites in the dark heritage tourism category. Indeed, several

of the heritage sites studied in the context of dark tourism include museums, memorial places,

prisons and graveyards (Miles, 2002; Strange and Kempa, 2003; Stenning et al, 2008; Biran et al,

2011; Mowatt and Chancellor, 2011). With approximately 40000 visitors each year (Lisle,

2007), the two museums are visited by both locals and foreigners (Lisle, 2007; Dale and

Robinson, 2011).

3.2 Study Methods

The research adopted a supply-demand approach and was performed in two stages: firstly, semi-

structured interviews with supply-side stakeholders were conducted and then two focus group

sessions consisting were performed in April 2012. Specifically, 12 semi-structured interviews

were performed with museum personnel, policymakers and members of the association of travel

agents and tour guides as well as officers of the Cyprus Tourism Organization and the Nicosia

Tourism Development and Promotion Company. Care was taken in selecting representatives of

different sectors of the tourism industry to allow the expression of various viewpoints. The

interviewees were initially contacted by telephone and each interview session – which lasted

approximately 30 minutes – was performed at each interviewee’s office. The questions asked

were shaped around the research objectives and so interviewees were asked to identify the

developmental purpose of each museum by describing the way it is projected and the target

market the sites attract. The data collected was further supplemented with archival records, past

study findings and informative material.

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In addition, two focus groups consisting of eight members each, were conducted at a designated

hotel in the town centre; one focus group included local visitors and the other included foreign

visitors (from the UK, Germany, Russia and Greece) who had previously visited both sites.

Focus groups were preferred to interviews as they foster a dynamic discussion environment and

allow the collection of a greater number of responses simultaneously. The focus group members

were recruited through snowball sampling for convenience purposes; yet to minimise the risk of

homogeneity of participants, sample selection was performed with care to ensure that both local

and foreign visitors of various nationalities and age groups were included. The focus groups

were moderated by the researcher and lasted approximately 75 minutes each. Participants were

asked to describe their perception of the museums and the main motive for visiting the museums

whereas photographs of the museums’ artifacts were showed to reinforce participants’ memory.

Data collected was further supplemented by personal statements and comments written by

visitors in the museums’ visitor books. The data collected from both the interviews and focus

groups was analyzed using thematic analysis.

4. Findings and Discussion

The research reveals that both museums were established as a remembrance site for the fighters

of the national struggle against British rule. Specifically, the National Struggle museum was

founded by the Cyprus government in 1962 as a memorial site. According to the museum

curator “there was no Ministry of Education and Culture back then so the purpose of the museum

was the preservation of the memory of the heroes and remembrance so that younger generations

would not forget who we were and where we are going”. Similarly, the cells and graves of the

fighters found in the Central Jail of Nicosia (which was originally established by the British in

1894) were developed into a museum by the government after the island’s independence in 1960

as a centre of remembrance for those who were killed in the struggle. Interestingly, the purpose

of the EOKA organization was not independence but unification with Greece. Yet, the museums

do not depict this openly as the anti-colonial struggle was the focal point for the ethnic conflict

between the two communities in Cyprus (the Greek Cypriot community desired unification with

Greece whereas Turkish Cypriots opposed the idea). Instead, the museums through a method of

erasing the ethnic struggles between the two communities and creating nostalgia for a ‘just’ war

emphasize the oppressed position of the Greek Cypriots (Lisle, 2007). Thus, an attempt to

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reinforce the community’s identity through the promotion of the Greek Cypriots’ heritage and

beliefs is evident; this coincides with Lennon and Foley’s (2000) statement that official messages

are clearly ideological. Whilst the development of the museums serves primarily educational

and memorial purposes, the concept of ‘death’ is incorporated into the tourist experience. The

National Struggle Museum depicts various personal belongings of the fighters in an attempt to

incorporate symbolic meaning in the visitor experience whereas the memorial in the Central Jail

provides a more authentic landscape for the consumption of the tourist experience. The graves

of the fighters and the original gallows used to hang them are used as symbolic artifacts to

enhance the emotional aspect of the experience. As a result, the museums become places of

commemoration, veneration and learning (Yuill, 2003) and hence transform into consumable

dark heritage tourism spaces.

With both local and foreign visitors being attracted to the museums, the research found that the

motives of each group are different. According to the curators of the museums the majority of

visitors consist mostly of pupils from local schools, who visit the sites as part of an educational

program, as well as Greek tourists who come to the museums as part of an organized excursion.

Yet, the educational and remembrance purposes of the sites seem to drive visitation for locals.

All local focus group participants stated that they had visited the museums in the past as part of

an educational school trip whilst recently revisited the museums with their families “to teach

their children about the history of Cyprus” or “to pay respect to the heroes”. By constrast,

approximately 40% of the local participants stated that they revisited the museums “because of

curiosity” and in order to remember the artifacts which they saw as children, with only one

participant identifying leisure as his primary motive. The educational character of the visits by

locals is highlighted by the curators’ statements that “close to the national holiday… more locals

are visiting the museums”.

The curators agreed that a small segment of foreign visitors are attracted to the museums and it

appears that foreigner visitors’ motives are different. The curator of the National Struggle

Museum stated that “a small number of British, Germans, French and Italians have visited the

museum in the past on an individual basis and not as part of an organized trip…they hold tourist

information booklets and maps and like to explore Nicosia so they visit the museum too”. On the

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other hand, a travel agent selling daily excursions to Nicosia stated that several foreign clients

visit the museums because it is part of the itinerary but not because of a specific interest in the

museology. Indeed, almost half of foreign focus group participants stated that they had visited

the museums as part of an organized excursion with 25% visiting the museums independently as

they “were passing by Nicosia”. Only one foreign visitor said that she had visited the museums

for educational purposes as part of her degree requirements. No foreign visitor though identified

interest in death or the site itself as the primary motivator for the visit; instead the foreign visitors

argued that whilst they were holidaying in the coastal area of Cyprus they had decided to take a

daily excursion to Nicosia “to see what is there” or to “see something different”. The curator of

the memorial in the Central Jail agreed that visits by foreign tourists are rare and identified lack

of knowledge of the existence of the museum as a key factor. He explained that “tourists don’t

know how to find this museum…it is next to the prisons of Nicosia. In the past there were talks

about opening a separate road leading to the museum but due to bureaucracy nothing was

done”. In addition, he concluded that “only Greek tourists seem slightly interested in the

museum due to the solidarity between Greece and Cyprus but a large proportion of them are

irritated…they often complain about being brought to a cemetery and prefer to see something

else in Nicosia”. Similarly, a travel agent stated that “tourist groups were taken to the museums

in the past but tourists are not interested in visiting cemeteries…they are here to have fun, enjoy

the sun, maybe take a daily excursion to Nicosia to see what is there”. On the contrary it was

found that Greek visitors visited the museums because it was part of an organized excursion but

expressed a positive perception and experience due to “the solidarity and affiliation with the

Greek Cypriot people”, which helped them to empathize with the artifacts displayed.

When asked to describe the sites, all foreign visitors characterized the museums as cultural

attractions. This coincides with an interviewee’s statement that “the tourists see the museums as

heritage or cultural attractions”. One supply-side stakeholder agreed stating that “tourists will

accept what you give them…it is the supply-side that often determines what tourists will consume

and whether this attraction should be regarded as important”. Thus, an important issue arises

regarding the development and promotion of dark tourism sites, as it appears that the supply-side

drives demand to a large extent. As one interviewee stated different sites are associated with

death but are not regarded as dark attractions by tourists; instead they are perceived as heritage or

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religious attractions that have some cultural value. Indeed, one policy-maker expressed concerns

over the definition of dark tourism. He stated that “tourists visit the pyramids, which in essence

are the tombs of the Pharaohs; but tourists don’t see the pyramids as that, they see it as an

important, cultural attraction. The same goes for the Colisseum….if you ask people why they

visit the Colisseum they will say because it is an important cultural attraction”. This statement

confirms the multiple interpretations given to dark tourism and raises the question of what

influences such interpretations. Ashworth (1991) argued that the projected image of a

destination influences tourist perception and behavior, therefore, the concept of image in dark

tourism needs to be examined. Indeed, projected images primarily created by tourism

authorities, tour operators and the media act as a ‘pull’ factor attracting tourists. Similarly,

Baloglu and Uysal (1996) state that tourist motivation and perception are push factors

predisposing tourists to travel. Thus, the argument that both supply and demand aspects must be

considered in conceptualizing dark tourism is reinforced, as their interaction plays a role on the

way a site is perceived and consumed.

Within the context of image, this research paper identified several factors – other than tourist

motivations – that influence visitor interpretation of dark sites. Nearly all of the interviewees

acknowledged that the relevance of a site to a visitor plays a role in the tourist’s interest to visit

it. For example, it was highlighted that Greek tourists are more interested in the dark heritage

sites “due to ethnic relations”. This confirms Poria et al’s (2006) finding that perception of the

site as being one’s own heritage affects tourist motivation and experience. Hence, nationality,

religion and a sense of solidarity influence demand for dark tourism. Interestingly, one British

visitor wrote in the National Struggle museum visitor book that he was “ashamed to be British”

due to the realization of the negative impacts British colonialism had on the people of Cyprus.

Indeed, British participants expressed “a sense of guilt” after visiting the museums; specifically,

one said that he “felt sad that the country’s (UK) politics had such an impact on the people of

Cyprus”. Despite the sense of guilt expressed, it cannot be identified as a motivator as this

feeling arose post-visit. Thus, the lack of interest in a dark experience coincides with Stone and

Sharpley’s (2008) argument that it is unclear whether an interest in death is the dominant reason

for visiting dark sites. Indeed, findings indicate that an interest in death does not act as a primary

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motive for visitation, yet the irritation of some foreign tourists after visiting the sites confirm that

a morbid experience is presented to them and ultimately consumed by them.

The length of time passed since the tragedy took place has also been identified as an influencing

factor on tourist perception. Specifically, one interviewee stated that “conflicts existed in the

ancient world also but they are more easily perceived as heritage or culture”. The same

interviewee elaborated further by stating that “maybe in the future what is perceived now as dark

tourism or special interest tourism will become a popular, must-see cultural attraction consumed

by the masses”. According to Uzzell (1998), places and their meaning change over time, hence,

dark tourism cannot be conceptualized as a static form of tourism. After all, tourism is

characterized by mobility and liquid modernity (Urry and Larsen, 2011). Indeed, dark tourism

has been depicted in the literature as a form of special interest tourism attracting tourists that

seek enhanced personal experiences and self-development. Nevertheless, several dark sites

worldwide have become popular tourist attractions drawing millions of tourists. This questions

the practice of identifying dark tourism as a form of special interest tourism as participation in a

dark tourism experience does not necessarily indicate a particular interest in the ‘dark’ but can be

merely coincidental. This argument coincides with McCannell’s (1976) sacralization process

whereby a site becomes a tourist site gradually through the interaction of social environments,

leading to the rise of diverse meanings among different tourist groups (Seaton, 1999). A similar

idea has been put forward by Lowenthal (1985) who argues that there are three levels of

historical analysis, memories, historical records and artifacts starting from the war generation

who visits sites to pay homage and to remember, moving to the next generation where places

become less of a memorial and more of a tourist attraction; hence, places move from being a

memory to being a historical record and artifact. Yet, this may not be the case for the local

inhabitants for whom heritage may mean something different (Poria et al, 2006). Indeed, Poria

and Ashworth’s (2009) heritagization process indicates that heritage is often used as a resource

to achieve certain social goals, dividing people into ‘we’ and ‘us’ and using the past to educate

the present generation.

Timothy and Boyd (2003) conclude that tourists may come from divergent backgrounds and

have different needs, expectations and educational levels and suggest that the most effective

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tours are those which acknowledge and plan for these differences by providing various levels of

interpretation that reflect their tourists’ interests and abilities.

5. Conclusion

Dark tourism cannot be perceived as an expression of tourist demand only, but rather needs to be

considered in conjunction with tourism supply. Whilst the museums appear to fall in the grey

category of Sharpley’s demand/supply matrix, the diversity of visitor groups implies that supply

may be purposeful yet participation in a dark tourism experience may be coincidental as demand

is often unrelated to an interest in death. So what factors influence interpretation of and

experience at dark tourism sites? The findings here reveal that education, remembrance and

reinforcement of national identity are key motivators for locals visiting these dark sites. On the

other hand, most of the visits to the museums by foreigners were coincidental with some

expressing interest in culture and/or novelty. Personal factors of visitors like nationality are also

important in establishing relevance to the site whereas the passage of time remains an

influencing element in tourist perceptions of dark sites. According to Smith and Croy (2005) the

characteristics of a dark tourist attraction and the way it is perceived by tourists lay the

foundation for visitor motivation; therefore, examination of tourist motivations needs to consider

the perceived images held by tourists. Figure 1 illustrates the factors influencing tourist

interpretation and experience of dark tourism sites and the linkages with tourist demand drivers

and supply elements:

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Figure 1: Factors impacting dark tourism demand

Source: Author (2012)

As can be seen from the figure, supply stakeholders such as National Tourist Organizations and

tour operators are largely responsible for promoting dark sites. The projected image is also

influenced by communication channels such as the media. Several factors interact to attract

visitors to a site, including site-specific characteristics, the infrastructural environment, the

existence of tourist facilities and the location of site. The projected image of the site

consequently influences the perceived image held by tourists and ultimately the experience at the

site. Nevertheless, a tourist’s perceived image is interrelated to tourists’ motivations and

intrinsic needs which act as push factors for visiting dark sites. Similarly, several factors

influencing demand and the tourist experience, including the source delivering information about

the dark site (i.e. internet, tour operators etc), the passage of time since the dark event took place

and personal factors of tourists such as nationality, sense of solidarity with the affected

community and knowledge level.

• NTOs

• Tour operators/travel agents

• Media

Projected image

• Personal factors

• Information sources

• Time

Perceived image

Pull factors:

• Site characteristics

• Infrastructure

• Tourist facilities

• Accessibility

Push factors:

• Motives

• Needs

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The findings here confirm the notion that dark tourism remains highly fragmented and that the

production and consumption of dark tourism are continuous and interrelated. The different

developmental purposes for dark tourism and socio-cultural factors influencing tourist

interpretation of dark sites interact to yield diverse forms of dark tourism ranging from leisure-

based, educational, political to heritage. This paper confirms the findings of previous studies’

that supply and demand need to be explored together and highlights the importance of marketing

tactics in developing and promoting dark tourism. The findings verify that numerous

motivations for visiting dark sites exist; despite, the fact that interest in death may not act as a

primary motive for visitation, a dark experience might be ultimately consumed by tourists.

Similarly, the supply of dark tourism may be driven by factors other than interest in death. It is

suggested that tourist markets are segmented taking into consideration that not all tourists

visiting a dark site are motivated by an interest in death and not all tourists share the same

experience. The marketing implications of dark tourism development need to be studied further,

as marketing of dark tourism sites and the image of dark tourism attractions remains an under-

researched area. The impact that marketing approaches may have on tourist experience,

perception and satisfaction can be investigated. Uzzell (1998)’s realization that nowadays

personal mobility and the internet have revolutionized the tourism industry creates implications

for dark tourism marketing as the images of dark attractions are difficult to control. Future

research could respond to these challenges.

Despite the practical insights offered by the study to marketers in relation to segmentation

strategies adopted in dark tourism as well as dark tourism site promotion, it is acknowledged that

the study’s narrow focus on museums in Cyprus limits the scope of its findings. Clearly, future

research needs to be performed on other locations, destinations and heritage sites associated with

death to allow for generalization of findings. Also, the study focused on a small sample of

respondents which limits generalizability. Future research could incorporate a larger sample size

to allow for comparisons between age groups, nationalities and gender. Nevertheless, with dark

tourism being such a complex and multi-faceted concept, case studies such as this one contribute

to the conceptualization of the term by allowing comparison, contrast and enhancement of

understanding of a phenomenon which is anything but simple.

16

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Figure 1: Factors impacting dark tourism demand

Source: Author (2012)

Pull factors:

• Site characteristics

• Infrastructure

• Tourist facilities

• Accessibility

Push factors:

• Motives

• Needs