Boston's Struggle in Black and Brown - Deep Blue Repositories
249
Boston’s Struggle in Black and Brown: Racial Politics, Community Development, and Grassroots Organizing 1960-1985 by Tatiana Maria Fernández Cruz A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Matthew J. Countryman, Chair Associate Professor Stephen A. Berrey Associate Professor Maria E. Cotera Associate Professor Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof
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Transcript of Boston's Struggle in Black and Brown - Deep Blue Repositories
Boston’sStruggleinBlackandBrown:RacialPolitics,CommunityDevelopment,andGrassrootsOrganizing
1960-1985by
TatianaMariaFernándezCruz
Adissertationsubmittedinpartialfulfillment
oftherequirementsforthedegreeofDoctorofPhilosophy
(History)inTheUniversityofMichigan
2017
DoctoralCommittee:
AssociateProfessorMatthewJ.Countryman,ChairAssociateProfessorStephenA.BerreyAssociateProfessorMariaE.CoteraAssociateProfessorJesseHoffnung-Garskof
ii
DEDICATION
Fortheloveofmylife,Raul,whobelievedinmemorethanIbelievedinmyself.
Andforourthreebeautifulchildren,RaulJr.,Amaya,andLola,
whomakeallourstrugglesworthit.Iloveandadoreyouallfiercely.
Inlovingmemoryofmyfather,JorgensenGrüssenFernández,
wholeftthephysicalworldtoosoon.Siempreteamaré,Pa.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
WhileIrecognizethevalueofbrevityinmostsituations,acknowledgementsare
nottheplaceforit.Therearejusttoomanypeopletothankformakingthisdissertation
andPh.D.possible.Here’smybestattempttogivethemeachaproperthankyou.
MyinterestinAfricanAmericanandLatinxhistoryemergedoutofmycoursesat
WilliamsCollege.Myroadtherewasnotaneasyone.Afterstrugglingtofindmyplace
andbeingaskedtowithdraw,Ireturnedinthefallof2008withan8-month-oldsonin
towandarenewedvigorformyeducation.Iwasthrilledtoreceivemuchmoresupport
inmysecondchanceatWilliams.IfoundsupportivefacultymentorsintheAmerican
CultureandHistorydepartmentsandparticularlyintheAfricanaStudiesandLatina/o
Studiesprograms.Theyinclude:MariaElenaCepeda,CassandraCleghorn,Gretchen
Long,JamesManigault-Bryant,MéridaRúa,andK.ScottWong.Youallinspiredmein
morewaysthanyouknow,encouragingmyinterestincomparativerace/ethnicstudies,
andexposingmetothepossibilitiesofindependentresearchandagraduatedegree.One
personwhoIamextremelythankfulforisCarmenWhalen.Asoneofmyadvisors,you
facilitatedmygrowinginterestinLatinxhistory,particularlyPuertoRicanwomen’s
organizing.YouwerealsothekindofwarmmentorIneeded,oneIcouldrelateto,who
supportedmeasacompleteperson,andacknowledgedtherolemyfamilyplayedinmy
academiccareerandresearch.Thankyoutoallofyoufacultyforpushingmetonew
intellectualheights,forwritinglettersofrecommendationandhelpingmegetinto
iv
graduateschool,andforyoursocioemotionalsupportinmyyearsatWilliamsandsince
Igraduated.Iamsohonoredtojoinyounowasacolleagueandhopewecrosspaths
againsoon.
OneofthemostsupportivementorsIameternallygratefulforisMollyMagavern,
whotookahugechanceonmebyadmittingmeintotheMellonMaysUndergraduate
Fellowship(MMUF),despitemylessthanperfectacademicrecord.Molly,yousawmy
potentialandwasoneofthefirstpeopleattheCollegewhonormalizedstudent-
parentingandaccommodatedmeintheprograminnumerouswayssothatIcouldbe
successful.YoualsosupportedRaulandourentirefamilybyfindingopportunitiesfor
us,beingourbiggestcheerleader,andforthatweareverygrateful.Iamalsothankfulto
BobBlayforallhedidtosupportmeasaMMUFfellowinmytimeatWilliamsandinthe
yearssince.
LastbutcertainlynotleastinmythankyoustoWilliamsfaculty,Iowethis
graduatedegreeinlargeparttomymentor,LeslieBrown.Doc,youcameintomylifeata
crazy(andperfect)time.Youtookachanceonme,believedinme,pushedme,andhelped
nurturemyloveforAfricanAmericanhistoryandfeminism.Youinspiredmetobecomea
radicalhistorianandactivist,taughtmethepowerofteaching/mentoring,allowedmeto
ventandcrywithyou,andblurredthelineasbothmyadvisor/professorandfriend.You
helpedmegetintomydreamgraduateprogramandsentmeofftoworkwiththebestin
thefield,oneofyourtrustedfriends.Yougavemewarmthandtruetough-love,prepping
mefortheharshworldofacademia.Andwelaughedsomuchthroughitall.Thankyoufor
everything.Ifeelhonoredtobeoneof"yourstudents”andtocarrythelegacyofyour
v
brilliantresearchinmyownwork.Iamstillgrievingyourlossandwishyouwerehereto
readthis,butknowyouwouldberootingforme.Restinpower,Doc.
Next,Iwouldliketothankmydissertationcommittee–MatthewCountryman,
StephenBerrey,MariaCotera,andJesseHoffnung-Garskof.Yourguidancethroughout
mytimeattheUniversityofMichigantrulymadethisdissertationpossibleandpushedit
tonewlevels.Jesse,yourworkwasamajorinspirationforthisprojectandyour
commentswillproveinvaluableespeciallyasIconvertthisdissertationintoabook
manuscript.Maria,youhaveprovidedmewithmuchinspirationforwhatkindof
professorIhopetobe.Youareabrilliantactivescholar,anactivist,committedto
supportingstudentsofcolor,andarebuildingimportantpublichistoryprojects.Thank
youforpushingmebeyondmycomfortzone,providingmewithatheoreticallanguageI
didnothave,helpingmedevelopasaoralhistorian,andhelpingmerealizemyproject
wasindeedawomen’s/feministhistoryafterall.Stephen,thereisnotenoughspacefor
allIwouldliketosayaboutyouasamentor.Youarewithoutadoubtthemostgenerous
professorIhaveevermet,onethatgoesaboveandbeyondwhatisrequiredtohelpyour
students.Thankyousomuchforinspiringmeinyourclasses,helpingmedevelopasa
teacher,demystifyingthegraduateschoolprocess,andforhelpingmereachevery
milestonethepastsixyears.Youhavepatientlyansweredeveryoneofmyquestions
andmademefeellikeitwasoktobeafirst-generationgraduatestudent,provided
invaluablefeedbackonmywork,andgavemeconfidencewhenIneededitmost.You
helpedmethroughuncomfortablesituationsingraduateschoolandimportantthings
likenegotiatingmyfirstjoboffer.Thankyouforprovidingmewithamodelof
vi
mentorshipIhopetoreplicateinmyowncareer.Itrulylovedworkingwithyouand
hopewecanremainintouch.
Matthew,Icannotsayenoughaboutwhatyouhavemeanttome.Ihonestlyfeela
bitofdivineintervention(andLeslieBrown!)helpedmefindmywaytoyou.Idonot
thinkIwouldhavemadeitnearlythisfarifitwasnotforyoubeingmyadvisor.From
themomentIsteppedfootoncampus,youmademefeelvaluedasabuddinghistorian
andasaperson.Youwelcomedmyfamilyandmeinwaysthatnofacultymemberhad
everdonebefore,andweretheretogivemetheunexpectedsocioemotionalsupport
whenIneededit.Youhelpedmetackleimpostersyndromeanddealwithconflicts,you
gavemeautonomytocraftmyownpaththroughgraduateschool,andprovidedmewith
unwaveringsupportformyresearch.Yougavemeamodelforbeingascholar-activist
andforsupportingstudentsofcolor.Beyondthis,youmademesuchabetterhistorian,
pushingandpushingmetorealizemypotential.Iwillmissourmanyconversations
aboutblack/brownhistory,politics,organizing,andlife.Thankyouforbeingthekindof
advisorIonlydreamedwaspossible.Ilookforwardtoyourcontinuedmentorship.
Iwouldberemissnottocreditandmentionallotheracademicandprofessional
mentors.JeanneTheoharis,MatthewDelmont,ZebulonMiletsky,TessBundy,andLyda
Petershavebeeninvaluablecolleaguesandmentors.Ifeelhonoredtohavehadthe
opportunitytoworkwiththem,receivetheirinvaluablefeedbackonseveraldissertation
chapters,andappreciatedtheirgenerosityinhelpingmeestablishcontactsintheBoston
area.IlookforwardtorewritingtheracialhistoryofBostontogether.Iwouldalsolike
tothanktheBostonCollegeAfricanandAfricanDiasporaStudiesProgramfortheir
supportlastyear.AsaDissertationFellow,Iwasabletohavesupportformyfinalyear
vii
ofwriting,andalsogratefultohavereceivedprofessionalmentorshipandfriendship
fromMartinSummers,RichardPaul,RégineJean-Charles,andRhondaFrederick.
Theresearchforthisprojectwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutthelibrarians,
archivists,andinterviewees.Thankyoutoallthelibrariansandarchivistsatallmy
researchsitesbutmostspecificallyatNortheasternUniversity,HarvardUniversity
SchlesingerLibrary,andUniversityofMassachusettsBoston.Thankyoutoallthe
Bostonactivistswhosharedtheirliveswithme.Withoutyou,Iwouldhavenostoryto
tell.MydeepestgratitudegoestoFriedaGarcia,AlexRodriguez,andCarmenPola,who
wentaboveandbeyondtoprovidemewithlong,detailedinterviewsandtohelpme
connectwithotheractivists.Ifeelhonoredtohavehadtheopportunitytorewrite
Boston’sracialhistoryplacingyouatthecenterwhereyoubelong.Thankyoufor
inspiringmetoleadthenextgenerationofactivistsinthecitywealllove.
InmythreeyearsinAnnArbor,MI,Ihadtheprivilegeofgettingtoknowsomany
wonderfulpeoplethathavetrulyshapedmygraduatecareerandoverallexperience.
ThankyoutotheHistoryDepartmentstaffforhelpingmenavigatethecomplexmazeof
bureaucracy–KathleenKing,DianaDenney,LornaAltstetter,andKimberlySmith.
ThankyoutoallmyclosestcolleaguesinHistoryandAmericanCulturewhohelpedme
developasascholarandsupportedmeasafriend:CaVarReid,HillinaSeife,Jacqueline
Antonovich,BeckyHill,AntonioRamirez,WalkerElliott,KyeraSingleton,AnandaBurra,
DianaSierraBecerra,HiroMatsusaka,JacquesVest,AndrewWalker,EmilyMacgillivray,
BonnieApplebeet,KatieLennard,GarretFelber,CookieWoolner,AstonGonzalez,and
RonitStahl.Specialthankstotwoindividualswhohaveservedasunofficialmentors
throughoutmytimeatUofM:NoraKrinitskyAustinMcCoy.Nora,thankyouforbeingso
viii
generouswithyourtimeandyourmaterialsandforhelpingmenavigateeachstepof
graduateschool.Austin,youhavebeenanunbelievablementortome.Notonlyhaveyou
helpedmethroughtheentireprocessofgraduateschool,butyouhavebeenthereto
helpmesurviveasagraduatestudentofcolorandinspiredmeinyourworkasan
activist.ItwasanhonororganizingwithyouintheUCRJandIhopewecanconnectin
thefuture.
Mostimportantly,Iwanttothankmyfamilyfortheirundyingsupportofmy
Ph.D.dreams.ThankyoutotheamazingfamilyIwasblessedtoinherit,particularlymy
motherandfather-inlaw,Ramona“Deysi”andNicolás“Tin”Cruz.Youbelievedinme
andsupportedme,evenwhenthatmeantmakingsacrificesandtakingyoursonand
grandkidsfarawaytoMichigan.Thankyoutoallmybrothersandsisters–in-lawand
niecesandnephews,especiallyNicoandWilneliaCruzforalwayshavingourbacksand
keepingourfamiliestogether.Thankyoutomyaunt(Titi)CarmenMartinez,for
supportingmewhenIneededitmostlastyearandsteppingintohelptakecareofLola
soIcouldwrite.Mybiggestthanksgotomysiblingsandtheirpartnersfortheir
unconditionalloveandbeliefinme.ToLucy,Chester,Jorgensen“Toti,”andKrysten
Fernández,Ifeelsoblessedtohaveyouallinmylife.Youhaveallsupportedmyjourney
andfilledmeandthekids’liveswithsomuchjoyandhappiness.ThankyoualsotoRyan
Connolly,JohannaRincónFernández,andmyamazingnephewandniece,Octavioand
Salma,forallyourloveandsupport.Krysten,youmorethananyone,youhavebeen
witnesstothehardshipsandstrugglesthatwentintomegraduatingfromWilliamsand
gettingtothispoint.Youhavebeentheresincethebeginningofthislongjourneyand
weremybiggestcheerleaderthroughout.ThankyousomuchforhavingmybackwhenI
ix
neededitmost,forliftingmeupwhenIwasdown,forallyourbrilliantintellectualand
spiritualinsight,andforultimatelybeingmyclosestfriend.Yourloveandsupporthas
meantmorethanyoucaneverunderstand.
Thankyousomuchtomyparents,JorgensenandMayelaFernández,for
everythingyouhavedone.Youhavetakenhugerisksandmadeenormoussacrificesto
giveusthebestopportunitiesandlivespossible.Pa,whydidyouhavetoleaveusso
soon?AsIwritethisalmostayearafteryouruntimelydeath,Icontinuetogrieveasifit
wereyesterday.IloveandmissyousomuchandhopethatyouaresoproudofwhatI
havedone.Thankyouforbelievinginmeandinmyfamily.Thankyoufortakingsuch
goodcareofusandforyoursupportthroughoutmyentirelife.Ma,youhavebeenmy
inspirationfromthebeginning.Youarethesmartest,wisest,strongest,mostresilient
womanIhaveevermetandeverydayItrytobemorelikeyou.Thankyouforteaching
ushowtobetough,howtoworkhard,andhowtopushthroughstruggles,andfor
takingcareofmybabiesasiftheywereyourown.Thankyoufornotgivinguponlife
whenwelostPaandforgivingmesomuchsupportandlovethispastyearespecially.
ThisdissertationandPh.D.isforyou.
Last,butcertainlynotleast,Iamleftquestioning:howdoIthanktheloveofmy
life?HowdoIevenbegintothankthepersonforwhomnoneofthiswould’vebeen
possible?Tomyhusbandandlifepartner,myride-or-die,mybestfriend,RaulCruz,
thankyouforchoosingtospendyourlifewithme.In2008,whenItoldyouIthoughtI
mightwanttogetaPh.D.andbecomeaprofessor,yousaid“Let’sdoit!”withoutany
reservations.Youbelievedinmeandmydreamandyouwerewillingtodoanythingto
seemerealizeit.YouencouragedmetobecomeaMMUFfellow,yousupportedevery
x
partofmyresearchandstressfulwritingprocess,andyoustayedinWilliamstownfor
twoextrayearssowecouldstaytogetherasafamilyuntilIgraduated.Yousupported
mygraduateschooldreamsandwerewillingtomovetotheMidwestwhenIgotintomy
dreamprogram.Yousacrificedyourabilitytoseeyourfamilyandfriends,yourabilityto
teach,literallyeverythingsowecouldmovetoMichigan.Andwhilewewerethere,you
weremyrockthroughallthehardtimes.YoupickedmeupwhenIwasdownand
pushedmetomeeteverygoal.YoubelievedinmewhenIdidnotbelieveinmyselfand
gavemestrengthwhenIwasreadytoquit.Yougavemeareasontowakeupeachday
andfinish.Youinspiredmewithallyourbrilliance,yourhardworkethic,andyour
refusaltogiveuponanything.YoulovedmewhenIdidnotevenlovemyselfandforthat
andallyoursupportthelasttwelveyears,Iameternallygrateful.Raul,mostpeople
thoughtwewerecrazywhenweplottedoutourdreamsasyoungparentsandaspiring
academics.Butguesswhat?Weweren’t.WEDIDIT!Throughallthedarknessand
struggle,westayedtogetherandkeptthelove,andherewearecelebratingallour
accomplishmentswiththecareersofourdreamsandthreebeautifulbabies!Iloveyou
morethananythinginthisworld,baby.
Finally,thankyoutomychildren,RaulJr.,Amaya,andLola,forbeingmybiggest
motivationtofinishandsucceed.Beingyourmotherhasbeenthebiggesthonorandjoy
ofmylife.Thankyouforgivingmeapurpose,forgivingmealifeoutsideofacademia
thatkeepsmeequalpartssaneandinsane,andforsupportingmethroughallthestress
ofgraduateschool.Oneday,Ihopeyoulookbackonthesetimesandrememberthem
fondlyasadventureswithyoungacademicparents.Iloveyousomuchandneverforget
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thatIdidthisallforyouandDaddy.Here’stolookingforwardtothenextstageofour
lives!
xii
TABLEOFCONTENTS
DEDICATION iiACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iiiLISTOFTABLES xiiiLISTOFABBREVIATIONS xivMAPOFBOSTONNEIGHBORHOODS xviABSTRACT xviiINTRODUCTION 1CHAPTERONE 27“GroveHallisBoundtoExplode”:Black/BrownMother-OrganizersandtheMovementforWelfareRightsCHAPTERTWO 53“Upbuilding”: Black/BrownSocialWorker“Crusaders”andtheAntipovertyMovementCHAPTERTHREE 87“WeShallNotBeMoved”: Black/BrownHousingStrugglesandMovementsforTenants’Rights
CHAPTERFOUR 111“YouWomenShouldbeHomeWashingYourDishes”:Black/BrownMother-Organizersand1960sMovementsforEducationalJusticeCHAPTERFIVE 177“VamosaVer”/“Let’sWaitandSee”:Black/BrownEducationalOrganizingintheWakeofthe1974“BusingCrisis”EPILOGUE 210BIBLIOGRAPHY 222
xiii
LISTOFTABLES
TABLEI. TimelineofWelfareRightsMovement 52 II. TimelineofUpbuildingandAntipovertyMovement 68III. TimelineofHousingStrugglesandMovementsforTenants’Rights 110IV. TimelineofEducationalJusticeMovementsinthe1960s 175V. TimelineofEducationalJusticeMovementsinthe1970s 209
xiv
LISTOFABBREVIATIONS
ABCD ActionforBostonCommunityRedevelopmentAFDC AidtoFamilieswithDependentChildrenAPCROSS AssociationPromotingConstitutionalRightsoftheSpanish-SpeakingBAQE BlackAdvocatesforQualityEducationBHA BostonHousingAuthorityBPG BoardmanParentsGroupBPS BostonPublicSchoolsBRA BostonRedevelopmentAuthorityBSC BostonSchoolCommitteeBUF BostonUnitedFrontCHPA ConcernedHigginsonParentsAssociationCAUSE CommunityAssemblyforaUnitedSouthEndCORE CongressofRacialEqualityCPAC CitywideParentsAdvisoryCouncilELL EnglishLanguageLearnerESEA ElementaryandSecondaryEducationActESL EnglishasaSecondLanguageElComité ElComitéProLaDefensadelaEducaciónBilingüe(TheCommitteein
DefenseofBilingualEducation)ETC EmergencyTenantsCouncilFHA FederalHousingAdministrationHEW DepartmentofHealth,Education,andWelfareHOLC HomeOwnersLoanCorporation HOPE HispanicOfficeofPlanningandDevelopmentHUD DepartmentofHousingandUrbanDevelopmentIBA InquilinosBoricuasenAcción(PuertoRicanTenantsinAction)LAH LaAlianzaHispana(TheHispanicAlliance)LEP LimitedEnglishProficiencyMAW MothersforAdequateWelfareMBTA MassachusettsBayTransportationAuthorityMCAD MassachusettsCommissionAgainstDiscriminationMETCO MetropolitanCouncilforEducationalOpportunity NAACP NationalAssociationfortheAdvancementofColoredPeopleNSM NorthernStudentMovementNWRO NationalWelfareRightsOrganizationPRESS PuertoRicanEnteringandSettlingServiceRMSC RoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter
xv
RIA RacialImbalanceActRDNPA Roxbury-NorthDorchesterParentsAssociationROAR RestoreOurAlienableRightsSCLC SouthernChristianLeadershipConferenceSETC SouthEndTenantsCouncilSDS StudentsforaDemocraticSocietySNAP SouthEndNeighborhoodActionProgramSNCC StudentNonviolentCoordinatingCommitteeTDC TenantsDevelopmentCorporationUSES UnitedSouthEndSettlementsVA Veteran’sAdministration
xvi
MAPOFBOSTONNEIGHBORHOODS
xvii
ABSTRACT
“Boston’sStruggleinBlackandBrown”recoversthecomparativeandrelational
historyofAfricanAmericanandLatinocommunitydevelopment,racialandpolitical
identityformation,andmobilizationsforracialjusticeinBostonfrom1960to1985.
SubjectedtoexclusionfromBoston’sparochialpoliticalsystembuiltonwhiteethnic
patronage,AfricanAmericansandLatinosfacedparallelandintersectingstrugglesinthe
samesegregatedneighborhoods.Consequently,theybeganforgingoverlappingracial
andpoliticalidentitiesaspoor,nonwhite,ethnoracialminoritiesduringthe1960sand
1970s.Thesesharedidentitiesservedasthebasisforincreasinglysimilarpolitical
visionsandcivilrightsagendascenteredonideologiesofself-determination,community
control,andracialuplift.
ThesharedracialandpoliticalidentitiesofAfricanAmericansandLatinosdid
not,however,automaticallymaterializeintocollaborationorformalmultiethnic/
multiracialorganizing.Whileissuessuchaswelfare,poverty,andhousingdrewthese
groupstoworktogether,otherssuchaseducationledthemtobreakawayandwork
independently.Additionally,theheterogeneousnatureofthesecommunitiesproved
divisiveattimes,particularlyalonglinesofclass,gender,andnationality.Thisstudy
considersperiods,howeverbrief,whenAfricanAmericansandLatinoscametogether
aroundcommoncauses,poolingtogethertheirpoliticalpowertoforminclusive,
multiethnic/multiracialorganizationsandmovements.Italsoshedslightonsomeofthe
xviii
obstaclesblack/brownBostoniansfacedinformingandsustainingthesepolitical
alliancesandcoalitions.Examininganumberofconflictsthatemergedwithinblack-
browncommunitiesthatthreatenedcooperation,thisstudyalsodrawsattentionto
momentswhenthesediversegroupsstrategicallychosetodivergeandadvancethe
struggleforracialjusticeonseparate,parallelpaths.
Studyingblack/browncommunitydevelopment(or“upbuilding”)andgrassroots
organizinginBostonduringthe1960sand1970sexposesthelimitsoftheblack-white
binaryracialframeforunderstandingracialpoliticsinthepostwarurbannorth.Iturges
ustoconsiderboththepowerofmultiethnic/multiracialorganizing,aswellasthe
difficultiesinherentincreatingandsustainingcoalitions.Lastly,thisstudyshedslighton
contemporaryracerelations,helpingtoexplainhowthegrowingpoliticalpowerof
LatinosintheUnitedStateshasbeenandwillcontinuetobeshapedbyAfrican
Americans.
1
INTRODUCTION
InMayof1960,theBostonGlobefeaturedanarticletitled“TheNegrointheDeep
North:PuertoRicanMigrationCreatesNewTensions,”whichdetailedthegrowthof
PuertoRicanmigrationintoNewYorkCityinthepost-WorldWarIIera.Tosomeextent,
itservedasacautionarytaletoresidentsofothernortherncitiessuchasBostonwith
smaller,butrapidlyincreasingPuertoRicanpopulations.Intendedtoexplainhowthis
“swarm”ofmigrantsfairedinthecurrentsociopoliticalclimateoftheUnitedStates,the
articleexplainedthat,uponarrival,PuertoRicanswere“usuallyclassifiedasnon-white”
andoftenconsideredbywhiteAmericanstobe“somewhateccentricNegroes.”This
viewpointwascommonamongstwhiteAmericanswhostruggledtopinpointthe
seeminglyambiguousracialidentitiesofnewlyarrivedLatinomigrants.Unabletolocate
themwithinthenation’sracialhierarchy,mostturnedtosimplisticcomparisons,
likeningthemtoslightlydifferentkindsofSpanish-speakingAfricanAmericans.Despite
thesewidelyheldbeliefs,thearticleargued,“ThefactisthatPuertoRicanshavenothing
incommonwithNegroesexceptthesameproblemsofpoverty,housing,employment
andgeneraldiscrimination.”Thesetwogroupslived“cheekbyjowlintheghetto,”the
articlecontinued,however“there[was]virtuallynosocialmixing–andthere[was]
oftenagreatdealoftension.”1
1HarryAshmore,“TheNegrointheDeepNorth”PuertoRicanMigrationCreatesNewTensions,”BostonGlobe,May16,1960,7.
2
TenyearslaterinMayof1970,theBostonGloberananotherarticleonPuerto
Ricanmigrationtitled“ThePuertoRicanProblem.”Thisarticlesimilarlycompared
AfricanAmericansandLatinosandemphasizeddifferencesbetweenthetwogroups,
thoughinsteadofNewYorkCity,itcenteredonBoston’sgrowingPuertoRican
population.“Blacksarefightingtheirowngroundforrightstheyknowtobejustly
theirs.Theyhaveorganizationandmilitancy,”thearticlecontended.WhiletheAfrican
Americancommunityhad“hundredsofcompetent,strongleaders”acrossthenation,it
explained,theLatinocommunitydidnotorganizeaseffectivelybecausethemigrants
supposedlydidnotconsidertheUnitedStatestheirpermanenthome.“Nordothe
Spanish-speakinghaveasstrongasenseofcommunityfeelingasdotheblacks,”the
articleconcluded.ComingfromdifferentcountrieswithonlytheSpanishlanguageasa
commontie,thearticleexplainedthatLatinosfound“itdifficulttoformunited
communitiesandstrongorganizations.”2
DespitethedecadebetweenthesetwoGlobearticlesandthemassivewaveof
LatinomigrationtotheUnitedStatesthatensuedduringthistime,bothshedlightonthe
nation’sinabilitytoeasilyidentifythisnew,seeminglynonwhitepopulation.Puerto
Ricans,likemanyothermigrantsfromacrossLatinAmerica,didnotfitneatlywithinthe
country’sexistingblack-whiteracialbinary.Thesearticlesilluminatesomeofthe
complex,shifting,and,attimes,contradictoryracialdiscoursesthatdevelopedaswhite
AmericanssoughttomakesenseofnewLatinomigrants.Theauthorofthefirstarticle
drawsattentiontothewaysinwhichAfricanAmericansandPuertoRicansweresimilar,
livinginthesame“ghettos”andfacingmanyofthesamestrugglessuchaspovertyand 2“ThePuertoRicanproblem,”BostonGlobe,May5,1970,17.
3
discrimination,whilealsoemphasizingtensions,arguingtheydonotmixandhave
virtually“nothingincommon.”Inthesecondarticle,theauthoralsodrawscomparisons
betweenAfricanAmericansandLatinos.Makingnomentionofracialmixingor
cooperation,insteadthearticlefocusesonhowLatinosfallshortinthestruggleforcivil
rightscomparedtotheirmoreestablishedandunitedblackcounterparts.
Thesearticlesshedlightonseveralofthekeythemesraisedbythisdissertation:
theethnoracialformationofAfricanAmericansandLatinosinthepostwar“deepnorth,”
therelationshipbetweenthesetwogroupsinsharedurbanspaces,andhowethnoracial
identitiesshapedblack-brownpoliticsandmobilizationsforcivilrights.In“Boston’s
StruggleinBlackandBrown,”Ichallengeandcomplicatethenotionposedbythefirst
articlethattherewas“nosocialmixing”amongAfricanAmericansandLatinosin
postwarnortherncities.Instead,Iexaminehowthesetwogroupsintersected,
overlapped,engagedwithoneanother,andformedcommunities.Ialsointerrogatethe
secondarticle’sclaimsthatLatinocommunitiesintheurbannorthwerelessorganized
thantheirblackcounterparts.UtilizingthecityofBostonasacasestudy,Iask:Howdid
AfricanAmericansandLatinosconstructtheirethnoracialidentitiesinthepostwarera?
Howweretheseidentitiescontested,negotiated,andconstantlyshiftingorinterpreted
byoneanother?HowwereAfricanAmericansandLatinosracializedbywhite
Bostoniansandcity/stateofficialsandhowdidtheyfairinthecity’spolitics?Howdid
black-browncommunitiesandinstitutionsemerge?Andlastly,howdidthese
communitiesorganizemovementsforracialjustice,developsharedcivilrightsagendas,
collaborate,and/orformmultiethnic/multiracialcoalitions?
4
Builtonwhiteethnicpatronage,Boston’sexclusionaryandparochialpolitical
systemexcludedAfricanAmericansandLatinosalmostentirelyinthe1960sand1970s.
Inadditiontobeingbarredfrommostpublicpositionsofpoliticalpower,black/brown
residentsfacedadeclininglocaleconomy,asjobsfollowedwhiteflightintothesuburbs.
Withtheaddedobstacleofraciallybasedjobdiscrimination,therewerefewpossibilities
forupwardmobility.
Federal,state,andlocalcityhousingandbankingofficialsalsoplayedacritical
roleincreatingandmaintainingraciallysegregatedneighborhoodsinBostonthrough
restrictivecovenants,red-lining,discriminatorylendingpractices,publichousing
policies,andurbanrenewalprograms.Segregatedneighborhoodsinareassuchasthe
SouthEnd,Roxbury,andDorchesterbecamethecity’sworstslums,whereblack/brown
residentslivedinextremepoverty.Intheseghettos,AfricanAmericansandLatinos
facedhorridlivingconditionsincramped,unsafe,anddilapidatedbuildingsthat
frequentlyviolatedfire,sanitation,andbuildingcodes.
Inadditiontotheinadequateandunaffordablehousing,black/brownchildren
wenttosegregated,poorlyfunded,overcrowded,andinequitableschools.Lastly,both
groupsexperiencedhostilityandviolencefromwhiteBostoniansandwerethemain
targetsofthecity’spolice.Thoughthereweresomeuniquestrugglesfacedbyeither
AfricanAmericanorLatinos,byandlarge,thetwogroupslivedinthesamepoor,
segregatedneighborhoodsandexperiencedthesameharshdailyrealitiesinthe
city.
Thisdissertationisamultiethnic/multiracialstudyofAfricanAmericanand
LatinocommunitiesinBostonthatutilizesa"bottom-up"approachtoexaminewhat
5
historianLeslieBrownhascalledtheprocessof“upbuilding.”Idemonstratethecentral
rolesofupbuildingandcommunityorganizinginblack-browncommunitiesinBoston's
racialpoliticsfrom1960through1985.Iconsiderhowblack/brownworking-classlocal
people,inparticular,advocatedfortheirfamilyandcommunity’sneedsandrights,
establishedindependentcommunityinstitutions,anddevelopedintoactivists.I
illustratehowtheseeverydaypeoplecenteredtheirorganizingonideasofself-
determinationandcommunitycontrol,mobilizedindigenousandexternalresources,
andemployednumerousstrategiesinthecity’sbroadermovementsforracialjustice.
IarguethatAfricanAmericansandLatinosforgedoverlappingracialandpolitical
identitiescenteredontheirparallelandintersectinglivedexperiencesaspredominantly
poor,nonwhite,ethnoracialothersorminoritiesinthecityofBostonduringthe1960s
and1970s.Whilethesesharedidentitiesoftenmanifestedintobroadlysimilarpolitical
visionsandcivilrightsagendas,theydidnotalwaysmaterializeintocollaborationor
formalmultiethnic/multiracialorganizing.Someissuesdrewthemtoworktogether,
whileotherspulledthemaparttoworkonseparate,parallelpaths.Theirsharedfight
againstpovertyandhousinginequities,forexample,providedsomeofthegreatest
opportunitiesforstrategicmultiethnic/multiracialcooperation.Inthisdissertation,I
considerperiods,howeverbrief,whenAfricanAmericansandLatinoscametogether
aroundacommoncausesuchaswelfareortenants’rightsintheirneighborhoods,
poolingtogethertheirpoliticalpowertoforminclusive,multiethnic/multiracial
organizationsandmovements.Yetcoalitionbuildingandpoliticalallianceswerehardto
sustain.Inexploringtheethnoracialandpoliticaldevelopmentoftheseblack-brown
communities,Ipayparticularattentiontohowtheseprocesseswereimpactedbythe
6
intersectionsofotheridentitiessuchasgender,class,andnationality.Mydissertation
alsobeginstotakeformasawomen’sandfeministhistory,asitexaminesthegender
politicsoflocalmovementsandhighlightstheleadingroleofAfricanAmericanand
Latinawomenactivists.
“Boston’sStruggleinBlackandBrown”alsoexposessomeofthedivisionsand
conflictsthatemergedwithinblack-browncommunitiesthatthreatenedthestabilityof
race-basedcoalitions,andshedslightonmomentswhenthesediversegroups
strategicallychosetoadvancethestruggleforracialjusticeonseparate,parallelpaths.
Themovementsforeducationalequalityhighlightfactorssuchaslanguagethatpulled
theAfricanAmericanandLatinocommunitiesaparttoforgeindependentmovements.
Througheachthematicchapter,Ichallengethelimitedvocabulariesof“conflict”and
“coalition”andsimilarsimplisticbinariessuchas“unity”versus“disunity”thathave
dominatedthescholarshiponblack-brownrelations.Instead,Iprovideamultilayered
analysisthatprivilegesthevoicesofmarginalizedgroupsandneitheridealizesnor
demonizestheideaofmultiethnic/multiracialunityorcoalitions.Iuncoverthecomplex
andoftenmessystoriesandnuancesofaseriesoflocalblack-brownmovementsfor
racialjusticethathavebeeneffectivelyerasedfromBoston’sdominanthistorical
narrative.Ultimately,mystudyexposesthelimitsoftheblack-whitebinaryracialframe
forunderstandingracialpoliticsinthepostwarurbannorth.
Historiography
Thisdissertationseekstoadvanceandbridgehistoriographicalfieldsand
methodologiesthatarenotfrequentlyindialoguewithoneanother.Mystudy’s
7
intersectionalframeworkengageswiththefieldsofU.S.,AfricanAmerican,Latina/o,
women’s,andsocialmovementhistory,aswellasEthnic/Migration/DiasporaStudies,
criticalracetheory,andurbanstudies.Morespecifically,Ipositionmyworkatthe
intersectionoftheliteratureonracialformation,postwarurbancommunity
development,andsocialmovementsintheerafollowingthe“classical”civilrights
movement.
Thisdissertationdrawsespeciallyfromandcontributestothesocialmovement
literatureonnorthernstrugglesforcivilrights.3Thesehistoriansillustratethelinks
betweencivilrightsandBlackPower,challengethemovement’sdeclensionstory,and
emphasizetheimportanceoflocalstudies(and“ordinarypeople”)inexplainingshifts
fromcivilrightsreformstomovementsforeconomicandsocialjustice.Othershave
critiquedthefocusof“leadingmen”andassertedtheroleofwomeninlocalandnational
communityorganizingefforts.Thisprojectexpandstheconceptofcivilrightsto
considerothermovementsforracialjusticeinBostonbyhighlightingtheroleof
everydayworkingclasspeople(particularlywomen)andbyexaminingblack/brown
3ThisworkisbestexemplifiedbytheworkofMarthaBiondi,MatthewCountryman,ThomasSugrue,JeanneTheoharis,andKomoziWoodard.Manyofthesescholars,andotherssuchasJeffreyO.G.OgbarandPenielJosephhavenotonlyshiftedtheregionalscopeofthecivilrightsmovementawayfromtheSouthbutalsoexpandedtheperiodizationbeyondtheclassicalphase(1955-1965).Forexamplesofthiswork,see:MarthaBiondi,ToStandandFight:TheStruggleforCivilRightsinPostwarNewYorkCity(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,2003);MatthewCountryman,UpSouth:CivilRightsandBlackPowerinPhiladelphia(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2006);ThomasSugrue,SweetLandofLiberty:TheForgottenStruggleforCivilRightsintheNorth(NewYork:RandomHouse,2008);ThomasSugrue,TheOriginsoftheUrbanCrisis:RaceandInequalityinPostwarDetroit(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1996);JeanneTheoharis,“‘WeSavedtheCity’:BlackStrugglesforEducationalEqualityinBoston,1960-1976”RadicalHistoryReview81(Fall2001),61-93;JeanneTheoharisandKomoziWoodard,eds.,FreedomNorth:BlackFreedomStrugglesOutsideoftheSouth,1940–1980(NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2003);JeanneTheoharisandKomoziWoodard,eds.,Groundwork:LocalBlackFreedomMovementsinAmerica(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2005);JeffreyO.G.Ogbar,“PuertoRicoinMiCorazón:TheYoungLords,BlackPowerandPuertoRicanNationalismintheU.S.,1966-1972.”CentroJournal18,no.1(Spring2006),148-169;PenielE.Joseph,ed.,TheBlackPowerMovement:RethinkingtheCivilRights–BlackPowerEra(NewYork:Routledge,2006).
8
organizinginthecitybeyondwhatistypicallymarkedastheendofthecivilrights
movement(1965)intothe1970sand1980s.Yetdespitethewaysthattheseworkshave
radicallytransformedthestudyofcivilrights,themajorityfailtorecognizetheroleof
Latinosinthemovement(s),thelinksbetweenAfricanAmericanandLatinoactivism,or
themultiethnic/multiracialcooperationandcoalitionsthatemerged.Mydissertation
intervenesinthishistoriographybyfillingthesegaps.
Byandlarge,thecityofBostonhasbeeninvisiblewithincivilrights
historiography.Otherthanafewworkswrittenbyformermovementactivists,thereare
nomonographsdedicatedtoanyoftheAfricanAmericanorLatinomovementsofthe
1960sor1970s,letaloneonethattakesacomparative/relationalormultiethnic/
multiracialapproachtoexplicitlyexamineBoston’sblack-browncommunity
development,racialformation,orsocialmovements.4Theonlyareaofthecity’srecent
racialhistorythathasbeenexploredintruedepthistheliteraturethatcentersonthe
“busingcrisis”ofthe1970s.BookssuchasJ.AnthonyLukas’CommonGround,Ronald
Formisano’sBostonAgainstBusing,AlanLupo’sLiberty’sChosenHomecenteronwhite
Bostoniansandtheirresistancetocourt-mandatedschooldesegregation,obscuring
AfricanAmericanandLatinoactivism.5HistorianssuchasJeanneTheoharis,Matthew
Delmont,andTessBundyhavechallengedtheseandproducedscholarshipthatrecovers
4MelKing’sChainofChangeandJimVrabel’sAPeople’sHistoryoftheNewBostonareexamplesofsuchbooks,sincebothKingandVrabelwere/arelocalcommunityactivists.ItisimportanttonotethattheydoexamineotherblacksocialmovementsotherthantheissueofeducationinBoston,butdonotprovideanin-depthanalysisoftheroleoftheLatinocommunityinthesemobilizations.MelKing,ChainofChange:StrugglesforBlackCommunityDevelopment(Boston:SouthEndPress,1981);JimVrabel,APeople’sHistoryoftheNewBoston(Amherst:UniversityofMassachusetts,2014).5Foranin-depthanalysisofthehistoriographyofschooldesegregationinBostonandtheproblematicwaysitdominatesthecity’sracialhistory,seechapterfour.
9
theAfricanAmericanmovementforeducationaljustice.6Yeteventhesecritical
counternarrativesfallshortofprovidingacompletepictureofBostonduringthisera.
Theycontinuetocenterschooldesegregationasthemostimportantsiteofresistancein
Bostonandfurtherablack-whitebinarythatrendersLatinosinvisible.Thisdissertation,
thefirstfull-lengthcomparativestudyofAfricanAmericanandLatinoactivisminthe
CivilRightsandBlackPowereras,decentralizes“busing”asthefocusofBoston’sracial
historyandchallengesthisracialbinary.
“Boston’sStruggleinBlackandBrown”alsointervenesinthegrowingfieldof
comparativecivilrightsandblack-brownrelations,afieldofstudythathasrecently
surgedinthelastdecadeorso.AnumberofhistorianssuchasBrianBehnkenhave
examinedAfricanAmericanandLatinointeractions.7Yetthesestudiesfocusalmost
entirelyonMexicanAmericansinCaliforniaandTexas,rarelyconsideringLatinosof
othernationalities.PushingagainstthefocusonMexicanAmericansandthis
Southwest/WestregionalfocusisagrowingbodyofliteratureonAfricanAmericansand 6Theoharis,“‘WeSavedtheCity’”;JeanneTheoharis,“’I’dRatherGotoSchoolintheSouth’:HowBoston’sSchoolDesegregationComplicatestheCivilRightsParadigm,”inTheoharisandWoodard,eds.,FreedomNorth,125-151;JeanneTheoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid’:RuthBatsonandtheEducationalMovementinBoston,”inTheoharisandWoodard,eds.,Groundwork,17-44;MathewDelmont,WhyBusingFailed:Race,Media,andtheNationalResistancetoSchoolDesegregation(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2016);TessBundy,“‘Theschoolsarekillingourkids!’:TheAfricanAmericanFightforSelf-DeterminationintheBostonPublicSchools,1949-1985,”Ph.D.Diss.,UniversityofMaryland,2014.7ForexamplesofworksthatfocusonMexicanAmerican–AfricanAmericanrelationsintheSouthwest/West,see:BrianBehnken,FightingTheirOwnBattles:MexicanAmericans,AfricanAmericans,andtheStruggleforCivilRightsinTexas(Durham:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2011);BrianBehnken,ed.,TheStruggleinBlackandBrown:AfricanAmericanandMexicanAmericanRelationsduringtheCivilRightsEra(Lincoln:UniversityofNebraskaPress,2012);NeilFoley,QuestforEquality:TheFailedPromiseofBlack-BrownSolidarity(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,2010);JohnMárquez,Black-BrownSolidarity:RacialPoliticsintheNewGulfSouth(Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,2014);LauraPulido,Black,Brown,Yellow,andLeft:RadicalActivisminLosAngeles(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2006);JoshKunandLauraPulido,eds.,BlackandBrowninLosAngeles:BeyondConflictandCoalition(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2014);MaxKrochmal,BlueTexas:TheMakingofaMultiracialDemocraticCoalitionintheCivilRightsEra(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2016);MarkBrilliant,TheColorofAmericaHasChanged:HowRacialDiversityShapedCivilRightsReforminCalifornia,1941-1978(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2010).
10
Latinos(primarilyPuertoRicans)inthenortherncitieslikeNewYorkandChicago,
whichiswhereIsituatemyownwork.8
Behnkenwritesthatinthemidstofthis“explosion”incomparativeorrelational
scholarshiponAfricanAmericansandLatinos,twodistinctcampshavedeveloped.One
camp“tendstoseeLatino/asandblacksasinherentlyconflicted,whiletheotherside
viewsthetwogroupsasnaturallycooperative,”9heexplains.Emphasizingconflict,
“failed”coalitions,or“missedopportunities,”workssuchasNeilFoley’sQuestfor
Equalityfallsintothefirstcamp.“ThehistoryofAfricanAmericanandMexican
AmericancivilrightsactivisminTexasandCaliforniaduringandafterWorldWarII
reveals,morethananything,”Foleyargues,“themissedopportunitiesandthefailed
promiseofthesegroupstoworktogetherforeconomicrightsandequaleducation.”10
LegalscholarNicolásVaca’sPresumedAlliancesimilarlyemphasizesconflict,describing
AfricanAmerican-Latinorelationsinnegativetermsas“troubled,”“conflicted,”and
8ForexamplesofworksthatfocusonLatino–AfricanAmericanrelationsintheurbannorth,see:SoniaSong-HaLee,BuildingaLatinoCivilRightsMovement:PuertoRicans,AfricanAmericans,andthePursuitofRacialJusticeinNewYorkCity(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2014);JesseHoffnung-Garskof,ATaleofTwoCities:SantoDomingoAndNewYorkAfter1950(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,2008);AndrésTorres,BetweenMeltingPotandMosaic:AfricanAmericansandPuertoRicansintheNewYorkPoliticalEconomy(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1995);FrederickOpie,UpsettingtheAppleCart:Black-LatinoCoalitionsinNewYorkCityFromProtesttoPublicOffice(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2015);AndrewDiamond,MeanStreets:ChicagoYouthsandtheEverydayStruggleforEmpowermentintheMultiracialCity,1908-1969(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2009);JohannaFernandez,“DeniseOliverandtheYoungLordsParty:StretchingthePoliticalBoundariesofStruggle,”inWanttoStartaRevolution?RadicalWomenintheBlackFreedomStruggle,eds.DayoF.Gore,JeanneTheoharis,andKomoziWoodard(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2009).9BrianD.Behnken,ed.CivilRightsandBeyond:AfricanAmericanandLatino/aActivismintheTwentieth-CenturyUnitedStates(Athens,GA:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2016),4.10Foley,QuestforEquality,19.
11
“divided.”Playingthe“black–Latinoblamegame,”hearguesthattheirindividual
competinginterestsimpededtheirabilitytouniteandbuildcoalitions.11
Onthewhole,JohnMárquez’sBlack-BrownSolidarity,FrederickOpie’sUpsetting
theAppleCart,andSoniaSong-HaLee’sBuildingaLatinoCivilRightsMovementfallinto
thesecondcamp,downplayingconflictinfavorofcooperationandcoalition.This
dissertationengagesmostexplicitlywithLee’srecentwork.InherstudyofpostwarNew
YorkCity,Leeexamineshowthemeaningsof“blackness”and“PuertoRican-ness”
changedovertimeasaresultofthesocialmobilizationsthattookplacebetweenthese
twogroups.Shewrites,“NotonlywerePuertoRicansandAfricanAmericansracialized
as‘non-white’inparallelways,buttheyalsoutilizedtheirracialandethnicidentitiesas
sitesofpoliticalmobilizationthroughmutualcollaborationsandcontestationsof
power.”12DrawingfromRogerBrubakerandFrederickCooper’scritiquethatprevious
scholarshipon“identity”placedtoomuchemphasison“boundaryformationratherthan
boundarycrossing,theconstitutionofgroupsratherthanthedevelopmentofnetworks,”
LeeseestheformationofPuertoRicans’identitiesasconstantlyshiftingandatthe
intersectionoftheirunderstandingaspeopleofcolorwithAfricanAmericans,as
HispanicwithSpanish-speakinggroups,andasmembersofadistinctPuertoRican
nation.ThisdissertationexpandsonLee’stheoreticalframeworktoconsiderthespecific
circumstancesinwhichAfricanAmericanandLatinoethnoracialidentitieswereforged
inBostonduringthe1960sand1970ssince,asgeographerLauraPulidoaptlyexplains,
“theprocessbywhichapeoplebecomesracializedishighlyspecific.Theparticularsof
11NicolásVaca,ThePresumedAlliance:TheUnspokenConflictBetweenLatinosandBlacksandWhatItMeansforAmerica(NewYork:Rayo,2004).12Lee,BuildingaLatinoCivilRightsMovement,4.
12
history,geography,theneedsofcapital,andtheattributesofvariouspopulationsall
contribute.”13WhileLee’sworkfocusesexclusivelyonPuertoRicans,mystudybroadens
thescopetoconsiderthediversepan-Latinocommunity.Indoingso,Iconsidertherole
ofnationalityandotherfactorsthatinfluencedtheidentityformationofLatinosand,at
times,causeddivisionsandintragrouptensions.
Behnkenalsowarnsscholarswhoadheretoeithercampnotto“makethe
mistakeofseeingblack-brownrelationsasazerosumgame,aseitherallgoodorbad.”14
Cooperationandconflictwerenotmutuallyexclusiveterms.GordonMantler’sPowerto
thePoorembracesthisnotion,offeringoneofthemostbalancedandnuancedanalyses
ofblack-brownorganizingavailable,onethatreflectswhathecallsthe“understudied
complexityoftheinterracialandintra-racialpoliticsamongthenation’stwolargest
minorities.”ForMantler,“Momentsofcooperationshouldbeviewedforwhattheywere:
uniqueinstancesworthyofstudybutnottobeheldupautomaticallyasthenaturaland
desiredoutcomeorgoaloftheera’sblackandbrownactivists.”15Thisdissertation
similarlyprovidesacomplex,nuanced,andmultilayeredanalysisofAfricanAmerican–
Latinorelations,onethatbothhighlightsmomentsofcooperationandcoalitionbuilding
as“uniqueinstancesworthofstudy,”butdoesnotromanticizethesenordismiss
tensionsanddisunity.InexaminingthereasonsthatBoston’sblackandbrown
communitieschosetoforgeseparatemovementsattimes,Idemonstratethatsomeof
theseseparate,parallelmobilizationswerenotrootedintheideaof“conflict”atall,but
13Pulido,Black,Brown,Yellow,andLeft,24.14Behnken,CivilRightsandBeyond,4.15GordonMantler,PowertothePoor:Black-BrownCoalitionandtheFightforEconomicJustice,1960-1974(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2013),6-7.
13
wereactuallystrategicortheoutcomeofuniquestakesinthespecificissues.Ialsodraw
attentiontothediverse,heterogenousnatureoftheseblack-browncommunities,and
highlightingtheintersectionsofotheridentitieslikegender,class,andnation,which
greatlyshapedthebroadermovementforracialjusticeinBoston.
Methodology
Thisdissertationdrawsfromacombinationoforalhistoryandarchivalsources.
Giventhelimitedwrittenrecordofmanypoorandworking-classAfricanAmericansand
LatinosinBoston(thoughthearchiveisrapidlyexpandingasactivistscontinueto
donatetheirmaterials),oralhistoryiscentraltomywork.Asafeministscholar,in
particular,oralhistoryservesasausefulmethodologyforcenteringtheexperienceof
marginalizedgroups,andempoweringthemtovoicetheirownexperiencesandtakean
activeroleinshapinghistory.16
MyuseoralhistoryisgreatlyshapedbytheworkoffeministhistorianMaylei
Blackwell.In¡ChicanaPower!,Blackwellexplains,“Oral’shistory’simportanceliesnot
onlyinthecorrectiveitofferstomasculinistandEurocentrichistoriesbutalsointhe
epistemologicalshiftitcanenactininvitingnewvoicesintoourinterpretativeand
analyticalreflections.”17Hernotionof“retrofittedmemory”hasbeenespeciallyusefulin
mytheoreticalthinking.“Retrofittedmemory,”asshedefinesit,isaformof
countermemorythatinvolvesexcavatingboththedominanthistoricalrecordand 16Formoreonfeministoralhistorymethodologies,see:ShanaBergerGluckandDaphnePatai,eds.,Women’sWords:TheFeministPracticeofOralHistory(NewYork:Routledge,1991);MaryMaynardandJunePurvis,eds.,ResearchingWomen’sLivesfromaFeministPerspective(Bristol,PA:TaylorandFrancis,1994).17MayleiBlackwell,¡ChicanaPower!ContestedHistoriesofFeminismintheChicanoMovement(Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,2011,38.
14
counterhegemonicarticulationsofhistoryto“illuminatethesuppressedknowledgesof
multiplyoppressedsubjectsandtherebycraftnewvisionsofpoliticalsubjectivityinand
throughnarrativesaboutthepast.”LikeBlackwell,myprojecttakespiecesofdiscarded
andoverlookedhistoriesofworking-classblack-browncommunitiesandretrofitsthem
intothehistoricalrecordofBoston.“Itispreciselywithinthegaps,interstices,silences,
andcrevicesoftheunevennarrativesofdomination,”Blackwellexplains,“that
possibilitieslieforfracturingdominantnarrativesandcreatingspacesfornewhistorical
subjectstoemerge.”18
Yetthisdissertationisnotsimplyaboutrecoveringthehistoryofblack-brown
communitydevelopmentandgrassrootsmovementsforracialjustice.Recognizingthe
roleofmemoryasaninherentlypoliticalact,myprojectintervenesintoseveral
scholarlydiscoursesbyquestioningwhyandhowtheseblack-brownhistorieshave
beeneffectivelyerasedfromBoston’shistoricalrecord.Todocumenttheseobscured
narratives,Iconductedoralhistoryinterviewswithtenlocalorganizers.19
Hereitisimportanttonotemyownethnographicpositionalityasaresearcher
andmyrelationshipstomyinterviewees.Likemanyhistorians,mydissertation
emergedfromapersonalplace.Myparents,MayelaandJorgeFernández,immigrated
18Blackwell,¡ChicanaPower!2-3,90.19Note:Ihadinitiallyplannedtointerviewmorethanthisnumberofactivistsforthisprojectanddidhavesomeinterestedcommunitymemberslinedup.However,oralhistory,Idiscovered,isverydifficult,time-consumingwork:fromfindingcontactinformationandestablishingconnectionswithinthecommunity,toorganizinglonginterviewswithbusyandoftensickelderlyresidents,totranscribinghoursofaudio.Givenmytimeframe,Ioptedtostopconductingoralhistoriesuntilaftermydefenseaspartofmycontinuedresearchandconversionofthisdissertationintoabookmanuscript.
15
fromCostaRicatoEastBostonin1971.20NeitherCentralAmericansnorthe
neighborhoodofEastBostonareactuallyfeaturedinthisprojectatallsinceIchoseto
focusonthedominantLatinogroupsduringthe1960sand1970sandthe
neighborhoodswiththelargestconcentrationofblack/brownpeople(and,atthetime,
EastBostonwasmostlywhite/Italian).Myfather,however,foundhisfirstjobinthecity
asabookkeeperforanewlyestablishedsocialserviceorganizationcalledLaAlianza
Hispana(LAH).21Therehemettheorganization’sdirector,FriedaGarcia,whois
featuredprominentlyinthestoryItell.Healsogrewtoknowmanyleadersinthecity’s
Latinocommunity,becominginvolvedinotherorganizationslikeLaSociedadLatinaand
workinglateratABCD(ActionforBostonCommunityDevelopment).Thus,Garcia
respondedenthusiasticallytomyrequestforaninterviewwhensheheardIwas“Jorge’s
daughter.”ShewasoneofthefirstpeopleIinterviewedandprovedcrucialinconnecting
mewithotherparticipantsandresourcesinthecity.
OtheractivistswhoIinterviewedwhodidnotknowmyfatheraswellasGarcia,
seemednonethelessexcitedtobeinterviewedbyaperceived“insider.”Manyexpressed
excitementthatayoungLatinafromBostonwascompletingaPh.D.atall.This
undoubtedlyshapedtheoralhistoriesIconductedwiththosewithintheLatino
20WhenmyparentsbecameU.S.citizensthroughnaturalizationin1983,myfatherdecidedhedidnotwantwhiteAmericanscallinghim“George”insteadofJorgeandoptedtochangehisname.InspiredbyhisloveforScandinavianandGermancultures,helegallychangedhisnametoJorgensenGrüssenFernández.21Itmightbeworthnotingthatmymotherwasalight-brownskinnedwomanwithlong,darkhairwho,thoughraciallyambiguous,presentedasItalianforthoseunfamiliarwithLatinos.Myfather’swhiteskin,lighteyesandhairaffordedhimtheabilityto“pass”asawhiteAmericaninmanysituations,thoughhisheavyaccenteasilyrevealedhisimmigrantidentity.Oneofmyfavoritefamilystorieshetoldmewasfromthe1970swhenheworkedbrieflyasacontrolleratRoxburyCommunityCollege.Hewasshockedwhenhiscarwindowwasbrokenwithabrick.HisofficewascomposedentirelyofAfricanAmericansandtheyinformedhimthathehadbeentargetedforvandalismbecauseothersthoughthewasawhitemanandshouldnothavehiredoverablackcandidate.Afterthreeseparateattacksonhiscar,hegrewscaredanddecidedtoquit.“IfonlytheyknewIwasanewimmigranttothecountry!”helaterjoked.
16
community.ManyofthemswitchedquicklyandnaturallyfromEnglishtoSpanishand
backthroughouttheirinterviews,seemingateasethattheycouldspeakcomfortablyas
theynormallydoandvocalizingthattheyfeltIcouldrelatetotheirexperiencesbased
onmyownracialandculturalupbringinginBoston.Someparticipantstookona
mentorshiproleinourconversations,advisingmeonmyresearchandexpressingtrue
interestindocumentingthehistoryofLatinosinBoston,arguingthat“we”hadbeenleft
outofhistoryfordecades.Whilemyidentityasan“insider”inBoston’sLatino
communityaffordedmerespectwithLatinoparticipants,Ihadlesssuccessreaching
AfricanAmericansintheactivistcommunity.Thatwas,inpart,duetothefactthatmany
keyblackleadershadalreadypassedawayorweretooelderlyandilltoparticipatein
interviews.Othersdidnotrespondtomymanyrequestsforinterviews,whichcould
havetodowithmyinabilitytogetaleaderequivalenttoFriedaGarciato“vouchforme”
andstresstheimportanceofmyproject.Itcouldsimplybethatmanywerebusyorhad
alreadybeeninterviewedcountlesstimesforotherprojects.Nonetheless,myownracial
positionasanoralhistorianisimportanttoconsider.
InadditiontothetenoralhistoriesIconducted,Ialsoreliedheavilyonoral
historiesfoundinthearchivessuchastheBlackWomenOralHistoryProjectatHarvard
ortheConcernedHigginsonParentsAssociationOralHistoryCollectionatUMASS
Boston.Theseandsimilaroralhistorycollectionsaffordedmethecriticalopportunityto
expandmystudybeyondthenetworkofpeoplewhoconsideredthemselvesleadersin
movementstoincludethevoicesandexperiencesof“ordinary”people,particularly
mothersofcolor,whowereinvolvedintheselocalstrugglesforracialjustice.
17
InthisdissertationIalsorelyheavilyonnewspaperaccountsinbothmainstream
newspaperssuchastheBostonGlobeaswellasblackpublicationssuchastheBayState
Banner.Iwasespeciallydrawntonewspaperarticlesthatfeaturedinterviewsofpoor
andworking-classblack/brownresidentsandthatcapturedtheirvoices.Thebulkofmy
archivalresearchwasconductedatthelibrariesatNortheasternUniversity,Harvard
University,andtheUniversityofMassachusetts–Boston,aswellastheBostonCity
Archives.ThekeycollectionsIutilizearetherecordsofvariousblack/brownsocial
serviceandpoliticalorganizationsinBostonaswellaspersonalpapersandarchivesof
leadingactivistsofcolor.Ialsoreferencecitydataincensusesandsomelocal/state
governmentdocuments.
Terminology
Selectingvocabularytorefertoethnicandracialgroupsisacomplexventure.
Eventheterms“ethnic”and“racial”themselvesarecomplicatedandrefertohighly
contestedcategoriesofidentification.Thus,Ifavortheuseoftheterm“ethnoracial”asa
termthatcapturesbothethnicandracialgroups.Thisisespeciallyimportantregarding
thedecades-longdebateoverwhether“Latinos”canbeconsideredaracialgrouporare
simplyanethnicgroup.Buildingoffthisapproach,Ioftenuse“multiethnic/multiracial”
inasimilarfashion.
Ichosetousetheterms“AfricanAmerican”and“black”interchangeably
throughoutthisdissertation.Theterm“black”wasfrequentlyusedtodescribethe
diversecommunityofAfricandescentinBoston,gainingpopularityduringthecivil
rightsandBlackPowermovementsofthe1960s.Theterm“black”or“blackcommunity”
18
includedthosefromimmigrantfamiliesfromplacesacrosstheblackdiasporainthe
Caribbean.Whenrelevant,InotewhenanindividualhadCaribbeanancestrythoughstill
identifiedas“black.”Theterm“black,”however,wasrarelyusedtodescribeLatinos
duringthistime,regardlessoftheirskintone.22
Throughoutthisdissertation,Ichosetousetheterm“Latino,”overtheterm
“Hispanic,”whichsimilarlyposesaseriesofhighlycontestedpoliticalimplications.The
term“Hispanic”reachedofficialdesignationinthe1970U.S.Censusclassifyingany
personof“Spanishoriginordescent."Thisterm,asmanyscholarshavenoted,
privilegedtheSpanishlanguageandLatinAmerica’scolonialtiestoSpain.Theterm’s
officialdescriptiondidnotexpanduntil1990toincludethosewhoidentifiedas
“Mexican,PuertoRican,Cuban,orOtherSpanish/Hispanicorigin.”Theuseoftheterm
“Hispanic”today,Iargue,isarathernarrowonethatcontinuestoflattenthediverse
ethnoracialmakeupofLatinAmerica,particularlyobscuringthosewithIndigenousor
Africanancestry,orthosewhodonotspeakSpanishorclaimSpanishheritage.“Latino,”
however,emergedinthe1970samonggrassrootsgroupsasaprogressivealternativeto
“Hispanic.”Theterm“Latino”referstopeopleoriginatingfromorhavingheritage
relatedtoLatinAmerica.Asamoreinclusiveumbrellaterm,“Latino”waspreferredby
manyduringthistime(andstilltothisday)becauseitwasatermthatemergedwithin
thecommunityasaself-identificationandwasnotimposedexternallybythefederal
government.LinkingpeopletogetherthroughasharedgeographyofLatinAmerica,it
22BecausemydissertationprovideslengthydiscussionsofthecomplexitiesofLatinoracialidentityandanalyzingwhysomeLatinopeopleidentifiedasblackorAfro-Latinothough,Ididhavesomeconcernsaboutusingtheterm“black”interchangeablywith“AfricanAmerican.”Ultimately,IdecideditwouldbeausefulandmoreconcisewaytorefertothegroupandtodistinguishbetweenhowAfricanAmerican/blackpeopleandLatinoswereracializeddifferentlybywhiteAmericans.
19
alsoaffirmedtheirpre-Hispanicidentities,mixedracebackgrounds,anddiversityof
languages.
Ichosetouse“Latino”asabroadcategoryforpeopleinBostonofLatinAmerican
descent,thoughitwasnotusedasaracialdesignationinthecityduringthe1960–1985
erathatthisdissertationcenterson.“Hispanic,”“Spanish,”“Spanish-speaking,”or
“Spanish-surnamed”weremuchmorecommontermsandoftenusedinterchangably.By
andlarge,individualsofLatinAmericandescentdidnotself-identifyas“Latino,”instead
theyutilizedthesebroadercategorizationsoridentifiedwithaspecificnationality(ie.
“PuertoRican,”“Dominican,”etc).Whenrelevant,Ihighlightthetermsthatwereused
inBostonduringthisera,especiallyasitbecameagrowingconcernoverwhether
Latinosshouldberaciallyclassifiedas“white””or“black”orastheirownracial
category.WhileIoftenusetheterm“Latinocommunity”toincludemigrantsfrom
variousLatinAmericancountries,itisimportanttopointoutthatamajorityof“Latinos”
inBostonwerePuertoRican.23
ThroughoutthisdissertationIuseboththeterms“black/brown”and“black-
brown.”Thefirstterm,“black/brown,”isutilizedasashorteralternativetoAfrican
American/Latino.Thus,“black”describesAfricanAmericansandindividualsofAfrican
descentand“brown”describesLatinos.“Black/brown”couldbereadas“blackand
23Itisalsoimportanttonotethattherehasbeenmuchdebateovertheinherentmasculinityoftheterm“Latino”(endingin“o”)anditspresumedexclusionofnon-men.Thishadledmanytoadoptthe“Latina/o”alternativeor,morerecently,thegenderinclusiveterm“Latinx.”I,however,donotimposethesemorecontemporarytermsonthehistoricalfiguresofthisdissertation.Instead,Iuse“Latina”todistinguishwomenofLatinAmericandescentand“Latino”formen.Iuse“Latinos”or“Latinocommunity”forgroups,thoughclearlyindicateone’sgenderwhenrelevant.Ialsouse“Latinas”torefertogroupsofwomen.Sincemydissertationdoesnotfeatureindividualswhoidentifiedoutsideofthewoman-mangenderbinaryorthosewhoweregendernonconforming,Ioptednottousetheterm“Latinx.”Personally,Iusetheterm“Latina”toidentifymyselfasawomanofLatinAmericanorigin.
20
brown”asinthe“blackandbrownmovements.”Occasionally,Ialsousetheterm“black-
brown”(withahyphen),toemphasizeinstancesofethnoracialoverlap.Forexample,I
use“black-browncommunities”tostressthatAfricanAmericanandLatinocommunities
werenotentirelyseparateanddidintersectintoone.“Black-browncommunities,”for
example,referstodiversesharedspacessuchastheSouthEnd,whereAfrican
AmericansandLatinoslivedtogether.Otherexamplesofthisincludeinstanceswhen
AfricanAmericansandLatinosdidsomethingtogethersuchas“black-brownleadership”
orsharedstrugglessuchasa“black-brownmovement.”Iuseittohighlightcooperation
andcoalitionbuilding.Thisemphasisisimportant,Iargue,because“black/brown”(with
aslash)couldbemisreadasadivisiveterm-as“black”or“brown”-asifAfrican
AmericansandLatinoswerealwaysoperatingonseparatestages.
Myuseoftheterm“upbuilding”drawsfromtheworkofhistorianLeslieBrown.
InUpbuildingBlackDurham,Brownexaminestheprocessofblackcommunitybuilding
inDurham,NorthCarolinaduringtheJimCrowera,highlightinghowgender(aswellas
classandgeneration)shapedthelocal“upbuilding”process.BorrowingfromW.E.B.Du
Boiswhodefines“upbuilding”asthe“socialandeconomicdevelopment”ofblack
communitiesafterslavery,Browndefinestheconceptof“upbuilding”asthe“literaland
figurativeconstructionofthestructuresAfricanAmericansusedtoclimboutof
slavery.”24Inthisdissertation,“upbuilding”describesthedevelopmentofcommunity
institutionsandnetworksusedbyAfricanAmericansandLatinostowardsracialuplift
andjusticeinBoston.Examplesofthisincludetheformationoforganizationslikethe
24LeslieBrown,UpbuildingBlackDurham:Gender,Class,andBlackCommunityDevelopmentintheJimCrowSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2008),10.
21
RoxburyMulti-ServiceCenterorLaAlianzaHispanathatsoughttouplifttheblack-
browncommunitythroughavarietyofprograms.
Lastly,Iusetermstodescribeactivistsas“parent-organizers”or,more
specifically,“mother-organizers.”Ichosethesetoemphasizetheseindividuals’primary
identificationasparentsormothersfirst.Forexample,manyofthewomenofcolor
featuredinthisdissertationwerenotinitiallydrawnintopoliticsuntilissuesstartedto
negativelyimpacttheirpersonallives,nordidtheyalwaysconsiderthemselves
“activists.”Womenwhoidentifiedfirstasmothersandthenas“organizers”formed
hybrididentitiesas“mother-organizers.”Ialsousethistodistinguishbetween
professionalactivistsororganizerswhosecareerswereforgedincivilrights
organizationssuchastheNAACP.“Mother-organizers”sawtheirissuesasdirectly
linkedtotheirfamiliesandeverydaylives,oftenseeing“activists,”“organizers,”or
“professionals”asoutsidersintheirmovementsormerelysupportstotheirgrassroots
workontheground.Similarly,Iuse“tenant-organizers”toprivilegetheirmainidentity
astenantsoveractivists.
ChapterOutline
“Boston’sStruggleinBlackandBrown”isorganizedthematicallyaroundissues
suchaswelfare,poverty,housing,education,andlocalcitypolitics.Idecidedtoorganize
thisprojectthematicallyasopposedtochronologicallyinordertoemphasizethe
comparativeandrelationalnatureofmystudyofAfricanAmericanandLatino
upbuildingandcommunityorganizing.Asmentionedpreviously,myargumentcenters
onhowthesetwogroupsbegantoformoverlappingracialandpoliticalidentitiesbased
22
ontheirsimilarandoftenintersectingexperiencesaspredominantlypoornonwhite
ethnoracialminoritiesinBoston.Tothisend,thisdissertationisorganizedintofive
chapters,eachexploringanissuefacedbybothAfricanAmericansandLatinosinthecity
andconsiderswhichproblemsdrewthemtocooperateorpulledthemaparttoworkon
separate,parallelpaths.
Whilechronologyisimportant,themajorityofthemovementsanalyzedinthis
dissertationreachedtheirpeakmomentumbetween1965and1975.Sincethe
movementsoccurredsimultaneouslyandoftenintersectedwithoneanother,itcanbe
difficulttokeeptrackofthesequenceofevents,especiallyduringthisten-yearspan.To
aidthisprocess,Iincludeatimelineattheendofeachchapterofthemajor
organizations,events,andmovementmilestonesdiscussedwithinit.Thesetimelinesare
not,byanymeans,completechronologiesofBoston’sAfricanAmericanandLatino
history;instead,theyreflectthespecificmobilizationsIhavechosentofocuson
throughoutmyanalysis.
Chapterone,“GroveHallisBoundtoExplode,”examineshowpoorandworking-
classmothersofcolornavigatedthechangingracialandeconomiclandscapeofBoston’s
decliningandincreasinglysegregatedneighborhoods.Inoutliningtheformationof
Boston’s“urbancrisis,”IdrawattentiontohowwomenonAFDC(AidtoFamilieswith
DependentChildren)or“welfaremothers”cametogethertoformMothersforAdequate
Welfare(MAW)andorganizeagrassrootsmovementforwelfarerights.Despiteits
inabilitytoeffectivelyreachtheLatinocommunityorestablishadiversegroupof
leaders,thishistoryofMAWisimportantinunderstandinghowpoorandworking-class
blackandLatinawomenbegantoforgeoverlappingracialandpoliticalidentities
23
centeredontheirsharedintersectionalidentitiesasbothpoormothersandnonwhite
ethnoracialminorities.Black/brownMAWorganizers,Iargue,beganrecognizingtheir
parallelandoverlappingexperiencesandseeingoneanotherasalliesinthestruggle
againsttheestablishedwhite(racist)bureaucraciesofBoston.Themovement
representedoneoftheearliestattemptsatorganizingbeyondtheblack-whitebinaryin
thecityofBoston.
Chaptertwo,“Upbuilding,”examineshowmiddle-classAfricanAmericanand
LatinosocialworkersmobilizedaroundtheissueofpovertyinBoston,focusingontheir
self-determinedeffortstoreformtheexistingwelfaresystemaswellasestablishnew,
autonomoussocialserviceorganizations.Iarguethatthesestrugglesaroundpoverty
andtheinstitutionsthatemergedoutofthemwerethecenteroftheupbuildingprocess
inblack-brownneighborhoodsofBostonsuchasRoxburyandDorchester,and
ultimatelyformedthebasisfortheircollectivemobilizations.Iconsidertheriseofnew
black-brownledsocialserviceorganizationssuchastheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter
andLaAlianzaHispana,whoprovedmoreeffectivethatMAWorganizersatdeveloping
anearlymultiethnic/multiracialcoalitionsandcultivatingdiverse,moreracially
balancedleadership.
Chapterthree,“‘WeShallNotBeMoved,’”examinesanissuecloselyrelatedtothe
antipovertymovement-black-brownstrugglesfordecent,affordablehousinginBoston.
Iexaminemovementsfortenants’rightsinRoxburyandthenfocusonthree
organizationsthatemergedintheSouthEndduringthe1960s:theSouthEndTenants
Council(SETC),InquilinosBoricuasenAcción(PuertoRicanTenantsinActionorIBA),
andanumbrellagroup,CommunityAssemblyforaUnitedSouthEnd(CAUSE).Similarto
24
theeconomicjusticemovement,themovementforequalhousingforgedbythese
organizationsprovidedanopportunityforAfricanAmericansandLatinostowork
togetheracrossethnic/raciallines.Yetthisopportunitydidnotalwaysmaterializeinto
black-brownmovementswithparticipantsofallethnoracialgroupsequallyrepresented.
ThecommonfightagainsttheBostonHousingAuthority(BHA)/BostonRedevelopment
Authority(BRA)andurbanrenewal,inparticular,broughtAfricanAmericansand
Latinostocooperate,yetIarguetheseearlycoalitionsweretenuous,complex,andoften
unbalanced,oftenrepresentingonegroup’sinterestsmorethantheother’s.Thisis
evidentinthemovementsfortenantrightsandfairhousingthatremainedethnoracially
separateintermsofleadership,asAfricanAmericansandLatinoswerenotevenly
representedasdecision-makersorpublicspokespeople.
Chaptersfourandfiveshiftawayfrommomentsofblack-browncooperationto
examinetheseparate,paralleleducationaljusticemovementswagedbyAfrican
AmericansandLatinosinBoston.Chapterfour,“‘YouWomenShouldbeHomeWashing
YourDishes,’”focusesonthe1960sintheyearsleadinguptoJudgeGarrity’sdecision
andcourt-mandateddesegregation.Ihighlighttheagencyofordinaryparent-organizers
whoworkedstrategicallyinandoutsidetheschoolsystem,employingnumeroustactics
inthepursuitofeducationaljustice.Ifocusparticularlyontheleadingroleofworking-
classAfricanAmericanandLatinamothers.ThoughLatinoorganizersdrewinspiration
andorganizingstrategiesfromtheirAfricanAmericancounterparts,theireducational
activismemergedalmostadecadelater.Themovementsunderwentsimilarcoursesand
bothcenteredonideasofcommunitycontrolandself-determination,butdivergedfrom
25
paralleltracksontheissueoflanguage,sinceLatinoactivistscenteredtheirmovement
ontheprotectionandexpansionofbilingualeducation.
Chapterfive,“‘VamosaVer’/‘Let’sWaitandSee,’”beginswherechapterfour
endstoexplorehowtheblack/brownmovementsforeducationaljusticetookformin
the1970saroundGarrity’sorderandintheyearsfollowingdesegregationin1974.My
analysischallengesBoston’sdominanthistoricalnarrativecenteredonthe“busing
crisis”frameanditsinherentblack-whitebinary.Indisruptingthisstory,Iillustratethe
limitationsofthisframeworksince“busing”didlittletoactuallyaddresstheneedsand
demandsofthediverseblack-browncommunitiesofBoston.Imaintainbusingwas
nevercentraltoblack/brownparent-organizersvisionsofeducationaljusticeor
desegregation.IthusexaminethefailedlogicofGarrity’sdesegregationplanandthe
chaoticstormnewschoolassignmentscenteredaround“busing”causedpoorblack/
brownfamilies.IdrawattentiontotheexperiencesofLatinochildren,whosestories
haveneverbeentoldaspartofthecity’s“busing“narrativeatall.
MyanalysisconsidershowandwhyLatinochildrenandtheirfamilieswerenot
interestedinintegratingintopredominantlywhiteschools,andinstead,weremore
concernedabouttheirownsafetyandprotectingthebilingualeducationprograms.
ThoughtheLatinocampaignforbilingualeducationwasdisruptedbyGarrity’sorder,I
illustratehowLatinoparent-organizersultimatelypressuredthecourttoadjustitto
maintainitsviability.Beyondthis,Ichallengethefocuson“busing”in1974asthe
culminatingpointofblack/brownmovementsforeducationaljusticeinthecity.For
example,thestruggleforbilingualeducationinBoston,Iillustrate,continuedlongafter
thisandachievedsomeofitsgreatestsuccesseswhenLatinoparentsexpandedthe
26
movementtoincludeotherimmigrantgroupsandformnewmultiethnic/multiracial
(andmultilingual)coalitions.
Intheepilogue,Ibrieflyexaminetheshiftawayfromgrassrootsorganizingin
Boston,asblack/brownactivistleadersincreasinglyenteredlocalelectoralpoliticsin
thelate1970sandintothe1980s.MyanalysisfocusesonMelKing’s1983mayoral
campaignandchallengesdominantdeclensionnarrativesthatmaintainthatmovements
forcivilrightsdeterioratedbytheendofthe1960s.IfocusspecificallyonKing’s
multiethnic/multiracialRainbowCoalition,whichIarguerepresentedtheculminating
intersectionoftheblack-brownmovementsforeconomic,housing,andeducational
justiceofthe1960sand1970s,aswellasdrawbroaderconclusionsonthelasting
impactsofthemovementsandtheinterventionsofthisstudy.
27
CHAPTERONE
“GroveHallisBoundtoExplode”:Black/BrownMother-OrganizersandtheMovementforWelfareRights
OnJune2,1967ablackmother-organizerdeclaredonthestepsofalocalwelfare
office,“We’reherebecausewearesickandtiredofthewaythewelfaredepartment,and
especiallyGroveHalltreatsus.”25Shewasaspokeswomanandpartofaninterracial
groupofapproximatelythirtymotherscalledMothersforAdequateWelfare(MAW)
whostagedasit-inattheGroveHallofficeoftheWelfareDepartmentonBlueHill
AvenueintheRoxburyneighborhoodofBoston.Thispeacefulprotestquicklyescalated,
resultingintooneofthecity’smostinfamousriots.Thisweekendofunrestrevealed
manyoftheheightenedhostilitiesbetweenthecity’swelfaresystemanditspoorand
working-classblack/brownresidents.Astheconcentrationofpovertygrewamong
AfricanAmericansandLatinosincitieslikeBoston,theinteractionsbetweenthese
black-browncommunitiesandpublicinstitutionslikewelfaredepartmentswereoften
keysitesofresistanceandformedtherootsofurbanuprisingsacrossthenationduring
the1960s.BlackandLatinawomen,inparticular,faceddistinctchallengesinthesepoor
neighborhoods.AsLisaLevensteinexplainsinherstudyofpostwarPhiladelphia,they
notonlysufferedracialdiscriminationinhousingandunemployment,butalsogender
discrimination.ThiswasalsotrueofblackandbrownwomeninBoston.Levenstein
25“Welfare,”BayStateBanner,June3,1967,1.
28
continued,“Lackofchildcarehinderedtheacquisitionofjobs;unemploymentrestricted
accesstohealthcare;welfareassistanceenabledwomentocareforchildren;domestic
violenceinhibitedwomen’sabilitiestopursueemployment;dilapidatedhousing
contributedtohealthproblems;andpublicportrayalsofAfricanAmericansaswelfare
‘cheats’andcriminalscreatedasocialenvironmentthatimpededtheiraccesstojobs
andhousing.”26
GovernmentofficialsinBoston,however,rarelyacknowledgedthesesystemic
challenges.Instead,theyadheredtothe“cultureofpoverty”and“underclass”
discourses,whichexplainedthatmigrantsofcolor–whetherfromtheU.S.South,Latin
America,ortheCaribbean–weremuchlesslikelytoassimilateintomainstream
AmericansocietythanearlierEuropeanimmigrants.Thesediscourseswerepropagated
bysocialscientistsandpublicpolicymakersinthe1950sand1960sinworkssuchas
DanielMoynihan’sTheNegroFamily:TheCaseforNationalAction(1965)andOscar
Lewis’sLaVida:APuertoRicanFamilyintheCultureofPoverty-SanJuanandNewYork
(1966),whicharguedthatthepathologyfosteredbythe“cultureofpoverty”wasself-
perpetuating.Lewis,inparticular,arguedthatthe“cultureofpoverty”wasunresponsive
togovernmentinterventionandtendedtobereproducedfromonegenerationtothe
next.AshistorianSoniaSong-HaLeeexplains,thismeantthatpoorblackandbrown
peoplewereviewedasincapableofimprovingtheirstatus,instead“their‘pathological’
behavior[was]static.”27Thecultureofpovertydiscoursethusbecameatoolofracial
26LisaLevenstein,AMovementWithoutMarches:AfricanAmericanWomenandthePoliticsofPovertyinPostwarPhiladelphia(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2009),5-6.27SoniaSong-HaLee,BuildingALatinoCivilRightsMovement:PuertoRicans,AfricanAmericans,andthePursuitofRacialJusticeinNewYorkCity(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2014),43.
29
domination–alanguageusedtoblameblack-browncommunities(andparticularlypoor
andworking-classmothers)forlackingtheeconomicandculturalresourcesnecessary
tosucceed.Assumptionsofblack/brownfamilialdysfunctionandculturaldeficiency
permeatedallcityagenciesfromthewelfareandhousingdepartmentstothepublic
schoolsystem.Boston’swhitecityofficialsshiftedtheblameontoindividualsfortheir
economicandsocialstruggles,frequentlydenyingtheexistenceofresidential
segregation,racialdiscriminationinthelabormarket,inequitableschooling,andother
systemicpoliciesandinequalitiesthatfueledtheeconomicdeclineofthe“innercity”
andhelpedtoformBoston’sblack-brownghettos.Whiteofficialsevenwenttoextreme
lengthstodefendandmaintaintheexistingwelfaresystem,attimescallingupona
militarizedpoliceforcetoforciblyrestrainpassivepeacefulprotesterswho
demonstratedanysignsofpoliticaldissent.
ThehistoryoftheMAWprotestshedslightononeofthemanystrategiesutilized
bypoorandworking-classpeopleofcolor,particularlywomen,intheirstrugglefor
adequateandrespectfulgovernmentassistanceinBoston.Arguingthattheywerenot
merelyrecipientsofthestate’ssocialservices,theseorganizerspubliclydisplayedtheir
agency,demandingbettertreatmentfromcityworkersandadvocatingforanactiverole
intheimplementationoftheassistanceprograms.Thishistoryalsorevealsoneofthe
earliestattemptsofinterracialorganizingamongwomenofcolorinthecity.MAWdrew
adiversegroupofmother-organizersandthegroup’sattempttoreachoutintothe
Latinocommunityillustratesthegrowinginterestinmultiethnic/multiracialorganizing
beyondtheblack-whitebinary.However,theAfricanAmericancommunitywassowell-
organizedduringthistimecomparedtothefairlynewLatinocommunity,thatMAW’s
30
leadershipremainedprimarilyblack.
Inthischapter,Iexaminehowpoorandworking-classmothersofcolornavigated
thechangingracialandeconomiclandscapeofBoston’sdecliningandincreasingly
segregatedneighborhoods.InoutliningtheformationofBoston’s“urbancrisis,”Idraw
attentiontohowwomenonAFDC(AidtoFamilieswithDependentChildren)or“welfare
mothers”cametogetherintheircommunitiestodiscussissuestheyhadwiththeir
caseworkersandtheirinabilitytosurviveoffthelimitedgovernmentbenefitsthey
received.Astheyformedapoliticalconsciousness,theseblack/brownwomen
strategizedhowtobecomebetteradvocatesforthemselvesandoneanotherandseek
broaderwelfarereforminBoston.Theresultingwelfarerightsmovementrepresented
oneoftheearliestattemptsatorganizingbeyondtheblack-whitebinaryinthecityof
Boston.ThoughthemovementwasunabletoeffectivelyreachtheLatinocommunityor
establishadiversegroupofleaders,thishistoryisimportantinunderstandinghowpoor
andworking-classblackandLatinawomenbegantoforgeoverlappingracialand
politicalidentitiescenteredontheirsharedintersectionalidentitiesasbothpoor
mothersandnonwhiteethnoracialminorities.Black/brownMAWorganizers,Iargue,
beganrecognizingtheirparallelandoverlappingexperiencesandseeingoneanotheras
alliesinthestruggleagainsttheestablishedwhite(racist)bureaucraciesofBoston.
Theseearlyintersectingidentitiesandsolidaritieswerelatermirroredbymiddleclass
black/brownsocialworkersinthebroadermovementforeconomicjusticeinBoston.
I.TheOriginsofBoston’s“UrbanCrisis”
ThoughthepopulationofAfricanAmericansandLatinosinBostonneverreached
31
theheightsofotherurbancenterssuchasNewYork,alookatthecity’sshifting
demographicpatternsinthe1960sand1970srevealstheirsignificantpresenceinthe
city.InneighborhoodssuchasRoxburyandDorchester,thesegroupsbecametheclear
majority,inlargepartduetopatternsofhousingdiscriminationandresidential
segregation,aswellasthecity’semergingurbanrenewalprograms.Thisdemographic
datacoupledwithanexaminationofthepersistentpovertyshedslightuponthecity’s
“urbancrisis”aswellasthegrowingneedforgovernmentassistanceprogramslike
AFDCandothersocialservicesinblack-brownneighborhoods.
Boston’sAfricanAmericanpopulationhoveredatabout3%untilWorldWarII.
ThefreeblackcommunitythathadsettledinthenorthslopeofthedowntownBeacon
Hillneighborhoodinthe1800smovedattheturnofthecenturyfirsttotheSouthEnd
andtheneventuallysettlinginRoxbury,especially“thehill”highlandareasouthof
DudleySquare.FollowingWorldWarII,theblackpopulationquicklygrewfrom23,679
in1940to40,057in1950,largelyasaresultoftheGreatMigrationofAfricanAmericans
fromtheSouth.SeekingtoescapetheharshrealitiesofJimCrow,manysouthernblacks
believedmovingnorthwouldprovidethemwithmorefreedomandopportunitiesfor
socialmobility,thoughuponarrivingtheyquicklyrealizedthatBostonwasnotlivingup
toitsnameasthe“CradleofLiberty.”Thesesoutherners,oftencalledthe“Homies”
becausetheywerealwaysreferringtotheirsouthernhomes,werejoinedbymigrants
fromacrosstheblackdiaspora,particularlyCaribbeanandWestIndiannationslike
JamaicaandBarbados.By1960,theblackpopulationinBostonhadgrownto63,165and
constitutedbetween9%and10%ofthecity’stotalpopulation.Thenin1970,itreached
32
104,707peopleor16.3%.28
Latinos,ontheotherhand,wereasmallerpopulationthanblacksinthecity,yet
grewquickerduringthisera.Thoughtherewassomesmall-scaleyetsteadyLatino
migrationinthelate19thcenturyduetocommercialandpoliticaltiesbetweenNew
EnglandandPuertoRico,theseweremerelytherootsforsubsequentandmuchmore
significantmigrationintotheBostonareathatbeganin1950.Sincemostmigrantswere
ruralagriculturalworkersinthefarmsofWesternMassachusetts,manymovedto
Bostonastheharvestendedeitherseasonallyortostartnewlivesinthecity.Duringthe
1960s,growingnumbersofPuertoRicanssettledintothemoreaffordable
neighborhoodsofBostonseekinglow-wageindustrialorservicesectorjobs.Others
migratedtoBostonduringthistimefromNewYorkCityandNewJersey,hopingto
escapetheproblemsassociatedwithurbandecay,whileasmallnumbercametoBoston
totakeadvantageofthecity’snumerousuniversities.Itisimportanttonotethatwhile
theLatinopopulationinBostonwasatleast40%PuertoRican,otherLatinosincluding
Cubans,Dominicans,andsomeCentralAmericans,beganarrivinginlate1960sand
1970sseekingrefugefromthepoliticalstrugglesintheirhomecountries.Thismass
migrationcoincidedwiththepassageoftheImmigrationandNationalityAct(also
knownastheHart-CellerAct)of1965thatabolishedquotasbasedonnationalorigin.29
MostLatinomigrantssettledfirstintheSouthEndareaofBoston,whichwas
historicallyconsidereda“littleEllisIsland,”asthecity’sportofentranceforimmigrants.
28U.S.CensusBureau,1970and1980.29FélixV.MatosRodriguez,“SavingtheParcela:AShortHistoryofBoston’sPuertoRicanCommunity,”inPuertoRicanDiaspora:HistoricalPerspectives,eds.CarmenTeresaWhalenandVictorVázquez-Hernández(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,2005),200-226.
33
In1970,thefirstyearthatthecensusstartedaskingaboutHispanicorigin,17,984
Latinos(labeledas“Hispanics”)werecountedinBoston,ofwhom7,335(or41%)were
PuertoRican.30Accordingtothecensus,Latinosmadeuponly3%ofthecity’stotal
population.This,however,wasanextremelymodestapproximation.ManyBostonians,
socialserviceorganizations,cityreports,schoolofficials,andjournalistsalikeestimated
thetotalnumberofLatinosor“Spanish-speakingcommunity”inBostonbothtobe
significantlylarger,between30,000and40,000people,andtobegrowingrapidly
duringthelate1960sandearly1970s.Itisimportanttonotethedifficultyinestimating
thesizeoftheLatinopopulationduringthisera.SincePuertoRicanswereAmerican
citizens,manywerenotcountedatallbyimmigrationofficialswhichskewedthose
officialnumbers,whileothersdidnotparticipateincensussurveys.Thisdataalsodoes
notaccountformanyundocumentedimmigrantsfromtheCaribbeanandCentral
America,wholiveddiscretely,manyinconstantfearofdeportation.Thoughthe
languageofsomewhitejournalists,forexample,reflectedunderlyingracializedfearsof
PuertoRican“overpopulation,”itdoesnotappeartheirestimateswereinflatedasthey
weresubstantiatedbynumerousothersources.Infact,itwasLatinosandAfrican
Americanswhoworkedinsocialserviceorganizationsandeducationwhomost
adamantlyarguedthattheLatinopopulationinBostonwassignificantlyhigherthat
officialrecordsindicated.31
LatinossettledalongsideAfricanAmericansinneighborhoodssuchastheSouth
30U.S.CensusBureau,1970.31U.S.CensusBureau,1970;TaskForceonChildrenOutofSchool,TheWayWeGotoSchool:TheExclusionofChildreninBoston(Boston:BeaconPress,1971),16-17;ArmandoMartinez,quotedin“HubProgramsBattleGiantLanguageProblem:NewDoorsOpeningforSpanish-SpeakingChildren,”PhyllisW.Coons,BostonGlobe,August17,1969,67.
34
End,Roxbury,andDorchester,whichwereundergoingdemographicshiftsdueto
patternsof“whiteflight.”AlthoughBoston’sdominanthistoricalnarrativeperpetuates
thenotionthatconflictsoverthecourt-ordereddesegregationofpublicschoolsin1974
causedwhiteflight,infact,amajorityofwhitesleftthecityinthe1940sand1950slured
bytheboomingtechnology,research,anddevelopmentindustryinthenewly
prosperousandthrivingMassachusettssuburbs.Whiletheprospectofnew“hightech”
jobsgrewdramaticallyinsuburbantownssuchasWaltham,Lexington,andBurlington
duringthe1950s,thenumberofjobswithincitylimitsdecreasedatsimilarrates.
Between1947and1959,employmentalongRoute128increasedby27,600jobs,while
inBostonthetotalnumberofjobsdecreasedby17,500.32Thewhitesuburbsprovided
thelaborsupplyfortheseoutlyingsuburbanindustriesastheinnercitylaborforce
remainedtrappedinthefewindustriesthatremained.
By1960,97%ofAfricanAmericans(andsimilarlyhighnumbersofLatinos)in
BostonlivedintheneighborhoodsoftheSouthEnd,Roxbury,andNorthDorchester,
knownasthe“BlackBoomerang.”Federal,state,andlocalhousingandbankingofficials
playedacriticalroleincreatingandmaintainingtheraciallysegregatedneighborhoods
inBostonthroughrestrictivecovenants,red-lining,discriminatorylendingpractices,
andpublichousingpolicies.TheBostonHousingAuthority(BHA)waskeyinthis,
promotingresidentialsegregationthroughitsadministrationofthecity’slargepublic
32Astheblackpopulationincreased,anoverwhelmingmajoritywereunskilledlaborers.Theyfaceddecreasedjobopportunitiesinthisnewresearchandtech-basedeconomyandcompetedforminimalwages.Duringthe1950s,industrialjobsinBostondeclinedfrom112,000to50,000andwholesaleandretailjobsdeclinedfrom150,000to90,000.MelKing,ChainofChange:StrugglesforBlackCommunityDevelopment(Boston:SouthEndPress,1981),25;.JeanneTheoharis,“Wehavetolearntodefineourselves:Blackteenagers,urbanschools,writingandthepoliticsofrepresentation”,Ph.D.Diss.,UniversityofMichigan,1996,108.
35
housingprogram.TheBHAestablishedandmaintainedsegregatedpublichousingby
explicitlyassigningunitsbasedonrace.Thispracticewassupportedbytheracially
segregatedhousingoutlinesinthe1938FederalHousingAuthorityUnderwriting
Manual.In1951,areportbytheMassachusettsCommissionAgainstDiscrimination
(MCAD)explained,“Thepatternofracialsegregationanddiscriminationinpublic
housingintheCityofBostonwassetasearlyas1940atthebeginningofthefederal
slumclearanceprogram.By1950coloredfamilieswerehousedexclusivelyintwo
projectsintheSouthEndandinthewingofathird.”33
By1950,theMassachusettsStateLegislaturehadmovedtoprohibitsegregated
housingpracticesyetdiscriminatorypracticesintheBHAcontinued.Inadditionto
creatingraciallysegregatedpublichousingprojects,localandstatebankingandhousing
officials,incollaborationwithfederalagenciessuchastheFederalHousingAuthority
(FHA),Veteran’sAdministration(VA),andtheHomeOwnersLoanCorporation(HOLC),
promotedracialsegregationintheprivatehousingmarketinBostonbydenying
mortgageapplicationsforhomesinthemostconcentratedblack-brownneighborhoods
suchasRoxbury.ThesewerebasedonHOLCmapswhichmarkedtheseneighborhoods
asblighted.Whiteprospectivehomeownersshiftedtopurchasehomesinthesuburbs,
leavingAfricanAmericansandLatinoswithfewhousingoptionsoutsidethe“Black
Boomerang.”
ThecityofBoston’soverallpopulationdeclinedgreatlyafter1950.Thatyear,the
city’spopulationofover801,000wasatitshighestpointinhistory.By1960,ithad
33“Plaintiffs’Findings,”MorganvHennigan,PapersoftheNAACP,LibraryofCongress,SeriesV,Box954,Folder4-5,253.CitedinBundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”51.
36
sufferedalossofover100,000people(697,197).Thecity’spopulationcontinuedto
declineoverthenexttwodecades,reaching641,071in1970anditslowestpointof
562,994in1980.34
Inthe1950s,Bostonhadunveileditsurbanrenewalplanandbythe1960s,it
wasinfullswing.Itsgoalsweretorevitalizethecity,boostitsdecliningeconomy,and
encouragewhiteBostonianstostayandsettle.Inmanyways,cityplannerswere
successfulatachievingthesegoals,butthisfundamentallyshapedneighborhoodslike
theSouthEnd.Thoughtheneighborhoodhadbeenraciallyandeconomicallydiverse,
effortstogentrifyeventuallyforcedoutpoorandworking-classresidentsofcolor,
causinglocalhousingactiviststorefertothecity’sprogramas“urbanremoval”instead
ofurbanrenewal.BlackpoliticalactivistMelKinggrewupintheSouthEndand
explainedtheimpactofurbanrenewalonthecity’sblack/brownpopulations:
TheMasterPlanforBostonhadbegunitsjobofforcingblackpeopleoutoftheSouthEndandintoRoxburyandDorchesterinordertoaccommodatethecommercialandresidentialneedsofBoston’sbanks,insurancecompanies,and,ofcourse,MITandHarvard…Thissystematicdenialofjobs,housing,educationandpoliticalrepresentationbytheBostonpowerstructurecameintofulldevelopmentinthecreationofthe“ghetto,”fortheimageoftheghettoallowedtherulingelitetoblametheblackcommunityforwhattheyhadsystematicallyimposeduponus.35
ThoughKingfocusedontheblackpopulationaffectedbyurbanrenewal,Latinoswere
alsoforcedoutoftheSouthEnd.Asheaccuratelyexplained,manymovednextdoorto
theneighborhoodofRoxbury,wherethelocaleconomywasindeclineandhousingwas
moreaffordable.By1960,Roxburywasalreadythecenteroftheblackcommunity,and
34U.S.CensusBureau,1950,1960,1970,and1980.35MelKing,“GrowingUpwiththeSouthEnd,”NewBostonReview(July/August1981):9-11.
37
blackscomprisedalmost60%oftheneighborhood’sresidents.36Latinoswere
becomingasignificantpresenceintheneighborhoodaswell;by1970,itwasestimated
thatbetween5,000and10,000LatinoslivedinRoxburyandthatnumberrapidlygrew
throughoutthedecade.37
AfricanAmericansandLatinosfacedhighratesofunemploymentandpoverty,
inadequatehousing,andunderperformingschoolsinneighborhoodslikeRoxbury,
whichwasoftendefinedasBoston’sgreatest“slum.”A1966studyonthe“ghettosocial
structure”ofthecityreportedthatRoxburyhada“disproportionateshareofBoston’s
housingdilapidation,schooldeteriorationreportedcrime,AFDC,andreportedjuvenile
delinquency.”38In1970,theU.S.Censusreportedthat30%ofBoston’sLatinoslivedin
poverty,whichwastwiceashighastheoverallpopulation.Despitetheprograms
establishedinthe1960sbytheWaronPoverty,Roxburyremainedthecity’spoorest
neighborhood;itcontainedpocketsofpovertythatrivaledpartsoftheruralSouth.
II.EarlyAttemptsatBuildingaMultiethnic/MultiracialMovement
ForBoston’spoorestAfricanAmericanandLatinoresidentsinareassuchas
RoxburyandDorchester,turningtowelfarewasameasureoflastresort.Thosewho
qualifiedforpublicassistancefoundthemselvesentangledinwhatmanythoughtwas
oneoftheworstwelfaresystemsinthenation.Massachusettswastheonlystateinthe
36SallyBrewsterMoulton,“Roxbury,Boston,andtheBostonSMSA:SocioeconomicTrends1960-1985,”NewEnglandJournalofPublicPolicy4:2(June1988).37RosemaryWhiting,“AnOverviewoftheSpanishSpeakingPopulationinBoston,”(Boston:CityofBoston’sOfficeofPublicService,1969),3.Citedin“TheWayWeGotoSchool:TheExclusionofChildreninBoston,”TaskForceonChildrenOutofSchool(Boston:BeaconPress,1971),16.38JoeFeagin,GhettoSocialStructure:ASurveyofBlackBostonians(SanFrancisco:R&EResearchAssociates,1974),13.
38
countrywhereeachcityandtowndispersedwelfarefundsindependently.Thisresulted
inwhattheBostonGlobecalleda“anunevenriveroflocalbusybodiesandredtape
uncommonevenforwelfare,whichistheLandofRedTape.”39Blackandbrownwomen
withchildren,inparticular,struggledtonavigatethecomplexbureaucraticsystemand
receivedlittlesupportorrespectfromwelfareworkerswhosejobitwastoassistthem.
Duringthe1960s,themajorityofBoston’swelfareworkerswerewhitewomen
whoreceivedlittletonotraining.Mosthadnotreceiveddegreesinsocialworkorany
typeofhumanservicesnorhadexperienceworkingwithdiversecommunities;instead
theywerethemostcompetentclerkswhohadmasteredthemazeofpaperwork
requiredofeachapplicant.Ina1965Globeseriestitled“TheStateofWelfare,”journalist
JeanDietzexplainedthat“thevastmajorityofMassachusettswelfareworkersareinlate
middleage,untrainedforsocialwork,andprotectedintheirjobsbyanoutdatedcivil
servicelawthatdiscriminatesagainstyoungerimaginativeworkers.Thesystemis
riddledwithfrustration-andlowmoraleprevailsamongmuchofthepersonnel.”40
TheGroveHallwelfareofficeinRoxbury,inparticular,lackedtheresources
necessarytoservethegrowingAfricanAmericanandLatinopopulationsofthe
neighborhood.Whereasover90%oftheoffice’scaseloadwereblackandbrown
mothers,fewerthan10%ofthesocialworkerswerepeopleofcolor.Applicantswaited
hoursinthebasementofficetoseeoverwhelmedcaseworkerswhohadhighcaseloads
ofupto100familiesandsofewsupportingclerk-typiststhattheywereunableto
completesitevisitsorthenecessarypaperwork,oftenresultinginbenefitsbeing
39JeanDietz,“CostsHigh,ProgressLimited:RehabilitationStilltheKey,”BostonGlobe,March28,1965,42.40JeanDietz,“AimsAreHigh—ResultsLow,”BostonGlobe,March23,1965,2.
39
suddenlycutfromfamilieswithoutnotice.JessieHerr,acaseworkeratGroveHall’s
welfareofficeexplained,“We’reovercrowded,understaffed,caseloadsarehigh,budgets
inadequate,andsocialworkersareboggeddownwithpaperwork,releases,andformsto
fillout.”41Inthe“LandofRedTape”therewaslittletimetogettoknowapplicantsor
showconcernforindividualfamilies’circumstances.FormercaseworkerSumner
McClainexplained,“Iwasspending90percentofmytimewithpaperwork,not
people.”42AnothercaseworkerechoedMcClain’sfrustrations,“Howcanyouhelppeople
youdon’tevenhavetimetogettoknow?Wedon’thavetimetodoanythingexcepthand
outthemoneyandmakeouttheforms.”Dietzconcluded,“theprogramisboggeddown
inariverofredtapeandthewelfareworkerswhosejobitistorehabilitatearetoobusy,
instead,tryingtokeepfromgrowinginit.”43Someweresodisillusionedwiththe
system,they“stoppedcaringaboutthestandards”orqualityofserviceandmerelygave
upandquit.44
Withlittletonosupportfromwhitewelfareworkers,poorandworking-class
black/brownmothersinBostonbegantoforgetheirownmovementforwelfarereform
in1963withDorisBlandatitshead.Atthetime,Blandwasathirty-one-year-oldblack
motheroffiveandbuddingactivistwholivedinNorthDorchester.45Bland’sinterestin
41JessieHerr,quotedinJanetRiddell,“SocialWorkersBlameSystemforRoxburyWelfareProblem,”BostonGlobe,June4,1967,18.42SumnerMcClain,quotedinRiddell,“SocialWorkersBlameSystemforRoxburyWelfareProblem.”43Dietz,“AimsAreHigh—ResultsLow.”44Anonymous,quotedinDietz,“AimsAreHigh—ResultsLow.”45DorisBlandwasborninCanadain1932thoughlittleisknownaboutherpersonalbeforeshesettledintheNorthDorchesterneighborhoodofBoston.Sheleftschoolafterninthgradeandbecameasinglemotheroffivechildren.Shelatermarriedandhadthreemorechildren.In1964,Blandbeganorganizingpoorandworking-classmothers,mobilizingwomenonherstreetintoarentstrikebecausethelandlorddidnotprovidesufficientheatorwaterintheirapartments.Then,from1967-1969,sheworkedfortheNewUrbanLeagueandwasafounderandtreasureroftheCommunitySchoolinRoxbury.ShealsoservedasacoordinatorfortutoringprogramssponsoredbytheCongressforRacialEquality(CORE)andwasco-
40
activismalignedwithincreasinginterestinwelfarereformnationwide.Ashistorian
FeliciaKornbluhexplains,theemergingwelfarerightsmovement“attractedthousands
ofAfricanAmericanwomenwhowerecommittedtosocialchange.Italsoattracted
PuertoRicanwomenandotherLatinas,whitewomen,NativeAmericanwomen,and
low-incomemen.”Kornbluhcontinuedthatthousandsofpublicaidrecipientsmade
demandsonthepoliticalsystemduringthe1960sand1970s,which“unsettled
conventionalpowerrelationshipsbasedonsex,economicclass,language,citizenship
status,andrace.”46ItwasnosurprisethatBlanddrewinspirationfromseveralother
welfaremothersfromcitiesoutsideBostonwhomshemetatacivilrightsmarch.She
thenbeganlearningabouthowthewelfaresystemworkedmoreeffectivelyinother
states.Shelaterexplained,“Wefoundoutthattheywereabletogetthingslikesurplus
commoditiesintheirhomes,whilepeopleinBostoncouldn’t.”47Shemetadozenorso
otherlocalblackwelfaremothersattheDudleyStreetAreaPlanningActionCounciland
organizedmeetingstodiscusstheirconcernswiththewelfaresystem.Thesepoor
mothershadlearnedthatPresidentJohnson’s1964WaronPovertywasadouble-edged
sword,ashistorianAnneliseOrleckargues,sincetherewerealwaysstringsattachedto
receivingfederalbenefits.Orleckwrites,“Acceptingcashrelief,foodstamps,and
programfundsfromgovernmentagenciesinevitablymeantacceptinggovernment
supervision.Forwelfaremothers,thatsupervisioncameintheformofcaseworkerswho
chairmanofCORE’shousingcommittee.In1968,shewasappointedtotheMassachusettsHealthAdvisoryCommitteebyGovernorVolpeandnamedtothePublicWelfareBoardbyMayorWhite.Shediedabruptlyin1970attheageofthirty-eightfollowinganasthmaattack.“Mrs.Bland,welfaregroupfounder,38,”BostonGlobe,January24,1970,25.46FeliciaKornbluh,TheBattleforWelfareRights:PoliticsandPovertyinModernAmerica(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2007),2.47DorisBland,quotedin“MAWSFightWelfareWoes,”BayStateBanner,March14,1968,8.
41
askedpryingandhumiliatingquestions,searchedtheirhomesandbelongingsin
midnightraids,andsometimesthreatenedtotakeawaytheirchildren.”48Blandandthe
othermothersbondedovertheseissuesandtheiridentitiesaspoorandworking-class
mothers.Interestedinreformthatwouldaddresssomeoftheirconcerns,the
black/brownmothersquicklyshiftedtheiridentitiestomother-organizers,forminga
groupwhichtheynamedMothersforAdequateWelfare(MAW).TheyelectedBlandas
thegroup’sfirstpresident.
Fromitsinception,MAWwasamultiethnic/multiracialgroupcomposedof
AfricanAmerican,Latina,andwhitewomen,thoughledalmostexclusivelybyblack
women.ThiswaslikelybecauseBlandandotherblackwomendrewfromtheirprevious
organizingexperienceandexistingnetworkswithinthemoreestablishedblack
community,particularlycomparedtothenewerLatinomigrantcommunity.Bland
explaineditwasalwaysintegratedbecause“welfareisnotjustablackproblem-it’s
everyone’s.”SheemphasizedMAW’sgroup-centeredleadershipstrategy.Withinthe
group,sheexplained,“everymotherfeelslikealeader.”Thegroupstrivedforpeaceful
cooperationandshareddivisionofdutiesamongstallmother-organizers.Blandargued
therewaslittleinternaltension.“Wecan’taffordtofightamongourselveswhenwe’re
fightingforhumanrights,”sheexplained.“WhatWelfarehasdonetous,wedon’twant
todotoeachother.”49
Astheorganizationgrew,theysoughtouthelpfromlocalcollegestudents,
particularlyfromalocalchapterofStudentsforaDemocraticSociety(SDS),toconduct
48AnneliseOrleck,StormingCaesarsPalace:HowBlackMothersFoughtTheirOwnWaronPoverty(Boston:BeaconPress,2005),4.49DorisBland,quotedin“MAWSFightWelfareWoes.”
42
researchandlearntheirrights.TheyeventuallyacquiredacopyoftheMassachusetts
StateManualofWelfare.“Allhellbrokeloosewhenwegotholdofthat,”Bland
explained.“Wefoundalotofpeopleweren’tgettingthefullbudgettheywereentitled
to.”50Atfirst,MAWorganizerssimplysoughtoutmorewelfarebenefits.SDSorganizer
MarciaButmanrecalledthatthemothershadadifficulttimetalkingwiththeir
caseworkers.“Itwasn’tjustbecausealotoftherecipientswerepoor,uneducated,and
blackandalmostallofthecaseworkerswerebettereducatedandwhite,”Butman
explained.“Itwasthatthecaseworkerswerejustverydifficultpeople.Theywouldhave
beendifficultforanyonetodealwith.”51Thus,MAWestablisheda“buddysystem.”MAW
memberswouldaccompanynewrecipientstointakeinterviews.Thisnewsystem
provedeffectiveandtheorganizationcontinuedtogrow,withacoregroupof200anda
mailinglistofover1,000.
Inthespringof1965,MAWstagedoneofitsfirstdemonstrations.Approximately
50mother-organizersshowedupatMayorCollins’CityHallofficetodemandthecity
speedupitsdistributionofsurplusfood.Whentheirdemandwasnotmet,theystageda
sit-inatthecity’sWelfareDepartmentHeadquartersuntilthefoodwashandedout.The
followingyear,MAWbuiltonitsgrowingnetworktojoinanationalprotestforwelfare
rights.OnJuly1,1966,around50MAWorganizersandtheirchildrenmarchedfromthe
SouthEndtotheBostonCommon.There,DorisBlandpresentedalistofdemandsto
WilliamLally,thecommissionerofBoston’sWelfareDepartment,asorganizers
50Bland,quotedin“MAWSFightWelfareWoes.”51MarciaButman,quotedinVrabel,APeople’sHistoryoftheNewBoston,82-3.Emphasisinoriginal.
43
surroundedthetwowithsignsthatread,“LallyDon’tDally.”52Inan(albeitsuperficial)
attempttoreachtheLatinocommunityandcrosstheblack-whitebinaryintothenew,
unfamiliarterritoryofmultiethnic/multiracialandbilingualorganizing,othersignshad
welfaredemandswritteninSpanish.53Thegroupcalledforaffordableandquality
childcaresothattheycouldwork,forprivateinterviewswithsocialworkers,andfor
publishingallrulesandregulationsinoneclear,accessibledocument.54Themother-
organizersthenmarchedtotheStateHousetolobbyforthesedemands.
Disappointedthatstateofficialshadnotattendedtherally,MAWorganizerswere
pleasantlysurprisedwhentheyranintoGovernorJohnVolpewhocourteouslyspent
timelisteningtotheirconcerns.Mother-organizerConstanceLewtoldtheGovernor,
“We’vebeenwalkingthroughlifeforsolong.Youhavegottolistentothesewomen’s
demands.”Volpepromisedthemanappointmentaweekorsolaterandthewomen
applaudedhim.TheythenmarcheddownstairstoAttorneyGeneralBrooke’soffice.
UponhearingthatBrookewasawayandwouldnotreturntohisoffice,themother-
organizerssatpeacefullyinthehallwayandbeganstrategicallysinging“WeShall
Overcome.”Promptly,thewomenweretheninvitedintoBrooke’sofficeandserveda
varietyofsnacksuntilhearrivedtenminuteslaterandheardtheirconcerns.55This
demonstrationsetthestageforaseriesofsit-insattheGroveHallwelfareofficethe
followingyearin1967.Onecaseworkerwhohadrecentlyquitworkingthere,predicted
52ElliotFreidman,“WelfareMothersCheerVolpe,Brooke,”BostonGlobe,July1,1966,1,8.53DavidW.Wilson,“The‘NewLeft’RockstheHill,”BostonGlobe,July2,1966,7.54Vrabel,APeople’sHistoryoftheNewBoston,84.55Freidman,“WelfareMothersCheerVolpe,Brooke.”
44
uponhisdeparture,“GroveHallisboundtoexplode.”56
OnMay22,1967,MAWheldasit-inattheRoxburyofficeonBlueHillAvenueto
protesttheconditionsandmistreatmentbywelfareworkers.Themother-organizers
stayedovernightwhentheirconcernswerenotheard.Asmentionedpreviously,even
thewelfareworkerswereawarethatthesystemwasfundamentallyflawed.One
caseworkerJessHerrexplained,“Icanreallyunderstandthegripesofthemothers.We
wouldlovetobe-andweshouldbe-givingmoreandbetterservices.Butwesimply
can’tunderthepresentsystem.”57Demonstrationscontinuedthefollowingweeks.
OnFriday,June2,MAWorganizersrefusedtoleavetheGroveHallwelfareoffice
untiltheirconcernswereaddressed.AccordingtotheBanner,oneanonymousmother-
organizerdeclared,“We’reherebecausewearesickandtiredofthewaythewelfare
department,andespeciallyGroveHalltreatsus.”TheMAWspokeswomancontinued
explainingwhatmotivatedtheprotest,“We’retiredofbeingtreatedlikecriminals,of
havingtodependonsuspiciousandinsultingsocialworkers,andatbeingcompletelyat
themercyofadepartmentwehavenocontrolover.”58YetBoston’sWelfareDirector
DanielCroninrefusedtocometotheofficetospeakwiththemothers.Feeling“totally
ignored,”themother-organizersthendecidedtoshiftstrategies.Withbicyclechains
theychainedthemselvestoradiatorsandusedtheremainingchainstolockshutthe
maindoorsfromboththeinsideandtheoutside,thuspreventingfifty-eightwelfare
workersfromleavingfortheday.
Whilethedecisiontochainthemselvesandthedoorswascertainlybold,noneof
56SumnerMcClain,quotedinRiddell,“SocialWorkersBlameSystemforRoxburyWelfareProblem.”57JessieHerr,quotedinRiddell,“SocialWorkersBlameSystemforRoxburyWelfareProblem,”18.58“Welfare,”BayStateBanner,1.
45
themothersexpectedsuchimmensebacklash.Theystillsawthismoveaspartoftheir
nonviolentdirectactionstrategy,asymbolicgesturethatwouldmerelyforcewelfare
officialstolistentotheirconcerns.Atfirst,policeofficersinsidethebuildingwere
relativelycourteousandpatient,buttheirapproachquicklychangedwhenanelderly
welfareworkerfellillandsuddenlyneededmedicalattention.Thewelfareworkers
calledforassistanceandBostonMayorJohnCollinsorderedthepolicetogetheroutand
emptythebuilding.Whentheofficerscouldnoteasilycutthechains,theycalledfor
reinforcements.WelfareDirectorCroninrefusedtoenterthroughawindowtonegotiate
withMAWactivistsorevencommunicatethroughloudspeakersfromoutside.Asalarge
crowdofover500peoplegatheredoutsidethebuilding,over30policemenclimbedup
fireladdersandthroughthewindows.AccordingtoMAWactivistKatherineMoore,the
officersdidnotaskthemotherstoleave,nordidtheywarnthem,orevenarrestthem.
Instead,thepolicesuperintendentraisedhishandsandorderedtheofficesto“get‘em.
Beatthemifyouhaveto,butgetthemoutofhere.”59Othersreportedtheofficers
shoutedracialslurs,threateningtokillthemothers,eventhoughmanyhadsmall
childrenbytheirsides.Wieldingbillyclubs,thepoliceviolentlyattackedprotesters
inside.Oneteenageonlookerreportedthathewitnessedapoliceofficerbeatinga
pregnantwoman“likeadrum.”60Whiledemonstratorsweredraggedoutofthebuilding
andarrested,supportersrushedinsidetotheiraidandwerealsobrutallybeatenand
injured.Onlookersbeganhurlingabarrageofbricks,bottles,androckstowardsthe
police.
59“PoliceRiotinGroveHall,ScoresInjured,”BayStateBanner,June3,1967,1.60“RoxburyResidentsBrutalized,”BayStateBanner,June10,1967,3.
46
Thingsquicklyescalatedashundredsmorepolicemenarrivedtothescene
outfittedinriotgear.Afull-scaleriotensuedfullofviolence,stonedcars,smashed
windows,andlootedstores.Themeleecontinuedovernightintoearlymorning.On
Saturdaymorning,familiesinRoxburywokeuptooverfifteenblocksoftheir
neighborhooddestroyedandmillionsofdollarsinpropertydamage,particularlylarge
partsofBlueHillAvenue,whichwasamaincommercialstripandthecenterofBoston’s
blackcommunity.Smallerincidentsofviolence,looting,arson,anddestructionof
propertycontinuedthroughouttheweekend.Allinall,sixty-eightpeoplewereinjured
andoverfiftywerearrested.Whathadbegunasapeacefulsit-inhadturnedintoa“race
riot,”similartootherincidentsofurbanunrestthatsweptthenationduringthe1960s.
AsDorisBlandlatersummarized,“That’swhathappenswhenyouwanttobeheardand
noonewantstolisten.61
OnSaturday,June3,MAWheldapressconferencewhereDorisBlanddenounced
theviolencebutdefendedthemother-organizersandtheirdemonstration.Thenon
Sunday,June4,MayorCollinsheldhisownpressconferenceequallycondemningthe
violenceaswellasannouncingtheestablishmentofanewcommitteethatwould
researchandrecommendwaystoimproveBoston’swelfaresystem.“Unquestionably,
improvements,”Collinsdeclared,“canbemadeinourwelfaresystemonthelocal,state
andnationallevels,andIshallaskthepaneltostudythis.”Usingbroad,subtlelanguage,
Collinsthenshiftedtoindirectlyadmonishthemother-organizersofMAWfor
“restrictingthefreedomofothers”insuchawaythatresultedinpersonalinjuryand
propertydamageto“innocentparties.”Hedeclared,“disorderlyprotestswillnotbe 61DorisBland,quotedin“MAWSFightWelfareWoes,”BayStateBanner,March14,1968,8.
47
toleratedinBoston.”62
ThefollowingMonday,June5,MAWpresentedMayorCollinswitha48-hour
ultimatumtocorrectthewelfareabuses“ortheywouldtakeanotheraction.”Katheryn
Moore,aspokeswomanor“messenger”forMAWdeliveredanewlistoftendemandsto
CityHall.MAWalsoinvitedCollinstomeetwiththeminRoxbury,butherefused,
arguingashehadthroughouttheentireweekendthatheconductedallthecity’s
businessinCityHall.63SeveralMAWmemberscooperated,agreeingtomeetwiththe
Mayorandothercityofficialsthefollowingmorning.ButonTuesday,June6,MAWfailed
toshowupforthescheduledmeeting.AfterCollinswaitedfortwentyminutes,he
convenedanotherpressconferenceandabruptlyannouncedthathewouldnotrunfor
reelectioninthefall.
InatelevisionaddressthatTuesdayevening,Collinsdefendedhislegacyas
mayorandparticularlyhisemphasisonurbanrenewal,whiletakingaimatMAWand
otheractivistsinthecity.Heexplainedthathewouldcontinuetomeetwith“any
responsiblegroup”butagainreiteratedthat“disorderlyprotests”wouldnotbe
toleratedinBoston.64HistorianThomasO’Connorarguedthatitwaspreciselythese
kindsofdirectactionproteststhatledtoCollins’decisiontoleaveoffice.“Theactivism
tookCollinsbysurprise,”O’Connorwrote.“Hesawmotherschainingthemselvesto
radiatorsandpeopledumpingtrashoutsideCityHallinprotest.Hejustcouldn’t
understandthiskindofbehavior.Itcameasarevelationtohimthatsuddenlypolitics
wasdifferent…Ifthiswasthepoliticsofthefuture,Collinswashavingnoneofit;he
62“CollinsSaysWelfareCanBeImproved,”BostonGlobe,June5,1967,4.63ElliotFriedman,“MothersGiveHubTwoDaystoAct,”BostonGlobe,June6,1967,1,20.64“MayorHopesHisEraWillbeCalled‘DecadeofDedication,”BostonGlobe,June7,1967.
48
wasn’tinterested.”65YetCollins’departureasMayorwouldnothinderblackandLatina
mothersfromcontinuingtoorganizeforwelfarerights.
III.Does“EveryMotherFeelsLikeaLeader”?:ChallengesinMultiethnic/MultiracialOrganizing
Bythefallof1967,MAWhadbecomewell-knowninBostonanditsincreased
membershipreflectedthegrowinginterestofwelfaremothersfromareasofthecity
outsideofRoxbury.MAWfoundedchaptersineachBoston’sblack-brown
neighborhoodsandcontinueditsoutreachtotheLatinocommunity.IntheSouthEnd,a
growingofLatinamothersjoinedasmembers,yetfoundcommunicationtobeanissue
sincemanyofthemcouldnotspeakEnglish.TheselanguagedividesmotivatedJanet
Murray,ablackfamilycounselorattheUnitedSouthEndSettlements(USES),tohelp
foundanexclusivelySpanish-speakingMAWchapterfortheLatinamothersinOctober
1967.“Spanish-speakingMAWs”metregularlyatCentrodeAcción,aLatinocommunity
organizationonTremontStreetintheSouthEnd.66Thoughthefoundingofthischapter
illustratesoneconcreteexampleofMAW’searlyattemptsatinclusive,multiethnic/
multiracialorganizing,italsodemonstratesthatAfricanAmericanandLatinamother-
organizersfacedlinguisticstrugglesandeventuallysoughttocreateseparatechapters
toaddressthis.ItalsounderscoresMAW’salmostexclusivelyblackleadership,since
eventhegroupofLatinaSpanish-speakingwomenwaspresidedoverbyMurray,an
AfricanAmerican.
65ThomasO’Connor,quotedinVrabel,APeople’sHistoryoftheNewBoston,88.66JohnKillilea,“TheSouthEnd:‘PuertoRicanPower!’”HarvardCrimson,November16,1967.
49
WhileMAWpushedforabillintheMassachusettslegislaturethatwouldcallfor
thestatetotakeoverresponsibilityforadministeringthewelfaresystem,theNational
WelfareRightsOrganization(NWRO)hadexpandedtheirbroadermovement,
establishingaBostonchapterandhiredprofessionalorganizerstocomeandworkwith
welfaremothers.Atfirst,thisnewgroupslightedtheMAWleadershipandyearsof
organizinginthecity,creatingfactionsofwelfarerecipients.Thiswashighlightedin
August1968whenbothorganizationsheldseveralweeksofdemonstrationsatvarious
welfareofficesacrossthecitytohelpshapethenewregulationsbeingdrawnupbythe
state.WhenthestatewelfarecommissionRobertOtteventuallyagreedtoinclude
welfarerecipientsonlocalcommitteestorecommendtheguidelinesforthenewsystem,
MAWceasedtheirprotestsandcelebratedthevictory.TheNWROgroup,however,
refusedtoenditsoccupationoftheMissionsHillwelfareoffice,whichundercutMAW’s
bargainingposition.Withsuchaclearsplit,theexistingtensionsgrewandbecamemore
public.67Eventuallythough,supportforNWRO’sneworganizingstrategydiedoutand
MAWcontinueditsworkasthepremierwelfarerightsgroupinthecity.DorisBlandwas
appointedtotheMassachusettsHealthAdvisoryCommitteeandnamedtothePublic
WelfareBoardbyMayorKevinWhite.Sheremainedanactiveleaderinthemovement
untilheruntimelydeathin1970.
Conclusion
Thebrief,albeitcomplex,historyofBoston’sMothersforAdequateWelfaresheds
lightonthemanystrategiesutilizedbypoorandworking-classwomenofcolorintheir 67Vrabel,APeople’sHistoryoftheNewBoston,90.
50
struggleforadequateandrespectfulgovernmentassistanceinBoston.Theywerenot
dysfunctionalapoliticalmotherslackingculturalvaluesnorweretheymerelywelfare
recipients.Theywereorganizedactivistswhochampionedtheideasthateverymother
couldbealeaderinthemovementforwelfarerights.Theyweremother-organizerswho
demandedbettertreatmentfromcityworkersandadvocatedforanactiveroleinthe
implementationandeventualoverhaulofthecity’sassistanceprograms.
TheBostonMAWhistoryprovidesalocallenstothenationalmovementon
welfarerightsthatemergedduringthe1960s.AsFeliciaKornbluhexplainsinherstudy
oftheNationalWelfareRightsOrganization,“atthecenteroftheirapproachtopolitics
wasavisionofcitizenship.”Shecontinued,“Welfaremothersandfatherspoliticized
theirrelationshipswithconsumersocietyandenteredthepublicstageasincreasingly
empoweredcitizen-consumers.”68WhiletheWaronPovertyhadmadeenormous
differencesinlow-incomeblack/browncommunities,Bostonprovidesacasestudyofits
limitationsandinabilitytoupliftmostwelfarerecipients.Welfaremothers,inparticular,
grewincreasinglyfrustrated,andinturnfashionednewpoliticalidentities,
organizations,andmovementsforreform.
ThishistoryoftheBostonMAWmovementalsohighlightsoneofthecity’s
earliestinstancesofmulthethnic/multiracialorganizing.MAW’sprematureattemptsto
reachouttoLatinamothersthroughtheirparticipationinprotestsandbilingual
communicationsillustratethegrowinginterestinmultiethnic/multiracialorganizing
beyondtheblack-whitebinaryandEnglish-speakingmajority.Thishistoryalso
demonstrateshowpoorandworking-classblackandLatinawomenbegantoseetheir 68Kornbluh,TheBattleforWelfareRights,9-10,13.
51
fateslinkedasalliesinthestruggleagainsttheestablishedwhite(racist)bureaucracies
ofBostonsuchasthewelfaredepartment.YetdespiteMAW’saims,inreality,thegroup
representedtheinterestsofblackwelfaremothersaboveallothers.Theblack
communitywaswell-establishedandactivistssuchasBlandhadalreadygained
significantorganizingexperienceandareputationacrossthecity;togetherthesehelped
propelherandotherblackmotherstotheforefrontofMAWandthemovement.Latina
andwhitemother-organizersremainedbehindthescenesasparticipants.
Alongsidemother-organizersinthestruggleforwelfarereform,socialworkersof
colorwerealsoattheforefrontoftheantipovertymovementinBoston.Inthefollowing
chapter,IexplorehowthecomplexintersectingidentitiesandsolidaritiesofMAW
organizersweremirroredbymiddleclassblack/brownsocialworkers.Inamovement
tocombatpovertyandupbuildblack-browncommunities,thesesocialworkers
ultimatelyprovedmoreeffectivethatMAWorganizersatdevelopinganearlymodelfor
multiethnic/multiracialorganizingandcultivatingdiverse,moreraciallybalanced
leadership.
52
TABLEI.TIMELINEOFWELFARERIGHTSMOVEMENT
1963
•MothersforAdequateWelfare(MAW)Founded
1964
•PresidentJohnsonIntroducedWaronPoverty•EconomicOpportunityActEnacted
1965
•MAW’sFirstDemonstration
1966 •MAWMarchtoBostonCommon&StateHouse•NationalWelfareRightsOrganization(NWRO)Founded
1967 •MAW’sWelfareSit-InsatGroveHall(Roxbury)&Riots•“Spanish-SpeakingMAWs”ChapterFoundedinSouthEnd
1968 •MAWConflictwithNWRO
1970
•MAWPresidentDorisBlanddied
53
CHAPTERTWO
“Upbuilding”:
Black/BrownSocialWorker“Crusaders”andtheAntipovertyMovement
Alongsidethemother-organizersinMothersforAdequateWelfare,social
workersofcolorwerealsoattheforefrontofabroadermovementtoaddresspovertyin
Boston.DifferingideologicallyfromMAWorganizers,theywerelessinterestedin
welfarereform,insteadturninginwardtotheirowncommunitiestodevisealternative
strategiesforracialupliftadjacenttoorevenoutsideoftheexistingstructures.
Disillusionedwiththecurrentsystem,manyblackandLatinosocialworkerorganizers
werepropelledbywhatleadingsocialworkerandcivilrightsactivistWhitneyM.Young
calledan“atmosphereofrighteousindignation,ofdivinediscontent.”69Inacompelling
1967speechattheNationalConferenceofSocialWelfare,Youngchallengedtheamassed
socialworkers.“Somewherealongtheline,”heargued,“somethinghappened.Inthezeal
tobecome‘professional’theurgencyofthechallengewaslost.Inthezealtobecome
professionalandrespectable,welost,orrejected,thecrusaderlabel.Now,ifeverthere
wasatime,isthetimeforthecrusader.”70Young’scalltoactionforsocialworkersto
embracetheirrolesas“crusaders”intheantipovertymovementwasonethatresonated
69Youngwasahighlyregardedblacksocialworker,well-knownforhiscivilrightsorganizingineffortssuchasthe1963MarchonWashingtonandasExecutiveDirectoroftheNationalUrbanLeague,aswellasPresidentoftheNationalConferenceofSocialWelfare.70WhitneyYoungJr.,“SocialWelfare’sResponsibilityinUrbanAffairs,”deliveredattheNationalConferenceofSocialWelfare,DallasTX,May21,1967.
54
withmanysocialworkersofcolorinBostoninthewakeoftheWaronPoverty.As
journalistJ.AnthonyLukasaptlyputit,“Bythesixties,fewwhoworkedforsuch[social
service]institutionsregardedthemselvesasmerecustodiansforsociety’sunfortunates;
stirredbythatera’sactivism,theyhadbecomeadvocatesofanewsocialorder.”71
AsthecityofBostonchronicallyfailedtomeetthegrowingneedsofblack-brown
communities,socialworkersofcolorsemergedaslocalleaders,developingtheirown
solutionstothe“urbancrisis.”Centeringtheirorganizingonideasofself-help,
communitycontrol,andracialuplift,theseactivistsespousedanideologythatmirrored
theprimaryidealsoftheblackandPuertoRicannationalisttraditions.Withsignificant
supportfromfundsmadeavailablefromtheWaronPoverty,theseorganizers
establishedneworganizationssuchastheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter(RMSC)andLa
AlianzaHispana(LAH)toprovideessentialresourcesandservicesandtoempower
black-browncommunities.Theseorganizerssawtheconstructionofsocialservice
organizationsasanimportantpartofthecivilrightsmovement’sagenda.Whilestudies
ofblack/LatinointeractionsduringtheWaronPovertyhaveprimarilyfocusedonhow
thefederalprogramfosteredracialessentialismandconflict,Boston’sstoryreveals
otherwise.72MuchashistorianSoniaSong-HaLeedescribedinNewYorkCity,Boston’s
blackandLatinoactivistsusedtheWaronPovertytomobilizeboththeirown
71J.AnthonyLukas,CommonGround:ATurbulentDecadeintheLivesofThreeAmericanFamilies(NewYork:RandomHouse,1985),428.72Forexample,see:RobertBauman,RaceandtheWaronPoverty:FromWattstoEastL.A.(Norman:UniversityofOklahomaPress,2008);BrianBehnken,FightingTheirOwnBattles:MexicanAmericans,AfricanAmericans,andtheStruggleforCivilRightsinTexas(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2011);WilliamClayson,“TheWaronPovertyandtheChicanoMovementinTexas:Confronting‘TioTomas’andthe‘GringoPseudoliberals,’”inTheWaronPoverty:ANewGrassrootsHistory,1964-1980,eds.AnneliseOrleckandLisaGayleHazirjian(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress:2011),334-56.
55
communitiesandtofacilitatethemobilizationofoneanother’s.73Withencouragement
andsupportfromAfricanAmericans,LatinosinBostonbuiltontheexistingsocial
serviceinfrastructureandmoreestablishedpoliticalnetworksintheblackcommunity,
tohelpforgeanintertwinedantipovertymovementundergirdedbyblackandLatino
(primarilyPuertoRican)nationalistideals.
ThischapterexamineshowAfricanAmericansandLatinosmobilizedaroundthe
issueofpovertyinBoston,particularlyfocusingontheirself-determinedeffortsto
establishnew,autonomoussocialserviceorganizations.Iarguethatthesestruggles
aroundpovertyandtheinstitutionsthatemergedfromthemwerethecenterofthe
upbuildingprocessinblack-brownneighborhoodsofBostonsuchasRoxburyand
Dorchester,andultimatelyformedthebasisforothercollectivemobilizations.As
mentionedinthesectiononterminologyintheintroduction,myuseoftheterm
“upbuilding”drawsfromtheworkofLeslieBrown.BorrowingfromW.E.B.DuBois
whodefines“upbuilding”asthe“socialandeconomicdevelopment”ofblack
communitiesafterslavery,Browndefinestheconceptof“upbuilding”asthe“literaland
figurativeconstructionofthestructuresAfricanAmericansusedtoclimboutof
slavery.”74Formypurposes,“upbuilding”describesthedevelopmentofcommunity
institutionsandnetworksusedbyAfricanAmericansandLatinostowardsracialuplift
andjusticeinBoston.Theinstitutionsbuiltduringthisformativeerawereusedas
centralizedspacesforcommunityactivismandprovedintegralinthebroader
movementforracialjustice.
73Lee,BuildingaLatinoCivilRightsMovement.74Brown,UpbuildingBlackDurham,10.
56
Throughoralhistories,Iinvokethepoweroftestimonio(ortestimonies).The
LatinaFeministGroupdefinestheprocessoftestimonioasa“crucialmeansofbearing
witnessandinscribingintohistorythoselivedrealitiesthatwouldotherwisesuccumb
tothealchemyoferasure."75ThelivedrealitiesandracialexperiencesofLatinos,in
particular,havebeenobscuredthroughoutmostofBoston’shistory,butmyresearch
exposesthelimitsofthecity’sdominantblack/whiteracialbinaryorder.Thus,inthis
chapterIusetestimoniototheorizeabouttherace-makingprocessesofseveralkey
activistssuchasHubert“Hubie”Jones,AlexRodriguez,andFriedaGarcia.Utilizingthe
activistbiographiesofsocialworkers,Iconsidertheunique,butoftenoverlapping
issuesfacedbybothAfricanAmericansandLatinos.Specifically,Iexaminehowthese
twogroupslinkedtheirstrugglesaspoorandworking-classpeopleofcolortodevelopa
sharedpoliticalvisionthatwouldbecomethebasisformultiethnic/multiracial
collaborations.
InGordonMantler’sstudyofthe1968PoorPeople’sCampaign,heconcludesthat
coalitionbuildingbetweenAfricanAmericansandMexicanAmericansrevealeda
“relationshipbetweenrace-basedidentitypoliticsandclass-basedcoalitionpoliticsthat
wasnotantithetical,butmutuallyreinforcing.”Heinsists,“onecouldnotexistwithout
theother.”76Similarly,IarguethatAfricanAmericansandLatinosinBostonbegan
forgingoverlappingidentitiesaspoor,nonwhiteethnoracialminoritiesinthecity’s
ghettosinthe1960s.Unlikeothermoredivisiveissuessuchaseducation,theblack-
75LatinaFeministGroup,TellingtoLive:LatinaFeministTestimonios(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,2001),2.76GordonMantler,PowertothePoor:Black-BrownCoalitionandtheFightforEconomicJustice,1960-1974(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2013),4.
57
browncommonfightagainstpovertyheldthegreatestpotentialformultiethnic/
multiracialcooperationinBostonatthistime.Infact,Iarguethattheblack/brown
socialworkersweremuchmoreeffectivethanwelfaremother-organizersat
multiethnic/multiracialorganizing.
WhileIhighlightthepossibilitiesaffordedbythisnew,inclusivemodelfor
politicalorganizingintheantipovertymovement,Idonotaimtosimplifycomplexities
noridealizetheideaofmultiethnic/multiracialunity.Coalitionbuildingwasdifficultand
hardtosustain.Tothisend,Ialsoexposesomeoftheethnic,class,nationality,and
genderdivisionsandconflictsthatemergedwithinblack-browncommunitiesthat
threatenedthestabilityofraceandclass-basedcoalitions,aswellasshedlighton
momentswhenthesediversegroupsstrategicallychosetoadvancethestrugglefor
economicjusticeonseparatebutparallelpaths.Throughamultilayeredanalysisthat
privilegesthevoicesofmarginalizedgroups,Iuncoverthecomplexstoryofthelocal
black-brownantipovertymovementthathasbeeneffectivelyerasedfromBoston’s
dominanthistoricalnarrative.
I.UpbuildingtheBlack-BrownGhetto:SocialWorkersandIdentityFormationintheWaronPoverty SocialworkersofcolorbeganorganizingforchangeinBostonintheyears
immediatelyfollowingWorldWarII.Asearlyas1949,blacksocialworkersMurieland
OttoSnowdenorganizeddialoguesinRoxburyabouttheneighborhood’sphysical
58
declineandincreasedsegregation.77FromthisemergedFreedomHouse,whichthey
hopedwouldbeaninterracialcenterforcommunityactivisminthefightfor
neighborhoodimprovement,goodschools,andharmonyamongdiversegroups.
Expandingitsmissioninthe1950sandearly1960s,FreedomHousebecamethecity’s
leadingorganizationcommittedtoracialequalityandcommunityempowerment.It
becameameetingplaceforothergroupsandanintegralpartofthecivilrights
movement.ServingasananchorfortheblackcommunityduringBoston’sgreatestracial
conflictssuchasurbanriotsfollowingthe1967MAWsit-inorthedesegregationof
schoolsin1974,FreedomHouseearnedalocalmonikerasBoston’s“blackpentagon.”
TheestablishmentofFreedomHouseanditspragmaticapproachtoracialuplift
andempowermentmarkedthebeginningoftheupbuildingprocessinBoston’smost
concentratedblack-browncommunityofRoxbury.Asagrassrootsorganizationthat
emergedfromtheconcernsofself-determinedblackresidents,FreedomHouseprovided
anearlymodelofblackleadershipandmultiracial(thoughexclusivelyblack-white)
coalitionbuilding.Yetbythemid1960s,theorganizationcouldnotfullyaddressthe
needsofthegrowingAfricanAmericanandLatinocommunitiesonitsownandother
blackandbrownsocialworkerssteppedintoaddresstheincreasedneedforsocial
77MurielS.Snowdenwasraisedinalargelywhitemiddle-classneighborhoodinGlenRidge,NewJersey.ShemovedtoBostontoattendRadcliffeCollege,whereshegraduatedin1938.SheattendedtheNewYorkSchoolofSocialWorkfrom1943-1945.ShemarriedOttoP.Snowdenin1944andmovedbacktoBostonwhereshebecameactiveinmanycivicorganizations.ShewasexecutivedirectoroftheCambridgeCivicUnityCommission.OttoPhillipSnowden,ontheotherhandhaddeepfamilyrootsinBostonHisfamilymigratedfromVirginiaattheheightoftheGreatMigrationinthe1920.HegrewupinRoxbury,graduatedfromDorchesterHighSchool,andthenbrieflyattendHarvardbeforeleavingtohelpsupporthisfamilyduringtheDepression.HecompletedhisBachelor’sdegreeatHowardUniversityfrom1933-1937.LikeMuriel,hepursuedgraduatestudiesinsocialworkatBostonUniversity.HewasdirectorofSt.Mark'sSocialCenterbeforeandafterhismilitaryserviceinWorldWarII.UponfoundingFreedomHouse,heresignedtodevotehimselffullytotheneworganization.“HistoricalNote,”MurielS.andOttoP.SnowdenPapers,NortheasternUniversityArchivesandSpecialCollections[hereafter:NU].
59
services.
Threesocialworkerswholedthechargetoestablishindependentblack-brown
socialserviceorganizationsinthiserawereHubert“Hubie”Jones,FriedaGarcia,and
AlexRodriguez.Individuallyandtogether,theyworkedtoprovideessentialresources
andservicesandempowerblack-browncommunities.Asorganizers,theysawthe
constructionofsocialserviceorganizationsasanimportantpartofthecivilrights
movement’sagendaandworkedtoformmultiethnic/multiracialcoalitionsinthe
commonfightagainstpoverty.AbiographicalanalysisofJones’,Garcia’s,and
Rodriguez’spersonalhistoriesandracialformationinNewYorkandtheninBoston
shedlightonhowAfricanAmericansandLatinosbeganformingoverlappingidentities
asethnoracialothersinthecity.Inturn,theirracialandclass-basedidentitiesfueled
theiractiviststrategiesandformedthebasisofaninclusive,multiethnic/multiracial
community-organizingmodel.ImustnotethathereIchoosetoexplorethesesocial
worker-organizerlivesasawaytoexplainthemovement’semergingcoalitionspolitics,
nottoelevatetheirstatusasleadersnorprivilegethemmorethanotherlocalactivists.
***
HubieJoneswasbornin1933inNewYorkCity.Hisparents,likemanyother
AfricanAmericansatthetime,weremigrantsfromtheSouth,hismotherfromSouth
CarolinaandhisfatherfromMissouri.Infact,whenhismotherwassixteenyearsold,
sheandherfamilypackedupinthemiddleofthenightaftertheirneighborwaslynched
andmigratednorth.HisfatherwasaPullmanporterwhoworkedasanorganizerand
legaladvocatefortheBrotherhoodofSleepingCarPortersunion.Hewasclosefriends
andcoworkerswithlaborandcivilrightsleaderA.PhilipRandolph.Surroundedbysuch
60
prominentactivists,Jonesdevelopedanearlycommitmenttosocialjustice.Hewas
raisedintheworking-classAfricanAmericanneighborhoodoftheSouthBronx,which
wasundergoingdramaticchangesduringthisera,greatlyaffectedbytheinfluxofdrugs
andtheriseofstreetgangsandgrowingcrime.Hisfather’slabororganizingandhis
family’sworking-classbackgroundshapedJones’identitylongafterhehadleftNew
York.Hisclass-basedidentitywenthand-in-handwithhisracialone,andremainedeven
lateronwhenheexperiencedupwardmobilitythrougheducationandwasoften
perceivedbyothersasa“middleclassprofessional.”
IntheSouthBronx,JoneswasalsoexposedtosignificantLatinomigration,which
precededthatofBoston.HeworkedinaPuertoRicanbodegainhisneighborhood
duringhighschoolandfosteredkeyrelationshipsandfriendshipswithPuertoRicans.
HequicklyrealizedatayoungagethatLatinosfacedmanyofthesameissuesasblacks.
Atthe1930sand1940s,mostLatinosinNewYorkwerecategorizedas“black”and
subjecttothesamesegregationanddiscriminatorypracticesastheirAfricanAmerican
counterparts.Thus,Jonesdidnotunderstandthegrowingcompetitionandtensions
betweenthesegroupsinthecity,whichhelaterworkedtonotrepeatinBoston.These
earlyexperiencesandrelationshipsshapedhisgrowingracialandpoliticalideologies
anddevelopingactivistmind,whichwasthencultivatedfurtherincollege.
AttheCityCollegeofNewYork,Jonesstudiedundertheprominentblack
psychologistKennethClark,whoseresearchillustratedhowsegregationcaused
psychologicaldamagetoblackchildren.Clark’sresearchwouldcontributetotheBrown
vBoardofEducationcase,layingthegroundworkforthecourt’slandmark1954decision
thatoverturnedsegregationinpublicschools.Likehisfatherandlabororganizerslike
61
Randolph,ClarkhadaprofoundimpactonJones,whocametobelievethatsocialwork
wastheprofessionwherehecouldnotonlyhelpAfricanAmericanfamiliesbutalso
createrealsocialchange.Thus,in1955,upongraduatingfromcollege,Jonesdecidedto
pursueaMaster’sdegreeinSocialWorkandmovedtoBostontoattendBoston
University.
Asasocialworkstudent,Jonesmovedtoapredominantlyblackneighborhoodin
thenearbycityofCambridge.Helivedinaboardinghouseownedbyafamilyfriendfor
youngblackmenwhowereattendinggraduateorprofessionalschoolatHarvardbut
werenotpermittedtoliveontheraciallysegregatedcampus.Joneswasinspiredafter
heheardMartinLutherKing,Jr.speakatFordForumHallin1956.Hereflectedoverfifty
yearslaterthatwhenhewalkedout,he“feltlikehewaslevitating”andhemaintains
thatthismomentsealedhiscommitmenttosocialjustice.78Aftergraduatingfrom
BostonUniversityin1957withhisMaster’sdegreeinSocialWork,heworkedintwo
socialserviceorganizations,theBostonChildren’sServiceAssociationandJudgeBaker’s
GuidanceCenter.Thoughheenjoyedhiscolleaguesandfounditrewardingtoworkwith
disabledchildren,hebecamerestlessaftersevenyears.Helaterreflected,“HereIam
workinginNewtoninthemidstofthecivilrightsrevolution…Ijustwantedtofinda
waytogettoRoxbury,gettothecenterofitall.”79LikemostAfricanAmericansatthis
time,JonesknewthatRoxburywasnotonlythecenteroftheblackcommunitybecause
ofsegregatedhousingpractices,butalsowasthecenterofthefreedommovement.
Butitwasnotuntil1963thatJonesbegantotakeanactiveroleincommunity
78HubertJones,InterviewbyAuthor,Newton,MA,March16,2013[hereafter:JonesInterview].79Ibid.
62
organizing.1963wasadefiningmomentinBoston’scivilrightshistory.AsIexplainin
chapterfour,thiswasakeyyearinthemovementforschoolintegrationastheNAACP
andcommunityactivistspresentedonthepersistenteducationalinequalitiesinthe
schoolsysteminfrontoftheall-whiteBostonPublicSchoolCommittee.Thecommittee
refusedtoacknowledgeanyformofsegregationordifferentialhiringwithintheschools,
socommunityleadersturnedtodirectaction,holdingschoolboycottsandsit-ins.Hubie
Joneswasanactiveparticipantinthislocalmovementtoequalizeeducation,yetbegan
tothinkmorebroadlyabouttheconcernsoftheblackcommunity,strategizingwaysto
organizeamovementthataddressedmultipleissuesatonce.
Inthespringofthatyear,Joneswasspeakingwithoneofhissocialworker
friendsaboutthecivilrightsprotestsoccurringacrossthenationwhenhecameupwith
anidea.Heproposedthattheyshouldorganizeaone-daygeneralstrikeonthecityof
Bostontoprotestallformsofracialdiscriminationinthecity.Hisfriendthoughtthis
wasagreatideaandconnectedhimwithMelKing,acolleagueofhisfromtheUnited
SouthEndSettlements(USES).80KingservedastheYouthDirectoroftheUSESandwas
anestablishedcommunityactivistintheblackcommunity.KingsupportedJones’idea
andtogethertheybegantoorganizethe“STOPDay”boycott,whichtheyplannedfor
June26,1963.TheycalledonallAfricanAmericansandtheirwhitealliestostayhome
fromworkandtorefrainfromshoppingandridingtheMBTAsubwaysystem.Ifthey
couldnotstayhomebecausetheyfearedretaliationfromtheiremployers,theycould
wearablackarmbandtoexpresstheirsolidarity.Despitethegrowinginterestinthe
80TheUSESwasanothersocialserviceagencyinBostonthatwaslargelyledbyAfricanAmericans.LiketheRMSC,thisagencyfocusedoncommunitybuildingandprovidedessentialresourcesandservicestolocalresidents,yetitfocusedspecificallyontheSouthEndneighborhood.
63
“STOPDay,”someolder,moreestablishedactivistsintheblackcommunitywere
displeasedwithJones’suddenrisetoleadershipanddidnotsupportthe“STOPDay.”
TheNAACPinparticularopposedtheideaofaworkstoppage,andinsteadcalleditsown
demonstration,amemorialtotherecentlyslaincivilrightsleaderMedgarEvers.Though
JonesandKingknewthiswasanefforttothwarttheir“STOPDay,”theydecidedto
supporttheNAACPand,inagestureofsolidarity,theyplannedtomarchallthepeople
whostayedathomefor“STOPDay”toEvers’memorialservice.JonesandKingledthe
marchofalmost1,000peopledownColumbusAvenuethroughtheSouthEndsinging
“Freedom,Freedom”and“WeShallOvercome”totheBostonCommon.81
Organizing“STOPDay”andparticipatinginthemarchwasJones’publicentrance
intoactivismanditssuccessmotivatedhimtokeeporganizingwithinBoston’sblack
community.Whenheheardthatanewsocialserviceagencywasintheprocessofbeing
established,hejumpedattheopportunitytoworkthere.Hewashiredasitsfirst
AssistantDirectorin1965.
TheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter(RMSC)wasasocialserviceagencythat
emergedfromthecollaborativeeffortsofrepresentativesfromtheActionforBoston
CommunityDevelopment(ABCD),82theUnitedWay,theBostonRedevelopment
Authority(BRA),theCityofBoston,andtheRoxbury-NorthDorchestercommunity.The
representativesofthesegroupsandlocalcommunitymembersbegantodevelopaplan
foradirectserviceprojectthatwouldprovidenumerousresourcesandservicestotheir 81JonesInterview.82ABCDwasparticularlyinstrumentalintheRMSC’screation.ABCDwasestablishedin1962outofthemayor’sofficetorespondtothesocialproblemscreatedbythecity’srecenturbanrenewalprograms.Then,followingthepassingoftheEconomicOpportunityActin1964,whichwaspartofPresidentLyndonB.Johnson’sWaronPovertyandGreatSocietycampaign,thecityofBostondesignatedABCDasitsofficialantipovertyagency.
64
localcommunity.Theresultoftheirwork,"TheBostonYouthOpportunityProject:a
reportandaproposal,"wassubmittedbyABCDtothePresident'sCommitteeon
JuvenileDelinquencyandYouthCrimeinDecember1963.InNovember1964,theRMSC
wasincorporated.Onemonthlater,RMSCopeneditsdoorson317BlueHillAvenuein
Roxbury.
Duringitsfirstthreeyearsofoperation,theRMSCwasdevotedtostabilizing
familiesincrisisbyprovidingcase-by-caseinterventionforbothblackfamiliesand
individuals.Modeledafterthe19thcenturysettlementhouse,theRMSC’sgoalin1964
wastodemonstrate"thatavarietyofservicescouldbeintegratedandcoordinated
underoneroofandoneadministrativestructure,resultingintheeliminationofthe
fragmentationofindividualsandfamiliesamongavarietyofsocialwelfareandmental
healthagencies."83Initialprogramsweredesignedtorespondtoclients'immediate
needsbyprovidingemergencyfinancialassistance,employmentcounselingand
training,homedevelopment,neighborhoodimprovement,andassessmentand
counselingservices.
In1965,FriedaGarciamovedtoBostonand,likeHubieJones,wasdrawntothe
RoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter.GarciawasalsoatrainedsocialworkerandaNewYork
transplant.AbriefexaminationofGarcia’slifeshedslightonherracialandclassidentity
formation,activistinfluences,andsocialworktraining.Thesewouldallshapeherracial
andpoliticalidentityinBostonandareessentialtounderstandinghowshewouldlater
collaboratewithJonesandotherlike-mindedindividualstoenvisionamultiethnic/
83ProposalfortheDevelopmentoftheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenterOvertheNextFiveYears:1969-174,"RoxburyMulti-ServiceCenterRecords,Box1,Folder68,NU.
65
multiracialcoalitioncenteredonissuesofpoverty.
FriedaGarciawasbornin1933intheDominicanRepublic.Likemostother
Dominicans,herracialnarrativebeganwithnavigatingcolorismandracismwithinher
ownfamily.Hermotherwasthedarkest-skinnedoffoursistersandGarciawaswell-
awareofthisdifferenceearlyon.Shelaterreflectedthatherauntswere“superwhite”
with“pelomuerto”(deadhair).Garciahadalwaysbeenreferredtoasa“negrita”or
blackperson.ShemigratedtoNewYorkCityin1941attheageofeightwithhermother
andherbrother,seekingspecializedcareforhisdevelopmentaldisability.Garcia’s
familywasworking-class,buthermothermanagedtofindenoughmoneytomigrate,
determinedtoseekrefugeandindependenceintheU.S.farfromDominicanculturethat
frowneduponherdivorceandlifeasasinglemother.ThefamilymovedaroundNew
YorkCitybuteventuallysettledonManhattan’sUpperWestSide.Giventhewartime
economy,Garcia’smotherwasabletosecureworkasaseamstress,producingmilitary
garments.LikeJones,Garcia’sclass-basedidentityforgedinasingle-parenthousehold
stayedwithherevenasshenavigatedhighereducationandexperienced
professionalizationandupwardmobilitytobecomea“middleclass”socialworker.
Asachild,GarcialearnedEnglishquicklyandthoughshemadefriendswithafew
DominicansandPuertoRicans,shealsofosteredimportantrelationshipswithAfrican
Americansandsomefromotherimmigrantgroups,suchasItalians,whomshefelthad
similarexperiencestoher.Itwasinthisworking-classimmigrantneighborhoodwhere
shefirstlearnedhowtonavigatediverseurbanspaces.Likehermother,Garciasought
herownindependenceandinsistedonattendingaboardinghighschoolin1948.
Thoughtheylivedmodestly,hermotherworkedextratohelppayforpartofthetuition
66
costs.AtMountSaintDominicAcademyforGirlsinCaldwell,NewJersey,Garciawent
throughaninitialcultureshockandcriedforweeksfeelingoutofplaceinthiswealthy,
whiteprivilegedspace.Itwasthefirsttimeshefeltwhatitwasliketo“beAmerican,”
learningnewfoodsandcustoms.Yetsheeventuallysettledinandachieved
academically.Garcia’smotherlongedforherdaughtertohavealifebetterthanherown
inthefactoryanddreamedthatshewouldeventuallyfindprofessionalworkinanoffice
asasecretary.YetGarciaaspiredtoadifferentlifeforherselfafterhighschool,seekinga
collegedegreewithhopestopossiblypursueacareerinsocialwork.
GarciabegancollegeatFordhamUniversityinNewYorkCitybutquickly
droppedoutin1953attheageof20whenshemarriedamiddle-classDominicanman.
In1954,thecouplesettledforthreeyearsonherhusband’sfamilyfarminthe
DominicanRepublicwhereshestartedasmallschoolforthefarmworkers.Eventually,
themarriagefellapartandGarciadivorcedandmovedbacktoNewYorkCitytolive
withhermother.Sheworkedbrieflyasasecretaryandthendecidedtoreturntocollege.
GarciaenrolledintheNewSchoolforSocialResearchandwentpart-time,asshealso
workedfull-timeatasmallpublishingagency.Atwork,Garciamethersecondhusband,
awell-offwhiteJewishmanandarecentcollegegraduateofColumbiaUniversity.The
twomarriedin1963.Aftersixyearsofwork,GarciaeventuallyearnedherBachelor’s
Degreein1964.Soonafter,thenewcouplemovedtoChicagosoGarcia’shusbandcould
pursueaPh.D.inHistory.
InChicago,GarciafoundtemporaryworkforsixmonthsattheUniversityof
Chicagoasshestudiedforthesocialworkercertificationexam.Onceshepassed,she
immediatelybeganworkingfortheCookCountyDepartmentofWelfare.Hercasework
67
waslargelywithAfricanAmericanfamiliesstrugglinginextremepoverty.Hertimein
Chicagowasalearningexperienceparticularlyinthismomentofincreasedcivilrights
activismandurbanunrestinthecity.Then,in1965,Garcia’shusbandwasacceptedasa
transferintograduateschoolatHarvardUniversitysotheymovedtoBoston.
ThoughGarciahadnoideawhattoexpectinBoston,shehopedshecould
continuehercareerasasocialworker,sinceshefounditsorewardinginChicago.She
hadwrittentotheBostonDepartmentofWelfarepriortomoving,seekingoutanyopen
positions,butreceivednoresponse.Shehadtoretakethecertificationexamsoshe
couldworkinMassachusetts,butknewthatifhiredshewouldbegrantedpaidtimeoff
tostudyforit.Yetshestruggledtofindajobforthefirstfewmonths.Thissurprisedher
becauseshefeltqualifiedforanyopenpositiongivenherdegree,theexperienceshehad
gainedinChicago,andthefactthatshewasbilingual.Garcialatermaintainedthather
difficultyfindingworkwasrelatedtothediscriminatorypracticesofthecity’ssocial
serviceofficials.Sheexplained,“Atthattimethewelfare[system],liketheschoolsystem,
wascompletelydominatedbytheIrish.”84Eventually,shelandedaninterview,yetwas
takenabackwhenthewhitewomaninterviewingherspentalmosttheentiretime
askingheraboutherhusband.Theinterviewerrevealedcertainracialprejudices,
implyingthatablack-brownpersonlikeGarciacouldnotpossiblybemarriedto
84ItisimportanttonotethatGarciareferredtothe“Irish”looselyhereandthroughoutherinterviews,asdomanyBostoniansofcolor.Infact,the“Irish”asatermhascometorepresentaverydistinctpopulationofwhiteworking-classresidentswhohavecontrolledmostofthecity’sdepartments(welfare,schools,etc).ThoughmanyofthesepeoplemaybeofIrishdescent,heruseofthiswordismoreindicativeofherperceptionofawhiteCatholicpopulationthatbenefittedfromIrishCatholicpoliticalcloutinthecity.Italsorepresentedthepopulationwhoseownpersonalbigotedandprejudicedbeliefswerereflectedintheirracistanddiscriminatorysystemicpractices.ThusGarcia’suseof“dominatedbytheIrish”speaksvolumestohowBoston’sresidentsofcolorunderstoodpowerrelationsacrossthecity.FriedaGarcia,InterviewbyAuthor,Boston,MA,March1,2013[hereafter:GarciaInterview].
68
someonestudyingatHarvard.DespiteherracializedattitudetowardsGarcia,shedid
enduphiringher.
InSeptember1965,afterlessthanayearworkingfortheBostonDepartmentof
Welfare,GarciasawanadforasocialworkpositionatthenewlyopenedRoxburyMulti-
ServiceCenter.Shewasattractedtothepossibilityofservingthegrowingpopulationof
LatinosinRoxburyandrecognizedtheimmenseneedforsocialworkersofcolorinthis
neighborhood,whichwasevidentbythefoundingandincreasedactivismofMothersfor
AdequateWelfarewhohadstagedthesit-inprotestsatGroveHallthepreviousspring.
GarciarealizedthatasablackLatinasocialworker,shecouldtrulymakeadifferencefor
womenlikethesewhowerefedupwiththewhite-controlledpublicassistanceoffices
andlongedforcommunitycontroloftheseservices.TheRMSCwascommittedtohiring
themostqualifiedsocialworkersanddidnottypicallyconsiderapplicationsfrom
anyonewhodidnotholdaMaster’sinSocialWork.This,however,reflectedaclassbias
thatcontradictedtheorganization’smissionofcommunityempowerment.Despitethe
factthatGarciadidnothavethisgraduatedegree,Jonespushedtheboardtotakea
chanceonher.SincetheRMSCneededstaffmemberstorespondtotheneedsofthe
rapidlygrowingLatinocommunityofRoxbury,Garciastoodoutasanapplicantsince
shewasexperienced,fluentinSpanish,andfamiliarwiththeissuesfacedbynewly
arrivedimmigrants.ShewashiredandbecameoneoftheRMSC’stwoSpanish-speaking
socialworkersandtheagency’sfirst“CoordinatorofSpanishPrograms.”
Asabrown-skinnedwomanwithtextured,unprocessed(natural)hair,itwas
difficultformanyBostonianstoeasilyidentifyGarcia’srace.Onenightinthelate1960s
duringoneofthecity’surbanriots,forexample,Garciaattemptedtoattendameeting
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organizedbylocalAfricanAmericanactivistsbutwasaskedatthedoortoremoveher
headscarfandshowherhairtoproveshewas“reallyblack.”Shewassurprisedbecause
shefeltshealreadyhadestablishedareputationintheblackcommunitythroughher
workattheRMSCyetshereluctantlyshowedherhair,passedthetestandwas
admitted.85MomentslikethisillustratehowAfricanAmericansinBostonwereunsure
abouthowtoraciallyclassifyLatinos.ManyAfricanAmericansconsideredGarcia
“Hispanic”or“Spanish-speaking,”butseparatedherfromotherLatinosbecauseofher
seeminglackofforeignness.Unlikerecentmigrantsinthecity,shespokeEnglish
fluentlywithoutanaccentandwasveryAmericanized,havingmigratedandbecomea
U.S.citizenasachild.
Garciadidnotfitneatlyintothecity’sblackorLatinopopulationsandthis
affordedherauniqueopportunitytoworkinbothgroupsandbringthemtogetherin
herroleattheRMSC.AsaDominicanmigrantinNewYork,shedevelopedadistinct
racialidentity,whichhistorianJesseHoffnung-Garskofexplained:
Whilethenewmigrantstookmanypathstolocalracialidentities,itisfairtosaythatDominicans,asagroup,becameNewYorkerswho,whileheldtoberaciallydistinctfromwhites,werenotsimplycollapsedintotheexitingcategoriesofAfricanAmericanandPuertoRican.Dominicanbecameakindofpersononecouldbe,initsownright.ItalsobecameasubsetofboththebroadercategoryofHispanic(orLatino)andevenbroadercategoryofracialminority.86
AswasthecaseinNewYork,Garciawasnotsimplycollapsedintotheexisting
categoriesofAfricanAmericanandPuertoRicaninBoston.ShewasaDominicanwho
stoodoutinmanywaysfromtherestoftheLatinopopulationinthecity.
85GarciaInterview.86JesseHoffnung-Garskof,TaleofTwoCities:SantoDomingoandNewYorkAfter1950(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2008),99.
70
Garciaself-identifiedasablackDominicananddevelopedanincreasinginterest
inherAfricanheritageovertheyears.WithintheDominicanRepublic’sracial
classificationsystemandhierarchies,Garciahadalwaysbeenreferredtoasa“negrita”
orblackperson,sothiswasnotnewstatusforherwhenshearrivedintheUnitedStates.
SheembracedthisidentityandfosteredallianceswithAfricanAmericansbasedon
sharedblacknessandasenseofracialandpoliticalsolidarity.Thisidentitywasalso
fueledbyherearlyworking-classclassidentity.Lateron,afterdivorcinghersecond
husbandin1970,shedevelopedarelationshipwithprominentAfricanAmericancivil
rightsactivistByronRushing,whohadbeeninvolvedinmanymovementsthroughout
thecity.HerpartnershipwithRushingpersonifiedhercommitmenttoblack-brown
unityandservedasapublicrepresentationofherinclusive,multiethnic/multiracial
politics.Thisalsofurtheredherabilitytoworkwithinpredominantlyblack
neighborhoodsandwithrespectedblackactivists.
JonesandGarciawerecommittedtoservingboththeAfricanAmericanand
LatinopopulationsofRoxbury.Fortwoyears,theyworkedintheRoxburyMulti-Service
Centerstabilizingblackandbrownfamiliesincrisisbyprovidingcase-by-case
interventionandessentialservices.WhenJonesbecametheRMSC’sExecutiveDirector
in1967,herefocusedtheorganizationonaddressingpoverty,whichhebelievedwasthe
rootoftheneighborhood'sinabilitytoovercomesocialandeconomicbarriers.Herehe
begantoleadthechargeinthegreaterblack-brownantipovertymovementinthecity.
Jonesespousedanewphilosophyofself-determinationthroughtwotypesofprograms:
oneaimedatcommunitydevelopmentandtheotherfocusedonindividualneeds.
Communitydevelopmentprogramsincludedhousingrehabilitationandownership,
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tenantadvocacyprograms,andcrimeandsafetyprograms.Individualneedsprograms
includedassessmentandcounseling,programsforresidentswithmentalhealthissues,
andtheestablishmentofasummercampandafterschoolenrichmentprogramsfor
children.IntheRMSC,JonesandGarciaalsoaidedotherorganizationsandlocal
movementsandprovidedsupportduringthecity’surbanriots,whichwerepromptedby
eventssuchastheMAWwelfarerightsdemonstrationsandtheassassinationofMartin
LutherKing,Jr.Overtime,theorganizationbegantofocusoneducationalinequalitiesin
thecity.TheRMSCdevelopedaprojecttostudyBostonPublicSchoolsandthis
highlightsJonesandGarcia’songoingcommitmenttoaddressingtheneedsofboth
blacksandLatinosintheneighborhood.
AsIdescribeinmoredetailinchapterfour,JonesandtheRMSCstafforganized
theTaskForceonChildrenthatinvestigatedtheperformanceoftheBostonPublic
Schools.In1971,theTaskForcepublishedthereportTheWayWeGoToSchool:The
ExclusionofChildreninBostonwhichrevealedthat10,000ormorechildrenwere
systematicallyexcludedfromBostonPublicSchoolsorwerewarehousedinclassrooms
orschoolsthatprovidedinferiororcustodialcare.Thebulkofthesechildrenwere
“Spanish-speaking,”mainlyPuertoRican.Thereportalsostressedhowexclusionfrom
schoolledtounemployment,poverty,andjuveniledelinquencyamongLatinos.To
addressthispopulationinparticular,theTaskForceadvocatedforthehiringofSpanish-
speakingteachersandassistantsandtheexpansionofthecity’sbilingualeducation
programs.
ThereporthadaprofoundeffectontheBostonPublicSchoolsandonlocaland
nationallaws.In1971,Massachusettspassedthenation’sfirstbilingualeducationlaw,
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andin1972thefirstspecialeducationlaw,whichservedasthemodelforthefirst
federalspecialeducationlaw,passedin1975.TheTaskForcebecameknownasthe
MassachusettsAdvocacyCenter,nowcalledtheMassachusettsAdvocatesforChildren.
ThisstruggleforeducationalequalityhighlightsJonesandGarcia’sinclusivemodelof
racialminoritypoliticsthataddressedthespecificneedsofboththeAfricanAmerican
andLatinocommunitiesofthecity.Italsoservesasaprimeexampleoftheorganizing
potentialandpoweroftheirblack-browncoalition,whichwasemergingintheRoxbury
Multi-ServiceCenter.
OnekeyLatinoleaderintheTaskForcewasAlexRodriguez,whowasalsoaNew
Yorktransplant,asocialworker,andemergingactivistleaderinBostonduringthe
1960s.Rodriguezwasbornin1941inNewYorkCitytoPuertoRicanmigrantparents.
Theyoungestofninechildren,hegrewupinadiverseworking-classneighborhoodin
Brooklyn.HisbuildingwasovercrowdedwithlargePuertoRicanfamilies,thoughthere
weremanyAfricanAmericans,Jews,andMiddleEasternimmigrantsonhisstreetas
well.Asachildraisedduringthe1940sand1950s,Rodriguezlaterarguedtherewas
littleroomtoestablishanindividualracialidentity,therathersimpleblack-whitebinary
ofNewYorkCitydictatedones’race.Heexplained,“Youwereeitherwhiteorblack.My
motherwasblack,soIwasblack.”87Eventhoughhewaslight-skinnedandcouldpassas
manydifferentraces/ethnicities,hesportedhis“big,kinkyhair”inalargeafrowhich
facilitatedhisblackidentity.Heclarifiedrepeatedlythathisblacknesswasnotachoice,
87Atthismomentinanoverfour-houroralhistory,itisimportanttonotethatAlexRodriguezturnedtome(theauthor)andsaid,“Youknowyouareblacktoo.Doesn’tmatteryourskintone,therewereno‘Latinos’or‘Hispanics.’Youwould’vebeenconsideredblacktoo.”AlexRodriguez,SkypeInterviewbyAuthor,October8,2015[hereafter:RodriguezInterview].
73
itwasthrustuponhimandheembracedit,despitetheobstaclesthatoftencamewithit.
“Whenyou’recalledthen-wordallyourlife,”heexplained,“whenyou’rediscriminated
againstasakid,whenyou’renotinvitedtocertainparties,whenyouknowwhat’sgoing
on,whenyouknowhowyou’resupposedtowalkonthestreet,whenyouknowwhich
streetsyoucan’twalkon,whenyouhavetojoinagangtoprotectyourselfagainstthe
guyswhowerechasingyoudownthestreetyellingthe‘n-word,’youknow,itmakesa
solidimpressiononwhoyouare.”Hecontinued,“SowhenIhadtochoosemy
identification,Ichosemymother’sidentification.Ididn’tcareaboutthecolorofmy
skin.”88Thisstatementhighlightsthecomplicatedandoftencontradictorynatureof
racialidentityformation.WhileRodriguezclaimedthathisblacknesswasnotachoice,
helaterexplainedthathe“chose”hismother’sidentification.Byhighschool,Rodriguez
hadbeguntoforgekeyrelationshipswithAfricanAmericansanddevelopedaninterest
intheemergingcivilrightsmovement.Hebeganhisactivistworkbyformingastudent
grouptoboycottWoolworth’sstoresinsolidaritywiththesouthernprotests.
AftergraduatingfromGoddardCollegeinVermontandcompletinggraduate
workatIndianaUniversity,RodriguezmovedtoBostonin1965andsettledintothe
SouthEndneighborhood,wherehedealtwiththerealitiesofsegregatedurbanliving.He
explainedthatthesmallnumbersofAfro-Latinosinthecityduringthistimelivedalmost
exclusivelyintheSouthEndorRoxbury.Hecommented,“Youcouldn’tliveinSouth
Boston,you’dgetkilledthere.Youcouldn’tliveinwhiteDorchester,theywouldlynch
you!”LikeFriedaGarcia,hebeganorganizinginthecommunityasasocialworkerfor
blacksocialserviceorganizationsliketheUnitedSouthEndSettlements(USES)andthe 88RodriguezInterview.
74
HattieB.CooperCommunityCenter.Helaterreflectedthathedidnotfeelhisidentityas
aPuertoRicanorLatinosocialworkerplacedhimasanoutsidernornegatively
impactedhisworkinthesepredominantlyAfricanAmericanspaces.Heexplained,“I
wasn’taLatinosocialworker.Iwasasocialworker.Iidentifiedmyselfasblack.Iwas
black.”89AshebegandevelopingrelationshipsinBostonwithotherPuertoRicans,he
begantoemergeasaleaderinoneofBoston’sfirstLatinoorganizations,APCROSS.
APCROSS,theAssociationPromotingConstitutionalRightsoftheSpanish-Speaking,was
establishedin1967andworkedtocreateamorepowerfulpoliticalpresenceforPuerto
RicansandLatinosinBoston,targetingagenciesthatwereexcludingLatinos.Rodriguez
wasoneoftheorganization’sfoundingmembersandleaders,helpingtoregisterPuerto
Ricanvotersacrossthecityandtosecurefundingtodevelopsocialserviceprogramsin
theSouthEndneighborhood.ThisPuertoRicannationalistorganizationandotherslike
itbegantoemergeinthelate1960sandearly1970sandthreatenedeffortstoorganize
acrosspan-Latinogroupsandformblack-Latinocoalitions.
II.AntipovertyCoalitionBuilding&Crumbling
ThoughHubieJonesmadeasignificantefforttoconsidertheLatinocommunity
inRoxburybyhiringSpanish-speakingsocialworkersandthroughtheTaskForce,
FriedaGarciaplayedaleadingroleinpushingtheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCentertofind
concretewaystoaddressthespecificneedsofthispopulation.InJanuary1970,Garcia
madeapresentationonthegrowthoftheLatinopopulationattheRMSC’sAnnual
Board/StaffInstituteandarguedthattheagencywasnotprovidingenoughsupportto 89RodriguezInterview.
75
meetthecommunity’sneeds.AfterGarcia’spresentation,thequestionbecamewhether
ornottheRMSCshouldtrytoincreasethenumberofbilingualstaffmembersandwork
withintheexistingstructureoftheorganizationtomeettheneedsoftheLatino
populationortohelpthe“Spanish-speaking”communitycreateitsownmulti-service
center.TheanswertothisquestioncamesoonafterwhenFriedaGarciabecameaware
ofanewgroupcalledtheSpanishAlliance.
In1968,AnaMariaRodriguezandBetsyTregar,ESLteachersattheWinthrop
ElementarySchoolintheneighboringareaofDorchester,organizedtheSpanishAlliance
inresponsetothegrowingneedsoftheirimpoverishedLatinostudents.WhenGarcia
learnedaboutthisgroup,shebroughtittotheattentionofJonesandtheRMSCwhoall
agreedthattheyshouldsupportthisexistingorganizationandhelpitbecomeaseparate
Latino-runmulti-servicecenter.JonesandGarciapushedtheideaofaseparatecenter
strategicallytoseekoutadditionalfundingsources.SincetherewasnotaLatino
organizationinRoxbury,bothfelttheycouldmakeastrongcaseforanewmulti-service
centerandsecurefundingthroughthecity’sModelCitiesAdministration,whichwas
establishedunderPresidentJohnson’sDemonstrationCitiesandMetropolitan
DevelopmentActof1966.
UnlikeotherLatinoorganizationsinBostonlikeAPCROSS,whichwerealmost
exclusivelyPuertoRican,Garciapromotedapan-Latinoracialandpoliticalidentityoften
termed“Hispanic”or“Spanish-speaking.”90RodriguezwasaMexicanAmericanwoman
90InadditiontoAPCROSSthatwasestablishedin1967,otherpredominantlyPuertoRicanorganizationsthatemergedduringthelate1960sandearly1970sinBostonincludedtheSpanishFederation,IBA(InquilinosBoricuasenAccion),LaSociedadLatina,thePuertoRicanEnteringandSettlingService(PRESS),andtheHispanicOfficeofPlanningandDevelopment(HOPE).
76
fromCaliforniasoshealsodidnotfitinthelargelyPuertoRicancommunityandBetsy
Tregarwasawhitewoman.Moreover,bothwomenwerecommittedtobringing
togetherLatinosofdifferentnationalities.TogetherthethreeestablishedLaAlianza
Hispana(LAH)in1970.Theagency’snameservedasatestamenttoGarcia’svisionand
hercommitmenttothisnew,inclusiveorganizingmodel.JonesloanedGarciaouttoact
asLAH’sfirstDirector.In1971,shesoughtoutfundstosetupastorefrontoffice,and
usingRMSCasaconduit,shesecureda$33,000grantfromtheBoston'sModelCities
Administrationfollowingasmallsit-inattheModelCitiesoffice.Thoughstruggling
financially,theRMSCalsoraisedanadditional$8,000forthenewmulti-servicecenter,
whichillustratedJones’commitmenttoLatinosinBostonandtothesuccessoftheLAH.
Thisallowedtheagencytoexpanditsoperationsandservices.
EvenastheLAHbegantogainadministrativeandfiscalautonomyfromthe
RMSC,bothboardsremainedcommittedtomaintainingameaningfulrelationshipand
supportingoneanother.Rodriguez,theLAHPresident,explainedinaletterin1971:
“Ourinterestnowisinmaintainingandcultivatingtherelationshipinorderthatthe
BlackandHispaniccommunitiesmaymovetogetheroncommonconcernsand
interest.”91Theorganizationsdidnotjustsupporteachothersymbolically,butdidso
literally;theRMSCloanedofficestoLAH’sbookkeepingdepartment.Thetwogroups
physicallysharedspaceandworkedwithoneanother.Also,theRMSCaidedthe
organizationaldevelopmentoftheLAHinnumerouswayssuchasprovidingstaff
training.Staffmembersofbothorganizationsevenattendedeachother’sboard
91AnaMariaDiamond(neéRodriguez)toJohnD.O’Bryant,September20,1971,Box1,Folder21,Coll.M55,LaAlianzaHispanaRecords,NU.
77
meetings.Together,Garcia,Jones,theLAH,andtheRMSCworkedtoupliftandempower
theblack-browncommunityofRoxbury.
TheestablishmentofLaAlianzaHispanaoutoftheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter
andtheircontinuedsupportforoneanotherwasthecenterofGarciaandJones’ongoing
antipovertycoalition-buildingprojectandupbuildingprocess.Theybroughttogether
leadersoftheAfricanAmericanandLatinocommunities,promotinganinclusivemodel
ofethnoracialminoritypolitics.Theyalsosupportedotherpoliticalandsocial
organizationsandwerebothmembersoftheBostonBlackUnitedFront(BUF),an
umbrellagroupledbymilitantblacknationalists.TheBUFbelievedinblacksolidarity
andpromotedablackdiasporic,internationalistconsciousnessthatsoughttounite
AfricanAmericansandAfro-LatinosinBoston.SomeevenreferredtoLatinosas
“Spanishspeakingblackbrothers”andmaintainedtheywerealldescendentsfrom
Africa.Forexample,theBUF’sPoliticalDirectorargued:
InrealityifweuseAfricaasameasuringstickastowhatisblack,thenour Caribbeanbrotherswouldqualifymorethanwe.WeareONEPEOPLE.
Historyisresponsibleforthis.Wecannotchangeit.Whatwecandoiscorrecttheillsthathishistoryhascreated.WhetherweareAfro-Americans,Dominicans,Jamaicans,Cubans,PuertoRicans,Haitianorwhateverweare,weareBLACK.92
ThisdiasporicideologyattractedJonesandGarciawhowerealreadypromotingan
inclusivemultiethnic/multiracial,class-basedpoliticalmodel.Theyprovidedspacefor
andparticipatedintheUnitedFront’smeetingsandjoinedtaskforcesandcommittees.
Theyalsoralliedwiththeminprotestsagainstissuessuchaspolicebrutality.Theyalso
92ObalajiiRust,“WhatisBlack?”Box1,Folder"StatementofCommitment,Demands,Purpose,"Coll.SC1,BostonBlackUnitedFrontRecords,RoxburyCommunityCollege.Emphasisinoriginal.
78
playedactiverolesinUnitedFronteventslike“BlackSolidarityDayAgainstRacismand
Oppression,”heldonMalcolmX’sbirthdayinMay,whereJonesevenspokeandleada
workshop.93ItisinterestingtonotethatLaAlianzaHispanaevencalledtheholiday
“BlackandPuertoRicanSolidarityDay”initsinternaldocuments,whichwasa
testamenttohowLAHviewedtheUnitedFront’ssolidarityefforts.94WhiletheBUFsaw
thedayasoneinclusiveofallblackandAfricandescendedpeoplesinthediasporic,
internationalistsense,LaAlianzadrewadistinctionbetweenblackandPuertoRicansas
differentfromoneanotherbutworkinginsolidarity.
Yet,theblack-brownantipovertycoalitionfashionedbymiddle-classsocial
workersofcolorlikeHubieJonesandFriedaGarciainnewsocialserviceorganizations
liketheRMSCandLAH,wasinmanywaysaheadofitstimeinBoston.Coalitionbuilding
wasdifficultandhardtosustain.ThisbecameevidentassomeAfricanAmericansand
Latinosresistedandchallengeditsveryexistence.Someracial,ethnic,class,andgender
divisionsandconflictsemergedandthreatenedthestabilityofthisraceandclass-based
coalition.
OneexampleofthesedivisionswastheattempttosplitLaAlianzaHispanaand
theRMSCduringnegotiationsforincreasedfundingforLAHin1971.Theblackdirector
oftheBostonModelCitiesProgram,PaulParks,commented,“Youknow,theblack
communityisgoingtobereallyangryifthisgroup[Latinos]getsallthismoney,”
referringtothe$500,000grantLAHhadsecured.TheModelCitiesprogramwaslargely
controlledbyAfricanAmericansatthistimeandthisstatementrevealedParks’concern
93“AgendaforBlackSolidarityDayAgainstRacismandRepressionDay,”May19,1970,Box1,Folder“BlackSolidarityDay,”Coll.SC1,BostonBlackUnitedFrontRecords,RoxburyCommunityCollege.94“Holidays,”Box1,Folder21,Coll.M55,LaAlianzaHispanaRecords,NU.
79
aboutcompetitionoverfundsbetweenblackandLatinoorganizations.Thissurprised
Garcia,butbeforeshecouldrespond,Jonesintervened:“Whatblackcommunity?Who
areyoutalkingabout?Whatagencies?”ParkswastakenabackbythissinceJones
representedtheleadingblackagencyinthecityandtheconservationendedthere.95
Jones’gestureofsolidarityillustratedhisfullsupportforGarciaandtheLAH.This
momentwasaclearrepresentationofhiscommitmenttotheLatinocommunityof
Roxburyandtotheblack-brownantipovertycoalitionhehadhelpedcreate.Butitalso
reflectedsomefeelingsofseparationbetweenLatinoandAfricanAmericanleaders.
PuertoRicanAPCROSSleaderTonyMolinalaterreflected,“Bostonintheearly70swasa
very,veryracistcity.”Hecontinued,“Andunfortunatelytheracismdidn’tonlyexist
fromwhitesagainstLatinos,butalsotheblackcommunitywasagainstus,becausethey
thoughtweweretakingwhatbelongedtothem.”96
Thecoalition’sgreatestcriticsthoughwerenot,infact,AfricanAmericansatall,
butratherlight-skinnedPuertoRicanprofessionalsofBoston,whoprivilegedtheir
nationalistidentities.Growingfeelingsofbitternesssurfacedoverwhattheyfeltwasa
disproportionateamountoffundinggiventoAfricanAmericanorganizationsfrom
Boston’sWaronPovertyprograms.LeadersinorganizationssuchasAPCROSSandthe
EmergencyTenant’sCouncil(ETC)97wereespeciallyvocalaboutthisarguing,“When
95Garcia,InterviewbyAuthor.96TonyMolina,quotedinBlancaBonillaandVeronicaWells,DosIdiomas,UnaComunidad/TwoLanguages,OneCommunity(CenterforArtistryandScholarship:2016).97In1965,theBostonRedevelopmentAuthority(BRA)adoptedtheSouthEndRenewalPlan,whichintendedtorevitalizealargelyPuertoRicanareacalledParcel19.ThecommunityfaceddisplacementsoactivistsorganizedagrassrootsgroupcalledInquilinosBoricuasenAcción(PuertoRicanTenantsAssociationorIBA).In1968,thegroupincorporatedunderthenameEmergencyTenantsCouncilofParcel19(ETC).Thisstruggleforaffordablehousingisoutlinedinthefollowingchapter.“HistoricalNote,”InquilinosBoricuasenAcciónRecords,NU.
80
youtalkpovertymoney,youtalkblackmoney.”98Whilesomeanimositywasdirectedat
thegovernmentagenciesdistributingfunds,muchofitwasdirectedattheAfrican
Americancommunityitself.IsraelFeliciano,directoroftheETC,explainedtotheGlobe,
“Wehavebeenusedbytheblacks.TheyusetheSpanishnametosayweareallblack,
andwhentheygetthemoneynoneofitreachesus.”99Othersechoedtheseconcernsthat
theAfricanAmericanandLatinocommunitiesweregroupedtogetherandthatthis
favoredblackresidents.“Hell,thepoliticalstructureinMassachusettshasdecidedthe
PuertoRicanandSpanishcommunityispartoftheblackcommunity,”IvanGonzalez
argued.100“Andthat’swhywehaven’treceivedanyfunds:theyfiguredthatwhenthey
gavetotheblackcommunitytheyweregivingtous,andthat’snottrue.Whatblack
agencyhasgivenusanymoneyatall?None!”101
ManyofthesePuertoRicanmaleleaderswerenotonlyresentfulofAfrican
Americansinthecity,butalsodidnotsupportFriedaGarciabecauseshewasDominican
andwereintimidatedbytherapidgrowthandsuccessofLaAlianzaHispanaandits
abilitytosecureWaronPovertyfunding.Onemomenthighlightedtheseinter-ethnic
98AlfredoDeJesus,quotedinNathanCobb,“HowBoston’sSpanishspeakinghopetoemerge,”BostonGlobe,December20,1970,A3.99IsraelFeliciano,quotedinCobb,“HowBoston’sSpanishspeakinghopetoemerge,”A3.100IvanGonzalezwasbornandraisedinPuertoRico,workingasaninventorycontrolmanagerandlaborleaderinSanJuanbeforemigratingtoNewYorkCity.HeservedthreeyearsasaU.S.marineandthenmovedtotheRoxburyneighborhoodofBostonin1967toworkasaSmallBusinessSpecialistfortheSouthEndNeighborhoodActionProgram(SNAP).Hewasarrestedonallegationsofanarchyin1967andacquitted.Gonzalezco-foundedAPCROSSwithTonyMolinaandAlfredoDeJesusand,in1968,wasappointedasaspecialassistanttoMayorKevinWhite,servingasaliaisonbetweenthecityandtheLatinocommunity.Gonzalezwasanoutspoken,controversialleaderwhomanyarguedwantedcompletepoweroverthePuertoRican/LatinocommunityofBoston.Ina1970Globearticlehewasquotedsaying,“Itriedtoemergetwoyearsago,butpeopleherehavetheideathatpowershouldbedistributedequally.”Hediedin1975attheageof39.IvanGonzalez,quotedinCobb,“HowBoston’sSpanishspeakinghopetoemerge,”A3.Seealso:AndreaTaylor,“GonzalezRepresentsPuertoRicans,”BayStateBanner,March7,1968,1;“GonzalezNamedAidetoSargent,”BostonGlobe,August13,1969,37;“Obituaries:IvanGonzales,at39,BostonHispanicLeader,”BostonGlobe,October1,1975,40.101Ibid.
81
tensions.InameetingattheMayor’sOfficeofHumanRightsaimedtopromoteunity
amongdifferentminoritygroupsinthecity,Garciawasaskedtojoinacommitteeto
studywaystoimproveraceandethnicrelations.George“Chico”Muñoz,aPuertoRican
manwhoworkedforthisofficefortheMayorandwasaleaderinAPCROSS,adamantly
opposedGarcia’sappointmentonthebasisthatshewasnotPuertoRicanandcreateda
sceneinthemeeting.HispublicattackpromptedGarciatoresignfromtheboardof
APCROSS.Inherresignationlettersheexplained:
Asanimmigrant,IhadcometoexpectacertainamountofdiscriminationfromthosepeopletowhomIrepresentedsomethingforeign,somethingundesirableandsecondclass.Ineverexpectedtomeetthiskindofdiscriminationfromthosewhosharedmylanguage,mycolor,andinmanywaysmyhistory…BoardMembersofAPCROSShaveusedmyDominicannessasaweaponinattemptstounderminemyeffectivenessonbehalfoftheSpanish-Speakingcommunity.102
ThismomentdemonstrateshowGarcia,asaDominican,wasinsomewaysconsidered
anoutsiderintheLatinocommunity.Whileinsomenortherncitiestherewere
significanttensionsandcompetitionsbetweenAfricanAmericansandLatinos,Garcia
laterreflectedthatshewitnessedmuchlargerdivisionsbetweenLatinogroupsin
Bostonduringthistime.TherewereresentmentsbetweenLatinogroupsoverfunding,
andGarciaevenheardrumorsthatsomePuertoRicanleadersplannedtointimidateher
withaviolentattack,butultimatelydecidednottosincetheyfearedretaliationfromthe
blackcommunity,whotheyassumedwoulddefendhersinceshehadalwaysbeenan
ally.TherewereotherreasonsthatfueledtheconflictbetweenGarciaandotherleaders.
InadditiontoherDominicanidentity,sheproudlyidentifiedasblack,whereas
102Letter,FriedaGarciatoConchitaRodriguez,February3,1972,Box11,Folder34,Coll.M55,LaAlianzaHispanaRecords,NU.
82
shearguedthatmanylight-skinnedPuertoRicanleadersdidnot.Garciaexplainedthat
shefeltthattheconservative,“macho”PuertoRicanmenwhoranAPCROSSdefined
largelyaswhiteLatinos.Sincetheseorganizationswereledalmostentirelybymen,
Garciaalsofeltstronglythanhergenderidentityplayedaroleintheirdisapproval,
arguingthattheywerethreatenedbyawomaninaleadershiprole.BetsyTregar,who
helpedfoundLaAlianzaHispana,explainedthattheirinitialsuccesswasduetothese
genderedstereotypes.She,AnaMariaRidriguez,andFriedaGarciawereabletoorganize
becauseAPCROSSdidnottakethemseriously.Sheexplained,“Becauseweweretheface
thattheysaw,asthreewomen,theydidn’tseeusasathreat.Sowewereabletoget
moreestablishedasagroupbeforetheygotalarmed.”Lateron,sheexplained,“What
couldthreewomendothatcouldbeanythreattothesemachoguys?”103EvenAlex
Rodriguez,aleaderinAPCROSS,agreedwiththisanalysis.Heexplainedthatthiswas
notthefirsttimetheorganizationsoughttodiscreditwomenleaderspointingtothefact
thatnotlongbeforethisinteraction,themenofthegrouphadfiredtheirleaderJenny
Rodriguezsimplybecauseshewasawoman.AlexRodriguezexplained,“Theywere
sexisttothehills!Fortheseguys,womenweresupposedtobebarefoot,naked,andin
thekitchen.That’swheretheycamefrom.TheywereNeanderthals!”104Rodrigueztried
toworkwiththeAPCROSSmenbutdistancedhimselffromthemisogynisticleadersof
groupsandstruggledtoseeeyetoeyeonthisissueofraceandnationalist(sincehe,like
Garcia,alsoidentifiedasblackandsawthevalueofpan-Latinoand
multiethnic/multiracialorganizing).
103BetsyTregar,InterviewbyAuthor,CambridgeMA,November23,2015[hereafter:TregarInterview].104RodriguezInterview.
83
RodriguezexplainedthoughthatthestruggleforpowerintheLatinocommunity
extendedbeyondgenderissues,“Theywantedcontrolbecausetheythoughtthatpower
camewiththosepositions,thatifyouhadthosepositionsthenyouwerethe
spokespersonfortheneighborhoodandforthecommunityandyougotontelevision
andyougotsomeperks.”105BetsyTregarechoedthissentimentexplainingthegroup
“reallywantedanythinghappeninganyplaceelsetobeabranchofAPCROSS.”106She
arguedthatthestruggleforpowerandoverturfwassostrongthatAPCROSShad
effectivelystoppedanypotentialorganizingbyotherLatinogroupsinother
neighborhoodslikeJamaicaPlain.Rodriguezarguedthatevenwhentheentireroomwas
fulloflightskinnedor“white-passing”middle-classPuertoRicanmen,therewerestill
conflictsthatarosethatthreatenedtheircommunitywork.Rodriguezexplainedthat
therewasdebateaboutwhatpartoftheislandofPuertoRicoeachmembercamefrom
andthat“youhadtobefromAguadillaorSanJuan”tobeconsidereda“true”Puerto
RicaninBoston.107SinceRodriguezwasborninNewYorkCity(notontheisland)and
wasnotfluentinSpanish,heoftenlostsomecredibilityor“authenticity”inthese
crowds.Hewasalsomarriedtoawhitewoman,whichdistancedhimselffromthecenter
oftheLatinocommunitybutpushedhimfurtherintotheheartofemerging
multiethnic/multiracialcoalitionnetworks.HisSouthEndtownhomebecameacenterof
black-brownmiddle-classprofessionalsociallifeandorganizing,drawingalargearray
ofleadersfromacrosstheAfricanAmerican,Latino,white,andAsiancommunitiesof
Boston.
105Ibid.106TregarInterview.107RodriguezInterview.
84
FriedaGarcia,ontheotherhand,distancedherselffromPuertoRican
organizations,andevenbegantoexperiencetensionsevenwithinLaAlianzaHispana.
Bytheendof1973,GarciafeltthatmanystaffmembersofLAHwantedaPuertoRican
Directorsosheresignedandleftin1974.Thissparkeddramaticchangesinthe
leadershipoftheorganizationasnumerousstaffmemberswhowerenotPuertoRican
werefiredorforcedtoresign.LAH,onceasymbolofpan-Latinosolidarity,becamea
PuertoRicanorganizationlikemostothersinthecity,ledlargelybylight-skinned,
middle-classmenwhoprivilegedtheiridentityasPuertoRicannationalistsoverany
broadercoalitionalonebasedonrace,ethnicity,orclass.
ThoughJoneshadresignedfromtheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenterin1971to
workinhighereducation,theagencycontinuedtoservetheLatinopopulationof
RoxburyandsupportLaAlianzaHispana.ItwasnotuntilLAHunderwenttheshiftin
leadershipbetween1974and1975thatthisworkingrelationshipweakened.The
conflictsanddivisionsbetweentheLatinocommunitycontributedgreatlytothedemise
ofGarciaandJones’originalblack-brownantipovertycoalitionandtheybothmoved
ontonewendeavors.Rodriguez,ontheotherhand,beganshiftingfromgrassroots
organizingintolocalelectoralpolitics.
Conclusion
Theblack-browncommonfightagainstpovertyheldthegreatestpotentialfor
multiethnic/multiracialcooperationinBostonduringthe1960s.AfricanAmericanand
LatinosocialworkerslikeJones,Garcia,andRodriguez,allNewYorktransplantswho
wereraisedaspoorandworking-classbutfoundupwardmobilityinBoston,forged
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overlappingethnoracialandpoliticalidentitiesinthecity.Supportingoneanother,they
soughttoupbuildtheblack-browncommunitiesofthecity.Inthewakeofthecity’s
“urbancrisis,”thehistoryoftheblack-brownantipovertymovementrevealsbotha
rangeoforganizersaswellasdiversestrategiesofprotestanduplift.Theemerging
black-brownleadershiputilizedideasofself-helpandcommunitycontroltodevelop
theirownsocialserviceorganizations.
Althoughthesemultiethnic/multiracialcollaborationsandcoalitionswere
unstableattimesandthreatenedbydivisionsofclass,race,nation,andgender,these
strugglesaroundpovertyandtheestablishmentofindependentblack-brownsocial
serviceorganizationswerethecenteroftheupbuildingprocessinblack-brown
neighborhoodsofBostonsuchasRoxburyandDorchester.Thisprocesswasclass-based
asitwasledbymiddle-classsocialworkersbutitwasalsoagenderedonethat
privilegedmaleleadership.Theinstitutionsultimatelyformedthebasisfortheir
collectivemobilizationsastheywereusedascentralizedspacesforcommunityactivism,
whiletheactivistnetworksformedprovedintegralinthecity’sbroadermovementsfor
racialjustice.Inthenextchapter,Iexamineanissuecloselyrelatedtotheantipoverty
movement-black/brownstrugglesfordecent,affordablehousinginBoston.
86
TABLEII.TIMELINEOFUPBUILDINGANDANTIPOVERTYMOVEMENT
1949
•FreedomHouseFounded
1962 •ActionforBostonCommunityDevelopment(ABCD)Founded
1963 •“STOPDay”–BlackWorkStoppage&March
1964
•RoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter(RMSC)Founded•PresidentJohnsonIntroducedWaronPoverty•EconomicOpportunityActEnacted
1966 •ModelCitiesAdministrationEstablishedUnderPresidentJohnson’sDemonstrationCitiesandMetropolitanDevelopmentAct
1967 •APCROSS(AssociationPromotingConstitutionalRightsoftheSpanish-Speaking)Founded•HubieJonesBecomesRMSCDirector
1968 •SpanishAllianceFounded
1970
•LaAlianzaHispana(LAH)Founded
1971 •HubieJonesResignsasRMSCDirector
1974
•FriedaGarciaResignsasLAHDirector
87
CHAPTERTHREE
“WeShallNotBeMoved”:
Black/BrownHousingStrugglesandMovementsforTenants’Rights “IamstuckhereandIwillprobablynevergetout,”ananonymousblack“welfare
mother”proclaimedtotheBayStateBannerin1965.Inanattempttoexposetheharsh
realitiesofsegregatedpublichousinginBoston,thecity’sleadingAfricanAmerican
newspaperhadinterviewedherandseveralothersofthe200families(approximately
800residents)wholivedintheWhittierStreetProjectsinRoxbury.“AndsinceIcan’t,”
shecontinued,“Iwishthisplacecouldbeasgoodasitpossiblycouldbebecauseitisthe
onlyhomeI'vegot.”108Thiswoman’ssentimentswereechoedrepeatedlybyAfrican
AmericansandLatinosacrossthecitythroughoutthe1960sand1970s,whorealized
thattrueupbuildingorcommunityupliftwouldbeimpossiblewithoutdecent,adequate,
andaffordablehousing.Aslivingconditionsworsenedinthe“BlackBoomerang”
neighborhoodsoftheSouthEnd,Roxbury,andDorchester,Boston’spoorestblackand
brownresidentsbegancomingtogethertodiscussthedeterioration,formulateplansof
action,andmobilize.
Manyblack/brownresidentsbegandirectingtheirfrustrationsandanimosity
directlytowardsMayorJohnCollinsforignoringthedeplorableconditionsintheir
communities.ThoughCollinshadrelativelygoodworkingrelationshipswithBoston’s 108Anonymous,quotedin“WhittierSt.Project-InterviewwithDespair,”BayStateBanner,September25,1965,1.
88
middle-classAfricanAmericanandLatino“professionals,”leaderssuchasMurieland
OttoSnowden,RuthBatson,AlexRodriguez,andGeorgeMuñoz,itappearedtomany
peopleofcolorthathewaslessinterestedingettingtoknowthecity’spoorestresidents
oraddressingtheirgrowingneeds.Bythemid-1960s,manyofthemostmarginalized
black-brownBostonians,whohadbeguncultivatingnewidentitiesasactivistsinthe
antipovertyandwelfarerightsmovements,beganworkingalongsideblackandLatino
socialserviceandcivilrightsorganizationstopressureCollinsandothercityofficialsto
provideimmediaterelieftothesubstandardhousingcrisis.
InDecember1965,theboardofdirectorsoftheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenter
sentMayorCollinsaneight-pagememooutliningthegrowingfrustrationsandtensions
withintheblackcommunity.ThememoservedasawarningtoCollinspredicting
impendingriotsif“ghettoconditions”werenotimproved.Thememorecommended
eightimmediatesteps"todemonstratetotheNegroCommunitythattheCity,as
personifiedbytheMayor,DOESKNOWthattheNegroinBostonhasspecialproblems
andDOESCARE."109ThefirstofthesestepswasapersonaltourofRoxburyandNorth
Dorchester’smost“blighted”anddeterioratedstreets.OrganizedbyHubieJones,the
tourincludedthreestopswhereCollinswouldmeetwithcommunitymembersto
discusstheirconcerns.“WehaveplannedthisroutesothatMayorCollinswillgetthefull
impactofthehorridconditionsthatexistinthisghetto,”Jonesexplained.“Wewilltake
himthroughareaswherehousesareabouttocrumble,wherewrecksofabandonedcars
109Citedin“Collinson2-HourTripThroughGhetto:MayortoTourRoxburySlumsSaturday,”BayStateBanner,February5,1966,1.Emphasisinoriginal.
89
desecratevacantlots,wheregarbagecluttersthestreetsandtrashblockssidewalks.”110
OnFebruary5,1966,Collinstookthewidelypublicizedtwo-hourtourthroughwhat
manyarguedwerethecity’sworstslums.Followingthetour,Collinsagreedtohavethe
streetscleanedupassoonaspossible,yetastheBannerreported,amonthpassedand
“naryabroomhadtouchedthestreetsofRoxbury.”111
Poorblack/brownBostonianskeptthepressureon,increasingtheireffortsby
circulatingmimeographedleafletsinthestreetsofBostoncallingonCollinstospeakto
them,toputanendtothe“slums,”andtoprovidemorefrequentgarbagecollection
services.Individualsandsmallgroupsbeganstagingtheirownimpromptudirectaction
protests.Collinswas“frequentlyshockedandrepelledbythecharacterofthesenew
demands,thestridencyofthelanguagewithwhichtheywereexpressed,andthe
unusualmannerinwhichtheywereoftenpresented,”historianThomasO’Connor
explained.112InMarch1966,forexample,sixAfricanAmericanmothersfromRoxbury
heldathree-hoursit-inwiththeirchildrenatMayorCollins’officeinCityHall,protesting
theinfestationofroachesandrodentsintheirapartmentsandtodemandthecity
furnishthemwithtemporaryhousing,thougheventuallyleftwithoutmeetingwithhim.
Dayslater,anothergroupofRoxburyresidentstruckedalargepileofgarbagefromthe
streetsoftheirneighborhoodanddumpeditonthefrontlawnofCityHall.Disgusted,
Collinssharplycriticizedthisactionasa“rudeandvulgarexhibition,”orderingapolice
110HubertJones,quotedin“Collinson2-HourTripThroughGhetto,”1.111“CleanUpRoxbury”BayStateBanner,March12,1966,4.112ThomasO’Connor,BuildingaNewBoston:PoliticsandUrbanRenewal,1950to1970(Boston:NortheasternUniversityPress,1993),237.
90
investigationoftheincident.113“Thelessontobelearned,”theBannerexplained,“isthat
ifyouhaveagrievance,ifyoubecomefrustratedwithconditions,donotgototheMayor
andaskforhelp---rather,ventyourfrustrationontheunlistening,unhearingwhite
majorityinsomevisible,powerfulway.”Thenewspaper,actingasavoicefortheblack
community,threatened,“unlessconditionsofunemployment,slumhousing,dirty
streets,raggedyschoolbuildings,etc.arealleviatedtherewillbetroubleinRoxburythis
summer.”114
Inthischapter,Iexaminethe“trouble”thatensuedwhenMayorCollinsandother
cityofficialscontinuedtoneglectandignoreblack-browncommunities.Livinginshared
andoverlappingspacesinthecity’ssegregatedghettos,AfricanAmericanandLatino
residentsfacedequallyhorridlivingconditionsincramped,unsafe,anddilapidated
buildingsthatfrequentlyviolatedfire,sanitation,andbuildingcodes.Thesesharedlived
realities,Iargue,linkedAfricanAmericansandLatinostooneanotheraspoorand
working-classpeopleofcolor.Italsoaidedinthedevelopmentofanincreasinglyshared
politicalvisionthatformedthebasisofmultiethnic/multiracialorganizationsand
mobilizations.
Similartothebroadeconomicjusticemovementwhichencompassedmovements
forwelfarerightsandsocialservices,thestrugglefordecent,affordablehousingin
BostonprovidedanopportunityforAfricanAmericansandLatinostoworktogether
acrossethnic/raciallines.Yetthisopportunitywasjustthat-anopportunity.Itdidnot
automaticallymaterializeintoblack-brownmovementswithparticipantsofall
113Ibid.114“CleanUpRoxbury,”4.
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ethnoracialgroupsequallyrepresented.WhilethecommonfightagainsttheBoston
HousingAuthority(BHA)/BostonRedevelopmentAuthority(BRA)andurbanrenewal,
inparticular,broughtAfricanAmericansandLatinostocooperate,Iarguetheseearly
coalitionsweretenuous,complex,andoftenunbalanced,frequentlyrepresentingone
group’sinterestsmorethantheother’s.Thisisevidentinthemovementsfortenant
rightsandfairhousingthatremainedethnoraciallyseparateintermsofleadership,as
AfricanAmericansandLatinoswerenotevenlyrepresentedasdecision-makersor
publicspokespeople.InRoxburyandDorchester,forexample,themovementswereled
byAfricanAmericans,whereasintheSouthEnd,someorganizationswereledalmost
exclusivelybyAfricanAmericansandothersbyLatinos(mostofwhichwerePuerto
Rican).Almostalloftheorganizationswereledbymen.
IbeginbybrieflyexaminingtheearliestmovementsfortenantrightsinRoxbury
andthenfocusmyanalysisonthreeorganizationsthatemergedintheSouthEndduring
the1960stoadvocatefordecentandaffordablehousinginBoston:theSouthEnd
Tenants’Council(SETC),InquilinosBoricuasenAcción(PuertoRicanTenantsinAction
orIBA),115andanumbrellagroup,CommunityAssemblyforaUnitedSouthEnd
(CAUSE).SincetheSouthEndneighborhoodwasthemostethnoraciallyand
socioeconomicallydiverseoneinthecityduringthe1960s,itcomesasnosurprisethat
itwasthemainsiteforearlymultiethnic/multiracialorganizingandthesethreegroups
bestexemplifythisnew,inclusiveorganizingstrategy.
115InquilinosBoricuasenAcciónbecameincorporatedastheEmergencyTenantsCouncilorETCin1968andthenreturnedtoitsoriginalnamein1974.
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I.BecomingTenant-OrganizersinRoxbury
Themovementfordecent,adequate,andaffordablehousinginBostonemerged
inthemid-1960swhenthecity’spoorestblackandbrownresidentsbeganorganizing
aroundtenants’rightsinthemostdeterioratedneighborhoodsofRoxbury,Dorchester,
andtheSouthEnd.Liketheirhostilerelationshipswithwelfareworkersillustratedin
chapterone,manyoftheseresidentsweregrowingwearyofbeingmistreatedby
slumlordsandcityhousingofficials.Yetthesetenantswereinexperiencedactivistsand
unsurehowtoorganizeoradvocateforthemselves.Theyturnedinwardintheir
communitiestoblack-brownsocialserviceorganizations,suchastheRoxburyMulti-
ServiceCenter,tohelpthemformulateplansofaction.Blacktenantssoughtout
experiencedprofessionalorganizersinthelocalchaptersofnationalcivilrights
organizationssuchastheNationalAssociationfortheAdvancementofColoredPeople
(NAACP)andtheCongressonRacialEquality(CORE),whoencouragedthemtofirst
discusstheirconcernswiththeirindividuallandlords.Whenlandlordsdidnotrespond,
however,tenantsfiledcomplaintswiththecity’svarioushousingandhealthagencies.
Developingnewpublicidentitiesastenant-organizers,thentheybeganexposingthe
horridconditionsoftheirapartmentstothemedia.Theywelcomedjournalistsandcivil
rightsorganizersintotheirhomestodocumentandphotographtheviolationsoffire,
health,andbuildingcodes.Thishelpedbuildpublicsupportfortheiremerging
movementandputaddedpressureonindividuallandlordstoaddresstheirdemands.
InFebruary1964,NAACPandCOREleaders,onbehalfoftenants,tookthe
housingcrisistothepublicbyannouncingplansforapotentialrentstrikeinRoxbury,
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shouldlandlordsandcityagenciescontinueignoringtheirgrowingconcerns.“Roxbury
issickandtiredofbeingtherefusecenterforthecity,”explainedThomasAtkins,
ExecutiveSecretaryoftheBoston’sNAACPbranch,totheGlobe.Hecontinued,“We’re
notgoingtoacceptresponsibilityforaslumwedidn’tmake.”116Boston’sNAACP
PresidentKennethGuscottechoedAtkins’statementthefollowingmonth:“We’regoing
tourgepeopletoholdbacktheirrentuntillandlordsmeetthebuildingcode
requirementsofthecity.”Hedeclared,“We’regoingtotaketheprofitoutofghettoized
living.”117
Takingthe“profitoutofghettoizedliving,”tenantsbeganwithholdingrent
checksfromabsenteeslumlords,settingoffthebroadermovementfortenantrightsin
Boston.AfricanAmericantenantswholivedonWaumbeckandWarrenStreetsin
Roxburyweresomeofthefirsttoorganize.Inearly1964,theybroughttheirconcernsto
JoelandEthelRubin,whitelandlordsofMarkRealtyCompanywhomanagedthevarious
propertiestheylivedin,butthecoupledismissedtheirconcernsandwereslowto
respondtorequestsforrepairs.Inresponse,thetenantsfiledformalcomplaintswith
thecity.InApril1964,inspectorsforthecity’sOfficeofNeighborhoodImprovement
foundmorethan160violationsoffire,sanitation,andbuildingcodes.Violations
includedinfestationsofrats,roaches,andothervermin,theabsenceofheatandfire
escapes,faultyelectricalwiring,fallingplaster,leakingroofs,brokenwindows,and
accumulatedgarbageinsharedspaces,amongothers.SalvatoreMessina,theagency’s
director,toldtenantsandCOREleadersinanApril10thmeetingthatheexpectedalarge
116ThomasAtkins,quotedin“RentStrikeThreatenedinRoxbury,”BostonGlobe,February28,1964,4.117KennethGuscott,quotedinRobertLevey,“NewTargetsforNAACP,”BostonGlobe,March2,1964,1.
94
majorityoftheviolationscouldbeeasilyremediedwithinweeks.Bytheendofthe
month,however,noactionwastakentoremedytheseviolationssotenantsbeganto
organizeaformalprotest.WithCORE’ssupport,theybegansendingletterstothe
landlordsdemandingchangeaswellaspicketingoutsidetheirofficeonWarrenStreet,
carryingsignsthatread“Getridofrats,roachesandRubin.”118
OnMay1,1964,twenty-oneblackfamiliesinRoxburysupportedbyCOREhad
decidedtotaketheprotesttothenextlevel,initiatingwhatChairmanAlanGartner
called“thefirstmajorrentstrikeofitskindinBoston.”119Thoughtherehadbeensmall
casesofrentwithholdingpriortothis,fewwereabletobringtogethersuchlarge
numbersoftenantsintoamassmovement.Nearly$2,000inrentwasheldinescrowin
anaccountsetupbyReverendJamesBreeden,a“trustee”forthemoney.ByMay10,
EthelRubin,onbehalfofherbedriddenhusband,begansendingevictionnoticestoat
least16ofthe21strikingfamilies,arguingtherentstrikewasillegal.Gartnerwas
seeminglycooperative,explainingthathewouldinstructRev.Breedentoimmediately
turnovertherentcheckstoRubinifshecompletedthenecessaryrepairs.Ifnot,he
warned,COREwouldtaketheissuetocourttoarguethatthelandlordswere“not
meetingtheirpartofthebargainand[were]notentitledtotheirrent.”120
TheRoxburyrentstrikeprovedsuccessfulastheRubinseventuallyconcededto
thetenants’demandswithinafewweeks,cleaningupthebuildingsandcompletingthe
repairstobringtheapartmentsuptocode.Thecity’sfirstmajormobilizationfor
118“Negro‘Rent-Strikers’FaceEvictionfromRoxburyHomes,”BostonGlobe,May10,1964,17.119AllanGartner,quotedin“DemandHousingImprovement:RoxburyRentStrikeStarts,”BostonGlobe,May5,1964,13.120“Negro‘Rent-Strikers’FaceEvictionfromRoxburyHomes.”
95
tenants’rightsraisedawarenessofthehousingcrisisinBoston.Themovementalso
drewnationalpoliticalattentionwhentheMassachusettsStateAdvisoryCommitteeto
theUnitedStatesCommissiononCivilRightsconductedastudyonthe“civilrights
problems”oftheresidentsofBoston’sblack-brownghettos.Intwoinformalpublic
meetingsinMarchandApril1966,theCommitteeheardfrommorethansixtyresidents,
aswellascivilrightsorganizerswholivedandworkedinthesecommunities.Finding
thattherewaslittletonointegrationinpublichousingandthatthemostrecentcensus
showedthatalmost50%ofallblackhousinginthecitywasdilapidatedordeteriorating
comparedto18%ofwhitehousing,itwasnosurprisethatthehousingconcernsof
black/brownresidentswerefeaturedprominentlyintheCommittee’sresultingreport
whichwastitledTheVoiceoftheGhettoandreleasedinJuly1967.
TheCommittee’sreportdocumented“feelingsofalienation,bitterness,
discouragement,andhopelessnesswereevidentinthestatementsofalmostevery
person”inBoston’sblack-brownghettos.121A.RobertPhillips,a“communityworker”in
Roxburyexplained,“IhavelivedinRoxburyforthebetterpartofmylifeandIam
increasinglyshockedattheblatantdisrespectanddisregardthecityofBostonhas
shownforthecitizensofRoxbury.”122SadelleSacks,directorofBoston’sFairHousing,
explainedthattheshortsupplyoflow-costhousinginareassuchasRoxburyforced
manyfamiliestopaymorethantheycouldafford.Landlordsalsodiscriminatedagainst
welfarerecipients,denyinghousingapplicationsofAfricanAmericanssimplydueto
theirraceorlyingtoprospectiveblacktenantsaboutapartmentsvacancies.“Forthe
121MassachusettsStateAdvisoryBoard,TheVoiceoftheGhetto:ReportonTwoBostonNeighborhoodMeetings,July1967.122A.RobertPhillips,quotedinTheVoiceoftheGhetto,7-8.
96
tenant,thereisresentmentoverthehighrents,thelackofcommunicationwiththe
landlordandthelackofservices,”Sacksexplained.“MosttenantsinRoxburydon’teven
knowwhotheirlandlordis.”123
TheRoxburyrentstrikeandincreasingmediacoverageofhousingissueshelped
toinspireotherpoorandworking-classblack/brownBostonianstoadvocatefortenant
rightsintheirownneighborhoods.YetthevictoryhadnorealimpactonpoorLatino
tenantswholivedinthatverysameneighborhoodwhosimilarlystruggledwith
absenteeslumlords.WiththehighestconcentrationofAfricanAmericansinthecityand
thesiteofthemostprominentblackcivilrightsandsocialserviceorganizations,
RoxburywasadecidedlyblackspaceandcenteroftheAfricanAmericancommunityin
Boston.ThoughLatinosincreasinglymovedintotheneighborhoodinthelate1960sand
early1970s,communityorganizingeffortswereledalmostexclusivelybyAfrican
Americanactivistsandprimarilyreflectedtheinterestsoftheblackcommunity.
Roxburywasarguablyaspacelessconducivetocross-racialorganizingduringthe
1960s.TheSouthEnd,however,wasamuchmorediverseneighborhoodwithalarger
concentrationofLatinossoitprovedmorefavorableasabreedinggroundfor
multiethnic/multiracialcollaborationinthemovementfortenants’rights.
II.Black-LedCoalitionBuildingintheSouthEnd
Theblack-brownstruggleforequitablehousingandtenants’rightsinBoston
begantobuildmomentuminthemid-1960s,takingoffmostexplosivelyintheSouth
Endneighborhood.ThisdidnotcomeasasurprisetomanyBostonians,asthe 123SadelleSacks,quotedinTheVoiceoftheGhetto,15.
97
neighborhoodwasthecenterofBoston’surbanrenewalprogram,whichincreasingly
displacedpoorandworking-classAfricanAmericansandLatinos.Sincetheturn-of-the-
century,theSouthEndwasaraciallyandethnicallydiversecommunity.Itwasalsoone
ofthecity’sdensest,mostpoverty-strickenareasandlargelyinneedofrenovation.
Thoughmanyofthebuildingswere19thcenturybrownstownsthatweredeteriorating,
theywerequitelargetownhomesonbeautifultree-linedstreetsandretainedsome
charmingqualities.Withsomeneighborhoodcleanupandbuildingrehabilitation,the
areahadtremendousmarketvalue.UrbanplannersquicklyrealizedtheSouthEnd’s
potentialforgentrification.WalkingdistancefromdowntownBoston’scommercialand
businessdistrict,andincloseproximitytoInterstateHighway93,plannerswerealso
drawntotheSouthEnd’sideallocation,aswellastheavailabilityofspacetoconstruct
newindustrialandcorporatefacilities.Thustheneighborhoodwasselectedforthecity’s
veryfirsturbanrenewalproject,whichbeganin1955inthe“NewYorkStreets”area
betweenHarrisonAvenue,AlbanyStreet,DoverStreet,andMotteStreet.
Providinglittletononoticetothearea’sresidents,theBostonHousingAuthority
razedthelandtomakewayforanewplantfortheBostonHeraldTravelernewspaperas
partofalargervisiontobringfactoriesintothedecliningcitycenter.Longtime
communityactivistMelKinggrewupintheNewYorkStreetsareaandexplainedthat
thenewspaperpublishedaseriesofarticlestopromotetheredevelopmentplan,prior
topurchasingtheland.Labelingthearea“SkidRow”andstreetsasslums
“depersonalizedtheissue,andblockedoutanyunderstandingoftheimpacturban
renewalwouldhaveonthelivesofthepeople,likemyfamilyandfriends,livingthere,
andprovidedarationaleforreplacing‘undesireable’elementsofBostonwithless
98
troublesome‘lightindustry,’”Kingargued.124Hiswife,JoyceKing,alsogrewupinthe
NewYorkStreetsarea.Shearguedtheprojectdemonstratedthelackofpoliticalpower
Boston’sresidentsheld.“Theyjustdidit.Therewerenocommunitymeetingsor
anythinglikethat,”sheexplained.“Sopeoplejustmovedout.Everybodywentin
differentdirectionsoncetheneighborhoodsaid,‘Yougottagetout.’”125Thedestruction
oftheNewYorkStreetssentaclearmessagetopoorandworking-classresidentsof
colorthatthecityofBostonprioritizedeconomicdevelopmentovertheircommunities.
AsurbanrenewalprogramscontinuedtotargettheSouthEndinthe1960s,African
AmericansandLatinosralliedtoprotestdevelopmentprojectsthatcalledforthe
destructionoftheirhomesandcommunityinstitutions.
Asintheantipovertymovement,AfricanAmericansocialworkerslikeTheodore
“Ted”ParrishemergedastheleadingactivistsintheSouthEndmovementsforfair
housing.ParrishmovedfromChapelHill,NorthCarolinatoNewEnglandtoattend
BrownUniversity.Followinggraduation,hemovedtoBostonin1957andbecamea
youthcounselorattheUnitedSouthEndSettlements(USES),laterbecomingheadofthe
organization’sYouthOpportunityCenter.InMay1968,Parrishhelpedorganizetenants
inmorethantwentyofthesixtybuildingsownedbythreebrothers,Joseph,Israel,and
RaphaelMindick.Over700AfricanAmerican,Latino,andwhitetenantsformed
themselvesintoamultiethnic/multiracialgroupcalledtheSouthEndTenantsCouncil
(SETC).Thoughthegroupwasdiverse,twoAfricanAmericanmenfromtheSouthledit:
LeonWilliamswastheSETCChairmanandParrishservedasthetreasurerand
124King,ChainofChange,21.125JoyceKing,quotedinTessBundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”53.
99
spokesman.126TheGlobedescribedtheSETCas“aninarticulate,looseknitgroupof
people”whoshared“nothingmorethanacommonfearthattheywereabouttobe
forcedoutoftheircommunitybyurbanrenewalandhighrentsandwerepowerlessto
doanythingaboutit.”127
TheMindickfamilyepitomizedthetitleof“slumlords”andtheirtenantsargued
theylivedin“conditionsnotfitfordogsmuchlesshumanbeings.”128Atfirst,theSETC
filedformalcomplaintswiththecityagainsttheMindicks,promptingseveral
inspectionsandhundredsofhousingcodeviolations.Yetcityhousing’smazeofredtape,
likethewelfaresystem,provedinefficientatresolvingtheissue.TheMindickswouldnot
addressthehighlyunsanitarybuildingsfullofratandroachinfestations.Whilethe
residentsmaintainedthatthehorridconditionsledtoincreasedcriminalactivity,
prostitution,anddrugs,theMindickscounteredtheseaccusationsredirectingblameat
theresidentsthemselvesforthrowinggarbageoutofwindowsanddamaging
buildings.129TheconditionsoftheMindicksbuildingdid,infact,reflectthecity’sneglect
oftheentireSouthEndneighborhoodaswellastheirown.PuertoRicanorganizerAlex
RodriguezmovedtherefromNewYorkin1965.“TheSouthEndwasaslum.TheSouth
Endwasarundownslumanditwasgettingworsenotbetter,”Rodriguezlaterreflected.
“Therewerefiresallaroundthecommunity,therewasfilthonthestreet,thestreets
wereloadedwithgarbage…youhadtogothroughagondolaofprostitutes...itwasnot
126LittlehasbeendocumentedaboutLeonWilliamsotherthanhewasanAfricanAmericanmanwhomovedtoBostonfromVirginiain1967inhismidtwenties,whereheimmediatelybeganorganizingaroundtenantrightsafterexperiencinghisownstruggleswithhousingintheSouthEnd.ViolaOsgood,“S.EndTenantsGivenMoreIndependence,”BostonGlobe,June4,1969,2.127ViolaOsgood,“ParrishleavingHubjustabitlessangry,”BostonGlobe,August2,1970,29.128Osgood,“S.EndTenantsGivenMoreIndependence,”2.129“RabbinicalCourtTakesOverinAlleged‘Slumlord’Case,”BayStateBanner,August8,1968,1.
100
nice.”130WhentheMindicksexhibitedunresponsivenessandinactioninaddressingtheir
concerns,theSETCtenant-organizersbeganpicketingoutsidetheirrealtyofficeandthe
brothers’homes.ItwasonlywhentheSETCbeganplanningademonstrationoutsidethe
DorchestersynagoguewhereoneofthebrotherswasacantorthatRabbiJudeaMiller
steppedin.MillerwaschairmanoftheSocialActionCommitteeoftheMassachusetts
BoardofRabbiswhorecognizedtheMindickpropertieswere“disgusting”and
suggestedtheSETCtakethegrievancestothelocalRabbinicalCourtofJustice.131
Afterthreemonthsofnegotiations,onAugust5,1968,theRabbinicalCourt
brokeredanagreementbetweentheMindicksandtheSETCtenantswherebothparties
signed.Amongthebasicprovisionsoftheagreementweredailycustodialservices,snow
removal,satisfactorylighting,hotandcoldrunningwater,andthemaintenanceofa68-
degreeminimumtemperaturethroughouttheday.132TheMindicks,however,didnot
upholdtheirendoftheagreement,continuingtoneglecttheirpropertiesforsixmonths
followingthesettlement.Inresponse,theSETCtenant-organizersinitiatedamassrent
strikebeginningonFebruary14,1969.Afewweekslater,theRabbinicalCourtfinedthe
Mindicks$48,000forviolatingtheagreement.Thetenantswithheldtheirrentsformore
thannineweeksbeforetheMindicksoptedtosellthirty-fouroftheirpropertiesinMay
1969totheBostonRedevelopmentAuthority.InahistoricwinfortheSouthEnd’s
poorestblack/brownresidents,theSETCsetuptheirowncommunitydevelopment
corporation,theTenantsDevelopmentCorporation(TDC).Theythenpersuadedthe
130RodriguezInterview.131Establishedduringmedievaltimes,theRabinnicalcourtstypicallydealtdisputesbetweenJews.Vrabel,APeople’sHistoryoftheNewBoston,132.132“RabbinicalCourtTakesOverinAlleged‘Slumlord’Case,”1.
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BRAtoturnoverfifty-sixoftheformerMindickpropertiestothecommunity
corporation.TheTDC,inturn,renovatedthepropertiesinto285unitsofaffordable
housingforlow-incomefamilies.AshistorianJimVrabelaptlysummarized,“What
startedoutasarentstrikebytenantsagainsttheirlandlordsendedwiththetenants
becomingtheirownlandlords.”133Needlesstosay,poorAfricanAmericansandLatinos
intheSouthEndhadnotonlydevelopedidentitiesasorganizersandforgedasuccessful
movementfortenants’rights,buttheyeffectivelyemergedaspowerfulpoliticalplayers
whocouldradicallyshapehousinginBoston.
Inthefallof1969,LeonWilliamsandTedParrishbuiltoffthesuccessinthe
Mindickcase,leadingtheSETCtocarefullyselectabsenteeslumlordsastargetsinanew
squattersmovementtohighlightthecontinuedneedforlow-incomehousinginthecity.
“Squatting,”ParishexplainedtotheGlobe,“allowsyoutocarefullychoosethepeopleyou
strike,itletsthepeopleknowwhoismakingthemoney,andithasatherapeuticeffect
bygivingpeoplecontrolovertheplaceswheretheylive.”134InSeptember,several
councilleadersbrokeintoavacantapartmentat22YarmouthStreetandinstalledone
mother-organizer,GenineWilliams,tooccupythespacewithherthreechildren.They
offeredthelandlord$60fortheone-bedroomapartment,butherefused,arguinghehad
plannedtorentitoutfor$195amonth.HeevictedWilliamsbutassoonassheleft,the
SETCinstalledanother“squatter”totakeherplace.135
TwoweeksaftertheYarmouthStreetoccupation,Williams,Parrish,andtheSETC
133Vrabel,APeople’sHistoryoftheNewBoston,133.134TedParrish,quotedinDeckleMcLean,“BostonSquatters:‘Instanthousing’-aweaponoftheurbanpoor,atacticofdesperationinthebattlebetweenthehaveandhave-nots,”BostonGlobe,December7,1969,A8.135Lukas,CommonGround,431.
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spreadthesquatters’movementtoanotherSouthEndPropertyat694TremontStreet.
Thistimetheyinstalledamultiethnic/multiracialgroupofsixtenant-organizerfamilies
withchildrentooccupythebuilding.Thebuildingwasformerlyalow-incomehousing
unitwithapartmentspricedbetween$60to$75amonth,butwassuddenlyconverted
intoexpensiveapartments.TheblackandLatinofamiliesbarricadedthedoorsand
settledintotheapartments,evenestablishingcommitteestokeepthebuildingcleanand
defendit.Whenthemanagersoughttoserveevictionnoticesandhavepoliceforcibly
removethetenant-organizers,aviolentconfrontationensuedwhereonepolicemanwas
injuredandfouractivists,includingParrish,werearrested.“Poorpeoplemusthavea
placetolive,”Parishexplained,followinghisreleasefromjail.136Standingbelowthe
squatters’motto,“HumanRightsoverPropertyRights,”Parrishdeclared,“We’renot
moving,becausenobodyiscominginheretoforceusoutofourcommunity.”137The
organizersrequestedameetingwiththebuildingownersandcityofficialstowork
towardsapeacefulresolution.“Wearen’taskingtostayherefree,”Parrishexplained.
“We’rewillingtopay25percentofoursalaries.”138Arentof$175amonth,however,
exceededthatpercentageofincomeformostblack/brownfamiliesinthecity.
Followingtheconfrontationwiththepolice,theSETCdrewcrowdsofitstenant-
organizermemberstoprotestoutsideofthe694TremontStreetapartmentbuildingand
atthelandlord’shome,evenplacinggarbageonhisfrontstepstopressurehiminto
action.Ultimately,theSETCprovedsuccessfulonceagain,asthesixblack/brown
136TedParrish,quotedinThomShepard,“SquatterstoKeepSouthEndHouse,”BostonGlobe,October13,1969,3137TedParish,quotedinLukas,CommonGround,433.138Parrish,quotedinShepard,“SquatterstoKeepSouthEndHouse,”3.
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familiescametotermswiththelandlord,whoallowedthemtoremaininthebuilding,
supportedbyleasedhousinggrantsfromtheBostonHousingAuthority.Thiswas
anothermajorvictoryfortheSouthEnd’spoorestblack/brownresidents.
DespitethesuccessoftheSETCinleadingthemovementfortenantrightsinthe
SouthEnd,theorganizationhadonlybeguntorealizethefullpotentialofblack-brown
organizing.Thegroupwascertainlydiverseandmultiethnic/multiracialwithAfrican
AmericansandLatinosbothparticipatingastenant-organizersinvariousactivist
campaigns.However,asAfricanAmericansemergedasthegroup’sleaders,Latinos
remainedinsupportiveroles.Latinotenant-organizersservedasbehind-the-scenes
actorsorfootsoldiers,whiletheirblackcounterpartswerechargedwiththegroup’s
decision-making.TedParrishandLeonWilliams,forexample,notonlyledthegroup,
butalsoservedasitsspokespeopletolandlords,housingofficials,andthegreaterpublic
ofBoston.ThehistoryoftheSETCmovementillustratesmanyofthedifficultiesin
formingblack-brownmovementswithparticipantsofallethnoracialgroupsequally
represented.Italsodemonstratedthegenderedcharacterofthehousingmovement;
whileblack/brownwomenwerekeyorganizers,theydidnotriseintopublic,visible
leadershiproleslikeParrishandWilliams.
SimilartotheSETC,theCommunityAssemblyforaUnitedSouthEnd(CAUSE)
wasamultiethnic/multiracialgroupthatemergedaroundthesametimeinthe
movementfordecent,affordablehousinginBoston.In1968,CAUSEbeganaseriesof
directactionmobilizationstoprotestBoston’surbanrenewalplan.Whileatfirstthe
organizersstagedsit-insattheBostonRedevelopmentAuthorityoffices,theythen
decidedtooccupylotstargetedbythecityforredevelopment.TheFitz-Innparkinglot
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projectboundedbyDartmouth,Columbus,andYarmouthStreetshaddisplacedone
hundredSouthEndfamilies.InApril1968,CAUSEdemonstratorsblockedthesite,
occupiedthelot,pitchedtents,andcampedthereforthreedays.Communitysupport
grewforthe“TentCity”protest,especiallyaftertwenty-threeactivistswerearrested.
ThemovementgainedadditionalmediaattentionwhenMartinLutherKing,Jr.’sfather
arrivedtogiveencouragementtotheprotestors,onlytwoweeksafterhisson’s
assassination.139AfterCAUSEwasinfiltratedbyundercoverpoliceandwasawardeda
grantfor$10,000fromtheEpiscopalDioceseofBoston,TentCitydissolved.MelKing
explained,“Soonafterthegrantwasacceptedthesitewasvacated.Itwasoneofour
biggestmistakes.”140YetCAUSEorganizerseventuallytriumphedtwentyyearslater.
Afterdecadesofbattleswiththecitygovernment,amixed-incomedevelopmentwas
finallybuiltonthesitein1988,withtwo-thirdsofitsunitsmadeaffordableforlow-
incometenants.BostonnamedthebuildingTentCity,tohonorthe1968movement.
CAUSEcontinuedtoorganizeafterTentCity,servingasanumbrellaorganizationthat
broughtvariousSouthEndtenants’groupsliketheSETCtogetherintoonecoalition
againsttheBRAandurbanrenewal.ThelastingimpactofCAUSE,likeSETC,provednot
onlythatmultiethnic/multiracialcooperationwaspossible,butthatitgarnered
increasingsupportintheSouthEndandprovedeffectiveinmovementsforfairhousing.
AHarvardCrimsonarticleevendescribedCAUSE’smaingoalto“bringNegroesand
PuertoRicanstogetherformoregrass-rootspower.”141YetCAUSEcontinuedto
privilegethevoicesandinterestsoftheblackcommunityoverthatofLatinotenants.
139F.Tayor,Jr.,“SouthEndDecisionLefttoLot’sOwner,”BostonGlobe,April29,1968,1.140MelKing,ChainofChange,113.141Killilea,“TheSouthEnd:‘PuertoRicanPower!’”
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MelKingwasCAUSE’smainleaderandpublicspokesmanandtherewererelativelyno
Latinoswhopubliclyappearedathissideorasequaldecision-makers.King’sroleinthe
formationofCAUSEdid,however,illustratehowhewasoneofthefirstproponentsof
black-browncoalitionbuildinginthecity.King’sexperienceorganizingmultiethnic/
multiracialcoalitionsaroundhousingprovedusefullaterashesoughttogarnerthe
Latinovoteinhis1983mayoralrun.
III.Latino-LedCoalitionBuildingintheSouthEnd
WhileSETCandCAUSEpromotedAfricanAmericanleadershipintheirearly
attemptsinblack-browncoalitionbuilding,anothergroupemergedatthesametime,
insteadprivilegingthevoicesandinterestsofLatinosintheSouthEnd.Ironically,oneof
theleadingfiguresthathelpedformtheLatinohousingmovementwas,infact,awhite
mannamedReveredWilliamDwyer,aNewJerseynativewhohadstudiedSpanishat
PrincetonandbeganorganizingathisfirstparishonNewYorkCity’sLowerEastSide.In
1963,hemovedtoBostonandbecamepastorofSt.Stephen’sEpiscopalChurchon
ShawmutAvenueintheSouthEnd.St.Stephen’scongregationreflectedthe
neighborhood’sdemographics,composedof“afewoldYankees,ahandfulofblacks,a
smallgroupofmiddle-classCubans,whowerepoliticalrefugees,butmostlyofpoorand
working-classPuertoRicans,whowereeconomicrefugees.”142Dwyerhelpedhis
parishionersorganizearoundsmallertenantconcernsuntilthesummerof1965,when
residentstookonabiggercampaign.
TheBRA’sSouthEndUrbanRenewalPlanincludedtherevitalizationofatwenty- 142Rev.WilliamDwyer,quotedinVrabel,APeople’sHistoryofNewBoston,113.
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acreareacalledParcel19,anefforttoteardownamajorityofthearea’sbuildingsand
redevelopitintoluxurycondominiumsandashoppingcenter.Theprojectwould
displacenearly2,000residents,ofwhichanoverwhelmingmajoritywerePuertoRican.
Inastruggleto“savetheparcela,”Rev.DwyerandParcel19’stenantsorganized
themselvesintoamultiethnic/multiracialgroupcalledInquilinosBoricuasenAcción
(PuertoRicanTenantsinActionorIBA).Despitethefactthattherewerebothblackand
whitememberspresentsinceitsbeginning,thegroupprimarilyrepresentedthe
interestsofthePuertoRicancommunity,andthiswasreflectedinthedecisiontoname
itIBA.TheorganizationdidreceivesignificantsupportfromAfricanAmericanresidents
andothertenants’rightsgroupssuchasSETCandCAUSE.“Weworkwitheverybody,
notjusttheSpanish-speaking,”explainedPuertoRicanactivistIsraelFeliciano,oneof
thegroup’semergingleaders.143IBAledadoor-to-doorcampaigntoorganizeagainst
theBRA’splan,sportingbadgeswiththeirslogan“NonosmodaremosdelaParcel19”
(“WeshallnotbemovedfromParcel19”).
In1968,IBAincorporatedunderthenameEmergencyTenantsCouncilofParcel
19,Inc.(ETC).Seekingcommunitycontroloftheland,theETCdecidedtodevelopits
ownredevelopmentforParcel19.Theorganization’sleaderspridedthemselvesinnot
beingmilitantordemonstrating,asothergroupslikeSETChaddone.Instead,thePuerto
Rican-ledETCcooperateddirectlywiththeBRAtoprepareaplantogether.144During
thistime,theorganizationgrewtomorethan1,500members,ofwhichapproximately
143IsraelFeliciano,quotedinJudsonBrown,“SouthEndPuertoRicansJoininPlanningofB.R.A.’s‘Parcel19,’”BostonGlobe,June22,1969.144AthonyYudies,“PuertoRicancommunityrevealsplanstodevelopSo.End,”BostonGlobe,December11,1969,21.
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two-thirds(or1,000members)wereLatinoor“Spanishspeaking.”145In1969,theETC
earnedtherighttobecomeParcel19’sdevelopers.Withthehelpofyoungarchitects,
ETCtenant-organizershelpeddesignanew844-unithousingcomplexforlowand
middle-incomeresidents.Namingthecommunity“VillaVictoria”(or“VictoryVillage”)
thisprojectbecameanaward-winningcomplexofthree-storyhouses,andincluded
stores,residentialtowerandpublicspacessuchasthecommunitygardens,features
designedtobuildatight-knitcommunity.Thehousesalsofeaturedthreetofour
bedroomstoencouragelargefamiliestolivethereandallhadbigwindowsforresidents
tokeepawatchfuleyeontheneighborhoodactivities.146TheETCeventuallyreclaimed
itsoriginalnameastheInquilinosBoricuasenAcciónin1974andevolvedintoan
organizationfocusedonmanagingVillaVictoriaandorganizingeventsandservicesto
fostercommunity.PoliticalscientistCarolHardy-Fantaexplainsthatwithatownsquare
calledPlazaBetancesandstreetnameslikeAguadilla,whichbringtomindthepueblos
ofPuertoRico,VillaVictoriaundoubtedly“leftapermanentrecordofLatinocommunity
participationonthemapofBoston.”147
ThesuccessofIBA/ETC’smovementtosavethecommunityofParcel19wasyet
anotherexampleofhowSouthEndtenantsworkedacrossethnic/raciallinesinthe
movementfordecent,affordablehousinginBoston.Theorganization’salmost
exclusivelyPuertoRicanleadershipandspokespeople,however,illustratethat
multiethnic/multiracialcoalitionswerenotinherentlyraciallybalancednornecessarily 145LorraineBarber,“$15millionproposal:BRAApprovesGrantforEmergencyTenantsCouncil,”BayStateBanner,December18,1969,1.146MarioLuisSmall,VillaVictoria:TheTransformationofSocialCapitalinaBostonBarrio(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2004).147CarolHardy-Fanta,LatinaPolitics,LatinoPolitics:Gender,Culture,andPoliticalParticipationinBoston(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1993),103.
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representingtheinterestsofallconstituentsequally.Similarly,Latinawomenremained
asbehind-the-scenesorganizerswithmenservingasthedecision-makersandpublic
spokespeopleofIBAandthemovementtosavetheparcel.
Conclusion
ThesharedexperiencesofsegregatedurbanlifeinBostonhelpedAfrican
AmericansandLatinostoshapeoverlappingracialandpoliticalidentitiesaspoorand
working-classpeopleofcolor.Asblack-brownpeoplebegantorecognizetheirsimilar
struggleswithurbanrenewalandslumlordsinBoston’sghettos,theyalsobegan
developingasharedpoliticalvision.Similartotheeconomicjusticemovement,the
strugglefordecent,affordablehousinginBostonprovidedanopportunityforAfrican
AmericansandLatinostoworktogetheracrossethnic/raciallines.Theemergenceofthe
threeSouthEndorganizations(SETC,CAUSE,andIBA/ETC)illustratedthegrowthof
multiethnic/multiracialcoalitionsinthecommonfightforhousingequity.Yetmy
analysisshedslightonhowthesecoalitionsweretenuous,complex,andoften
unbalanced,regularlyrepresentingonegroup’sinterestsmorethantheother’s.Thisis
evidentinhowthetenantorganizationsandmovementsremainedethnoracially
separateintermsofleadership,asAfricanAmericansandLatinoswerenotevenly
representedasdecision-makersorpublicspokespeopleinthesediversegroups.The
tenantrightsmovementalsoreflectedgendereddistributionoflabor,aswomenwere
seenas“organizers”whilemenweretheleaders.
IncontrasttothesefirstthreechaptersthatillustratehowAfricanAmericansand
Latinoscollaboratedonissuesofpovertyandhousing,thefollowingchapterconsiders
109
howthetwogroupswerepulledaparttoworkonentirelyseparate,parallelpathsin
broadermovementforeducationaljustice,largelyduetolinguisticdifferences.
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TABLEIII.TIMELINEOFHOUSINGSTRUGGLESANDMOVEMENTSFORTENANTS’RIGHTS
1955
•NewYorkStreetsAreaofSouthEndRazedasBoston’sFirstUrbanRenewalProject
1964
•NAACP&COREHelpRoxburyTenantsLeadFirstRentStrike
1965
•MayorCollinsToursThroughRoxburyandNorthDorchester•Mothers’Sit-In&RoxburyResidentsDumpGarbageatCityHall•InquilinosBoricuasenAcción(IBA)Founded
1966 •MassachusettsStateAdvisoryCommitteeHoldsPublicMeetingsonCivilRightsProblemsinBoston’sGhettos
1967 •MassachusettsStateAdvisoryCommittee’sReportTheVoiceoftheGhettoisReleased•CommunityAssemblyforaUnitedSouthEnd(CAUSE)Founded
1968 •SouthEndTenantsCouncil(SETC)Founded•SETCProtestMindicks&RabbinicalCourtBrokersAgreement•CAUSETentCityDemonstration•IBAIncorporatesUnderEmergencyTenantsCouncil(ETC)
1969
•SETCRentStrikeAgainstMindicks•SETCEstablishesTenantsDevelopmentCorporation(TDC)toDevelopPropertiesFormerlyOwnedbyMindicks•SETCOrganizesSquattersMovement•ETCEarnsRightsfromBRAtoDevelopParcel19intoVillaVictoria
1974
•ETCincorporatedasInquilinosBoricuasenAcción
111
CHAPTERFOUR
“YouWomenShouldbeHomeWashingYourDishes”:
Black/BrownMother-Organizersand1960sMovementsforEducationalJustice
In1949,afirewaslitwithinRuthBatsonafterattendinganeye-openingmeeting
oftheBostonParentsFederation.Batson’smotherhadinstilledinheradeep
commitmenttoeducation,whichdrovehertoattendthemeetingeventhoughsheknew
shewouldlikelybetheonlyblackpersoninthelocalactivistgroupcomposedofmostly
whitewomen.Batson’sparentswereWestIndianandpoliticallyactiveGarveyites,soit
wasnosurpriseshehaddeeplyrootedactivisttendencieswithinher.148Atthemeeting,
shewasamazedtolearn“thattheoldestschoolbuildingsinBostonwerelocatedinthe
blackcommunities,andthesebuildingswereunsafe.Thesefacilitiesalsolackedthe
amenitiesfoundinotherschooldistricts,suchaslunchrooms,libraries,and
148RuthBatsonwasbornin1921topoliticallyactiveWestIndianparentsandgrewupinsegregatedhousinginRoxbury,Massachusetts.Shecompletedhighschoolandin1941,marriedJohnBatsonandtheyhadthreedaughters.ShebeganhercareerintheBostonbranchoftheNAACPandthenservedaschairwomanoftheMassachusettsCommissionAgainstDiscrimination(MCAD).ShebecameassistantdirectorandthenexecutivedirectoroftheMetropolitanCouncilforEducationalOpportunity(METCO)program,avoluntaryintegrationprogrambusingstudentsfromraciallyimbalanced(predominantlywithminoritystudents)districtsinBostontoschoolsinthesurroundingsuburbs(predominantlywithwhitestudents).AtBostonUniversity,shewasthedirectoroftheconsultationandeducationprogram,directoroftheschooldesegregationresearchproject,coordinatoroftheclinicaltaskforce,andassociateprofessorattheSchoolofMedicine'sDivisionofPsychiatry.Lateroninlife,BatsonwaspresidentanddirectoroftheMuseumofAfroAmericanHistory(latertheMuseumofAfricanAmericanHistory)andauthoredTheBlackEducationalMovementinBoston:ASequenceofHistoricalEvents,beforepassingawayin2003.“Biography,”RuthBatsonPapers,SchlesingerLibrary,HarvardUniversity[hereafter:BatsonPapers].
112
gymnasiums.”149Inasegregatedandinequitableschoolsystem,blackchildrentypically
wenttounderfundedblackschoolsinareasofthecitysuchasRoxbury,whereBatson
lived.Thoughshehadbeenactivelyinvolvedinherchildren’sschoolsforyears,atthe
ParentsFederationmeetingsherealizedthatherencouragementathomewassimply
notenough;shegrewdeterminedtochallengethegrossinequalitiesfacedbyallblack
studentsintheBostonPublicSchoolsystem.In1950,Batsonsolidifiedhernewroleasa
mother-organizerbyregisteringanofficialcomplaintwiththeschooldepartmentthat
AfricanAmericanchildren,includingherthreedaughters,werereceivinganinferior
education.150
BatsonimmediatelybeganherworkwiththeParentsFederationandsoonafter
ranfortheBostonSchoolCommitteein1951,becomingthefirstblackpersontorunin
thetwentiethcentury.Herplatformcenteredonreplacingold,unsafebuildings,
establishingahotlunchprogram,improvingworkingconditionsforteachers,creating
democratichomeandschoolassociations,aswellaswhatshecalledan“interracial
understandingandresponsiblecitizenship.”Hercampaignliteratureurgedvoters,“For
YourChildren’sSake,ElectaMother!”InanothercampaignflyerBatsonposedinaphoto
withherthreeelementaryschool-ageddaughtersunderabannerdescribingherasa
“LifeLongResidentofBoston;Mother;Teacher;CivicWorker.”151Thecitywideelection
hadanat-largevotingsystemand,thoughshelost,shedidgarner15,154votes,placing
sixteenthoutofapproximatelytwenty-sixcandidates.ThisdidnothinderBatsonfrom 149RuthBatson,quotedinJeanneTheoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid’:RuthBatsonandtheEducationalMovementinBoston,”inJeanneTheoharisandKomoziWoodard,eds.,Groundwork:LocalBlackFreedomMovementsinAmerica(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2005),20-21.150BrianSheehan,TheBostonSchoolIntegrationDispute(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1984),71–72.151“BostonSchoolCommitteecampaign,1951,”Box2,Folder8,BatsonPapers.
113
continuingtofightforeducationaljusticethroughoutthedecade.
In1960,Batsonwasdisappointedtofindoutthatherdaughterdidnothave
scienceasasubjectwhileherfriendsatpredominantlywhiteschoolsdid.After
troublinginteractionswithherdaughter’sprincipal,shecontactedthelocalRoxbury
officeoftheNAACPtofileacomplaintabouttheschool,yetwastoldthattheydidnot
haveacommitteetodealwithBostonschools.Thenextday,theNAACPaskedherto
chairanewsubcommitteefocusedonthisissueandherlifeprofoundlychangedafter
that.Batsonsoonemergedasaleaderintheblackeducationalmovementthatgained
steaminthe1960s.
OvertwodecadesafterRuthBatsonfirstawakenedherinneractivistspiritatthe
ParentsFederationmeeting,anothermotherrealizedthattheBostonschoolsystemwas
failingstudentsofcolor.In1972,CarmenPolawashorrifiedwhenshewalkedintoher
daughters’classroom.Theywereayearapartinthefourthandfifthgradesrespectively
buthadbeenplacedinthesamecrowdedclassroomwithover40Latinochildren.
AmidstthechaosofstudentsthrowingthingsandcursinginSpanishstoodayoung
whiteteacherwhoappearedhelplessandcouldnotsettlethemdown.Infact,the
teachercouldnotcommunicatewithherstudentsatallsinceshespokeonlyEnglishand
thechildrenwereallrecentLatinAmericanmigrantsandmostlyspokeSpanish.Pola
wasborninPuertoRicoin1939toapoliticallyprominentfamilyandmovedtothe
UnitedStatesin1955duringherearlyteens.AfterabrieftimeinNewYork,shesettled
inanOaklandsuburbinCaliforniaandbecameacommunityorganizer,self-identifying
asablackPuertoRicanorAfro-LatinaandjoiningthelocalchapteroftheBlackPanther
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Party.Shemarriedandhadfivechildren,thenrelocatedtoBostonin1972.152Her
daughtersstruggledtoadjusttoanewlifeinthepoorMissionHillneighborhoodof
Boston,havinggrownaccustomedtoacomfortablemiddle-classlifestyleandprivate
schooleducationjustoutsideOakland.TheyhadlivedinBostonforlessthansixmonths
whenPolaarrivedatherdaughters’schooltocheckontheirprogress.Shequickly
realizedthattheclassroomwasnotaspaceoflearningandinsteadfunctionedmuchlike
achildcarecenter.Appalledbythelackoforderandtheineffectivenessoftheteacher,
sheslammedherhanddownonadeskandshouted,“¡Cállensen!”whichsilencedthe
students.Afterminutesintheclassroom,Poladecidedtoremoveherchildrenfrom
BostonPublicSchoolsalltogether.Shethankedtheteacherfortryingherbestand
marchedoutoftheschoolstraighttoaCatholicchurch,wheresheexplainedherstoryto
anunwhoimmediatelyenrolledhergirlsintheadjoiningparochialschool.153
ThoughPolahaddefiantlychosentowithdrawherchildrenfromtheirschool
thatday,shedidnotabandonhercommitmenttoBostonPublicSchools.154Therewere
152InBoston,Pola’sactivismcenteredaroundeducationandhousing.SheorganizedtenantsinMissionHillinaclassactionlawsuit,Perezv.BostonHousingAuthority,toforcethecitytocomplywithsanitarycodes.ShealsowasoneoftheleadplaintiffsisMorganvKerriganaspartofElComitédePadresProDefensadelaEducaciónBilingüe.ShelaterbecamepartoftheCitywideParentsAdvisoryandtheBilingualMastersParentsAdvisoryCouncil,whichhelpedoverseetheimplementationofdesegregationandtheVoluntaryLauCompliancePlan.Shedirectedanon-profitforchildrencalledtheProjecttoMonitortheCodeofDisciplineattheMassachusettsAdvocacyCenter(nowknownasMassachusettsAdvocatesforChildren)andlaterbecamethefirstLatinatorunstatewideoffice,thoughshelostherelectionforstaterepresentative.SheremainedinpoliticsaspartofRaymondFlynn’smayoralcampaignandlaterasanadvisor.“BiographicalNote,”CarmenA.PolaPapers,NU;CarmenPola,Interviewwithauthor,Boston,MA,November11,2014[hereafter:PolaInterview].153PolaInterview.154Polaalwaysidentifiedaspartoftheworking-class,thoughshewasabletonavigatesomemiddle-classsettingsandpushedherchildrentoattendprivateschools,whentheywereabletogetfinancialsupport.Shelaterreflectedthatshefeltshecouldonlycommittotheeducationalmovementandemergeasaleaderonceherchildrenwere“safe”inCatholicschool.Shedidnothavetoworryaboutherchildrenreceivinganybacklashfromteachers,administratorsorotherstudentsbecauseofherinvolvementinpublicschoolreform.ItisimportanttonotethatshedideventuallyenrollherchildreninBostonPublicSchoolsagain.SeveralofherchildrenendedupinthebilingualeducationprogramatBrightonHigh.She
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lessthanahandfulofLatinoandAfricanAmericanfamiliesatherdaughters’newschool,
andPolaknewthatprivateandparochialschoolswerenotanoptionformostof
Boston’sresidentsofcolorwholivedinpoverty.LikeRuthBatsondecadesearlier,this
momentawakenedPola’sactivistspirit,inspiringhertotakeanactiveroleintheLatino
movementforeducationaljustice.
BatsonandPola’sstoriesexemplifythestrugglesblack/brownmothersfacedin
navigatingBoston’ssegregated,inequitableschoolsystemduringthe1960sand1970s.
AfricanAmericanandLatinochildrenoftenattendedthesameorsimilarschools,given
thatthetwocommunitiesoverlappedandintersectedintheghettosofthecitysuchas
Dorchester,Roxbury,MissionHill,andtheSouthEnd.Theseblack/brownchildren
confrontedmanyobstaclesincluding,butnotlimitedto:dilapidatedbuildings,
overcrowdedclassrooms,significantlylessper-pupilspendingthanwhitestudents
received,andsevereshortagesofmaterials.“Ourchildrenwerenotgettingthesame
treatment,”Polaexplained,“thesameresources,thenicebooks,[or]thenicebuildings
asotherchildrenwere.”155BatsonandthesubcommitteeoftheNAACPsheled
witnessedhowsegregatedschoolsallowedtheBostonSchoolCommitteetoprovide
blackandbrownchildrenwithinferioreducations.“Wedecided,”sherecalled,“that
wheretherewerealargenumberofwhitestudents,that’swherethecarewent.That’s
wherethebookswent.That’swherethemoneywent.”156Thecurriculumattheseblack-
brownschoolswasoutdatedandblatantlyracist,oftenfailingtoaddressthespecific laterreflected,“Imadesuremychildrengotthebesteducationinthatbuildingandthatwasbilingualeducation.”PolaInterview.155CarmenPola,quotedinCanWeTalk?LearningfromBoston’sBusing/DesegregationCrisis,directedbyScottMercer(Boston:UnionofMinorityNeighborhoodsandMercerMediaRelations,2012).156RuthBatson,quotedinHenryHampton,VoicesofFreedom:AnOralHistoryoftheCivilRightsMovementfromthe1950sThroughthe1980s(NewYork:Bantam,1990),588-9.
116
needsofstudentssuchasEnglishLanguageLearners(ELLs)orthosewithdisabilities.
Thesegregatedschoolsystemalsoguaranteedthattheoverwhelmingmajorityof
teachersandadministratorsinthedistrictwerewhite.BlackandLatinostudentswere
taughtbythemostinexperiencedwhiteteachers,manyofwhomweremeresubstitutes
andwerenotabletosecurefull-timeteachingpositionsatanyofthepredominantly
whiteschools.Theyalsoreceivedinadequatecounselingservicesandweretrackedinto
segregatedhighschoolswheretheywouldtakemanualandvocationalclassesrather
thancollegepreparatoryones.Theyenduredhostilityandviolencefromtheirpeersand
droppedoutatalarminglyhighrates.Manyblack/brownchildrenwereforcedoutof
schoolalltogether,systematicallyexcludedfromthedistrictforahostofreasonssuch
asteenagepregnancy,inabilitytospeakEnglish,unsubstantiated“behaviorconcerns,”a
misclassificationofdevelopmentaldisabilities,oranarbitrarybrandingas
“unteachable.”
AfricanAmericansandLatinosmobilizedaroundtheseeducationalinequalities
fordecadesandthoughtheyfacedsimilarissuesinthesamepublicschoolsofBoston,
theyrarelyorganizedtogether.Instead,theyworkedinparallel,adjacentmovements
utilizingsimilarorganizingstrategies.Espousingideasofself-determinationand
communitycontrol,theybeganbydocumentingthediscriminatorypracticesand
existinginequitiesintheschoolsystem.Thentheymobilizedindigenousandexternal
resourcestoexpandtheirbaseanddevelopnewtypesofeducationalinstitutions,
organizingtheirownschool-readinessandsummereducationalprograms,aswellas
establishingtheirownindependentschools.Theyalsopetitionedtheschooldistrictwith
proposalsandrecommendationsforreform,stagedpublicprotestsandmarches,and
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soughtlegalappeals.In1972,theBostonchapteroftheNAACPfiledaclassaction
lawsuitagainsttheBostonSchoolCommitteeonbehalfof14AfricanAmericanfamilies,
chargingthesystemwithdeliberateracialsegregation.Latinoslaterjoinedasplaintiff-
intervenersinthecasethroughagrassrootsparentgroupcalledElComitéProLa
DefensadelaEducaciónBilingüe(TheCommitteeinDefenseofBilingualEducation).
TheMorganvHennigancaseresultedinJudgeW.ArthurGarrity’scourt-ordered
desegregationthatbeganinthefallof1974.
Despitetherichhistoryofblack-browneducationalorganizinginthedecades
leadinguptoandfollowingGarrity’sorder,thehistoricalnarrativeofschool
desegregationinBostonremainscenteredonwhiteworking-class“backlash.”Overforty
yearslater,historiansandjournalistscontinuetorefertothistimeasthe“busingcrisis,”
ablightonthecity’slegacyasthe“CradleofLiberty”whenthestreetsfeltmuchlikea
warzone.LedbyCityCouncilmemberLouiseDayHicksandagroupcalledROAR
(RestoreOurAlienableRights),whiteethnicsprotested“forcedbusing”inaneffortto
preserve“neighborhoodschools.”Thishistoryiscenteredonwhiteresistanceandis
oftenembodiedbyahandfuloffrequentlycitedimagessuchastheinfamous
photograph“SoilingOldGlory,”whichdepictsawhite“anti-busing”protesterattacking
anAfricanAmericanlawyerwithanAmericanflagonBoston’sCityHallPlaza.157
Iconographylikethis,coupledwiththereleaseofJ.AnthonyLukas’1985PulitzerPrize-
winningbook,CommonGround,furthersthistragicsagafocusedonwhiteprotest.Lukas’
157StanleyForeman’s“TheSoilingofOldGlory,”wastakenonApril5,1976duringananti-desegregationrallyonBoston’sCityHallPlaza.Thephotographdepictswhite“anti-busing”protestorJosephRakesattemptingtoattackAfricanAmericanlawyerTheodoreLandsmarkwithanAmericanflag.ForemanreceivedaPulitzer-Prizeforthiswork.SeeLouisMasur,TheSoilingofOldGlory:TheStoryofthePhotographthatShockedAmerica(NewYork:BloomsburyPress,2008).
118
denseandcaptivatingmonographonthelivesofthreeBostonfamiliesduringtheperiod
ofcourt-ordereddesegregationhasbecometheseminaltextonBoston’sschool
desegregation(andoftenrepresentativeofthecity’sracialpoliticsmorebroadly).Yet
Lukas’dismissalofdecadesofblackactivismandhisportrayalofthebook’smainblack
familyasdysfunctionalignitedpassionateresponsesfrommanyblackactivists.Ina
scathingreview,RuthBatsondeclared,“JOHNANTHONYLUKASSTOLEOUR
MOVEMENT.Thebookcompletelyleavesoutthestrugglethatwascarriedoutforso
manyyearsbyBlackactivistsinBoston.”158LeadingthecritiqueofLukasamong
scholarshasbeenJeanneTheoharis,whoexplains,“Lukas’sportrayaloflocalblacksas
politicallypassiveandculturallydeprivedboreadangerousresemblancetothepolitical
ideologiesthathadmaintainedsegregationinthecityfordecades.”159Lukas’workis
nottheonlyonetoomitAfricanAmericanandLatinoactivisminBostonSchools.Ronald
Formisano’sBostonAgainstBusingandAlanLupo’sLiberty’sChosenHomearesimilarly
framed.160
Whilesignificantstrideshavebeenmadetochallengethisnarrativeandrecover 158Emphasisinoriginal.RuthM.Batson,TheBlackEducationalMovement:ASequenceofHistoricalEvents:AChronology(Boston:NortheasternUniversity,SchoolofEducation,2001),11[hereafter:TheBlackEducationalMovement].159Theoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,”17.160ForworksthatcenteronwhiteresistancetobusingandthatdismisstheeducationalactivismofAfricanAmericanandLatinosinBoston,see:J.AnthonyLukas,CommonGround:ATurbulentDecadeintheLivesofThreeAmericanFamilies(NewYork:RandomHouse,1985);RonaldFormisano,BostonAgainstBusing:Race,Class,andEthnicityinthe1960sand1970s(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress1991);EmmettH.,Jr.BuellandRichardA.Brisbin,Jr.,SchoolDesegregationandDefendedNeighborhoods:TheBostonControversy(Lexington:LexingtonBooks,1982);MichelRossandWilliamBerg,“IRespectfullyDisagreewiththeJudge’sOrder”:TheBostonSchoolDesegregationControversy(Washington,D.C.:UniversityPressofAmerica,1981);StevenTaylor,DesegregationinBostonandBuffalo:TheInfluenceofLocalLeaders(Albany:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,1998);JonHillson,TheBattleofBoston(NewYork:PathfinderPress,1977);AlanLupo,Liberty’sChosenHome:ThePoliticsofViolenceinBoston(Boston:LittleBrown,1977);IoneMalloy,SouthieWon’tGo:ATeacher’sDiaryoftheDesegregationofSouthBoston(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1986);GeorgeMetcalf,FromLittleRocktoBoston:TheHistoryofSchoolDesegregation(Westport:GreenwoodPress,1983);PamelaBullardandJudithStoia,TheHardestLesson:PersonalStoriesofaSchoolDesegregationCrisis(Boston:LittleBrown,1982).
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thelonghistoryofAfricanAmericaneducationalactivisminthecitybyscholarssuchas
Theoharis,thiscriticalworkcontinuestofurtherablack-whitebinarythatrenders
Latinosinvisible.161Schooldesegregationnarrativesmorebroadlyacrossthenation
havecenteredoneitherAfricanAmericansintegratingwhiteschoolsintheSouthorthe
lackofdesegregationintheNorth,oftenoverlookinghowLatinoswereimpactedby
desegregationortherolethatLatinoactivistsplayedinmovementsforchange.Recent
studiesofeducationalbarriersandtheimpactofdesegregationonChicanosinCalifornia
andintheSouthwesthavechallengedtheblack-whiteemphasis.However,hardlyany
haveconsideredhowotherLatinogroupsnavigatedthesesamechallengesintheurban
north.162ThelimitedscholarshipontheeducationalhistoryofLatinosinnortherncities
centersonPuertoRicansinNewYork.163Boston,ontheotherhand,remainslargely
obscuredinthescholarship,aswellasinthehistoricalmemoryofthecity’sracial
politics.
Currently,thereisnocomprehensivestudythatprovidesanin-depth
comparativeanalysisofboththeAfricanAmericanandLatinomovementsfor
161Seeforexample:Theoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid.’”162FortheimpactofdesegregationonLatinosintheSouthwest,see:MarkBrilliant,TheColorofAmericaHasChanged:HowRacialDiversityShapedCivilRightsReforminCalifornia,1941-1978(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2010);IanHaneyLopez,RacismonTrial:TheChicanoFightforJustice(Cambridge,MA:BelknapPressofHarvardUniversity,2003);RichardR.Valencia,ChicanoStudentsandtheCourts:TheMexicanAmericanLegalStruggleforEducationalEquality(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2010);GuadalupeSanMiguelJr.,Brown,NotWhite:SchoolIntegrationandtheChicanoMovementinHouston(CollegeStation,TX:TexasA&MUniversityPress,2005);PhillipaStrum,Mendezv.Westminster:SchoolDesegregationandMexican-AmericanRights(Lawrence,KS:KansasUniversityPress,2010);andBrianD.Behnken,FightingTheirOwnBattles:MexicanAmericans,AfricanAmericans,andtheStruggleforCivilRightsinTexas(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2011).163FortheeducationalhistoryofLatinosintheurbannorth,see:AnthonyDeJesúsandMadelinePérez,“FromCommunityControltoConsentDecree:PuertoRicansOrganizingforEducationandLanguageRightsin1960sand‘70sNewYorkCity,”CentroJournal21:2(Fall2009);MadeleineE.López,“NewYork,PuertoRicans,andtheDilemmasofIntegration,”inFromTheGrassrootsToTheSupremeCourt:BrownV.BoardOfEducationandAmericanDemocracy(ConstitutionalConflict),ed.PeterLau(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,2004),300-19.
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educationaljusticeinthecitynoronethathasconsideredhowthesegroupsand
grassrootsmobilizationsimpactedoneanother.Boston’sracialhistoryremains
staticallydefinedbythisso-called“busingcrisis.”Thisframeworkisquitelimitingasit
fuelstheblack-whitebinary,ignorestheimpactofGarrity’sdecisiononotherracialand
ethnicminorities,anderasestheimportanceofotherissuesbeyondbusingstudents,
suchaslanguageandbilingualeducation,pupilassignments,andthehiringofblackand
Latinoteachersandadministrators.Iaimtodisruptthisblack-white“busing”storyto
recoverthedecadeslongblack-brownmobilizationsforreforminBostonPublicSchools.
Inthischapter,IexaminetheparalleleducationalmovementswagedbyAfrican
AmericansandLatinosinBostonduringthe1960sintheyearsleadinguptoGarrity’s
decision,centeredonideasofcommunitycontrolandself-determination.Ihighlightthe
agencyofordinaryparent-organizerswhoworkedstrategicallyinandoutsidethe
schoolsystem,employingnumeroustacticsinthepursuitofeducationaljustice.Ifocus
particularlyontheleadingroleofworking-classAfricanAmericanandLatinamothers.
Thesemother-organizersdocumentedtheschoolinequities,stagedschoolboycottsand
publicprotests,mobilizedindigenousandexternalresourcestoexpandtheirbaseand
establishtheirowneducationalprogramsandindependentschools,petitionedthe
systemforreform,andsoughtlegalappealstobothintegrateBostonschoolsandprotect
specificprogramsthatservedtheircommunities.
Likeinthewelfare,antipoverty,andhousingmovementsdescribedinchapters
onethroughthree,theless-knownLatinomovementoftendrewinspirationand
organizingstrategiesfromitsAfricanAmericancounterpartsincetheblackcommunity
wasmoreestablishedinthecityandledbyseasonedorganizers.Latinosalsotooknotes
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fromthebroadercivilrightsandBlackPowermovementssweepingthenation.Though
LatinoeducationalactivismemergedalmostadecadeafterAfricanAmericans’,these
movementsunderwentsimilarcoursesonlydivergingfromparalleltracksontheissue
oflanguage,sinceLatinoactivistscenteredtheirmovementsharplyontheprotection
andexpansionofbilingualeducation.Latinamothers,inparticular,learnedfromtheir
blackcounterparts,modelingtheirownparallelmovementaroundbilingualism.Besides
this,theorganizingstrategiesofbothgroupsdrewmanysemblances,thoughtherewas
significantlylesscross-racialorganizingandmultiethnic/multiracialcoalitionbuilding
thaninthepreviousmovementsdiscussed.Mostnotably,Iillustratehowboth
movementswereledbydedicatedblack/brownmotherswhoimaginedbetter,more
comprehensiveandeffectivealternativesforschoolreformthanthoseencompassedby
JudgeGarrity’s1974court-ordereddesegregationplans.
I.DocumentingInequityandWakingtheCity
Duringthe1950sand1960s,whiteteachersandadministratorsinBostonoften
blamedAfricanAmericanandLatinoparentsfortheirchildren’slimitedacademic
performance.Refusingtoacknowledgetheharshrealitiesblack/brownchildrenfacedin
thesegregated,inequitableschoolsystem,BostonSchoolCommitteemembersoften
explainedtheachievementgaponthesupposedculturaldeficienciesoftheirfamilies
andtheirchildren’slackofmotivation.JeanneTheoharisexplainsthatthedistrict
“isolatedblackstudentsinmeagerschoolsthatcreatedconditionsunderwhichmost
studentscouldnotsucceed,”whicheffectivelyshiftedtheblametoblackparentsfor
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theirchildren’slimitedacademicperformance.164Evenattheonsetofblackeducational
organizinginthe1950s,RuthBatsonexplainedthattherewasageneral“consensus”
amongBostonschoolprincipalsthat“blackparentsdidnotcareabouteducation”and
that“blackstudentsdidnotdoaswellaswhite.”165Focusedonthequalityofstudents,
ratherthanthestructuresofschools,Batsonexplained,
ItangersmewhenIhearandreadthatblackparentsdonothelptheirchildren–donotparticipateintheireducationalgrowth…whatblackparentswantedwastogettheirchildrentoschoolswheretherewerethebestresourcesforeducationalgrowth–smallclasssizes,up-to-datebooks.Theywantedtheirchildreninagoodschoolbuilding,wheretherewasanallocationoffundswhichexceededthoseintheblackschools;wherethereweresufficientbooksandequipmentforallthestudents.Isthattoomuchtoaskfor?166
Forthenexttwodecades,blackandLatinoparentswereregularlytoldbyschool
officialsthattheproblemwaswiththeirownchildren,notwithracialinjusticeinthe
system.Bostonschoolcommitteememberscontinuedtoreiteratethat“thereareno
inferiorschools,onlyinferiorstudents.”167Yetblackandbrownparentsinthecitylike
Batsonbecamepoliticizedovertimeandsetouttodisprovethismyth.
However,thischapterdoesnotcenteronRuthBatson’sstorysinceithasalready
beenwell-documentedbyhistorianJeanneTheoharis.IillustratethatthoughBatson
emergedasapublicleaderintheNAACPinthe1950s,bythe1960sasthemovement
tooksteam,shewasjoinedbymanymother-organizers.Thesewomenvoicedtheir
concernsfortheirchildren’sschoolsandsoughtimmediatereform.Establishingad-hoc
organizationsandtaskforces,theyinitiallysetouttodocumenttheexistinginequities 164Theoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”23.165Batson,TheBlackEducationalMovement,48.CitedinTheoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”23.166RuthBatson,“BlackHistoryCelebration”speech,7-9.CitedinTheoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”23.167Theoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”19.
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andraiseconcernswithinindividualneighborhoodschools.Theyalsoworkedtoraise
awarenessinthecityabouttheinequities.Thehistoryofthefirststagesoftheblackand
Latinoeducationalmovementsdisruptswidespreadassumptionsofblack-brown
familialdysfunctionandlackofeducationalengagementbestexemplifiedinthe“culture
ofpoverty”and“underclass”theories.Therisingleadershipofworking-classblack
womeninthemovement,andlateronbyLatinawomen,alsochallengesthepathological
viewsofblack-brownmotherhood.
---
In1961,NaomiJones,MarianneFreeman,andBarbaraElam,longtimeresidents
ofatightly-knitAfricanAmericancommunityinRoxbury,beganmeetingtodiscusstheir
increasingconcernsaboutthenearbyDavidA.EllisSchool.Afteridentifyingshared
experiencesandpatternsofinequityattheschoolsuchasovercrowding,lackof
materials,anddeterioratingclassrooms,theydecidedtotaketheconversationbeyond
Elam’skitchentableandformamother’sgroupofclassroomvolunteerstodocument
first-handtheconditionsoftheschoolandadvocateforchange.Withadozenorsoother
mothersfromtheneighborhood,theyformedtheConcernedHigginsonParents
Association(CHPA),whichsoughttofightforeducationalreformandastrongervoice
forparentsattheEllisSchool.TheorganizationwasnamedaftertheHigginsonSchool
District,whichwaslocatedintheneighborhoodofUpperRoxbury,andhadover1,000
studentsenrolledinthreeelementaryschools—theDavidA.Elliswheretheirchildren
wereenrolled,aswellastheHenryL.HigginsonandW.L.P.Boardman.TheCHPA
quicklybroadeneditsgoaltodismantlingracialinequalityinallBostonpublicschools.
Withineighteenmonths,acitywidemovementhademerged.Withthehelpofother
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grassrootsgroupsandnationalcivilrightsorganizationsincludingtheNAACP,CORE,
andtheUrbanLeague,theEllisschoolmothersralliedhundredsofblackBostoniansto
theircause.168
TheCHPA’sclassroomvolunteerprogramwasanimmediatesuccessintheearly
1960s.Themothersassistedteacherswithlessonsandprovidedacademicsupportto
studentsinneed.Teachers,parents,andstudentsallrespondedveryenthusiasticallyto
theprogram,andbeforelongeveryclassattheEllishadaparentvolunteer.The
homeroomvolunteerprogramaffordedtheCHPAmotherstheopportunitytoobserve
theconditionsinsidetheschools.Thesewomenwerealsoabletovisitandobserveother
schoolsthroughoutthecityofBoston.Theirvisitsconfirmedtheirsuspicionsthatthere
weresignificantdisparitiesinthequantityandqualityofeducationalresources,
instruction,andphysicalconditionsofschoolsinRoxburycomparedtoschoolsinwhite
neighborhoods.CHPmotherMaryAllencommentedabouttheschoolbuildings,“They
werefallingdownanddilapidated.Andofcourse,theywereoldstructuresanyway.
But…therewasn’tanyvisiblesignofrenovation.”Shecontinued,“manytimesthe
childrendidn’thaveadequatesupplies.Thebookswereoutdated;certainly,thebooks
wereoutdated.There’snoquestionaboutthat.”169EvaJayneswasalsoconcernedthat
materialsweresolimitedthatstudentshadtosharepencils.Herfearstrulymounted
whenhersoncamehomeseveraltimeswithhispantssoiledbecausetherewasnotoilet
paperorotherbasichygienicnecessitieslikepapertowelsintheEllisschool
168ConcernedHigginsonParentsAssociationOralHistoryCollection[hereafter:CHPAOH],UniversityofMassachusettsBostonArchivesandSpecialCollections[hereafter:UMB].169MarieAlleninterview,CHPAOH,U.
125
bathrooms.170
TheCHPAmotherssetupameetingwithEllisPrincipalWilliamJ.McCarthyto
sharetheirconcernsabouttheovercrowdedclassrooms,thelackofbasicschool
suppliesandsubstituteteachers,poorcommunicationbetweenschoolstaffandparents,
andproblematic,bigotedremarksmadebywhiteteacherstowardstheirchildren.Many
ofthemothersalsoworriedthattheschoolwasnotacademicallyrigorousandwasnot
adequatelypreparingtheirchildrentosucceedinjuniorhighschoolorplacethemona
pathtocollege.ThemothersthreatenedtowithdrawtheirchildrenfromtheEllisSchool
unlessPrincipalMcCarthytookimmediateactiontoaddresstheirconcerns.Yethe
dismissedthementirelyanddeniedtheirrequeststoholdalargermeetingtodiscuss
theproblemswiththewholeschoolcommunity.Afterwards,theheadoftheEllisSchool
HomeSchoolAssociationinformedtheCHPAmothersthattheyneededtostop
“agitating”ortheywouldnotbepermittedtocontinuevolunteeringashomeroom
mothers.171Yetthisthreatdidnotscarethemoff.
InFebruary1963,themothersmetwiththeAssistantSuperintendentofSchools
forElementaryEducation,MargueriteSullivan,whosupervisedtheHigginsonDistrict.
TheCHAmothersfeltpatronizedbySullivanwhoarguedsheknewwhatwasbestfor
theirchildren.Thisblatantdisrespectandcontemptforblackparentswasalltoo
commonamongBostonschoolofficials.“Therefusaltolistento,acknowledge,andthen
planwithBlacks,”BarbaraElamrecounted,“hadtodowithpowerandadefinite
unwillingnesstoshareit.Thatwascentral.”ElambelievedraceexplainedSullivan’s
170EvaJaynesinterview,CHPAOH,UMB.171BarbaraElaminterview,CHPAOH,UMB.
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dismissiveattitude.“IwantedhertounderstandthatwereallyfelttheBostonschools
werefailingourchildrenandthatwehadarighttoexpectthemtobeeducated.Ifelt
clearlythatshebelievedthatNegrochildrenwereinferior.”172Afterthisdisheartening
meetingwithSullivan,theCHPAmotherswerefrustratedandangry,yetalso
determinedtocreatechange.Realizingtheyneededtoexpandthescopeoftheir
movement,theyenlistedthehelpofmoreestablishedorganizationsinthecitytoplan
theirnextmove.
TheincreasedmomentumoftheCHPAcoincidedwiththegrowingactivityofthe
NAACP’sPublicSchoolcommittee.Inthespringof1961,CommitteemembersRuth
Batson,ErnaBallentine,MelKing,LeonLomax,CharlesPinderhughes,andBarbaraElam
(whowasalsoCHPAco-chair),beganacampaignpressuringcityschoolofficialsto
providedetailedinformationontheracialmakeupoftheschools,assignmentand
transferpolicies,andcurriculum.Whenschoolofficialsrefused,theCommittee
conducteditsownracialcensusandsurvey.Thissurveyrevealedextensiveracial
segregationandinequality,informationthatendedupbeingcriticalintheprotestsof
thisperiod.173
InApril1963,theConcernedHigginsonParentsAssociationanditsnewlyformed
alliancewiththeNAACP,theUrbanLeague,andtheBlackMinisterialAlliance,worked
togethertoplanacommunity-widemeetingtodiscussracialinequalityinBoston’s
schoolsatSt.Mark’sCongregationalChurchSocialCenterinRoxbury.Morethan100
parentsattendedthemeetingwhererepresentativesfromthevariousorganizations
172Elaminterview,4-6.173Batson,BlackEducationalMovement,63-4,70.
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facilitateddiscussionsonthespendinggapbetweenwhiteandblackschools,among
otherconcerns.Whileitwasanopportunityforparentsandcommunityactiviststo
sharetheirexperiences,theyalsoworkedtocraftstrategiestoaddresstheseproblems
suchasincreasedparticipationattheBostonSchoolCommitteemeetingsandanactive
roleintheselectionofanewsuperintendent.Mostimportantly,parentswere
encouragedtobegintheirowngroupssuchastheCHPAandspreadtheword.
BuildingonthemomentumofthemeetingatSt.Mark’s,blackparentslauncheda
citywidemediacampaigntoraiseawarenessoftheproblemsintheschools.Parents
wroteletterstoleadersacrossthecityandtotheeditorsofthelocalnewspapersthat
detailedtheracialinequalityintheschools.Forexample,inalettertotheeditorsofthe
BostonHerald,BarbaraElamwrote,“IdonotfeelthatasaNegroparentIneedguidance
anddiscipline,”whichwasinreferencetothecondescendingattitudesofSullivanand
otherschoolofficials.Shecontinued,“Irefusetoacceptsecond-classeducationformy
childrenandotherNegrochildrenandlikeMartinLutherKingIhaveadreamthat
somedayeveninBostonchildrenwillreceiveadecenteducationregardlessofthecolor
oftheirskin.”174
WhiletheCHPAandotherad-hocparentorganizationsandtaskforcesworkedto
drawattentiontotheplightofblackstudentsinBostonPublicSchoolsthroughoutthe
1960s,therewereseveralscandalousinstancesofabuseandneglecttowardsblack
childrenthatgarneredsignificantmediaattentionontheirown.Onesucheventtook
placeattheQuincyDickermanelementaryschoolinRoxburyinMay1968.OneFriday
afternoonaround4:00pm,LydaPetersandRuthRosner,theonlyblackteachersatthe 174Elaminterview,CHPAOH,UMB.
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school,enteredMarieAbbott’sfirstgradeclassroomtolookatsomestudentartprojects.
Theywereshockedtofindaseven-year-oldblackgirlnamedJacquelinelockedinsidea
closetwithhermouthtapedshut.Abbotthadsentherinthereasadisciplinarymeasure
aroundlunchtimeand,hourslater,itwasclearshehadbeenforgotten.Jacqueline’s
mother,LessieBrewington,fearedthathadshenothadbeenfound,shemighthave
remainedinthelockedschoolbuildingovertheweekend.Laterthatday,Petersand
RosswenttoBrewington’shometocheckontheyounggirl.Hermotheraskedthe
teacherswhattodoaboutthishorrificincidentandPetersrecommendedshegostraight
totheNAACPandreportit.175WiththehelpoftheNAACP,Brewingtonthenfileda
formalchargewiththeschooldistrict.YettheschoolstoodbyAbbott.TheAssistant
Principal,FrancisO’Meara,describedtheincidentasmerelya“terriblemistake…a
humanerror,notamaliciousthing.”176AbbottdefendedherselfpubliclyintheBoston
GlobearguingthatracialprejudicehadnothingtodowithhertreatmentofJacquelinein
thesegregatedblackschool.Shestatedthatthecasewasexaggeratedbya“colored
teachertherewho’stryingtomakeabigincidentofit.”177Jaqueline’scasewasunique
becausethereweretwoblackteacherswhowerewillingtotestifyonherbehalfinfront
ofMCAD.Aftersignificantmediaattentiononthecaseandaninvestigationbytheschool
department,Abbottwassuspendedandeventuallytransferredtoadifferentschool.
Theincreasedmediainterestinincidentsliketheonecoupledwithextensive
outreachbytheConcernedHigginsonParentsAssociationfueledthegrowthoftheblack
175LydaPeters,InterviewbyAuthor,Cambridge,MA,October27,2015[hereafter:PetersInterview].176FrancisO’MearaquotedinNinaMcCain,“RoxburyMotherSaysTeacherLeft1stGradeGirlinCloakroom,”BostonGlobe,May22,1968.177MarieAbbottquotedinMcCain,“RoxburyMotherSaysTeacherLeft1stGradeGirlinCloakroom.”
129
educationalmovementthroughoutthe1960sdecade.178RuthBatsonhademergedas
thevoiceofthemovement,particularlyaftersheledtheNAACPinaboldprotest
campaignagainsttheBostonSchoolCommitteeinJune1963.Inalistoffourteen
demands,BatsonandtheNAACPcalledforanimmediatepublicacknowledgementof
theexistenceofdefactosegregationintheschoolsystem,thoughthecommittee
continuedtodenythisclaim.“Wewereinsulted,”Batsonexplained.“Weweretoldour
kidswerestupidandthiswaswhytheydidn’tlearn.Wewerecompletelyrejectedthat
night.”179Cityofficialsdeflectedchargesofracialinjusticebyblamingblackparentsand
students.Theschoolcommitteerepeatedlypointedtoblackstudentsinferiority,
stupidity,andlackofmotivationtoexplaintheiracademicstruggles.Theyevencreateda
specialprogramcalledOperationCounterpoisetoprovideservicesfor“culturally
deprivedstudents.”AsJeanneTheoharisexplains,“Itwasmorepalpableinaliberalcity
likeBostontouseasociologicallanguageof‘culture’toseparateourblackstudents.
Indeed,therecametobeapublicelisionbetweenthephrase‘culturallydeprived
students’andblackstudents.”180
BostonschoolofficialsalsoquestionedtheculturaldeficienciesofLatinofamilies.
Latinomigrants,mostofwhomwerePuertoRican,hadbeenarrivingtothecityin
massesthroughoutthe1960s,andweresaidtohavebroughtwiththemthe“problems
fromtheisland.”ThislanguageinBostonmirrorednationalandacademicdiscourses
thatcharacterizedPuertoRicansashavinga“cultureofpoverty.”Asmentionedin
178TheCHPmothershadeventakentheirmovementnationallyin1964whenElamrepresentedthegroupbytestifyingbeforetheMassachusettsStateAdvisoryCommitteetotheUnitedStatesCommissiononCivilRightsregardingsegregationintheBostonPublicSchools.179RuthBatson,quotedinHampton,VoicesofFreedom,589.180Theoharis,“TheyToldMeOurKidsWereStupid,”25.
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earlierchapters,anthropologistOscarLewisclearlyarticulatedtheconceptinhis1965
workwhenhearguedthis“relativelythin”culturewascharacterizedbyminimal
integrationintolargersociety,littleorganizationwithintheethniccommunity,families
thatverballyemphasizedunitybutrarelyachievedit,andindividualswithahigh
toleranceforpathology.MigratingPuertoRicanssupposedlycarriedthiscultureof
povertywiththemsomanyoftheproblemstheyfacedinurbancenterslikeNewYork
(orinthiscaseBoston),hadtheiroriginsintheslumsofPuertoRico.181Tohelpeasethe
transitionofLatinomigrantsinBoston,teachthemEnglish,andhelpthemassimilate,
thestateofMassachusettsandcityestablishedmigrantandEnglishasaSecond
Language(ESL)programs.In1963,forexample,MassachusettsestablishedaMigrant
EducationProgramwithsomefinancialsupportfromemergingLatinosocialservice
organizations(whoalsoprovidedLatinoteachersandvolunteerstooperatethecenter).
Then,inSeptember1967,withTitleIfundsBostonbeganofferingESLclasseswith
English-speakingteachers.TenESLteachersworkedinnineschools,pullingout
studentsfromtheirregularclassesfor45minuteseachday.182
Whileissuessuchasovercrowding,dilapidatedbuildings,limitedmaterials,and
bigotedwhiteteacherswereconcernssharedbybothAfricanAmericansandLatinos,
Latinoorganizersinthe1960sfirstsoughttoprovethatthecity’sexistingmigrantand
ESLprogramswerefailingtoadequatelyaddressthefullneedsofLatinostudents
enrolled.MuchlikeAfricanAmericans,Latinoparentsbegantheirmovementfor
181CarmenTeresaWhalen,FromPuertoRicotoPhiladelphia:PuertoRicanWorkersandPostwarEconomies(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,2001),6-7.182BetsyTregar,“BilingualEducationinBoston:Litigation,Legislation,RegulationandIssuesforImplementation”(Ed.D.diss,HarvardUniversity,1983),22.
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educationaljusticebydocumentingtheinequalityandharshrealitiesexperiencedby
theirchildren.
In1969,astudyconductedbyABCD(ActionforBostonCommunity
Development)andAPCROSS(AssociationPromotingConstitutionalRightsofthe
Spanish-Speaking)revealedthatanoverwhelmingmajorityofLatinoschool-aged
childrenandtheirparentslackedformaleducationandcouldnotcomfortablyreador
speakinEnglish.183Thissamestudyfoundthatover75%ofESLstudentswerebelow
grade-level.184TheBostonSchoolDepartmentlamented,
TheSpanish-speakingchildfindshimselfinaclassroomwherethetotalcurricula,methods,andmediumoflanguagearegearedtowardthenativeEnglishspeaker…Itisunrealisticforustosupposethatifwethenplaceanumberofnon-Englishspeakersinthisurbanclassroom,theteacherscanmeetthespecialneedsofthesechildren.185
LatinosocialserviceworkerslikeArielMantienzo,aPuertoRicanseminarianatthe
CardinalCushingCenterfortheSpanishSpeaking,alsopointedtothehighdropoutrates
ofLatinostudentstoillustratetheineffectivenessoftheseearlyprograms.Inaresponse
toaseriesonPuertoRicanmigrantsintheBostonGlobe,Mantienzocorroboratedthe
claimthattherewere“longlistsof14and15-year-oldsjustsittingaroundinelementary
183ABCDwasestablishedin1962outofthemayor’sofficetorespondtothesocialproblemscreatedbythecity’srecenturbanrenewalprograms.Then,followingthepassingoftheEconomicOpportunityActin1964,whichwaspartofPresidentLyndonB.Johnson’sWaronPovertyandGreatSocietycampaign,thecityofBostondesignatedABCDasitsofficialanti-povertyagency.Asexplainedinchapterone,APCROSSwasorganizedin1967tocreateamorepowerfulpoliticalpresenceforLatinos(mostlyPuertoRicans)inBostonbytargetingagenciesthatwereexcludingLatinos.OneofthemainfunctionsofAPCROSSwastoregisterPuertoRicanvoters.Theagencytriedtosecurefederal,state,andcityfundingtodevelopsocialserviceprogramsintheSouthEndneighborhood.MatosRodriguez,“SavingtheParcela,”211;Coons,“HubProgramsBattleGiantLanguageProblem.”184DeliaVorhauer,“AProfileofBoston’sSpanishSpeakingCommunity:CharacteristicsandAttitudes,”APCROSSandMassachusettsStateDepartmentofEducation,MigrantDivision;compiledbyActionforBostonCommunityDevelopment(ABCD),April1969.QuotedinTaskForce,TheWayWeGotoSchool,21.185BostonSchoolDepartment,“TitleVIIE.S.E.A.BilingualEducationProgram”Proposal,BostonPublicSchools,1968.QuotedinTaskForce,TheWayWeGotoSchool,19.
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schoolandwaitingtodropoutat16.”Heclaimedinhisprogram,“18outof75boysfall
inthiscategory,notcountingyoungerchildrenwhowillsoonbeinasimilarposition
withinthenextfewyears!”186
TheactualnumbersofLatinochildreninandoutofschoolremainedahighly
contestedissuethroughoutthe1960sdecade,apointofcontentionusedbyschool
officialstodiscreditcommunityorganizersandparentsadvocatingforradicalreform.187
ManyconcernedresidentswentdirectlytoLatinoneighborhoodstogatherstatisticson
thosechildrenwhowerehomeandnotattendingschool.Forexample,SisterFrances
Georgia,aSpanishnunwhohadtaughtinPuertoRico,workedoutoftheMayor’sOffice
ofPublicServiceandconductedadoor-to-doorsurveyoftruantchildren.Herresearch
wouldbecomethefoundationforastudyconductedbytheTaskForceonChildrenOut
ofSchool.TheTaskForcewasabroad-basedurbancoalitionofactivistsandwas
composedofabout50socialworkers,academics,lawyers,clergy,andsupportstaff
whichinvestigatedtheperformanceofBostonPublicSchools.LedbyChairmanHubert
“Hubie”Jones,theAfricanAmericanDirectoroftheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenterwhois
describedindetailinchapterone,theTaskForcewaspredominantlyAfricanAmerican
andwhite,thoughthefewleadingmembersoftheLatinocommunityincludedAlex 186ArielMantienzo,“LackofJustice?OrCharity?”BostonGlobe,October16,1966.187GiventheconflictingestimatesoftheLatinopopulationandhowrapidlyitgrewduringthisera,itisdifficulttoapproximatepreciselyhowmanyLatinoschool-agechildrentherewereinBostonandhowmanywereenrolledorexcludedfromBostonschools.Yetsinceitwaswelldocumentedthatschool-agechildrencomposedaboutonethirdoftheLatinopopulation(whichhadreached20,000to40,000),onecanestimatethattherewereroughly6,000to12,000Latinochildreninthecitybythelate1960sandearly1970s.OnethirdtoonehalfoftheseLatinoschool-agedchildrenwerenotenrolledinBostonPublicSchools.SomepointedtothelownumbersofSpanish-surnamechildrenenrolledasevidenceofexclusion.Forexample,in1969therewereonlyanestimated2,000to3,000Spanish-surnamechildreninBostonpublicschoolsandabout300inparochialschools,whichmeantthatoverhalfofLatinochildren(estimatedbetween3,000and10,000)wereoutofschool.Coons,“HubProgramsBattleGiantLanguageProblem”;TaskForce,TheWayWeGotoSchool,18;“BostonPublicSchoolsActualEnrollmentbyRace,1967-1978,”November1978,Box70,Folder3,LaAlianzaHispanaRecords,NU.
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Rodriguez(alsodescribedinchapterone),MarioClavell,andRaquelCohen.Other
LatinosservedasstaffmembersontheprojectandparentsofchildreninBostonschools
andcommunityactivistsattendedTaskForcemeetingsandprovidedtestimoniesof
theirexperiencesininterviews.
ThegroundbreakingreporttitledTheWayWeGotoSchool:TheExclusionof
ChildreninBostonwaspublishedin1970andprovideda“conservativeestimate”that
3,000to8,000Latinochildrenwereoutofschool.TheTaskForcehighlightedthe
psychologicaldamageLatinostudentsexperiencedfromexclusionbypublicschools.
Thereportexplained:
TheSpanish-speakingchilddoesnothavetoknowEnglishtorealizethatotherchildrengotoschool.Heseesthempasshishouseeachday.Buthecan’tgo,thereisnothingatschoolforhim.Byimplication,thechildistoldtwothings:firstthathislanguageisoflittletonovalue,andsecond,thathisparents–thewaytheyspeakandtheirwayoflife–areoflittlevalue…Oneneednotbeapsychiatristtounderstandtheimpactthishasuponthemindofachild.188
Thereportalsowentontostate,“Theeducationalprograms,bytheSchoolDepartment’s
ownadmission,arefailingtoeducatethenumbersofSpanish-speakingchildrenwhoare
inschool.”189HavingsuccessfullydocumentedthatonethirdtoonehalfofLatino
school-agedchildrenwerenotenrolledinBostonPublicSchoolsthroughoutthe1960s
andthattheschoolswerefailingthosewhodidattend,thisreportprovidedmuchofthe
evidenceneededtosupportLatinoactivists’demandsforeducationalreform.
Inadditiontotheconcernsaboutchildrenexcludedfromschoolordroppingout,
LatinoandAfricanAmericanchildrenalikefacedhostilityandviolenceinBoston
schools,particularlyinthewakeoftheurbanriotsthatsweptthenationinthelate 188Ibid.189TaskForce,“TheWayWeGotoSchool,”19.
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1960s.Whilethecity’ssystemwassegregatedbyraceanddefinedintermsofablack-
whitebinary,Latinosdidnotfitneatlyintothissystemandinsteadblurredthecolor
line.Latinochildrenenrolledinbothblackandwhiteschoolsacrossthecityexperienced
thisviolence.Forexample,in1968,severalAfricanAmericanandLatinostudentswere
severelybeatenduringaseriesofriotsattheKingMiddleSchool,apredominantlyblack
schoolinDorchester.WhilethisviolenceoccurredbetweenAfricanAmericanandLatino
students,manycommunitymembersfelttherootoftheproblemlayinthestructureof
segregatedschoolswithunmanageableclasssizesandinsufficient,poorlytrainedstaff.
Black/brownstudentsfacedsimilarviolenceatthehandsofwhitestudentsin
predominantlywhiteschoolsinneighborhoodssuchasSouthBoston.190Manyactivists
arguedthatthemoreraciallydiverseschoolsinneighborhoodsliketheSouthEnd
experiencedlessviolence,andthusbelievedschoolintegrationwasthebestsolution.
AlexRodriguezremembershischildren’sschoolintheSouthEndasadiversespace“like
theUnitedNations.”Yeteveninthismoreidealisticintegratedspacetherewasthe
constantthreatofviolence.Oncehebecameinvolvedinorganizing,whiteBostonians
begantoretaliate.Oneday,hisdaughtercamehomewithanoteinherlunchbox
supposedlywrittenbytheKuKluxKlanthatthreatenedherfather,“Lookhoweasywe
cangettoyou!”191
FollowingtheriotsattheKingMiddleSchool,alargemajorityofthefiftyLatino
studentsenrolledfearedfortheirsafetyandstoppedattendingschoolalltogether.
LatinoandAfricanAmericanparentsandlocalleadersworkedtogethertoorganizea
190“Boston’sSpanish-SpeakingPeopleBlameDropoutsonBeatings,”BostonGlobe,May16,1969.191RodriguezInterview.
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seriesofinterracialcommunitydialoguesattheDenisonHouseinDorchestertodiscuss
thisissue.SamBell,anAfricanAmericanteenagerandheadofamilitantgroupcalled
theYouthAlliance,offeredtonegotiatewithstudentsatKingandnearbyschoolsto
persuadethemtohalttheviolence.RepresentativesfromtheMayor’sOfficeofHuman
Rightsalsoattendedthemeetingandofferedsupport,volunteeringtoescortLatinoand
AfricanAmericanchildrentotheirschoolsandassignmorepolicepatrolcarstomonitor
troubleareasbeforeandafterschool.YetLatinoactivistslikeRodriguezplacedalarger
responsibilityontheBostonPublicSchooldistrictitselftoprotectchildrenofcolor.“If
ourchildrenfeartogotoschool,”heargued,“theyarebeingdeniedtheirrighttohave
aneducation.”192ArmandoMartinez,aPuertoRicanandCubanteacherwhoworkedat
KingandwasoneoftheonlyLatinoteachersintheschooldistrict,alsospokeout
publicly.193Advocatingforcommunitycontroloftheschools,hesuggestedthatthe
BostonSchoolDepartmentshouldestablishaschoolexclusivelyforLatinos:“Ifthe
schoolsystemcannotguaranteethesafetyofourchildren,thenletthemgiveusaschool
ofourownsomewhere,wherewecanattendtotheirneeds.”194
Martinez’scallforcommunitycontrolofBostonschoolsendedupdefiningthe
secondphaseoftheAfricanAmericanandLatinomovementsforeducationaljusticein
the1960s.Afterdocumentingtheexistingracialinequitiesintheschoolsystemand
raisingawarenessofthemovementthroughoutthecity,AfricanAmericanandLatino
192AlexRodriguez,quotedin“Boston’sSpanish-SpeakingPeopleBlameDropoutsonBeatings,”BostonGlobe,May16,1969.193ArmandoMartinezwasateacherattheMartinLutherKingSchool.In1969,heclaimedhewastheonly“Spanish-speaking”teacherintheentireBostonPublicSchoolsystem.“PuttingParentsinSchools:CEPOrganizersMeet,”BayStateBanner,November27,1969.194ArmandoMartinez,quotedin“Boston’sSpanish-SpeakingPeopleBlameDropoutsonBeatings,”BostonGlobe,May16,1969.
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parentactivistsbeganespousingideasofself-determinationandcraftingactivist
strategiescenteredoncommunitycontrol.Throughoutthe1960sandintotheearly
1970s,AfricanAmericansandLatinosturnedtodirectactionbystagingcitywide
boycottsandprotests,aswellasemployingresourcemobilizationstrategies.Mobilizing
resourceswithintheirowncommunitiesandadvocatingforexternalresources,both
movementsexpandedtheirbasesandbeganorganizingtheirownschool-readinessand
summereducationalprogramsandindependentschools.
II.Self-Determination
Dueinlargeparttotheself-determinationandleadershipoftheHigginson
mothers,theblackeducationalmovementbeganmountingitsbiggestprotestcampaign
inJune1963.WithRuthBatsonatitshead,theNAACPPublicSchoolCommittee
requestedapublichearingwiththeBostonSchoolCommittee.TheNAACPorganizedthe
meetingforJune11that9:00pmsothatworkingparentscouldattend.Theydistributed
flyersacrossBoston’sblackneighborhoodstorecruitcommunityparticipation.One
flyerread,“Yourchildren’sfutureisatstake.Helpusmakeitbright!”Otherscalledfor
parentparticipationineliminatingsecond-classeducation.195WhileBatsondelivereda
statementonbehalfoftheNAACPandcommunitymembers,hundredsofblack
supportersassembledoutsidethebuildingandatBostonCityHalltosingprotestsongs.
Batsonoutlinedavisionfora“first-classcitizenship”thatbeganwithequal
educationforallblackstudentsinBostonschools.Inthelistof14demandsdeliveredto
theBostonSchoolCommittee,sheandtheactivistscalledforthe“immediatepublic 195Batson,BlackEducationalMovement,87.
137
acknowledgmentoftheexistenceofdefactosegregationintheBostonPublicSchool
System.”Batsonalsodemandedareviewoftheschoolsystem’sintelligencetesting,a
reductioninclasssizes,theadditionofculturallycompetentinstructionalmaterials,and
increasedhiringofblackeducatorsaswellasguidancecounselorsandsocialworkers.196
TheNAACPalsosoughtaformalroleintheselectionofBoston’snewsuperintendentof
schools.
Muchtotheactivists’dismay,therewaslittleresolutionattheendoftheseven-
hourhearing.TheBostonSchoolCommitteewouldnotnegotiateasettlementwiththem
andrefusedtoacknowledgetheexistenceofschoolsegregationanditsharmfulimpact
onblackstudents.“Nomatterwhatwesaid,”MelKinglaterreflected,“theSchool
Committeewouldnot,couldnot,admittheyhadcontributedtoanythingsowrong.”197In
response,thedayafterthehostilehearing,theNAACPEducationCommittee,alongwith
leadingblackactivistssuchasNoelDayandRev.JamesBreeden,calledforaboycottof
theBostonPublicSchoolsonJune18thbyblackjuniorandseniorhighschool
students.198Turnedoffbytheterm“boycott”though,movementleadersinsteadcalled
thedemonstrationa“StayOutforFreedom.”Rev.BreedenexplainedtotheBostonGlobe,
“thisdoesnotmeanthatourchildrenarestayingawayfromschool.Itdoesmeanthey
196Batson,“StatementtotheBostonSchoolCommittee,”June11,1963,Box4,Folder5,BatsonPapers,Schlesinger.197MelKing,ChainofChange,33.198ThoughtheStayOutforFreedomwascoordinatedbyacoalitionoflocalagencies,civilrightsgroups,andblackchurches,NoelDayandRev.JamesBreedenplayedleadingroles.NoelDaywasborninHarlem,NYandattendedDartmouthCollegeinthe1950s,wherehemetJamesBreeden.BreedenwasborninMinnesotaandbeganorganizingaroundracialsegregationincollege.WhileBreedenwentontotheUnionTheologicalSeminaryinNewYorkCity,Daybecameasocialworker.TheybothmovedtoBostoninthelate1950swheretheyemergedasleadersintheblackcommunityandseasonedorganizers.Rev.BreedenledseveralEpiscopalchurchesandDayservedastheExecutiveDirectorofSt.Mark’sSocialCenter.Bundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”101-102.
138
arestayingawayfrompublicschool.”Hecontinued,“Itdoesnotmeanweareneglecting
ourchildren’seducation.Onthecontrary.Wearetryingtogiveourchildrenmoreofthe
educationwethinktheyshouldhave.”199Movementleadersplannedafulldayof
programmingforthestay-outstudents,organizingfreedomschoolsatlocalchurches,
communitycenters,andsocialserviceorganizations.Theyalsopromisedtherewouldbe
nodisorderorpicketing.AndyettheBostonSchoolCommitteeremainedworriedabout
thethreatofviolence,urgingtheNAACPtoreconsideritsplanandcalloffthe
demonstration.Schoolofficialsalsointimidatedblackparentswiththethreatoftruancy
prosecutions.
Breeden,Day,andothermovementleaderstookinspirationfromthenational
civilrightsmovementandhadbeendevelopingthevisionforthefreedomschoolsfor
sometimepriortotheJune12thannouncementoftheboycott.Theysoughttousethe
stay-outtoencourageyoungstudentstoparticipateinthedirectactioncampaignandto
buildamassmovementforschoolreform.WhiletheNAACPcontinuedtonegotiatewith
theBostonSchoolCommitteeintheweekfollowingthehearing,organizersheldmass
communitymeetings,distributedflyersandpamphlets,andissuedpublicstatementsto
rallysupportfortheFreedomStayOut.Whenthenegotiationsfailed,theboycottwas
setinmotionasplanned.OnJune18,1963,threethousandblackstudentsstayedoutof
Bostonschools.
Stay-outparticipantsreportedtoSt.Mark’sSocialCenterbeforetheywerebused
tooneofsixfreedomschoolsthroughoutRoxbury,Dorchester,andtheSouthEnd.These
199JamesBreeden,quoteinSeymourR.Linscott,“NegroestoGoAheadwithStay-Out,”BostonGlobe,June18,1963.
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freedomschoolsdemonstratetheefficacyofthemovement’sresourcemobilization
strategy.Turninginward,blackBostoniansfoundspace,transportation,teachers,and
suppliesfortheschoolstheyhadalwayslongedfortheirchildren.Childrenlearned
aboutAfricanAmericanhistoryaswellasthephilosophyandstrategiesofcivilrights
protest,studiedtheU.S.Constitution,andsangfreedomsongs.Theboycottwasa
successthatgarneredcitywidemediaattentionandbroughttheblackcommunity
togetherinthegrowingmovementforeducationaljustice.RuthBatsontoldtheBoston
Globe,“IfeelthattheStayOutforFreedomDaywasasuccess.Notinasenseofavictory
overanybody.Thiswasnottheintent.ButitdemonstratedtotheBostoncommunity
thattheNegrocommunityisconcernedandthattheywantaction.”200
FollowingtheFreedomStayOut,blackorganizerslaunchedaseriesofdirect
actionprotestsinthesummerof1963.LedbyagroupcalledCitizensforBostonSchools,
theysoughttovoteoutthemostoutspokenopponentsofschoolintegrationonthe
BostonSchoolcommittee,namelyLouiseDayHicks,JosephLee,andWilliamO’Connor,
andreplacethemwithraciallyprogressivecandidatessuchasblackactivistMelKing
(wholostthefirsttimeheranin1961).TheystagedprotestsontheBostonCommon,
organizedmassivesit-insandmarchesattheBostonSchoolCommitteeoffices,and
manywerearrested.InAugust,StateCommissionerofEducationOwenKiernanpublicly
calledfortheeliminationofso-called“racialimbalance”inBostonschools.Kiernan
introducedtheterm“racialimbalance”asasubstituteforsegregation.TheGlobe
explained,“Theboard’spolicystatementsteeredclearofthetroublesomephrase‘de
factosegregation,’andmadenomentionoftheincreasinglybittercontroversyinvolving 200RuthBatson,quotedin“ItWasaVictory......ItWasaFailure,”BostonGlobe,June19,1963.
140
Bostonschools.”201TheNAACPandotherblackactivistsrejectedthislanguage.Still,the
phrase“racialimbalance”waswidelyadoptedandlaterusedinthecourt-mandated
desegregationplansonedecadelater.TheBostonSchoolCommitteedidgrantthe
NAACPasecondhearingonAugust15,butitendedabruptlyafteronlyfifteenminutes
whenRuthBatsonbeganapresentationondefactosegregationintheschoolsystem.
Inthefallof1963,thedemonstrationscontinued.Twodaysbeforetheprimary
schoolboardelection,theNAACPorganizeda“MarchonRoxbury”todramatizethelocal
educationalissuesandurgeAfricanAmericanstoregisterandvoteinlocalelections.
DrawinginspirationfromtheMarchonWashingtonforJobsandFreedomthathad
takenplaceonemonthprior,NAACP’sBostonChapterPresidentKennethGuscott
explained,“WewanttoshowthecityofBostonthatthisrevolutionison.Wewantto
showthatalargesegmentoftheBostonpopulationhasserioussocialproblems.We
wanttoshowthattheremustbemovementandmobilitynow.”202OnSunday,
September22,anestimated10,000peoplemarchedonRoxburyinprotestofthe
segregatedandinequitableBostonschoolsystem,endingatthedeterioratedSherwin
School,whichwaschosentoemphasizetheglaringinequities.Yetdespitetheirefforts,
noneoftheraciallyprogressivecandidatesendorsedbythecivilrightsgroupswonseats
ontheBostonSchoolCommittee.Infact,ArthurGartland,theonlyracialmoderateon
thecommitteelosthisseat.Followingthe1963election,themake-upoftheBoston
SchoolCommitteewasevenmorehostiletowardstheblackeducationalmovement.
SchoolCommitteeChairmanWilliamO’Connorbelievedthatthecommitteewasableto
201“RacialImbalanceHitByStateSchoolUnit,”BostonGlobe,August20,1963,2.202KennethGuscott,quotedinRobertL.Levey,“NAACPPlansRoxburyMarch,”BostonGlobe,September15,1963,73.
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withstandthechallengefromblackactivistsbecauseofgrowingsupportacrossthecity.
HeexplainedtotheBostonGlobe,“Intherecentelectionthevotersandtaxpayersof
BostoncertainlyshowedtheirdisapprovalofboycottsbygivingMrs.Hicks(then
committeechairman)128,000votes-principallybecauseofherstandonthiskindof
action.”203DespiteO’Connor’sclaims,theresultsoftheelectionarelessindicativeof
oppositiontotheblackschoolboycotts,insteadrevealingthesupportofmanywhite
votersinmaintainingBoston’ssystemofschoolsegregation.
InJanuary1964,Rev.Breedenandadiversecoalitionoforganizations
announcedplansforasecondschoolboycottonFebruary26,1964.204Itwasscheduled
tocoincidewithanationwidecampaignorganizedbytheStudentNonviolent
CoordinatingCommittee(SNCC)todramatizesegregationinAmericanschools.Boycotts
wereorganizedincitiesacrossthenation,includingCleveland,NewYork,Chicago,and
Atlanta.BesidesSNCC,theStayOutorganizersralliedalonglistofsupportersatboth
thelocalandnationallevels.TheBostonNAACP,theMassachusettsbranchesofCORE,
SouthernChristianLeadershipConference(SCLC),andimportantfiguresfromnational
groupsliketheNorthernStudentMovement,RoyWilkensoftheNAACP,andJames
Bevel,akeyaidforMartinLutherKing,Jr.Breedendeclared,“thecrisisintheschools
remainsunsolved.Ourchildrenaredamageddaily,andtheirhurtandpainremain
untended.Wehaveprayed,wehavetalked,wehavepicketed,andwehavepatiently
attendedonewell-meaningconferenceafteranother.”Hecontinued,“Wehavebeenmet
203WilliamO’Connorquotedin“SchoolBoycottDue,”BostonGlobe,January15,1964.204TheboycottwasoriginallyplannedforFebruary11,1964butwasrescheduledbecauseitconflictedwithfinalexams.Blackstudentsurgedthedatechangesotheycouldparticipatewithoutjeopardizingtheiracademicrecord.
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withinsult,misunderstanding,andineffectivesympathy.Whatmustwedotobeheard?
Wehavedecidedthat,onFebruary26th,ourchildrenwillattendfreedomschools
insteadofpublicschools.”205LocalandnationalmediaincludingtheBostonGlobe,the
BostonHerald,andtheChristianScienceMonitoralsoendorsedtheboycotts.206
Over20,000studentsparticipatedinthesecondFreedomStayOut-morethan
sixtimestheamountthathadtakenpartinthefirstboycottthepreviousyear.Again,the
black/brownresidentsofBostonturnedinwardtomobilizeresourcesintheirown
communities.Inordertoaccommodatethisgrowth,thenumberofcommunitycenters,
socialserviceorganizations,andchurchesparticipatingdrasticallyincreased,
collectivelymakingup35freedomschools.Thestay-outcurriculumhadalsoexpanded
toincludelessonsbeyondcivilrightsorganizing,suchasglobalperspectivesonAfrican
diasporichistory.Yetthecoreofthe1964freedomschoolcurriculumcenteredonthe
currentracialdiscriminationandsegregationintheBostonPublicSchools,asstudents
learnedwaystochallengetheschoolcommitteeandcreatelocalchange.Organizers
fosteredideasofcommunitycontrolandself-determinationamongbuddingyouth
activists.
The1964StayOutgarneredsignificantsupportfromtheblackcommunityat
largeandfromparentsinparticular.SupporterswroteletterstoFreedom’sJournal,a
grassrootspublicationoftheMassachusettsFreedomMovementthatreportedonthe
205“ToSecureTheseRights:DocumentaryReviewofBostonSchoolDesegregation,”February24,1964,WGBH-Boston,Box39,Folder1357,Box39,FreedomHouseRecords,NU.206Bundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”112.
143
localmovementinBostonanditsnationalconnections.207Oneblackmother,Constance
Lew,wrotein,“Asacommunitymother,Iamwillingtogotojailwiththeleaders.”
Seeingherselfandotherblackmothersasmother-organizersandequalparticipantsin
themovement,sheexplained,“We’reallinthisfighttogether.”208
InresponsetothesecondFreedomStayOut,StateEducationCommissioner
OwenKiernanandtheMassachusettsStateBoardofEducationestablishedaspecial
advisorycommitteetoinvestigatethepresenceandimpactof“racialimbalance”in
publicschools.InApril1965,thecommitteereleaseditsfinalreporttitled“Becauseitis
RightEducationally,”morecommonlyreferredtoastheKiernanReport.Init,the
committeeconcludedthatasignificantportionofthestate’sschoolswereracially
imbalanced,andalargemajorityofthesesegregatedschoolswerelocatedinBoston(45
of55total).Thereportdocumentedthattheschoolsinpredominantlynon-white
neighborhoodsgenerallyhadworsephysicalconditions,alackofeducationalresources,
andsubparteaching.Additionally,segregatedschoolsencouragedracialprejudice
amongstudentsandultimatelyresultedinaninferioreducationforpredominantlyblack
schools.Thereport’sproposedsolutionstoeliminate“racialimbalance”included:
transportingstudentstoschoolsoutsidetheirneighborhoods,ceasingtoconstruct
207TheMassachusettsFreedomMovementoutlineditspurposeasthefollowing:“TheMassachusettsFreedomMovementisanon-sectarianinter-racialorganizationcommittedtonon-violentdirectactiontobringaboutsocialchangeinordertocreateanopensocietybytheeliminationofbarriersbasedoneconomic,political,andsocialseparation,prejudiceanddiscrimination.MassachusettsFreedomMovementshallinitiateandconductfreedomschoolsandothereducationalandculturalandresearchprogramsconsistentwithitsaims.Itsprimaryareasofconcernshallbeemployment,justiceandhealth,housing,andfamilylife.TheactivitiesoftheMassachusettsFreedomMovementshallbeprimarilyinthecommonwealthofMassachusetts.However,sincepoliticalboundariescannotlimitourconcernforahumanesociety,wemayengageinsympatheticactionorotherappropriatemeasuresinordertosupportgroupswithsimilaraimselsewhere.”QuotedinBundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”Note207,117.208“LocalMothersStillSupportStayout,”Freedom’sJournal,1964.
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schoolsinneighborhoodswithresidentialsegregation,holdingtheschoolcommittee
moreaccountableforpreventingandeliminatingsegregation,andwithholdingstate
fundsfromschoolswhichfailedtomeetdesegregationbenchmarks.209
FourmonthslaterinAugust1965,GovernorJohnVolpesignedintolawthe
nation’sfirstvoluntarystate-initiatedschooldesegregationlaw,theRacialImbalance
Act(RIA).TheActrequiredschoolcommitteesacrossthestateofMassachusettsto
conductannualreviewsoftheracialdistributionofstudents.ThestateBoardof
Educationhadthepowertowithholdfundsfromschoolcommitteesthatfailedto
conducttheseracialsurveysortakeimmediateactiontoeliminatesegregationintheir
districts.Blackgrassrootsactivistswerecriticalinamassingsupportfortheactamong
state-levelleaders.YetwhiletheRIAwasalargeaccomplishmentfortheBoston
educationalmovement,theBostonSchoolCommitteeexploitedthesmallerstipulations
andloopholesoftheActtoevadeitstrueimplementation.Theycouldappealdecisions
madebythestateBoardofEducation,aswellasrequestunlimitednumberofextensions
forcreatingandimplementingdesegregationplans,whichultimatelyslowedeffortsto
eliminate“racialimbalance.”
Theincreasedsize,visibility,andpublicattentionoftheFreedomStayOutsdid
bringaboutstatelevelaction,mostevidentintheKiernanReportandsubsequent
passageoftheRIA,thoughincreasinglyinthemidtolate1960s,blackorganizersinthe
movementforeducationaljusticeshiftedtheiragendasfromintegrationtowardsself-
determinationandcommunitycontrolledschools.Parents,activists,andeducatorsbuilt
offtheFreedomSchoolsandcommunity-runtutoringprogramstoestablishfour 209King,ChainofChange,40-1.
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alternativeindependentschoolsbetween1965and1971,whichincludedtheRoxbury
CommunitySchool,NewSchoolforChildren,HighlandParkFreeSchool,andSt.Joseph’s
CommunitySchool.Dr.PhillipHartexplainedthattheseschoolssoughtto“showthat
qualityeducationcouldbeprovidedtothesechildreninacommunitycontrolled
setting.”210LiketheFreedomSchools,theseschoolsemergedfromwithintheblack
communityandweredirectlygovernedbyblackBostonians-theywereinchargeofall
aspectsincludingfundraising,budgeting,day-to-dayoperations,transportation,
maintenance,hiringandtrainingstaff,curriculumplanning,andrecruitingstudents.
Thefourindependentschoolsweresmallinsize,rangingfrom75-200students
ingradeskindergartenthroughsix.Withmajorityblackfacultyandallblackprincipals,
thedemographiccompositionofthestafflargelyresembledtheschools’studentbodies.
TherewerealsosmallernumbersofwhiteandLatinochildrenwhoattendedthese
schools.PuertoRicanactivistAlexRodriguez,forexample,waskeyintheformationof
theNewSchool.Sharingacommonpoliticalandeducationalphilosophy,theseschools
weredeeplyrootedinthecommunitieswheretheywerefounded.NoelDaybecamethe
BoardChairmanoftheNewSchoolandcommentedthattheschoolwastruly“public”in
thatitwasresponsivetothepublicitserved.Heexplained,“Inotherwords,the
foundingparentsarenotashamedoftheircommunity-theyareconqueredwith
buildingandstrengtheningit.”211PrincipalLutherSeabrookatHighlandParkechoed
Day’swordswhenhewrote,“Thecommunitydominatesitsdecision-makingprocess;
thecommunityhasselectedthestaff;thecommunityhelpstosupportthecostofthe
210JeanneTheoharies,“WeSavedtheCity,”71.211NoelDay,Box38,Folder1309,FreedomHouseRecords,NU.CitedinBundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”148.
146
school;thecommunityprovidesmuchofthestaffandthefocusformuchofthe
curriculum;thecommunity’stotaleducationalneedsareservedbytheschool;theschool
isconcernedwith,andinvolvedin,allthesocial,physical,political,andeconomicfactors
whichcontributetothecommunity’seducationalhealth.”212Seabrookalsohighlighted
theschool’sexperimentalandinnovativeapproachtourbaneducation.Whilean
overwhelmingmajorityofthestudentscamefromfamilieswithincomesoflessthan
$1000peryear,theparentswereincrediblyactiveinshapingthedirectionoftheschool.
Theycollectivelydecidedtomaketheschoolnon-gradedandtuition-freeandhelped
educatorsdevelopauniquecurriculumthatsoughttocreatenewsolutionstourban
problems,particularlyaroundissuesofrace.Similarly,theBoardofDirectorsofthe
RoxburyCommunitySchoolandSt.Joseph’sbothconsistedprimarilyofblackparents,
whichdirectedallaspectsofschoolgovernancesuchassettingtuitionrates,establishing
schoolpolicies,developingcurriculum,andfundraising.213
Theindependentschoolsweredrivenbyself-determinationandwereatrue
reflectionofeffectivegrassrootscommunityorganizingandabilitytomobilize
indigenousandexternalresources.TheyservedmultiplepurposesinBoston’sblack
neighborhoods,providingspaceforcommunityevents,hostinghealthandwellness
clinicssuchasdentalscreenings,andofferingarangeofadulteducationcourses.Inline
withtheblackorganizingtradition,schoolorganizersworkedwithlocalparentsto
createasustainablemodelfortheircommunityschool.Oneexampleofthiswasthe
“communityteachersprogram”establishedoutoftheHighlandParkFreeSchoolandthe
212King,ChainofChange,93.213Ibid.
147
RoxburyCommunitySchool,whichrecruitedandtrainedneighborhoodresidentsto
workinclassroomsasteachingassistants.“Thecommunityteacherwastobringthevast
resourceofurbansociologytotheclassroom,”MelKingexplained.“Everyclassroomhad
onecommunityteacherwhoworkednotonlyintheclassroombutalsowithparentsand
othercommunitygroupstofosterthemaximumfeasiblecommunityparticipationinthe
school’slife,andinturn,tomaximizetheschool’sparticipationinthecommunity’s
life.”214
Withparentalinvolvementatthecenterofthiscommunityschoolmodel,the
blackindependentschoolcurriculumandpedagogyreflectedthecommitmenttoself-
determinationaswellasracialpride.Communitymembersdonatedmaterialstocreate
hands-onlearningactivitiescenteredon“realworld”problems,whileotherlessons
focusedonquestionsofidentityandinstilledprideinstudents’AfricanandAfrican
Americanheritage.SchoolsadornedAfricanflagsandpostersofblackfreedomfighters,
andsomeschoolslikeSt.Joseph’sevencenteredstudentevaluationsontheirproficiency
inthesevenprinciplesofKwanzaa.215
Similartotheirblackcounterparts,Latinoparent-organizersandactivistsinthe
late1960sforgedtheireducationalmovementbasedonideasself-determination,
communitycontrol,andracialpride,whilesimultaneouslymakingsomesignificant
politicalgainsonthestate-level.Working-classLatinamothersinparticularturned
inwardtoutilizetheirowncommunityresourcesanddevelopneweducational
programstohelppreparetheirchildrenforthechallengestheywouldfaceinBoston
214Ibid.215Bundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”150.
148
schools.AtfirstLatinamothersofferedEnglishlessonsontheirdoorstepstochildrenin
theirneighborhoods,butby1969theyhadestablishedtwoformaleducational
programsinBoston.216ThefirstwasLatinAmericanSummer,asummerprogramheld
attheHurleyandMackeySchools.Ofthe400Latinochildrenwhoattended,oneineight
hadneverbeentoschoolbeforeandmanyothershadonceattendedbuthadsince
droppedout.217ThesecondwasAcciónSchool,aschool-readinessprogramledbytwo
PuertoRicanmothers,BlancaNuñezandGloriaMelicio,andseveralcommunity
volunteersthatservedasmallergroupof30LatinochildreninSt.Stephen’sEpiscopal
Church.218TheseLatinawomenresourcesandrantheentireprogram-transporting
children,preparingmeals,supplyingbooksandothermaterialswiththeirownmoney,
andteachingclasses.219TheGlobereportedthattheprogram“provedsousefulthat
communityresponsewasimmediateandenthusiastic.”220Bothofthesesummer
programsachievedenormoussuccesses,providingacombinationofbilingualeducation,
enrichmentclasses,fieldtrips,andfreelunch.TheTaskForceonChildrenOutof
School’sreportprofiledLatinochildrenwhoflourishedinthesummerprogramsand
longedfortheavailabilityofsimilarprogrammingduringtheschoolyear.221Theseearly
programsforLatinochildrenweredressrehearsalsforBoston’spilotbilingual
educationprogram,whichwassettostartinthefallof1969.
216DaniceBordett,“SpanishCommunityBuildsResources,”BayStateBanner,September5,1968.217TaskForce,TheWayWeGotoSchool,17.218ThoughcoordinatedmostlybyLatinoparents,bothLatinAmericanSummerandAcciónSchoolalsoreceivedsupportfromvariousLatinoorganizationsinBostonlikeAPCROSS,theSpanishFederation,andtheCardinalCushingCenterfortheSpanishSpeaking,amongothers.Coons,“HubProgramsBattleGiantLanguageProblem.”219AnneKirchheimer,“AccionSchool…ASuccess,”BostonGlobe,June11,1971.220Kirchheimer,“AccionSchool…ASuccess.”221TaskForce,TheWayWeGotoSchool,8.
149
AfterthepassageoftheBilingualEducationAct(TitleVIIoftheElementaryand
SecondaryEducationActorESEA)in1968,Latinoactivistsbeganlobbyingforexternal
resourcesoutsideoftheircommunity.Theysecuredlargefederalandstategrants,
whichforcedtheBostonSchoolCommitteetoestablishsixbilingualeducationclassesin
September1969.Theycontinuedtopressurethecommitteeuntilitvotedtoapprovea
budgetof$200,000fortransitionalbilingual“clusters.”ByJanuary1970,theprogram
increasedto14classesinthreebilingual“clusters”(oneelementary,onemiddle,and
onehighschool)intheSouthEndandNorthDorchester-Roxburyneighborhoods.
LatinospressedthecommitteetohireaPuertoRicantodirecttheclusters;Carmen
Nacheles,oneoftheonlypermanentPuertoRicanteachersinthecity,wasappointed
Teacher-in-Charge.TheyalsopressedtocreateaBilingualDepartmentinthedistrict.222
Likethesummerprograms,LatinoparentsandmembersoftheSpanishFederation(a
mostlyPuertoRicangroupthatorganizedaroundeducation)tookcommunitycontrolof
theimplementationofthesebilingualprograms.Theyfoundunusedlocationsforthe
clusters,furnishedclassrooms,advertisedtheprogramsinthecommunity,recruited
students,andscreenedandhiredteachers.“Itwasthefirstprogrameverstartedinthe
Bostonschoolswhereschoolpeoplewerenotinvolvedintheplanning,”Latinoactivist
AlexRodriguezexplained.“Thecommunityplannedit,wehiredthestaff.Theygaveus
anemptybuilding,weevenhadtogetthepencilsandthechalk.”223FormerESLteacher
BetsyTregarexplainedthattheclustersweretheultimate“Hispanicproject,”an
222Tregar,“BilingualEducationinBoston,”28.223AlexRodriguez,quotedinMirenUriarte,“ContraVientoYMarea(AgainstAllOdds):LatinosBuildCommunityinBoston,”inLatinosinBoston:ConfrontingPovertyandBuildingCommunity,ed.MirenUriarteetal(Boston:BostonCommunityFoundation,BostonPersistentPovertyProject,1992),20.
150
extensionoftheLatinocommunityratherthantheBostonPublicSchools.224
Yettherelativeautonomyofthebilingualclustersresultedinminimalsupport
servicesfromtheschoolsystem.WhileonegroupofLatinostudentsbenefittedfroma
spacious,well-equippedfacilityattheformerBostonCollegeHighSchoolbuildinginthe
SouthEnd,othersplacedattheDenisonHouseinDorchesterwerelessfortunate.The
Globeexplained,“Thebuildinghasnocafeteria,libraryorplayarea,littleofficespace
andfewstoragefacilities.”Amongtheissuescitedwereovercrowding,alackofheatand
custodialservices,insufficientdesks,andashortageofsupplies.Teachersprovidedmost
materialswithoutbeingreimbursed,worecoatsinsidetheirclassroomstocombatthe
cold,hopedforabsentstudentssotherewouldbeenoughdesks,andcleanedthe
classroomsthemselves.Duetothepoorworkingconditions,therewereproblemsoflow
teachermoraleandhighturnover.Theteacherswhoremainedgrewdeeplyconcerned
aboutthefateoftheirstudentsoncetheyleftthebilingualclusters,arguingthatthey
hadlittlesupportoncetheyreturnedtomainstreamEnglish-onlyclasses.225
Similarly,theblackcommunitycontrolledschoolswereplaguedwithfinancial
struggles.SomeschoolsliketheNewSchooldidnotsecureeitherfederalor
foundationalfunding,thuswereforcedtochargeanannualtuition,whichplaceditout
ofreachofmanyoftheblackcommunity’spoorestfamilies.By1969,schoolslikethe
NewSchoolwereinfiscalcrisis,facingschoolclosureunlesscommunitymemberscould
donatefundstosavetheschool.OneexceptiontothiswastheRoxburyCommunity
School,whichsurvivedfornearlytwentyyears.Itwasthemoststableschoollargely
224Tregar,“BilingualEducationinBoston,”30.225JudithBrody,“Spanish-to-EnglishTransitionSchoolsNeedHelpingHand,”BostonGlobe,December20,1970.
151
becauseitdidnotrelysolelyonthecommunityresourcesand,instead,securedexternal
fundingthroughtheU.S.OfficeofEducationandTitlesIandIVoftheElementaryand
SecondaryEducationAct.Italsoreceivedprivatefundingthroughvariousbanks,
charitablefunds,andchurches.Theinstitutionalandfinancialdifficultiesprompted
leaderstoformanalliancein1970betweentheRoxburyCommunitySchool,theNew
SchoolforChildren,andtheHighlandParkFreeSchoolthattheycalledtheFederationof
BostonCommunitySchools.HistorianTessBundyexplainsthatthoughtheschools
soughtautonomyandlocalcontrol,joiningtogethertocreatethisnewgoverningbody
wasnecessaryfortheindependentschools’survival.226Bytheearly1970s,mostofthe
communityschoolswereinsimilarpositions,withmanyclosingtheirdoorsbythe
middleofthedecade.
Whiletheblackindependentschoolscouldnotmeettheneedsoftheentireblack
community,theinitialbilingualprogramsonlyservedafewhundredLatinostudents,
leavingthousandsofotherslefttoreceiveaninferioreducationthatdidnotmeettheir
linguisticorculturalneedsorwereexcludedfromschoolalltogether.Onebilingual
educationteacherlamentedin1970,"Wearereachingonlyasmallmajorityofthe
childrenbecausewecanentertheschoolonlyattherequestoftheprincipals."The
teachercontinued,"LargenumbersofSpanish-speakingfamiliesarenewinBoston,
especiallyinRoxbury,buttheschoolsaregoingtohavetoacceptthefactthatthe
problemisgoingtogetworseiftheydon'tdosomethingaboutit."227Consequently,
Latinoparentsandcommunityorganizersdidnotbaskinthesuccessesoftheseearly
226Bundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”153-4.227QuotedinJaneManning,“Spanish-SpeakingChildrenGetLittleSchooling,”BayStateBanner,October29,1970.
152
experimentsinbilingualeducation.Thedemandsforincreasedaccesstobilingual
educationacrossthecityrepresentedasignificantincreaseinexpectationsforthe
educationofimmigrants,whopreviouslywereseenasindividualfailuresiftheyleft
schoolandwereexpectedtofindwork.Ahighschooldegreewasincreasinglynecessary
forupwardmobilityinthepostwarera,andthusLatinoorganizersremainedfocused
anddeterminedtoimproveandexpandbilingualeducationprogramsinthecity.Alex
Rodriguezexplained:
ForyearstheSchoolDepartmenthasfailedtoprovideaneducationfortheirchildren.Inasense,theDepartmentwastellingtheparents:‘Yourchildrenaren’timportantenoughtoeducate.’Nowwhensomeclassesareavailable,youcan’texpecttheparentstobelieveallofasuddenthatschoolofficialsreallydocare.Itwilltakealittletimeandanall-outeffortbytheSchoolDepartment.Itmustprovideclassesforeveryoneofthesechildren,andineverypartofthecity.228
LikemostLatinocommunityorganizersandparentsinBoston,Rodriguezdidnottrust
theSchoolDepartmenttoaddressthespecificneedsofLatinochildrensotheylobbied
forstatelegislationtoprotecttherightsoflimited-English-proficientstudents.
ThoughLatinoactivistsreceivedsomeunexpectedstateandfederalassistancein
theselobbyingeffortsfollowingthereleaseoftheTaskForceonChildrenOutofSchool’s
report,theyfacedsignificantoppositiononthelocallevel.229TheBostonSchool
228AlexRodriguez,quotedinTaskForce,“TheWayWeGotoSchool,”24-25.229InMay1970,J.StanleyPottinger,theDirectoroftheUnitedStatesOfficeofCivilRightsissuedamemothatmaintainedthatafailuretoprovideequalopportunitiestolimited-English-proficientstudents–orthefailuretooffereffectiveprogramstocompensateforlanguagedeficiencies–wouldbeconsideredaviolationofTitleVIoftheCivilRightsAct.Furthermore,headdedthatanyschoolfoundtobediscriminatingagainstLEP(or,specifically,“Spanish-surnamed”)studentsonthebasisoftheirlanguageabilitywouldrisklosingfederalaidunderESEAandotherprograms.TwoweeksafterPottingersentthismemo,theMassachusettsCommissionAgainstDiscrimination(MCAD),astateagency,suedtheBostonPublicSchoolsfordenyingequalopportunitiestothousandsofLEPstudents.Pottinger’scompellingcaseforisolatedbilingual-transitionalprogramswasendorsedbyMCADinitsongoinglitigationaswellastheTaskForce.HistorianAdamNelsonexplains,“ForMCAD,thecrucialissuewasnotthatschoolswereactivelyexcludingnon-English-speakingstudentsorsomehowblockingtheiraccesstoclassbut,rather,thatschoolswereincludingthesestudentsinclassestheycouldnotunderstand.Thissortofinclusion,or
153
Committee,inparticular,resistedplanstoincreasebilingualeducationclasses.Ina
committeemeetinginNovember1970wheretheTaskForceandLatinocommunity
leaderspressedforreform,twocommitteemembers,JosephLeeandPaulTierney,
insistedthattheexistingprogramsmettheneedsofLEPstudents.TheGlobeexplained,
“Thehearingwasmarkedbyheatedargumentattimes,withTierneyandLeeinsisting
thattheproblemwasnotasbadastheTaskForcehadsaid.”Inresponsetoclaimsthat
theTaskForcehadexaggeratedthenumberofLatinochildrenoutofschool,Larry
Brown,aTaskForcestaffresearcher,provideddetailedstatisticsandevidence.
ChairmanLeefollowedbyaskingforalistoftruantsyetBrownrefused,citingthatthere
werenoprogramstoaccommodatethemanyway.Pointingoutthattherewerecurrently
over100childrenalreadyonwaitinglistsforexistingbilingualeducationclasses,Brown
asked,“Whatwouldyoudowith1,000?”230Thecommitteecontinuedtoattackthe
credibilityofthereportthoughtheTaskForceofferedtosharealltheirsources.Atone
pointwhentheaudiencelaughedataccusationsthatpartsofthereportwere
embellished,theBayStateBannerreportedthatLeethreatened,“Iwanttounderstand
whatthelaughterisabout.Now,ifyouwantustocuttheprograms,Iwillbetickledto
deathtodoit.”231
Dominatedby“theIrish”(orworking-classwhites),thecityofBostonandthe
schooldepartmentinparticular(alongsidewithotherpublicinstitutionslikethe
WelfareDepartment)weresitesofwhiteethnicpower.Thus,itwasnosurprisethatthe
linguisticimmersion,MCADargued,wasdiscriminatory,becauseitfailedtomakethecurriculumcomprehensibletonon-English-speakingstudents.”Nelson,TheElusiveIdeal,105.230“School’s‘Can’tAfford’SpanishAid,”BostonGlobe,November18,1970.231JaneManning,“ExcludedStudentPanelClashedwithSchoolBoard,”BayStateBanner,November26,1970.
154
SchoolCommitteeevokedimmigrantbootstrapideologytodismissLatinodemands.
PremisedonthenotionthatwhiteethnicsgainedsuccessintheUnitedStatesthrough
theirownsheerwillandhardwork,ChairmanLeestressedthatLatinostudentshad
receivedmoreaidthananyotherimmigrantgroup.ArguingthattheLatinocommunity
shouldbesatisfiedwiththeamountofhelptheyweregiven,Leecommented,“Letthe
recordbeclearthatwearedoingmoreforyouthanwe’veeverdonefortheseothers,
andactuallywehavenorighttogoaheadwiththesespecialprograms.”Accordingtothe
Globe,MarioClavell(aLatinoactivist,ChairmanoftheSpanishFederation,andmember
oftheTaskForce)drewapplausewhenherespondedbydeclaringhewasan“American
citizenwhowantsonlyequalprotectionunderthelawandequalopportunityformy
people.”ThoughtheSchoolCommitteecouldnotdisputewithClavellonhisrightsasa
citizen,theymaintainedthattherewerenotenoughresourcesinthedistricttoexpand
bilingualeducation.Theynotedthatthecityplannedonspendingabout$1millionofits
ownmoneyinadditionto$300,000fromfederalsourcesonclassesforLatinostudents
thatyear.Minuteslaterthoughthecommitteeapprovedspendingnearly$100,000on
salaryincreasesfordualdepartmentheadsattheprestigiousBostonLatinSchool,which
wouldhavebeenenoughtoprovidebilingualclassesforanestimated100children.The
Globeremarkedthiswas“oneoftheclearestdisplaystodateofthecommittee’s
prioritiesforcityschools.”232HistorianAdamNelsonsummarized,“Althoughfederal
officialshaddefinedbilingualeducationasacivilright,theschoolcommittee
nonethelessrefusedtoaddbilingualclustersinBostonuntilthecityreceivedmorestate
232“School’s‘Can’tAfford’SpanishAid,”BostonGlobe,November18,1970.
155
orfederalaidtopayforthem.”233Thankfully,bilingualeducationproponentsdidnot
havetowaitlongforthis.
InJanuary1970,TaskForcememberandMassachusettsstaterepresentative
MichaelDalysubmittedabillthatwouldprovidefrom$250,000upto$4millioninstate
aidoverthenextfiveyearsforbilingualeducationprograms.LedbyAlexRodriguez,
Latinoparentslobbiedthelegislatureandcollectedsignaturesformonths.James“Jim”
Caradonio,awhiteformerseminarianandeducatorwasactivelyinvolvedintheLatino
movement.Bornin1946inNewJersey,hegrewupinHouston,Texasandmovedtothe
Northeastinthe1960swhenhejoinedtheCatholicseminary.Hemovedto
MassachusettstoattendMerrimackCollegein1968and,asastudent,becameinvolved
inBoston’sLatinocommunityintheSouthEnd.CaradoniomovedintoaLatinohousing
projectintheneighborhoodandworkedasayouthtutorandmentoroutoftheCardinal
CushingCenterfortheSpanishSpeaking.ThoughhewasawhitemanfromanItalian
immigrantfamily,heattimespassedasLatinoandbecamefluentinSpanish,especially
afterteachinginPuertoRico.CaradonioeventuallylefttheCatholicChurchandforgeda
careerineducation.Heworkedfirstasabilingualeducationteacherandguidance
counselorinBoston.Caradoniolaterreflected,“Whilethecommunitywasn’tterribly
organized,theycouldgetyoufiveoreightbusloads[ofpeople]inaminute.”Thesequick
mobilizationswithinthecommunityprovedeffectiveasbusloadsofsupportersattended
thehearingattheStateHouse.234AsCardonioexplained,theyshockedthe“blanquitos
233Nelson,TheElusiveIdeal,110.234Uriarte,“ContraVientoYMarea,”20.
156
[littlewhitepeople].”235Thoughthebillpassed,itinitiallyreceivednofunding,andonly
whenDalyresubmitteditin1971diditachievemoresuccess.TheTransitionalBilingual
EducationAct(alsoknownasChapter71A)passedinMay1971,becomingthefirststate
lawinthenationtomandateisolatedtransitionalbilingualeducationforstudentsof
limitedEnglishproficiency(LEP).SchooldistrictswithatleasttwentyLEPstudentsofa
singleminoritylanguagegroupwouldberequiredtoprovidetransitionalbilingual
educationclusters.TheMassachusettsDepartmentofEducationestablishedaBureauof
TransitionalBilingualEducationtooverseeimplementation,appointedaDirector,and
createdaforty-five-memberBilingualAdvisoryCouncil.PuertoRicanactivistAlex
RodriguezbecametheCouncil’sfirstChairman.236
AsBoston’sbilingualeducationprogramexpandedin1971,Latinoparentsseized
thisopportunitytocreatetheir“ownschool”inRoxbury.Thiselementaryschoolhada
clearLatinomajorityandhadexperiencedunparalleledsuccessintheearlyphaseasa
bilingualcluster.EducationscholarBarryMcDonaldexplainsitwas“adefacto
segregatedschoolforPuertoRicanchildren,”formostofwhomitwastheirfirsttimein
schoolatall.Hecontinued,“Spanishwasthemediumforcontentsubjects,withEnglish
taughtasaforeignlanguage.Thosewereheadydays,fullofhopeandpotency.”237Inan
235JimCaradoniowasalsotheonlywhitemanwhowasafoundingmemberoftheLatinoorganizationElComitéProLaDefensadelaEducaciónBilingüe,whichbecameaplaintiff-intervenerintheMorganv.Hennigancase,whichisdetailedinchapterfour.AftercompletingadoctorateatHarvardUniversity,hemovedoutofthecityinthe1990sandintoeducationaladministrationasanAssistantSuperintendentinEastGreenwich,RIandSuperintendentinWorcester,MA.Mostrecently,heworkedinVocationalEducationinHolyoke,MAandasaconsultantforBlueprintNetworkSchools.JimCaradonio,SkypeInterviewbyAuthor,October25,2015[hereafter:CaradonioInterview].236Tregar,“BilingualEducationinBoston,”31.237BarryMcDonald,BreadandDreams:ACaseStudyofBilingualSchoolingintheU.S.A.,ed.BarryMacdonaldandSavilleKushner(Norwich,U.K.:CentreforAppliedResearchinEducation(CARE),1982),24.
157
actofcommunitycontrol,Latinoparentsvotedtoname“their”schooltheRafael
HernándezSchoolafterthePuertoRicanpoet,composer,andmusicianwhosesongs
reflectedthelonelinessandisolationofmigration.Thiswasparticularlysymbolicin
lightoftheAfricanAmericanstrugglestoclaimnamingrightstoanewRoxburyschoola
fewyearsearlier.
In1967,theBostonSchoolCommitteeproposedtheopeningofanewschoolon
HumboldtAvenue,thefirstnewoneintheRoxburyneighborhoodinmorethanfifty
years.Thoughcommunitymemberswereinitiallythrilled,protestsbrokeoutwhenit
wasannouncedtheschoolwouldbenamedafterSchoolCommitteememberJosephLee,
giventhathehadbeenalongtimeopponentoftheblackeducationalmovement.Local
residentspetitionedfortheschooltobenamedinsteadafter19thcenturyfreedom
fighterandnativeBostonianWilliamMonroeTrotter.Afteryearsoflocalorganizingled
byacoalitionofblackeducationalleadersandgroups,theSchoolCommitterfinally
agreedtonametheschoolinhonorofTrotter,makingitthefirstschoolinBoston’s
historytobenamedforanAfricanAmericanwhenitopeneditsin1969.TheHernández
SchoolwastheLatinocounterparttotheTrotterSchool,bothreflectingyearsof
struggle,grassrootscommunityorganizing,andanunwaveringcommitmenttoracial
andculturalpride.TheHernándezschoolwasevendedicatedonNovember19th,a
holidaycommemoratingthediscoveryofPuertoRico.
WhileLatinoparentsandactivistshadfinallyrealizedsomeoftheireducational
reformgoalsintheformationofBoston’sfirstfullybilingualschool,theentirebilingual
educationprogramexperiencedsignificantimplementationproblemsinitsearlyyears.
TheBilingualDepartmentencounteredresistancefromschoolprincipalsthroughout
158
Bostonwhodidnotwanttoaddbilingualclassesandhadtheauthoritytoforbidstaffor
programsintheschoolandwithholddesiredroomassignmentsandcourseschedules.
SchoolleaderswerealsofrustratedwiththehiringofLatinoteacherswhocouldnot
speakEnglish,seeingtheirpresenceasevidencethattheprogramwasnotdesignedto
teachEnglish.Therewerealsocontentissues,limitedmaterialsinSpanishforall
subjects,andalmostacompleteabsenceofcurriculumguidelines.Withlittledefining
criteriatofollow,responsibilityfellentirelyonprincipalstousetheirownjudgmentto
determinewhichstudentsneededabilingualclass.
Thevariationinprincipals’opinionsregardingtheneedforbilingualeducation
ontherequiredannualcensuswasamajorpointofcontention.Theout-of-school
portionofthecensusprovedevenmoredifficultsincetheschooldepartmentdidnot
havetheresourcestoconductacitywidedoor-to-doorcensus.Alleffortstodocument
excludedchildrenshowedtherewereabsolutelynochildrenoutofschool,whichBetsy
Tregarexplainedreflectedtheattendanceofficers’manipulationoftheentireprocess.
Shewrotethattheexistenceofthemandatorycensuswas“anaccusationthattheyhad
notpreviouslybeendoingtheirjob.Notsurprisingly,theyfoundawaytoensurethatno
unenrolledchildrenwereofficiallyidentified.”Tregarcontinued,“Whenthey
encounteredsuchchildrenduringthecensus,theyapparentlycompletedregistration
formsforeachchild,submittedthemthroughregularchannels,andmaintainednoother
recordofthetransaction.”238
Schoolprincipalsalsostruggledtodealwiththebilingualeducationprogram’s
intricatefinanciallogistics.Statefundswerenotprovidedinadvancebutratherona 238Tregar,“BilingualEducationinBoston,”43.
159
reimbursementbasisafterexpenditureswererecorded.Thisresultedinanoverly
complexbureaucraticprocessinvolvingindividualschools,theschooldepartment,the
Mayor’sOffice,andthestate.Asthebilingualprogramgrewin1972to132classesin61
schools,issuesworsened.Astatereviewin1973documentedschoolswithnobilingual
programsoronestoosmalltoserveallstudentsinneed,whileothershadpull-out
ratherthanfull-timebilingualclasses.Otherproblemscitedwereinsufficientnative
languageinstruction,inadequateintegration,alackofkindergartenprogramsorspecial
educationservices,aneedformorenativespeakersasteachersandtraining,andalack
ofauthorityintheBilingualDepartmenttoeffectnecessarychanges.239WhiletheBoston
SchoolDepartmenttriedtoresolvemanyoftheseproblems,Latinoparents,astheir
AfricanAmericancounterpartshaddonefordecades,continuedtodeveloptheirown
solutionsbyformingad-hoctaskforcesandneighborhoodcoalitions,andpetitioningthe
districtforreform.TheydemandedanincreasedhiringofPuertoRicanteachersand
administrators,theinclusionofPuertoRicanhistoryandcultureinthecurriculum,
betterfacilities,expandedhotlunchprograms,andincreasedsafetymeasures.240
III.OptingOut
WhileblackandLatinoactivistsbuiltparallelmassmovementsforeducational
justiceinBoston,workingtirelesslytomobilizeindigenousandexternalresources,
expandtheirbases,establishtheirownschoolsandprograms,andsimultaneously
239“AResponsetotheBostonBilingualProgramReviewReport,BostonPublicSchools(November1973).CitedinTregar,“BilingualEducationinBoston,”48-49.240Letter,UnitedParentsofBostontoWilliamOhrenberger,August26,1971,Box78,Folder24,LaAlianzaHispanaRecords,NU.
160
soughtstate-levelaction,manyparentsultimatelyresolvedthatthebestsolutionfor
theirownfamilieswastooptoutofthesegregated,inequitableschoolsthattheir
childrenwereassignedto.Black/brownparent-activistsdevelopedseveralstrategiesto
placetheirchildreninhigherqualityschools,yetthiswasnoeasytask.Despitethe
district’sopenenrollmentpolicy,parentsfacedsignificantbureaucraticredtapeinthe
districtaswellasintimidationfromschooladministrators.
TheBostonPublicSchoolsystemwasoriginallydesignedasadistrict-based
systemwherestudentsprogressedfromelementarytohighschoolwithinasingle
geographicdistrictortheycouldattendoneoftwotypesofcitywideschools–
examinationorvocationalschools.TheBostonSchoolCommitteeandotherschool
officialsmaintainedasegregatedsystem,whichresultedinanincrediblycomplicated
administrativestructurewithoutaclearpattern.Thiscomplexmaze-likeorganization
wasevenmoredifficulttonavigatebecauseofBPS’sirregularsystemofgrade
progression.ThisincludedK-8elementaryschools,7-9and6-8middleschools,and9-12
and10-12highschools.AtransferoptionwasunequallyaffordedtoblackandLatino
parents,yetthiswasanoptionthateventhemosteducated,informed,andvocalparents
eitherknewlittleaboutand,thosewhodid,founditincrediblychallengingtonavigate.
SomeparentslikeMaryAllen,ablackmotherandmemberoftheConcerned
HigginsonParentsAssociation,wereknowledgeableabouttheiroptionsthroughthe
schooltransfersystem,butfacedharshresistancefromindividualschool
administrators.AllenhadalwaysmonitoredhersonDavid’seducationalprogressand
becameconcernedwhenhecamehomewithstraight“A”reportcards,whichshedidnot
believehisschoolworkmerited.ShesuspectedtheDavidEllisSchoolhadlower
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academicexpectationsforAfricanAmericans.Thiswasaffirmedbyablackteacherat
theschoolwhoconfidedinherthatitwascommonpracticetohearwhiteteachersusing
racialslursatblackstudentsandhadloweredstandardsforthem.Allentookaction,
filingatransferrequestforDavidtomovetothepredominantlywhiteRogerWolcott
schoolintheMattapanneighborhood.ThoughAllen’srequestwasapprovedbythe
districtandshewasexcitedtosendhersontoamorerigorousandhigherperforming
school,shefacedhostilityandresistancefromtheschool’swhiteprincipal,Walter
McSwiney.“Weweretreatedverydiscourteously,withextremediscourteousness,”she
remembered.“Wewerehumiliated;wewereembarrassed;andwewereinsultedbythe
demeanoroftheprincipal,thetoneofhisvoice,andthemannerinwhichhespoketous.
Andhereallytried,ineverway,todiscourageusfromenrollingoursoninto‘his’
school.”AccordingtoAllen,herudelyinsisted,“Whydon’tyoustaydowntherewhere
youbelong?”Yetshewouldnotbeeasilyswayed.SheremindedPrincipalMcSwineythat
“hisschool”wasindeedapubliconesupportedbyhertaxes,andsheassertedshehada
righttoenrollhersoninanyBostonschoolthathadspaceavailable.McSwineypointed
hisfingerinherfaceandwarnedher,“Allright,butIdon’twantyoutotellanyonethat
he’scominguphere.Andwhenthefloodgatesopen,I’mclosingmydoors.”241This
principal’sthreatwasalltoocommonforAfricanAmericanandLatinofamilieswho
triedtotakeadvantageofBostonPublicSchool’sopenenrollmentpolicy.Notonlywere
parentswarnedthatschooladministratorswouldnotallowthe“floodgates”of
black/browntransferstudentsintheirschools,theyalsothreatenedthattheirchildren
couldeasilybetransferredoutoftheirnewschoolsforanyminorinfractionsuchasa 241Alleninterview,CHPAOH,UMB.
162
singleabsenceortardy.242
WhileparentsandfamilieslikeMaryAllen’sattemptedtoworkwithinthesystem
toaccessthebestschoolsfortheirownchildren,someparentsandeducatorssoughtto
providesimilaropportunitiesforgreaternumbersofblackchildrenthroughoutBoston.
AfricanAmericanparentsinRoxburybeganorganizingprogramstobenefitfrom
Boston’sopenenrollmentpolicy.Theysoughttotransferblackstudentsfrom
chronicallyovercrowded,under-resourced,andlowperformingblackschoolstobetter-
resourced,higherperforming,majoritywhiteschoolsinotherpartsofBoston.The
movementtotransportblackstudentstoschoolswithvacantseatsbeganinRoxburyin
thesummerof1964.
InJune,theBostonSchoolCommitteesentoutnoticestoapproximately200
blackfamiliesattheWilliamLloydGarrisonElementaryinRoxburyinformingthemthat
manywouldbetransferredtotheW.L.P.BoardmanElementarySchool.Theschools
werelessthanamileapartandtheSchoolCommitteehadinitiatedthetransfertohelp
alleviateovercrowdingattheGarrisonSchoolandexplainedthatthemovewouldbe
temporaryuntilthecompletionofanewschoolonnearbyHumboldtAvenuein1967.
Garrisonparentsinitiallyopposedthetransferbecauseitwouldrequiretheirchildrento
walkthroughtheactiveschoolconstructionzone,whichbroughtupmanysafety
concerns.SocialworkerandactivistNoelDayexplaineditbordered“almostoncriminal
242Itisinterestingtonotethatafterstrugglingtogetherson,David,intoawhiteschoolinMattapan,MaryAllendecidedherdaughter,Stacey,shouldenrollintheMETCOprogram.HerdaughterendedupinthesuburbandistrictofFraminghamPublicSchools,whichAllenknewwasnotanexcellentschoolsystem,butsheconsidereditabetteroptionthanherneighborhoodschoolsinRoxbury.Appreciatively,shelaterreflected,“ThewholeMETCOprogramwasaGodsend,absolutelyaGodsend.”Alleninterview,CHPAOH,UMB,5.
163
negligencetosendchildrenthere.”243Additionally,GarrisonSchoolwasconsideredone
ofthebestblackschoolsinthedistrictsonaturallyparentswerehesitanttomovetheir
childrenoutofit.
Inresponse,parentsestablishedtheBoardmanParentsGroup(BPG)withthe
supportoflongtimeactivistslikeRuthBatson,PaulParks,ThomasAtkins,Rev.James
Breeden,andothers.Theyinitiallysoughttopressureschoolofficialstoreversetheir
assignmentdecision,sotheymetwithDeputySchoolSuperintendentMarguerite
Sullivan.Totheirdisappointment,Sullivanrespondedwiththesamedismissivetoneas
shehadwhentheHigginsonmothers’hadmetwithheryearsprior.Obstructedby
Sullivan,theBPGappealeddirectlytotheBostonSchoolCommittee,whichimmediately
rejectedtheirappeal.
WithencouragementfromAfricanAmericanStateRepresentativesRoyalBolling
Sr.andAlfredBrothers,theBoardmanParentsGroupfiledsuitagainsttheBostonSchool
Committee.Thecourt,however,refusedtotakeactionagainsttheschoolcommitteein
thefirsthearinginAugustandsetadateforafollow-uphearinginSeptember.Now
facedwiththecourt’sdelay,theBPGturnedtodirectaction.OnSeptember9,theday
beforethestartofschool,theyhostedapressconferencewheretheypublicly
announcedtheywouldnotsendtheirchildrentotheBoardmanSchoolandthatthey
wouldpicketituntiltheirchildrenwerereinstatedintotheGarrison.Onthefirstdayof
school,onlysevenchildrenarrivedattheBoardman.Instead,approximatelysixty
studentsheldunofficialclassesattheGarrisonSchoolforaweek,whiletheirparents
heldmarchesandamother’ssit-inattheBoardman.OnSeptember17,Superintendent 243NoelDay,quotedinRobertLevey,“NotTHATSchool,NegroParentsSay,”BostonGlobe,July8,1964,11.
164
Ohrenbergerdemandedanendtotheprotests.Then,onSeptember28,thecourtruled
infavoroftheBostonSchoolCommittee’sdecisiontotransfertheGarrisonstudentsto
Boardman.
Inresponse,theBoardmanParentsGroupshiftedtheirstrategytotransferthe
students.Withover11,500openseatsintheBostonpublicschoolsystem(closeto9,000
intheelementaryschoolsalone),theschooldistrictitselfdeterminedtherewereopen
seatsinvirtuallyeverygradeineveryschoolinthecity.244Armedwiththisknowledge,
theparentsdecidedtotakeaself-determinedapproachandtransferthechildren
themselvestothePeterFaneuilandEdmundP.TilestonElementarySchoolsin
predominantlywhiteupper-classneighborhoodofBeaconHillandraciallyand
socioeconomicallymixedneighborhoodofMattapanrespectively.Parentspooled
togethertorentabusandwithinthreeweeksover100studentsparticipatedinthe
program.Rev.JamesBreedencalledtheBoardmanprotestthe“firstdirectaction
organizedbyparentsthemselves,”245thoughinthetrueorganizingtradition,thebusing
programreliedheavilyonmobilizingtheresourcesinthecommunity.Thisincludeda
networkoflocalandnationalcivilrightsactivistsandorganizationsliketheBoston
branchoftheNAACP,whichprovidedinitialfundingforthebusrental.Yetmaintaining
thebusprogramwasnoeasytask.BostonPublicSchoolswouldnotprovideany
transportationoralternativeresourcestosupportstudentswhotransferredinto
differentschools,buttheBoardmanparentskepttryingtoraisefunds.“Parentsarealso
busyraisingmoney,”TheBannerreported,“Thisisnoteasyandinvolvesfundraising
244“Count11,524OpenSeatsinHubSchools,”BostonGlobe,September15,1964,7.245JamesBreeden,quoteinRobertLevey,“BoardmanSchoolOK,CourtTold,”BostonGlobe,September18,1964,15.
165
events,suchasconcertsandsolicitingindividualdonations.”246PaulParksexplained,
“We’relookingforallthepublicsupportwecanget.”247Inanefforttomaketheprogram
accessibletoarangeoffamiliesofvaryingsocioeconomicstatuses,theBoardman
parentsdidnotchargeparticipantsafee(onlyasuggestedonedollarweeklydonation),
whichalsocontributedtothelackoffunding.Ultimately,theBoardmanparentsranout
ofmoneyandhadtoclosetheprograminthespringof1966,afternearlytwoyears.
Inthesummerof1965,anothergroupofAfricanAmericanparentsfromRoxbury
andNorthDorchestersimilarlyorganizedaprogramtotakeadvantageofBoston’sopen
enrollmentpolicy,whichtheynamedOperationExodus.LiketheBoardmanParents
Group,parentsofstudentsattheChristopherGibson,WilliamE.Endicott,Atherton,and
GreenwoodElementarySchoolsbeganmeetingtodiscusstheovercrowdingandlackof
resources.Theseparents,alongwithothersfromfourteenothernearbyschoolsformed
theRoxbury-NorthDorchesterParentsAssociation(RNDPA)inAugust1965.Similarto
theConcernedHigginsonParentsAssociationandtheBoardmanParentsGroup,the
RNDPAsoughttodocumentandreformthesegregated,overcrowded,inequitable
schoolsofthearea.Theyorganizedintheirrespectiveschoolsandthencametogetherto
petitiontheBostonSchoolCommitteetotransferstudentstolesscrowdedschoolsinthe
districtandtobuildnewschoolsintheirneighborhood,yettheirdemandswere
ignored.248EvenwhenSuperintendentOhrenbergerrecommendedaplantobusthese
studentstodifferentschools,itwasvoteddownbytheBostonSchoolCommittee.
246“BoardmanParentsKeeponRolling,”BayStateBanner,February26,1966.247ParkParks,quotedinWilliamFripp,“ProtestingParentstoRaiseFunds:BusestoTransportPupilstoOtherSchools,”BostonGlobe,October2,1964,13.248ThispromptedtheparentstofileacomplaintwithMCADinAugust1965demandingtheSchoolCommitteehaltitssegregativepractices.Bundy,“‘TheSchoolsareKillingourKids!’”134.
166
Instead,schoolofficialsproposedimplementingdouble-sessionsandmobileclassrooms
toeasecrowding.TheyalsoannouncedplanstopurchaseabuildinginDorchester,
whichtheywouldassignexcessstudentstofromthethreecrowdedschools.Black
parentswereinfuriatedwhentheyfoundoutthecostofpurchasing,renovating,and
staffinganewschoolwouldgreatlyexceedthatoftransferringstudents.Ontheevening
ofthecommittee’sannouncement,theparentsbegantoshifttheirenergiesawayfrom
petitioningtheBostonSchoolCommitteeforchangetoamoreself-determined,
grassrootsmovementstrategy.
EllenJackson,whowasnotonlyaparentbutaseasonedlocalactivist,emergedas
aleaderintheRNDPA.ShewasborninBostonin1939andgrewupinapredominantly
JewishpartofRoxburycalled“SugarHill,”priortothelargeinfluxofAfricanAmericans.
In1958,shegraduatedfromBostonStateCollegeforTeachers.Throughoutthistime,
shemarriedHughJacksonandhadfivechildren.In1962,shejoinedtheNorthern
StudentMovement(NSM)astheparentcoordinator,andbeganorganizingparents
aroundeducationalinequalitiesinthecity,aswellasvoterregistration,andhelping
establishanddirectthefirstHeadStartprogram.249Jacksonrecruitedparentswhose
childrenparticipatedinHeadStart,whichquicklygrewthegroup’smembershipbase.
Sheexplained,“Thesewereparentswithlittlekidswhowereconcernedaboutwhat
theyweregoingtodoforthefallfortheirkids.Theydecidedtheywantedtostay
togetherandtalkabouttheeducationalconcernssowestartedmeetingattheShaw
House.Parentsstartedtellingotherparents.Parentsfromalldifferencecommunitiesin
termsoftheblackcommunityatthattimestartedcomingtoourmeetings,ourrallies. 249EllenJacksonPapers,SchlesingerLibrary,HarvardUniversity.
167
Anditgrewandgrewandgrew.”250Nearly800parentsandcommunityactivists
gatheredintheauditoriumoftheJeremiahBurkeHighSchooltostrategizearesponseto
theBostonSchoolCommittee.
JacksonandthegrowingmembershipoftheRNDPAbecameawareofthenumber
ofstudentsandavailableseatsineachclassroomacrossBostonschoolsandthis
promptedaradicalnewidea.Jacksonandotherparentsweredeterminedtotake
advantageofthecity’sopenenrollmentpolicy,strategizingwaystotransporttheir
childrenfromtheovercrowdedblackschoolsofRoxburytolessburdenedandhigher
performingschoolsinotherBostonneighborhoods.AfterJackson’srousingspeech,over
250parentssignedupforthenewprogramonthespot.
Whilemanyseasonedcivilrightsorganizerswerepresentatthemeeting,Jackson
insistedthatthemovementbeledbyeverydayworking-classblackparentsandnotbe
mastermindedbymiddle-class“professionals.”“Everyonetalkedthateveningandwe
listened,butwetoldthemweweregoingtocarrytheballanddoitourway,”she
explained.“WesaidweweregoingtotakeourkidsoutofRoxburyschoolsifwehadto
takethemonrollerskates,andiftheywantedtheirkidstocomealong,fine.”251Forthe
nextseveralnights,Jacksonandcommunityorganizersandparentsheldmarathon
strategymeetings,scramblingtogettheprogramontheground.Shelaterreflected,
“Youhadtobesomekindofdamnfooltoeventrytodowhatwedid.Wehadnomoney,
250EllenJacksonInterview,BlackWomenOralHistoryProject,SchlesingerLibrary,HarvardUniversity[hereafter:JacksonInterview].251EllenJackson,quotedinPeggyLamson,“OperationExodus-andtheDrivingForceBehindIt,”BostonMagazine,August1968,34.EllenJacksonPapers,SchlesingerLibrary,HarvardUniversity(emphasisinoriginal).
168
noconnections,andnosense.Allwehadwasjustplainoldnerve.”252Yetinreality,the
grouphadmuchmorethe“plainoldnerve.”Theexistingrelationshipsandcommunity
networktheyhadwerethebasisfortheirgrassrootsprogram.
Intheorganizingtradition,JacksonandtheRNDPAmobilizedtheresourcesof
theRoxburycommunity.Jacksonexplained,“Ican’trecallwhichoneofussaidit.Let’s
takethedamnkidstotheirschool.Getamotorcadegoing.We’vegotfriendswho’vegot
abeachwagon.Iknowso-and-son,andhe’sgottwocarsinhisfamily,andmycarsets
sixpeople.”253Whiletheypublicizedtheprogramthroughflyersandthenewspaper,it
waswordofmouththatspreadthecallforactionquicklyfromfamilytofamily,resulting
inmanyvolunteeringtheircarsandtruckstoaddtothebusestheyhadsecured.
Asparent-organizerscontinuedtohashoutthedetailsinthedaysleadingupto
thefirstdayofschool,LouiseDayHicksunexpectedlyshoweduptotheOperation
Exodusofficestothreatenthem.SheinformedJacksonthatiftheydidnotpresentthe
formalpaperworkor“transfercards”forthestudents,schoolofficialswouldprohibit
thestudentsandExodusworkersfromenteringtheschools.Jacksonexplained,“I
rememberIwasgettingreadytosaysomethingtoher,andoneoftheparents,she
pushedup,andcamebetweenthetwoofus.Shesaid,‘Wetriedityourway.Nowwe’re
tryingitourway,’andturnedaroundandsaid,‘ComeonEllen.Wegottago.’..That
particularstatementgotheardalloverthecity,that‘we’redoingitourway.’”254
OperationExodusgrewquicklyandbytheendofitsfirstmonthinSeptember
1965,therewereover350studentsparticipating.Bytheendoftheschoolyear,the
252Jackson,quotedinLamson,“OperationExodus,”33,SchlesingerLibrary,HarvardUniversity.253JacksonInterview.254JacksonInterview.
169
numberhadgrowntocloseto500.Thefollowing1966-1967school-year,theExodus
programtransferredcloseto900studentstooverthirty-fiveschoolsacrossBoston’s
neighborhoods.255EllenJacksonattributeditsimmediatesuccesstoitsgrassroots
organizingstrategy.Sheexplained,“Byputtingauthentic,highly-skilled,‘grassroots’
communitypeopleinkeystaffpositions,EXODUScreatesafarmorerelevant
environmentformeetingtheeducationalneedsofthepeopleitserves.EXODUS
providestheoutletfortheseenergiesandthechannelthroughwhichtheseconcerned
communitypeoplecanplanandoperatetheprogramstheywant.”256
Inlate1966,Exodusannouncedthecreationofanew“educationalcomplex”on
BlueHillAvenueattheintersectionofUpperRoxburyandDorchesterthatoffered
tutoring,recreationalprograms,supportservices,culturalenrichment,amongother
communityprograms.Jacksonmodeledthetutoringprogramafterherworkwiththe
NorthernStudentMovement.Despitethegrowthoftheseservicesthatalignedwiththe
blackeducationalmovement’sgreatermission,Exodusexperiencedsomechallenges
andincreasingtensionsthroughoutthelate1960s.Inparticular,Jacksongrew
concernedwithparentsdiminishingleadershipanddecreasedinterestintheprogram.
Additionally,theprogramfacedsignificantfinancialchallenges.
Afterraising$150,000fromexternalprivatesourcestofunditsfirstyear,
Exodusstruggledtokeepupitsfundraising.Theprogramreliedheavilyondonations
fromthelocalblackcommunityandonsmallerfundraiserslikebakesales,concerts,and
rallies.ThoughtheprogramsoughtfundsfromthecityofBostonorstateof
255“ParentsGroupExpands‘Exodus,’”BayStateBanner,September25,1969.256EllenJackson,“AProposalforOperationalSupportforaCommunity-BasedEducationalCenter,”June1970,Box41,Folder1468,FreedomHouseRecords,NU.EmphasisinOriginal.
170
Massachusetts,neitherwouldsupporttheprogram,soExodusturnedtothefederal
governmentforaid.InOctober1965,JacksonledbusloadsofparentstoWashington,
D.C.tomeetwithMassachusettsSenatorTedKennedy,OfficeofEconomicOpportunity
HeadSargentShriver,andFrancisKeppel,theCommissionerofHealth,Education,and
Welfare.Theseorganizingeffortsresultedin$70,000infederalfundingin1966from
TitleIVoftheElementaryandSecondaryEducationAct.Yetthiswasnotenoughtokeep
Exodusfromgoingunder.Indebtthousandsofdollarswiththebuscompany,the
programwasinconstantriskofcloseandreliedonemergencyfundraisingefforts.
Despiteitsfinancialdifficulties,theprogramsomehowmanagedtosurviveuntilthe
early1970s.Atitspeak,Exodusservedapproximately3,000students.
Inmanyways,OperationExoduswastheprecursortothemorewell-known
MetropolitanCouncilforEducationalOpportunity(METCO)program,whichwas
foundedoneyearlaterin1966.EllenJacksonlaterexplained,“We’rereallyMetco’s
mother,butthey’vegotitmadefinanciallysotheytendtoactasifExodusisjustalittle
off-shootofthem.”257METCOwastheresultofacollaborationofBostonparentsand
activistsandliberalwhitealliesinsurroundingsuburbantowns.258Theprogramwas
257Jackson,quotedinLamson,“OperationExodus-andtheDrivingForceBehindIt,”EllenJacksonPapers,SchlesingerLibrary,HarvardUniversity.258Theideaforavoluntarybusingprogramemergedinthemid1960s.AsearlyasNovember1964,aCivilRightsCommitteeinBoston’sneighboringtownofBrooklineaskeditslocalSchoolCommitteetoenrollblackstudentsfromBoston.TheideawasdiscussedbetweenBrooklineschoolofficialsandtheBostonNAACP.Thefollowingyear,theideahadspreadtoothertowns.TheMassachusettsFederationforFairHousingandEqualRightstookaninterestinurban-suburbaneducationalcooperationandsponsoredameetingofmorethan12suburbanschooldistrictstoexplorethefurtherdevelopmentofsuchaprogram.Thismeetingledtoseveralothers,andinDecember1965,representativesofsuburbanschooldistrictsoutlinedthebasicprogramthatbecameMETCOin1966.Thevoluntaryprogramalsofunctionedasaservice-deliveryagencythatprovidedsupportservicestoMETCOstudentsandtheirfamilies.TheMETCOboardsecuredfundingfromtheCarnegieCorporationofNewYorkandunderTitleIIIoftheElementaryandSecondaryEducationAct.Italsoreceivedsomefundingsupportfromtheparticipatingsuburbantowns.TheboardconsciouslypickedBostonstudentsfromarangeoffamilyincomeandacademic
171
designedasashort-termsolutiontosolveBoston’sracialimbalance.Untilthecity’s
schoolsystemwas“straightenedout,”METCOwouldtransportblackstudentsfromthe
citytoopenspacesinwhitesuburbanschools.METCO’spurposewasnotintegration,
butratherqualityeducationforBoston’sblackstudents.RuthBatsonbecamethe
directorofMETCOwhilecontinuingthefightfordesegregationinthecity.“We’vetaken
parentsouttoseeotherschoolsinthesuburbanareasbecausewe’vebeenputinavery
badpositionhereinBoston,”Batsonexplained.“Parentshavebeenputinthepositionof
onlybeingagainstsomething.Theyhavenotbeenputinapositionwheretheycansay
whatthey’refor.”259Initsfirstyear,METCObused220childrentosevensuburbs.By
themid1970s,theprogramwasbusingnearly2,500studentsto38suburbs.Though
originallydesignedasatemporaryprogram,METCO’simmediatesuccessandrapidly
growinginterestamongblackfamiliesinBoston,enabledittobeseenasalong-term
solutiontoeducationalinequityandthusitbecameapermanentorganization.
WhilelargenumbersofBoston’sblackandLatinostudentsandtheirfamilies
soughtoutalternativestrategiestonavigatethesegregatedandinequitableschool
system,alargemajoritywereunabletoaccesstheopportunitiesaffordedbytheExodus
andMETCOprograms.Thevoluntarytransferandtutoringprogramsaidedonlyasmall
percentageofBoston’sblack/brownchildren.AsactivistMelKingexplainedin1966to
success,thoughmanycontinuedtobelievetheprogramfunneledprimarilymiddle-classandacademicallyadvancedblackstudentsor“creamofthecrop”outoftheBoston’sschoolsystem.RuthBatsonandRobertC.Hayden,“AHistoryofMETCO:ASuburbanEducationforBoston’sUrbanStudents,”1987,NortheasternDigitalRepositoryService;“HistoricalNote,”MetropolitanCouncilforEducationalOpportunity,Inc.Records,NU.259RuthBatson,InterviewofRuthBatsonintheCivilRightsDocumentationProject,MoorlandSpingarnResearchCenter,HowardUniversity,13-4.CitedinTheoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”31.
172
theBayStateBanner,“Obviouslyalloftheseprogramsarenecessary,buttheyareside
issues.Therealproblemremains:Qualityintegratedschoolsforallchildren.”260
Conclusion
DespiteBoston’sdominanthistoricalnarrativecenteredonthe1974“busing
crisis,”thischapterillustratedhowthestruggleforblack/browneducationaljustice
begandecadespriortoGarrity’sdecision.TheAfricanAmericanandLatinomovements
bothtooksteaminthe1960s,undergoingsimilarcoursesdespiteoperatingonlargely
separate,paralleltracks.Disruptingwidespreadassumptionsofblack-brownfamilial
dysfunctionandlackofeducationalengagement,working-classandmiddle-class
parentsalikesetouttodisprovethattheirchildrenwereinferiorstudentsandtoprove
thatsegregationexistedinBostonandresultedininequitableschools.Theycarefully
documentedthatblack-brownschoolswereunderfunded,overcrowded,and
deteriorating,amongotherthings.
AsevidentthroughtheConcernedHigginsonmothersinRoxbury,the
movementswerelargelyledbyworking-classwomenofcolor,whodedicatedmuchof
theirlivestothestruggleforqualityschoolsandemergedas“mother-organizers.”The
leadershipofthesewomenalsochallengesthepathologicalviewsofblack-brown
motherhood.Whilemanybelievedthatwomenofcolorwereapoliticalduringthistime
andwerenotactiveintheirchild’seducation,othersweresurprisedanywomenatall
(regardlessoftheirrace)weredemandingschoolreform.Asmother-organizerJoyce
Kingremembered,oneSouthEndprincipalcommentedtoherandothermothersata 260MelvinH.King,“SchoolBattleRunningOutofGas?”BayStateBanner,March26,1966,6.
173
meeting,“Youwomenshouldbehomewashingyourdishes.”261Instead,theseblack-
brownwomen,concernedfortheirchildren’seducations,forgedgrassrootsmovements
aroundtheirkitchentables.AsRuthBatsondeclaredin1965,“Weintendtofightwith
everymeansatourdisposaltoensurethefutureofourchildren.”262Thatisexactlywhat
Boston’sblack/brownmother-organizersdid.
YetwhentheBostonSchoolCommitteerefusedtoacknowledgetheexistenceof
racialsegregationorcreateanyrealreform,thesemothersturnedtoseasonedcivil
rightsactivistsandorganizationstoaidtheirprotests.TheStay-OutsforFreedom,
FreedomSchools,andriseofindependentschoolsmarkedtheblackmovement’sability
togarnermasssupportandmaximumparticipationinBoston,aswellasmobilize
indigenousresources.Whilethismovementforself-determinationgrewamongAfrican
Americansandbegandrawingnationalmediaattention,simultaneouslythemovement
forbilingualeducationemergedamongLatinos.WhileatfirstLatinamothersbegan
small-scaleprogramstoassistthetransitionoftheirSpanish-speakingchildreninto
Bostonschools,theLatinomovementsuccessfullylobbiedformajorpieceslegislation
suchastheBilingualEducationActin1968andtheTransitionalBilingualEducationAct
in1971,whichpavedthewayforamuchlarger-scalebilingualeducationprograminthe
city,organizedandrunentirelybyLatinoresidents.In1971,theestablishmentofthe
Hernandez,thedistrict’sfirstfullybilingualschool,wasamajorvictoryinthemovement
forcommunitycontrolofschools.
261JoyceKinginterview,CHPAOH,UMB.262RuthBatson,quotedin“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,”20.
174
Despitethemanysuccessesthroughoutthedecade,boththeAfricanAmerican
andLatinomovementswereplaguedwithfinancialstrugglesandwereunabletocreate
radicalreformthatwouldimpactallblack/brownstudents.Becauseofthis,many
familiestriedtotakeadvantageofthecity’sopenenrollmentpolicy,transferringtheir
ownindividualchildrentootherschoolsontheirown.Whenthisproveddifficult,some
formedad-hocgroupsliketheBoardmanParentsGrouporturnedtothemore
establishedorganizationslikeOperationExodus,forsupportintransferringand
transportingtheirchildrentobetterschools.Fewernumbersofmostlymiddle-class
blackandLatinofamiliesoptedoutofthedistrictalltogethertoprivate/parochial
schoolsortothesuburbsviatheMETCOprogram.Bytheendofthedecade,itwasclear
thatBostonschoolofficialswouldneverrespondtotheircallsforreform.African
AmericanandLatinoparentsandorganizersbeganlookingforopportunitiesforlegal
reformtoforcethedistricttotakeaction.ThefollowingchapterexaminestheMorganv
Hennigancasethatledtocourt-ordereddesegregationin1974.Inrethinkingthe“busing
crisis,”Iexplorehowtheblack/brownmovementsforeducationjusticetookforminthe
1970saroundGarrity’sorderandintheyearsfollowing.
175
TABLEIV.
TIMELINEOFMOVEMENTSFOREDUCATIONALJUSTICEINTHE1960S
1951 •RuthBatsonRunsforBostonSchoolCommittee(BSC)
1960 •Batson&BostonBranchoftheNationalAssociationfortheAdvancementofColoredPeople(NAACP)EstablishEducationSubcommittee
1961 •ConcernedHigginsonParentsAssociation(CHPA)Founded•MelKingRunsforBSC
1963 •MassachusettsMigrantEducationProgramEstablished•BSCDebatesSegregationinBostonPublicSchools(BPS)•FirstSchool“Stay-OutForFreedom”&FreedomSchools•NAACPPresent14DemandstoBSC&Stage“MarchonRoxbury”•MelKing’sSecondRunforSchoolCommittee
1964 •BoardmanParentsGroup(BPG)Founded&EstablishTransferProgram•SecondSchool“Stay-Out”&FreedomSchools
1965 •ElementaryandSecondaryEducationAct(ESEA)Passed•KiernanReportPublished•RacialImbalanceAct(RIA)Enacted•Roxbury-NorthDorchesterParentsAssociation(RNDPA)&OperationExodusFounded•RoxburyCommunitySchoolFounded-FirstofFourAlternativeBlackIndependentSchools•MelKing’sThirdRunforSchoolCommittee
1966 •StateWithholdsFundsfromBSCforViolationofRIA•MetropolitanCouncilforEducationalOpportunity(METCO)Founded
1967 •BostonPublicSchools(BPS)BeginsOfferingEnglishasaSecondLanguage(ESL)Classes
1968 •PassageofBilingualEducationAct•RiotsatKingMiddleSchool(Dorchester)
1969 •ABCD&APCROSSStudyPublishedonLatinochildreninBPS•BSCEstablishedFirstBilingualEducationClassesinBPS•LatinAmericanSummer&AcciónSchoolEstablished•WilliamMonroeTrotterSchoolOpensinRoxburyAfterNamingDebates
176
1970 •TaskForceonChildrenOutofSchoolPublishReportTheWayWeGotoSchool:TheExclusionofChildreninBoston•BPS’sBilingualEducationProgramExpands•FederationofBostonCommunitySchoolsFormed(AllianceBetweenBlackIndependentSchools)
1971 •PassageofTransitionalBilingualEducationAct•FoundingofRafaelHernández,BPS’sFirstBilingualSchool•StateWithholdsFundsfromBSCforSecondTime
177
CHAPTERFIVE
“VamosaVer”/“Let’sWaitandSee”:Black/BrownEducationalOrganizingintheWakeofthe1974“BusingCrisis”
Bytheearly1970s,manyofBoston’sAfricanAmericanandLatinoparent-
activistshadsuccumbtothefactthattheBostonSchoolCommitteewouldneveractually
addressthedistrict’ssegregationandracialinequitieswithoutacourt-mandatedorder.
Thoughtheycontinuedtheircommunityorganizingbyexposingfailingschoolsand
discriminatorypractices,establishingnewcommunity-controlledblack/brownschools
andeducationalprograms,transferringbetweenBoston’sschoolsorintothe
surroundingsuburbs,stagingpublicprotests,andpetitioningthedistrictforreform,
theyalsosoughtthesupportofestablishedcivilrightsandadvocacyorganizationsfor
theirlegalappeals.InOctober1970,theMassachusettsCommissionAgainst
Discrimination(MCAD)filedsuitagainsttheBostonSchoolCommitteeonbehalfofthe
fatherofChristineUnderwood,ablackstudentdeniedentryintoRoslindaleHighSchool.
InJune1971,MCADfoundtheSchoolCommitteeguiltyofdiscriminationintheopen
enrollmentpolicyandorderedthecommitteetoeliminateracialimbalance.MCADthen
filedsuit,seekingenforcementoftheorderwhenitwentignored.Thecasewasdelayed
forthenexttwoyears.InDecember1971,thefederalDepartmentofHealth,Education,
andWelfare(HEW)oftheOfficeofCivilRightschargedtheCityofBostonforviolating
TitleVIoftheCivilRightsActbytrackingstudentsofcolorthroughmiddleschoolsand
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whitestudentsthroughjuniorhighschools.Also,asitdidfiveyearspriorin1966,in
1971(andthenagainin1973and1974),theMassachusettsBoardofEducation
withheldfundsforBostonforallegedviolatingtheRacialImbalanceAct.
AtthecoreofthisentireissuewastheSchoolCommittee’spracticeofrestricting
theopenenrollmentpolicyforblack/brownstudents,whileroutinelygrantingtransfer
requeststowhitestudents.Aftermonthsofnegotiations,theSchoolCommitteeagreed
toconductopenenrollmenttoeliminateracialimbalance.Thisplanincluded
redistrictingfourelementaryschoolsinDorchester,includingthenewlyconstructed
JosephLeeSchool.WhenavastmajorityofthewhiteparentsattheFifieldandO’Hearn
schoolsoptedtokeeptheirchildrenintheircurrentschoolsinsteadoftransferringthem
totheirnewassignmentattheLee,itwasclearthatthenewschoolwouldbea
segregatedandraciallyimbalancedone.Despitebrieflychangingcourse,theSchool
Committeecontinuedtoappeasewhiteparents,allowingtheirchildrentoremainin
theirformerschools,whilealsoallowingillegallyregisteredblackstudents(whohas
usedfalseaddresses)toattendtheLee.Asaresult,theLeeschoolwasracially
segregatedandpredominantlyAfricanAmerican.Thisrulingwasaclearviolationofthe
RacialImbalanceActandhadmajorpoliticalimplications,pavingthewayforthe
infamousMorgancase.
Inthischapter,Ibuildoffthepreviousonetoexaminehowblack/brown
movementsforeducationaljusticefairedintothe1970s.Ibeginbyexploringthe
MorgancaseandGarrity’s1974court-ordereddesegregation,payingparticular
attentiontohowLatinoparent-organizersfoughtforrepresentationinthelawsuit.My
analysisseekstocomplicatethedominantnarrativecenteredonthe“busingcrisis”
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frameanditsinherentblack-whitebinary.Indisruptingthisstory,Iillustratethe
limitationsofthe“busing”frameworksince“busing”didlittletoactuallyaddressthe
needsanddemandsofthediverseblack-browncommunitiesofBoston.Infact,I
maintainbusingwasnevercentraltoblack/brownparent-organizersvisionsof
educationaljusticeordesegregation.IthusexaminethefailedlogicofGarrity’s
desegregationplanandthechaoticstormnewschoolassignmentscenteredaround
“busing”causedpoorblack/brownfamilies.Idrawattentiontotheexperiencesof
Latinochildren,whosestorieshaveneverbeentoldaspartofthecity’s“busing“
narrativeatall.
AlthoughMassachusettshadbeenaninnovatorintheeducationofchildrenwith
limitedEnglishproficiency(LEP)throughoutthe1960s,JudgeGarrity’sdecisionmade
nomentionoftheirneedsorthefateofbilingualeducationinBostonPublicSchools.It
seemedthatfewoutsideoftheLatinocommunityhadevenconsideredhowthe
landmarkrulingwouldaffectLatinostudents.Howweretheytoberaciallyclassified
andassignedtoschools?Weretheyconsideredwhite,black,orracialothers?Would
theirspecificlinguisticandculturalneedsbefactoredintoschoolassignments?Itwas
uncleartoparent-organizersatthispointwhetherbilingualeducationand
desegregationwereevencompatiblegoalswithintheframeworkofGarrity’sorderorif
theywouldcompeteoverthelimitedresourcesinBoston’sschoolsystem.Dispersing
studentsbasedonracetosatisfytheplanofdesegregationpotentiallythreatenedthe
viabilityofbilingualeducationprograms,whichrequiredaclusteringofatleasttwenty
LEPstudentsofasingleminoritylanguage.ThischapterconsidershowandwhyLatino
childrenandtheirfamilieswerenotinterestedinintegratingintopredominantlywhite
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schools,andinstead,weremoreconcernedabouttheirownsafetyandprotectingthe
bilingualeducationprograms.ThoughtheLatinocampaignforbilingualeducationwas
disruptedbyGarrity’sorder,ultimately,IillustratehowLatinoparent-organizers
successfullypressuredthecourttoadjustittomaintainitsviability.Beyondthat,I
challengethefocusondesegregationin1974astheculminatingendpointof
black/brownmovementsforeducationaljusticeinthecity.Thestruggleforbilingual
educationinBostoncontinuedlongafterthisandachievedsomeofitsgreatest
successeswhenLatinoparentsexpandedthemovementtoincludeotherimmigrantELL
groupsandformnewmultiethnic/multiracial(andmultilingual)coalitions.
Asinthepreviouschapter,IhighlighttheagencyofordinaryAfricanAmerican
andLatinoparent-activistsinthepursuitofeducationaljustice,particularlytheleading
roleofworking-classblack/brownmothers.Ialsoconsiderhowinterethnicconflicts
anddivisionsemergedwithintheLatinocommunityattimes,thoughtheydidnotalter
themovement’sprimaryaims,whichremainedsharplyfocusedonlinguisticconcerns
andtheprotectionandexpansionofbilingualeducation.Ishouldnotethatthoughthe
black/browneducationaljusticemovementsdidintersectinthe1970sasdesegregation
rolledout,AfricanAmericanandLatinoactivistsforthemostpartcontinuedtoorganize
onseparate,parallelpathsthroughoutmostofthedecade.Itwasnotuntilthelate1970s
andintotheearly1980sthatmoremultiethnic/multiracialcoalitionsemergedonthe
issueofbiligualism,thoughthislargelyreflectednewerblackimmigrantpopulationsin
thecitysuchasHaitians.
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I.Morganv.Hennigan
OnMarch15,1972,theNAACPandtheHarvardCenterforLawandEducation
filedasuitagainstbothcityandstateofficialsintheUnitedStatesDistrictCourtforthe
DistrictofMassachusettsinthecaseofTallulahMorganv.JamesW.Hennigan.Thesuit
wasfiledonbehalfoffifteenAfricanAmericanparentsandtheirforty-threechildren.
ThenamedplaintiffwasTallulahMorgan,anAfricanAmericanmotheroffour,andthe
nameddefendantwasJamesHennigan,theChairoftheBostonSchoolCommitteeatthe
timeofthefiling.Inthesuit,plaintiffsarguedthatthedefendantswereguiltyof“racially
discriminatorypolicies,practices,acts,andcustomsresultinginthesegregationofthe
BostonPublicSchools.”Thesuitoutlinednumerousintentionallysegregativepractices
employedbycityandstateofficialsandcitedextensiveevidenceofsegregationinareas
suchasstudentassignments,schoolbuildinganddistricting,residentialsegregation,
transportation,instructionalresources,anddiscriminationinstaffrecruitment,hiring,
andpromotion.263TheyhighlightedtheSchoolCommittee’srecentactionstocreatea
segregatedstudentbodyattheLeeSchool.DespitetheRacialImbalanceAct,59of201
schoolsinBostonhadamajorityofblackstudentsandtherewereonly356black
teachersinaschoolsystemof4,500teachers.264Latinostudentswerealsosegregated
(somebychoiceinbilingualprograms)andtherewereonlyahandfulofLatinoteachers
inthedistrict.
WhileJudgeW.ArthurGarrityJr.heardtheMorgancasein1972and1973,
AfricanAmericanandLatinoactivistscontinuedtheircommunityorganizing.Inlate
263MorganvHennigan.264Theoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”33.
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1972,adiversegroupofactivistsincludingRuthBatson,EllenJackson,andMurieland
OttoSnowden,cametogethertoestablishaninformaleducationaladvocacygroupcalled
BlackAdvocatesforQualityEducation(BAQE).BuildingofftheirworkinBAQE,in1973
theSnowdensformedtheFreedomHouseInstituteforSchoolsandEducation,naming
Jacksonasitshead.MurielSnowdenexplainedtheInstituterepresentedashiftin
strategyinBoston’sblackeducationalmovement:“Inrecentyearsthemovementto
obtainqualityeducationforminoritychildrenhasbeentogoaroundBostonschool
officialsthroughalternativeschoolsandsuburbanbusingprograms.Thecreationofthe
instituteisrecognitionoftherealitythat(our)focusmustberedirectedbackonthe
publicschoolsystem,uponwhichthegreatmajorityofthesechildrenmustdepend.”265
Illustratingthatcommunitycontrolandintegrationwerenotmutuallyexclusivegoalsof
themovement,theInstituteorganizershelpedprepareforthecourt’santicipatedruling
intheMorgancase.
OnJune21,1974,JudgeGarrityfoundtheBostonSchoolCommitteeguiltyof
intentionallycreatingandmaintainingaraciallysegregatedschoolsystem.Inhis
infamousdecision,Garrityorderedtheimmediateandcompletedesegregationof
BostonschoolsbeginningthefollowingSeptember.Thedecisionwasahugevictoryfor
thelongblackandLatinoeducationaljusticemovements,thoughitsimplementation
wouldproveenormouslydifficultandbroughtahostofnewproblems.
AsBostonpreparedforPhaseIofdesegregationinthesummerof1974,there
wasgrowingconcernamongBoston’sLatinoresidentsabouthowtheplanwouldimpact
265MurielSnowden,quotedinStephenCurwood,“Mrs.JacksonCallsforBlackRoleinSchools,”BostonGlobe,May16,1974,3.
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theirchildren.Infact,thoughMassachusettshadbeenaninnovatorintheeducationof
childrenwithLimitedEnglishProficiency(LEP)throughoutthe1960s,JudgeGarrity’s
decisioninMorganmadenomentionofthefateofbilingualeducationinBostonschools
orthespecificneedsofLatinoandotherLEPchildren.266Garrity’sopiniondidinclude
onerelatedfootnotethough.Hewrote:
Thecourtcertifiedthenamedplaintiffsasproperrepresentativesofaclassof‘allblackchildrenenrolledintheBostonPublicSchoolSystemandtheirparents.’ThereafterKeyesvSchoolDist.No.1…heldthat‘petitionersareentitledtohaveschoolswithacombinedpredominanceofNegroesandHispanosincludedinthecategoryof‘segregated’school.’267
ThoughJudgeGarrityrecognizedthepresenceofLatinos(or“Hispanos”)andother
minoritiesinBoston’sschooldistrict,hearguedthattherewasnoclearevidenceabout
howthedual(segregated)systemimpactedtheseothergroups.“Thepartiesdidnot
frameanyissuesastodiscriminationagainstnon-blackminoritystudents,who
compriseapproximately7percentofBoston’spublicschoolpopulation,”heexplained.
“Inthisopiniontheterm‘racialsegregation’whenunqualifiedwillrefertoblacksonly.”
HewentontoconcludethatfollowingtheprecedentsetintheKeyescaseofDenver,CO,
thecourtandschoolsystemwouldeventuallyneedtoconsidertheimpactof
266MassachusettsofferedprogramsthatprovidedEnglishinstructiontoLatinomigrantspriortothepassageoftheBilingualEducationActin1968.InSeptember1969,thefederalOfficeofCivilRightsheldcongressionalhearingstodiscussthegrowingproblemofLimitedEnglishProficiency(LEP)students.There,Massachusetts’ssenatorEdwardKennedycalledforincreasedfederalaidtobilingualprograms.In1971,theMassachusettslegislaturepassedtheTransitionalBilingualEducationAct–makingitthefirststatetoenactlegislationmandatingbilingualeducationforstudentsoflimitedEnglishproficiency.AdamNelson,TheElusiveIdeal:EqualEducationalOpportunityandtheFederalRoleinBoston’sPublicSchools,1950-1985(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2005),103.267Morganv.Hennigan,C.A.72-911-G(1974).QuotedinSarahMelendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation:ACaseAnalysisoftheRoleof‘ElComitédePadres’intheCourt-OrderedDesegregationoftheBostonPublicSchools(1974-1975),”Ed.D.diss.,HarvardUniversity,1981.
184
desegregationonotherracialorethnicminorities.268“However,atfuturehearings
concerningequitableremediesrequiredtoconverttheBostonschoolsfromadualtoa
unitarysystem,”Garritycontinued,“theKeyesholdingwillofcoursebeobservedand
considerationgiventothetreatmentofnonwhitesotherthanblacks.”269Itwasnotthe
courtorschoolsystem,however,thatdrewattentiontotheneedsofLatinochildren,but
theeffortsofLatinoparentsthatforcedthecitytoconsidertheimpactofdesegregation
onthesechildren.
II.Rethinkingthe1974“BusingCrisis”
Overthesummerof1974,asparentsbegantoreceivetheirchildren’sschool
assignmentsforthefollowingyear,theygrewconcernedthatmanywouldbeplacedin
schoolsfarfromhomeortoschoolswithoutbilingualeducationprograms.Thefailed
logicofGarrity’sdesegregationplancreatedachaoticstormforpoorblack/brown
families.Forexample,Latinosiblingscouldbeassignedtodifferentschoolsontherather
arbitrarybasisofperceivedskincolor.OnePuertoRicanfamilybroughtthisissuetothe
attentionoftheentireLatinocommunity.Asaresultofthedesegregationorder,asetof
twinbrothers,onewithlighterskinandtheotherwithdarkerskin,weredivided.The
268In1969,parentsofLatinoandAfricanAmericanstudentsinDenver,COsuedtheschoolboard,allegingthatofficialsactedintentionallytocreatearaciallysegregatedsystem.Therewereseveralinconclusiveroundsoflitigationinlowerfederalcourts,beforeitwasdecidedintheSupremeCourtin1973,rulingpartiallyinfavoroftheparents.KeyeswasthefirstdesegregationcasethatincludedLatinos,affordingthemthesamerightstodesegregationremediesasAfricanAmericanstudents.Therulingstatedthatthesetwogroupsmaybeplacedinthesamecategoryforthepurposesofdefiningsegregatedschools,sincetheybothexperiencedgrosseducationalinequalitiescomparedtotheirwhitecounterparts.Thecasewasalsokeyindefiningdefactosegregation;althoughtherewerenoofficiallawssupportingsegregationinDenver,itwasdeterminedthattheschoolboardintentionallycreatedandmaintainedasegregatedschoolsystem.ThissetaprecedentforBoston’sMorganvKerrigan.269Morganv.Hennigan,quotedinMelendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation.”
185
lightersonwasclassifiedbyschoolofficialsaswhiteandassignedtoablackschoolto
helpachieveracialbalance,whiletheotherwasclassifiedasblackandassignedtoa
whiteschoolforthesamereason.270ActivistCarmenPola’stwodaughterswerealso
assigneddifferentracesuntilshewenttotheschooldepartmenttofileacomplaint.Pola
explainedthatteacherswouldwalkaroundclassroomsanddetermineracial
designationsusingtheirownjudgmentbasedonskincolorandotherfeatureslikehair
texture,whichinfuriatedLatinoparentsandteachers.271BetsyTregar,awhiteteacherin
Boston’sbilingualprogramatthetime,agreedittheracialdesignationswerearbitrary
andbasedontheracialunderstandingsofindividualteachersandschool-level
leaders.272Latinoparentsdidnotwanttheschoolsystemusingtheirchildren(andtheir
ambiguousracialidentities)tobalanceheavilyblackorwhiteschoolswithoutanyeasily
discernedpattern.Mobilizingindigenousresources,astheirblackcounterpartshad
successfullydonefordecades,LatinosbeganorganizingatLatinosocialservice
organizationssuchasLaAlianzaHispana.MuchlikeFreedomHouseandtheRoxbury
Multi-ServiceCenterintheblackcommunity,thesebecameunofficialinformation
centerswithintheLatinocommunity.Theseorganizationsdistributedinformation
aboutGarrity’sorderinSpanishandadvocatedonthebehalfofparentsseekingschool
transfersfortheirchildren.TheSuperintendent’sOfficewasalsofloodedwithcallsfrom
Latinoparentsduringthefirstcoupleweeksofschool,andtheBilingualDepartment
providedvolunteerstohelptranslateoranswerquestions.
270Melendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation,”46;CarolHardy-Fanta,LatinaPolitics,LatinoPolitics:Gender,Culture,andPoliticalParticipationinBoston(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1993),116.271PolaInterview.272TregarInterview.
186
NeitherAfricanAmericannorLatinoparent-activistswereconsultedinthePhase
Idesegregationplans,whichweredesignedbyCharlesGlenn,DirectoroftheState
BureauofEqualEducationOpportunity.Inordertoreducethetraveltimesforstudents,
theplanspairednearbyraciallysegregatedschoolsinadual-busingprogram,whereas
blackstudentsfrompredominantlyblackschoolswouldbereassignedtomajoritywhite
schoolsandviceversa.Mostnotably,SouthBostonandRoxburyHighSchoolswere
paired,incitingresistanceandfear,particularlyinthegrowinganti-desegregation
movementledbyagroupcalledRestoreOurAlienatedRights(ROAR)anditsleader
SchoolCommitteememberLouiseDayHicks,knownasthe“JoanofArc”ofanti-busing.
Thegroup,composedmostlyofwhiteBostoniansandBostonSchoolCommitteeand
BostonCityCouncilmembers,formedin1974andstagedaseriesoflargeanti-
desegregationprotestsinBostonthroughoutthesummer,encouragingwhiteparentsto
boycottintegratedschools.AfricanAmericanandLatinoparentswerealsoreluctantand
fearfulofsendingtheirchildrenintoSouthBoston,giventhatithadhistoricallybeenan
unsafe,hostileplaceforBoston’sresidentsofcolor.Mostavoidedtheneighborhoodall
togetherandrecognizedtherealthreatofviolencethattheirchildrenwouldfaceifthey
didfollowthroughwithGarrity’splan.ThroughoutBoston,mediasourceslikethe
BostonGlobeobsessedaboutsafetyconcerns.Shiftingthenarrativeawayfrom
desegregation,theyfocusedalmostentirelyonwhat“busing”wouldmeanforthecity,
whatexistingracialtensionswouldbeexposed,andwhatunrestmightensue.
OnSeptember12,1974,riotseruptedinBostonasdesegregationbeganonthe
firstdayofschool.AtthedirectionofROAR,massiveamountsofwhitestudents
boycottedschoolandstayedhomeortooktothestreetsinprotest.BlackandLatino
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parentsturnedtotheircommunityorganizationslikeFreedomHouseandLaAlianza
Hispana,amongothers,toseeksupportandinformationregardingsafetyconcernsfor
theirchildren.TheviolenceinSouthBostongarneredthemostmediaattention.Asthe
firstbusarrived,thetwentyblackchildrenridingitweremetbyacrowdofwhitepeople
throwingrocks,bottles,eggs,androttentomatoes,andyelling“NiggersGoHome!”Some
heldoutbananastoblackstudentstellingthemthat“monkeys”werenotwantedin
“their”schools.Attheendoftheday,thebusesagainfacedrocks.AtRoxburyHigh,
ROAR’sboycottwasasuccessasonly10percentofthe525whitestudentsassigned
showedupforthefirstday.273MelKingarguedthiswasnosurprisetoblack/brown
Bostonians.“SouthBostonHighhadforgenerationsbeenaclosedschool,”heexplained.
“IrememberbeingtoldbyaCityCounselorthattherewasanunwrittencodethatno
Blackwouldevergraduatefrom‘Southie.’”274Despitethewidespreadmediaattentionin
SouthBoston,harassmentandviolencewerenotconfinedtothisworking-class
neighborhood,asthereweresimilaroccurrencesinmiddle-classneighborhoodslike
HydePark.
Thoughtheviolencewaslargelyframedasablack-whiteissue,Latinochildren
alsoexperiencedincreasedhostilityduringthistime,particularlyintheRoxburyand
MissionHillneighborhoods.InOctober,forexample,afterseveralweeksofschool
boycotts,arioteruptedoutsideofEnglishHighinRoxburyandspreadthroughouta
MissionHillhousingproject.Closeto40peoplewereinjuredandseveralotherswere
273Theoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”34.274King,ChainofChange,161.
188
arrested.275Thepressfocusedlargelyonblackyouthwhowereallegedlyassaultingand
stoningwhitepeople,aswellasvandalizingandoverturningcars,yetCarmenPola
remembersitquitedifferently.Sheargueditwaswhitepoliceofficersoutfittedinriot
gearthatwerethemostviolent.Thoughtheseofficerswerestationedtomonitorthe
desegregationprocessandpeacefullycontrolthecrowds,Polaclaimedtheywere
instigatingtheriotsandbrutallybeatingAfricanAmericanandLatinoadultsand
teenagers.PolarecalledtheofficersmarchingdownTremontStreetinformationloudly
singing“GodBlessAmerica”astheystruckpeopleofcolorthatwalkedbywiththeir
clubs.Shewasterrifiedwhenshecaughtoneofherdaughtersplanningtothrowglass
bottlesatthepoliceofficersasaformofself-defense.276JustlikeAfricanAmerican
parents,itwasafrighteningtimeforPolaandotherLatinoparentswhowerescaredto
lettheirchildrenwalkthestreetsofBoston,letalonesendthemtounsafeschools.
MayorKevinWhiteappealedtothefederalgovernmenttosendU.S.Marshalsto
helprestoreorderinthecity,andacoalitionofblackagenciesincludingFreedomHouse,
theBlackMinisterialAlliance,andtheNAACPechoedthis,requestingfederaltroopsto
securethesafetyofblackstudents.InOctober,thecoalitionsentalettertothe
CongressionalBlackCaucusandtheAttorneyGeneralstating:“Weurgentlyneedyour
supportinresolvingBoston’smostpressingurbanissue,theinabilityandunwillingness
ofthecity’selectedofficialstofulfilltheirobligationtoprotectandsupportourBlack
community’spursuitofpubliceducationforouryouth.”277Yetdespitetheirpleasand
otherprominentpoliticalfiguresreferringtoBostonasthe“LittleRockoftheNorth,”
275JamesAyresandManliHo,“38Injured,OneSerious;7Arrested,”BostonGlobe,October9,1974.276PolaInterview.277QuotedinKing,ChainofChange,164.
189
PresidentGeraldForddidnotweighinondesegregationinBostonuntilOctober9,
1974,whenhestatedthathenotonlyopposed“forcedbusing,”butthathe“respectfully
disagree[d]withthejudge’sorder.”AsleadingactivistMelKingexplained,ineffect,Ford
“announcedthathesupportedpeopleopposedtoprovidingandprotecting
constitutionalrights.”278Thoughthemediafocusedsolelyonwhiteresistance
particularlyamongelectedofficials,blackactivistsinthenationalblackfreedom
movementsuchasAngelaDavis,CorettaScottKing,RalphAbernathy,DickGregory,and
AmiriBarakacametoBostontospeakandleadmarchesdeploringtheviolence.
III.ElComité:LatinosStruggleforaVoice
InDecember1974,thepartiesintheMorgancasesubmittedtheirproposed
desegregationplanstothecourt,bothofwhichconflictedwiththeinterestsofLatinos
anddisruptedtheircampaignforbilingualeducation.Thedefendants’planproposed
thatLatinochildrenwouldberaciallyclassifiedintotwogroups:“Hispanic-white”and
“Hispanic-black.”Latinoactivistsdidnotbelievetheyfitneatlyintothesesimplistic
categoriesandwerefrustratedthatmostBostoniansdidnotunderstandthecomplex
historyofracialmixinginLatinAmericathatattributedtotheLatinocommunity’s
diversityofskincolorsandphysicaltraits.“AsPuertoRicans,”organizerEdwinColina
explained,“wesawthatastotallycontrarytowhatweareandwhatourcharacterization
ofraceis.”279InfuriatedLatinoparentsandactivistsinsistedtheyconstitutedoneracial
categoryof“Hispanic.”Theplaintiff’sproposedplan,ontheotherhand,wouldclassify
278King,ChainofChange,161.279EdwinColina,quotedinHardy-Fanta,LatinaPolitics,LatinoPolitics,116.
190
Latinosinabroaderumbrellacategoryof“OtherMinorities,”andwouldfailtoconsider
theirlinguisticneedsinschoolassignments.Asaresult,manyLatinochildrenwouldbe
assignedtoschoolswithoutbilingualeducationprogramsandininsufficientnumbersto
warranttheircreation.Infact,theplaintiff’splanwouldassignLatinostudentsinsucha
waythatonly16of121elementaryandmiddleschoolswouldhavesufficientnumbers
foraviablebilingualeducationprogram.Additionally,theRafaelHernándezSchool
wouldbedismantled,turnedintoapart-timebilingualresourcecenterforchildren
busedinfromallpartsofBoston.ThiswoulddestroyanimportantsymbolintheLatino
community,whichwasatestamenttotheiryearsoforganizingandconsideredan
enormoussuccess,aswellassubjectLatinochildrentodoublebusingeachday.280
Latinoparentswereoutragedwithbothplansandbeganadvocatingforavoiceinthe
courtanddevelopingtheirownsolutionstomanagethedesegregationprocess.
TwoLatinamothers,DaisyDíazandNatividad(Nati)Pagán,emergedasleaders
inthisnewmovementtoprotectbilingualeducationandtoaddressthelinguisticand
culturalneedsofLatinochildreninBoston.BothwomenwerePuertoRicanandfrom
working-classbackgrounds.Theywerestudentsinthebilingualeducationteacher-
trainingprogramatBostonUniversity(BU),membersoftheBostonchapterofthe
PuertoRicanSocialistParty(PSP),andresidentsoftheSouthEnd.Mostimportantly,
bothwereparentsofchildreninBoston’sbilingualprogram.281DíazandPagánbegan
280Melendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation,”46-47.281DíazwasbornandraisedinPuertoRico.Partoftheworking-class,sheoriginallyworkedasmigrantworkerandthenasanoperativeattheNationalBrushCompany.ShedevelopedaninterestincommunityorganizingaspartofBoston’schapterofthePuertoRicanSocialistPartyandthenbecameinterestedineducation.ShealsohadtwochildrenattheHernándezSchool.PagánwasalsoPuertoRicanandworking-classbutwasraisedinCleveland,OhiobeforemovingtoBostonasanadult.Melendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation,”55-56.
191
organizingotherBUeducationstudentsandLatinoparentsofchildreninBostonschools
todiscusstheirconcernsaboutthedesegregationorder.Attheirfirstmeetingin
December1974inJamaicaPlain,whereapproximately200membersofthecommunity
attended,theybegantostrategizeaplanofaction.282
ThegroupofLatinoparents,teachers,andcommunityorganizersheldmeetings
inpeople’shomesandinvariousLatinoorganizationssuchasLaAlianzaHispana.
FoundingmemberJimCaradonioexplained,“Theorganizingstrategywasrightoutof
SaulAlinksy.”Hecontinued,“WeusedtomeetatDaisy’sandNatividad’s
house/apartmentinMissionHillandwe’dsitaroundthekitchentable.Basicallyitwas,
asIsawit,takingthestructureofthecourt…Howdoweprovidetheinformation?How
doweprovidethepoliticalpressure?Howdowedotheadvocacyneeded?Becausethis
istheonlygameintown.Ifyouarenotinthisfederalcourtorder,you’redead.”283The
groupdecidedtoseeklegalassistancefromtheLawyer’sGuildinCambridge,whichhad
consultedthePSPonseveraloccasions.CathySegalandAlanRomoftheGuildbecame
thegroup’sattorney.SheadvisedthemtojointheMorgancase,explainingtheyhadtwo
optionstodoso:asplaintiff-intervenersorthroughthefilingofamicuscuriaebriefs.In
thefirstscenario,theycouldclaimtobealegalclassaffectedbytheoutcomeofthecase
andthatithad,thusfar,notrepresentedtheirrights.Thealternativeamicuscuriae
optionwouldonlyallowthemasagrouptoexpresstheiropinionandmakea
recommendation.Theycollectivelydecidedtoappearatthenexthearingandpetition 282Melendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation,”48.283James“Jim”Caradonio,awhitemanofItaliandescent,wasoneofthemostactivefoundingmembersofElComité.HelivedintheSouthEndandbeenapartoftheLatinocommunitythroughhisworkattheCardinalCushingCenterfortheSpanishSpeaking.Caradonioremembershisroleasa“footsoldier,”abehind-the-scenestypeofmanwhoremainedneutralinpersonalpoliticsandspentmostofhistimehelpingthegroup’slawyersprepareforcourt.CaradonioInterview.
192
thecourttointervene.
YettheLatinoorganizationHOPE(HispanicOfficeofPlanningandEvaluation)
independentlydecidedtogotocourtasamicuscuriaeatthesametime.284HOPEleader
AlexRodriguezarguedthathisgrouphadtriedtogetLatinoparentstoorganizefor
yearspriortoGarrity’sdecision.“Thatgroup[ElComité]emergedbecausetheywere
contraryandwhenyouaskedthemtoformagroup,theysatontheirass…Theywouldn’t
doanythingbutcomplain,”Rodriguezexplained.HearguedthatonlywhenHOPEbegan
tomobilizearoundtheMorgancase,ElComitéformed.“Finallywhentheyhadsomeone
tofightagainst,theyorganized,”hemaintained.285OtherLatinoresidentsfeltHOPEhad
notinformedtherestofthecommunityaboutthecaseoritsimplications,norconsulted
withtheparentswhohadbeenleadersoftheeducationmovement,yetstillcalleda
pressconferenceattheStateDepartmentofEducation’sOfficeofTransitionalBilingual
Educationtoannounceitsplan.Itwasatthispressconferencethatthedivisionswithin
theLatinocommunitybecameincreasinglyvisibletotherestofBoston.286
DíazandPagánandtheworkinggroupofparentsconfrontedHOPEatthepress
conferenceabouttheirclaimstorepresenttheLatinocommunity.Whiletheparents
groupwasledbyworking-classLatinamothers,HOPE,theyargued,wasledbymiddle-
classLatinomen,mostofwhomsupposedlylivedinthesuburbsanddidnothave
childreninBoston’sbilingualeducationprogram.Díaz,inparticular,hadadistrustof
284HOPEwasastatewide,communitybased,nonprofitorganizationestablishedin1971toadvocate,develop,facilitate,coordinate,andevaluateeducational,healthandhumanservices,andcommunitydevelopmentprogramsfortheLatinocommunityofMassachusetts.Theirprogramscenteredoncollegereadiness,healthpromotion,preventioneducation,technologytraining,andworkforceandleadershipdevelopment.“HistoricalNote,”HispanicOfficeofPlanningandEvaluation(HOPE)records,NU.285RodriguezInterview.286Ibid.
193
middle-classprofessionalswhoattemptedtomakedecisionsonbehalfoftheLatino
community.SheoftenexpressedthatthosewhodidnotliveinoneofBoston’s“barrios”
(i.e.Roxbury,Dorchester,theSouthEnd,orJamaicaPlain)couldnotrepresentthe
community.CarmenPola,whohademergedasaleaderintheparentsgroup,expressed
asimilardoubt.ReferringtoHOPEleaderAlexRodriguez,Polaargued,“Aleaderisnota
leaderwhenhegetsa20,000dollarayearjob,comestoanofficeat9o’clockinthe
morning,gohomeat4,haveanicesteakdinner,putontheTV,andgotosleepat10.”287
WhilePolaandothersquestionedRodriguez’smiddle-classpositionandleadership
style,asmentionedinchapterone,hewasalsoacontroversialfigureintheLatino
communitybecausehedidnotspeakSpanishfluently.Polaarguedtherewere
underlyinggenderedconcernsaswell.Sheexplainedthatwhilewomendidallthework
inthemovement,themen“showedupwhenthecameraswereon,”andoften
commandeeredpublicmeetings.288Thispressconferencehighlightedthisclaim.Betsy
Tregar,bilingualteacherandoneofthefoundersofLaAlianzaHispana,explainedthe
parentsgroup“wasmuchmoregrassroots.HOPEwastheintelligentsia.”289Lastly,the
parentsfirmlybelievedthatPuertoRicansshouldassumetheleadershipinthecase
sincetheyconstitutedthemajorityofLatinosinthecity.SincethechairpersonofHOPE’s
boardofdirectors,FriedaGarcia,wasDominican,theparentsgroupinsistedthatshe
couldnotpossiblyrepresentthem.Theseconcernsoverleadershipandrepresentation
inthedesegregationcasehighlightedexistingtensionsanddivisionsinBoston’sLatino
communitybasedonclass,gender,andnationality,whichwereevidentinalltheracial
287CarmenPola,quotedinMcDonald,BreadandDreams,40.288PolaInterview.289TregarInterview.
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justicemovementsofthecity.
Despitetheconcernsoftheparents,thereweresomepracticaladvantagesto
selectingHOPEtorepresenttheLatinocommunity.HOPEwasanestablished,well-
respectedagencyinBostonwithanoffice,staff,andextensiveresearchexperience.
WhileRodriguezbelievedhewasthedrivingforceingettingLatinoparentstoorganize,
otherHOPEleaderswereunsurehowanad-hocparentsgroupwithoutastaff,office,or
resourcescouldmanagethecase.Theseleaderswantedtoensurethatthecasedidnot
onlycenteronbilingualeducationbutontherighttoaqualityeducationforallLatino
children.Theywerealsoconcernedthataninterventionmightbemisinterpretedbythe
AfricanAmericanplaintiffsandcommunityasoppositiontodesegregation.
ThoughbytheendofthepressconferenceHOPEreluctantlyagreednottolead
thecaseintervention,theorganizationandtheparentsgroupbothappearedatthenext
courthearinginJanuary1975,eachclaimingtorepresenttheLatinocommunity.Judge
Garritytoldthemtodecidewhichgroupwouldrepresentthembythenextsession,but
itwasadifficulttaskforthediverseLatinocommunitytoelectonevoice.290Eventually,
theycooperatedanddecidedthattheparentsgroupwouldseektointerveneandHOPE
wouldassistinanywayitcould.291“Therewasnowaythattheintelligentsiawasgoing
towin,”BetsyTregarlaterreflected.“Theyeventuallyhadtobackoff…Inthatkindofa
settingintermsofcommunitypoliticsandallthat,theveteransandtheintelligentsia
werenotgoingtowinagainstthegrassroots.”292NamingthemselvesElComitéde
290Melendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation,”49-51.291Rodriguezlamentstheparents’group’sdecisiontohirewhitelawyers,arguingthatLatinolawyerswouldhavemadeittrulyacommunity-organizedmovement.RodriguezInterview.292TregarInterview.
195
PadresProDefensadelaEducaciónBilingüe(theParent'sCommitteeforDefenseof
BilingualEducation),theparentsgroupbegancanvassingBoston’sneighborhoods,
seekingasmanyLatinosaspossibletosignpetitionsandaffidavitsasplaintiffs-
interveners.Onesuchpetitionread:
We,theundersigned,agreethattheParent’sCommitteeforDefenseofBilingualEducation,comprisedofparentsandteachersfromtheHispaniccommunity,areourrepresentativesbeforetheFederalCourtwithregardstotheintegrationplaninBostonschools.We[are]theparentsandteachersofHispanicchildrenthataredirectlyaffectedbytheintegrationplansimplementedinthiscity.WeunderstandthattheCommitteeisthemostqualifiedtorepresentourbestinterests.293
OnJanuary23,1975,ElComitépresented1,600parents’signaturesandover50
affidavitsfromgroupsoragenciesauthorizingthemasrepresentativesoftheLatino
community,andJudgeGarritygrantedthemotiontointerveneinthedesegregation
case.
ElComitéwasalooselystructuredorganizationthatwelcomedanyone
interestedinthefateofLatinochildrenandbilingualeducationinBostonschools,
thoughthemajoritywereworking-classparentsandtheleadershipcomprisedmostlyof
Latinamothers-organizerswithschool-agechildren.EdwinColina,amemberofEl
Comité,emphasizedthegrassrootsstrategyofthegroup,explaining,“Wenever
acceptedstate,federal,cityfunds.Wedideverythingthatwedidstrictlyonvolunteer
contributionsandjustalotofenergy,sweat,andblood.”294Thecentralcommitteehada
representativefromeachneighborhoodofBostonandasteeringcommitteeservedas
thelinkbetweenthesemembersandtheschools,lawyers,andthecourt.Díazwasthe
293Translationbyauthor.“PeticiondelosComitesdeBarriodeBoston,”Box3,Folder33,CarmenA.PolaPapers,NU.294Colina,quotedinHardy-Fanta,LatinaPolitics,LatinoPolitics,117.
196
firstchairpersonofthegroupandPagánremainedaleader.JimCaradonioremembers
thewomenas“tough”leaders.“Itwasn’tfancystuff,”heexplained,“itwasarrozand
habichuela[riceandbeans].Let’sgetthisstuffdone.”295Otherkeymembersincluded
CarmenPola,RosaZayas(whobecamepresidentofthegroupinthesummerof1975),
CarmenBarreto,RudolfoRodriguez,SoniaMarrero,WilliamZayas-Sanjurjo,Edna
Melendez,andSarindaMaribal.ThelargemajorityofthemembershipofElComitéwas
PuertoRican,poor,andhadlittletonoformaleducation.EducationscholarSarah
Melendezexplains:
Manyofthemembersofthesteeringcommitteehadpoor,working-classbackgroundsbut,duetoeducationand/orthepositionstheyheldcouldbeconsideredmiddleclass.Nevertheless,theyidentifiedwiththeworkingclass,livedinthePuertoRicanneighborhoodsandhadtheirchildreninthebilingualeducationprogram.ElComitéhadnowealthymembers,electedorappointedofficials,noradministratorsfromanylevelofgovernment.296
Theorganizationdidincludesomenon-PuertoRicanLatinoleadersaswellsuchasMora
andCaribeBernadinoandFriedaGarciafromtheDominicanRepublic,MariaMorrison
whowasBrazilian,andMariaBriskwhowasArgentinean.Brisk,aprofessorand
directorofthebilingualeducationprogramatBostonUniversity,wasrecruitedtotestify
asanexpertwitnessonthemeritsofbilingualeducation.297Additionally,ElComité
workedtomobilizehundredsofLatinoparentsandtriedtogarnersupportfromthe
AfricanAmericancommunitythroughorganizationslikeFreedomHouseandthe
NAACP,aswellaswomen’sandcivilrightsgroups.
WithsomesupportfromexistingLatinosocialserviceorganizations,ElComité
295CaradonioInterview.296Melendez,“Hispanos,DesegregationandBilingualEducation,”59.297Asnotedinfootnote21,JimCaradoniowastheonlywhitefoundingmemberofElComité.
197
organizedcommunitymeetings,fundraised,conductedresearchonbilingualeducation
anddesegregation,distributednewslettersandpressreleases,wroteaffidavits,and
developedtheplaintiffs-intervener’splan.Theyalsostagedprotestsanddemonstrations
acrossthecityofBoston.“Wetook‘emon.Wetookontheschooldepartment,thecity,
thestate,thefederalcourt–alotofdifferentplaces,”EdwinColinareflected.“Wehad
demonstrationsinourowncommunitydownDudleyStreet,oralongTremontStreetin
theSouthEnd,orinfrontoftheschoolcommittee,orinfrontoftheFederalCourt
House.WehadJudgeGarrity’scourtroompackedmanyatime.Wedemonstratedin
frontoftheStateHouseinthesnow.”Hecontinued,“Wehad,onaconstantbasis,inthe
earlyyearsoftheorganization,overtwohundredfiftypeople,easy,thatwouldcometo
ademonstrationonaday’s–twodays’–notice.”298ElComitéestablishedparent
advisorycouncilstoassureparentparticipationinthedecision-makingprocess,though
attimestherewereheateddisagreementswiththecaselawyers.Forexample,ElComité
wantedtokeeptheHernándezandFenwickschoolsasentirelybilingual,butthe
lawyersadvisedagainstit,arguingthatthecourtwouldnotpermitaclearlysegregated
school.ElComitéestablishedalistofotherrecommendationsthatincludedacensusof
LatinochildreninBostonschoolswhoneededbilingualeducationandthatclassified
themas“Hispanics”andnotasblackorwhite,theassignmentofschoolsbasedon
linguisticneed,theincreasedhiringofLatinoandbilingualeducationteachers,and
otherspecificationsforbilingualclusters.
DespitethedisruptioncausedbyGarrity’sinitialdesegregationplan,Latino
parent-organizerssuccessfullypressuredhimtoadjustthecourtordertomaintainthe 298Colina,quotedinHardy-Fanta,LatinaPolitics,LatinoPolitics,117.
198
viabilityofbilingualeducation.InahistoricwinfortheLatinocommunity,thecourt,in
fact,adoptedallofElComitérecommendations,exceptpreservingtheFenwickprogram.
ElComitéhadachieveditsprimarygoalofsustaining(andeventuallyexpanding)
bilingualeducationinBoston.InJune1975,JudgeGarritywroteinhisremedy-phase
decision:
ElComitédePadresProDefensedelaEducaciónBilingüe,representingtheclassofSpanish-speakingstudentsandtheirparents,havestressedtheirrighttoadequatebilingualeducation.TheremedyaccordinglyconcentratesonprovidingbilingualschoolingforHispanicstudentsandforothersinneedofthisservice.Assignmentofbilingualclustersbeforeotherswillpreventexcessivedispersal.Thusthe“clustering”ofbilingualclasseswillbepossibleandBoston’sschoolswillbeenabledtofulfillthepromiseofthisstate’sexemplarybilingualeducationlaw…[and]meettherequirementsofthefederalCivilRightsActof1964.299
Thereviseddesegregationplannotonlyreiteratedthepromiseofan"equally
desegregatededucation"forotherminoritygroupsbesidesAfricanAmericans,butalso
recognizedthedifferenteducationalneedsofLEPstudents,requiringthattheybe
consideredseparatelyinmakingstudentassignments.Garrity’sexceptionforLEP
studentsinhisbroaderbusingplanallowedtheLatinocommunitytokeepthe
HernándezSchooldespiteitsracialimbalance;heexempteditfrombusingaslongasit
maintainedanenrollmentofnomorethan65%Latinostudents.Yetgiventheresistance
theyconfrontedfromtheschoolcommitteethroughoutthemovement,Latinoactivists
knewbetterthantostageanextendedcelebrationofthisvictory.Instead,theyadopted
whatoneGlobejournalistcalleda“vamosaver(let’swaitandsee)attitude”about
PhaseIIofGarrity’splan,closelymonitoringtheschoolstoensurethattheywere
effectivelyimplementingbothdesegregationandbilingualeducationmandates
299MorganvKerrigan401F.Supp.216(1975).QuotedinNelson,TheElusiveIdeal,147.
199
simultaneously.300
IV.Black/BrownEducationalOrganizingBeyond1974
AfricanAmericanandLatinoparent-activistscontinuedtoorganizearound
educationaljusticeafterGarrity’s1974decision.Leadersintheeducationalmovement
pushedtoshiftpowerawayfromtheBostonPublicSchoolsandSchoolCommitteetothe
courtsandanoutsideadministration.OnDecember9,1975,JudgeGarrityoustedthe
principalofSouthBostonHighSchoolalongwithsevenotherwhiteadministrators,took
theschoolsystementirelyoutofthecontroloftheSchoolCommittee,andputthe
systemintoreceivership.Thatsameday,theBostonNAACPofficewasfirebombed.This
wasaclearindicatoroftheconstantthreatofracialviolencethataccompaniedthefight
forintegrationandblack-brownpoliticalpowerinBoston.AsJeanneTheoharisexplains,
manyblackleadersthoughtreceivershipwastheturningpointwhenwhite
segregationistsrealizedthe“judgemeantbusiness.”AfewmonthslateronMay17,
1975,approximately40,000peoplemarchedtoshowtheirpublicsupportforschool
integration.“WewantedtoshowBostonthatthereareanumberofpeoplewhohave
foughtforbusing,someforover20years,”EllenJacksonexplained.“Wehopedto
expresstheconcernsofmanypeoplewhohavenoseenthemselves,onlyseeingtheanti-
busingdemonstrationsinthemedia.”301Themovementsawgreatmomentumwhen
LouiseDayHickslostherCityCouncilseatin1977,andJohnO’Bryant,waselectedto
300AnneKirchheimer,“Confusion,FearReportedHurtingHispanicSchooling,BilingualPrograms,”BostonGlobe,September11,1975.301EllenJackson,quotedinTheoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”35.
200
theSchoolCommittee,thefirstAfricanAmericanin76years.302
Despiteintegrationandmanyofthesuccessesofthelongblack-brown
educationaljusticemovementsfromthe1950stothemid-1970s,BostonPublicSchools
continuedtostruggletoprovideaqualityeducationforAfricanAmericanandLatino
childrenthroughoutthesecondhalfofthe1970s.Inthe1975-1976schoolyear,Latino
studentenrollmentinthedistricthadincreasedtobetween6,000and7,000andthe
bilingualeducationprogramsservicedoverhalfofthem.Thousandswerestillreceiving
aninferioreducation,outofschooloronthewaitinglistsforthebilingualprogram,and
newmigrantswerearrivingtoBostoneachday.303WhenschoolbeganinSeptember
1975,Latinoparentsweremostconcernedwiththenewschoolassignments,which
illustratethefailedlogicofGarrity’sdesegregationplanandthechaoticstormnew
schoolassignmentscausedpoorblack/brownfamilies.
TheconfusionincreasedforLatinoparentswithmorethanonechildinthe
schooldistrict,sincemostsiblingsweredividedandarbitrarilyplacedindifferent
schoolswithoutanyclearpattern.DaisyDiazofElComitéexplainedtotheGlobe,“The
mainproblemisconfusion.Manydon’tknowwheretheirchildrenaresupposedtobe
takingthebuses,andothershavechildrenwhoaresupposedtobeinbilingualprograms
buthaven’tbeenassigned.”304RosaMariaZayas,ElComitéleaderandmotherofnine
children(witheightinschool),explained,“Ihavetoomanyworries.I’mgoingcrazy.”
ThreeofherchildrenreliedonpublictransportationtogettoEnglishHighinJamaica
302Theoharis,“‘TheyToldUsOurKidsWereStupid,’”36.303Ibid.304DaisyDiaz,quotedinAnneKirchheimer,“Confusion,FearReportedHurtingHispanicSchooling,BilingualPrograms,”BostonGlobe,September11,1975.
201
Plain,onechildwalkedtoadistantbusstoptoridetheschoolbustotheMackeySchool
intheSouthEndandanotheronetotheMcCormackSchoolinDorchester,andtwo
childrenwalkedfartotheMasonSchoolinRoxbury.Anotherchildwasassignedtothe
TuckermanSchoolinSouthBostonyetwasnotattendingsincetherewasnotabilingual
classforher.Withchildrenassignedtofivedifferentschoolsacrossthecity,Zayas
lamented,“Ifit’snotoneproblemherethenit’soneoverthere.Ican’tcopewithit–one
schoolhereandtheotherschoolthere.”Shecontinued,“Thisistooconfusing.Thiskind
ofthing,differentassignmentsforeachchild,shouldhavebeenavoidedfromthe
beginning.”305
AsconcernsoverschoolassignmentscontinuedtogrowintheLatinocommunity
into1977,parentsandteachersbeganmeetingwithElComité’slawyerstoestablisha
convincingcasetobringtothecourt.InastronglywordedlettertoJudgeGarrity,El
Comitécondemnedtheschooldepartment’sassignmentprocedurethatwouldrelocate
morethan2,000studentsinthe1977-1978schoolyear.Theorganizationreleasedthe
letteratapressconferenceheldattheCitywideCoordinatingCouncil(CCC),acourt
establishedmonitoroftheschooldesegregationprocess,whicharguedthatthe
assignmentswouldcompromisethecourt’sconcernfor“continuityandstability”within
theschoolsystemandjeopardizethegainsmadeinbilingualeducation.ElComitécited
severaleducationalinequitiesfacedbyLEPstudentsinthenewassignmentprocess
suchasthatover40%ofbilingualstudentswouldbereassignedanddispersedto55
differentschools,breakingup21largerbilingual“clusters”(whichwasthepreferred
305RosaMariaZayas,quotedinKirchheimer,“Confusion,FearReportedHurtingHispanicSchooling,BilingualPrograms.”
202
organizingmethod)andeliminating18existingbilingualprograms.306YetJudgeGarrity
deniedElComité’smotiontorescindtheschoolassignmentsofbilingualstudents,
explainingtothelargelyLatinocrowdinthecourt,“Thesearemattersoffinetuning.
Thesearenotmattersofbasicsubstance.”307
InadditiontothechallengesLatinoparentsfacedinnavigatingthecomplex
schoolassignmentsystem,theywerealsoconcernedabouttheisolation,violenceand
hostilitytheirchildrenmightfaceasnewstudentstoschoolsinpredominantlywhite
neighborhoods.ManyLatinoparentswerelessinterestedinintegrationor“busing”and
onlycaredabouttheirchildren’ssafety.ElComitéchairpersonDaisyDiazexplained,
“SomeareafraidtosendtheiryoungerchildrenespeciallytoplaceslikeSouthBoston
andCharlestown.”308SouthBostonHigh,inparticular,becameasiteofprotest.In
January1976,PedroBerrios,a14-year-oldstudenttherewhohadrecentlyarrivedfrom
PuertoRico,ledagroupof22Latinostudentsinthebilingualprograminaboycott,
statingthattheywerenotlearninganythingandwereisolatedfromotherstudents.
Alongwiththesupportoftheirparents,ElComité,andothercommunitygroups,the
protestlastedclosetotwomonths,astheytriedtoconvincethecourttotransferthe
bilingualprogramtoanotherschool.Whiletheywereboycotting,thestudentsattended
tutorialclassesatLaAlianzaHispana,wheretheyreceivedinstructioninmathand
science,whichwerenotofferedatSouthBostonHigh.
OnFebruary19,JudgeGarrityruledinfavorofthestudents,orderingthatthe
306FletcherRoberts,“CoalitionCondemnsPupilRelocation,”BostonGlobe,July22,1977.307JudgeW.ArthurGarrity,quotedinFletcherRoberts,“BilingualPlanWillRemain–Garrity”BostonGlobe,July28,1977.308Diaz,quotedinKirchheimer,“Confusion,FearReportedHurtingHispanicSchooling,BilingualPrograms.”
203
bilingualprogrambetransferredtoRoxburyHigh,whichwasformerlyanallblack
schoolintheheartoftheAfricanAmericancommunity.Thoughdominant“busing”
narrativesrepresentRoxburyasamajorsiteofblack-whitehostilityduringthefirst
phaseofdesegregation,LatinoslongedforaplaceatRoxburyHigh,andsawitas
significantlymorewelcomingandsaferthanSouthBoston,whichwasatestamenttothe
growingaffinitiesandalliancesbetweenblackandLatinoresidentsinthecity.El
Comitéleader,NatiPagán,statedtotheGlobe,“Thisisasignificantvictoryforthe
Hispaniccommunity.”Berriosalsocelebratedthetriumph,“Ifthisdidn’thappenwe
wouldhavecontinuedtostruggle,butI’mveryhappythatthejudgedecidedittoday.”
ElvaValasquez,a16year-oldstudentwhowouldalsobetransferringchimedin,“We’ll
workhardatRoxburyHigh.I’msohappy.ItwillbemuchbetteratRoxbury.Thereare
morebilingualstudents,sowecangettogetherandworkitout.”309Yetdespitethese
smallvictories,thebilingualprograminBostoncontinuedtoproveineffective.
Duetostatewideeducationalcutbacksandtheprogram’shighcosts,thebilingual
educationprogramwasunderfunded,understaffedandseverelymismanaged.Reviews
fromseveralagenciesthroughoutthelate1970scitedmanyissuessuchas:significant
overcrowding,alackofcurriculaandproceduresforassessingandplacingstudents,
questionableteachercompetencies,futilekindergartenclasses,andlittlesupportfor
specialeducationstudents,amongothers.310MigdaliaMarquez,amemberofthe
CitywideParentsAdvisoryCouncil(CPAC)commentedtotheGlobe,“Thereisacrisis
309AnneKirchheimer,“HispanicStudentsWinaChangeinSchools,”BostonGlobe,February20,1976.310Tregar,“BilingualEducationinBoston,”64.
204
andthekidsareinthemiddle.”311EvenJudgeGarritycondemnedthesystem’sbilingual
educationdepartment.In1977,hedeniedElComité’smotiontorescindtheschool
assignmentsofbilingualstudents.“TheperformanceoftheSchoolDepartmentinthis
area,”heargued,“isprobablytheworstperformedintheentirepanoply.”312Itwasclear
bytheendofthedecadethatthebilingualprogramtheyhadimagined,created,and
foughtsohardtomaintainandexpandwouldcontinuetounderperformandfallshortof
theirexpectationsiftheBostonSchoolCommitteedidnotmakeradicalchanges.
By1977,theblackeducationalmovement,ontheotherhand,hadbroughtsome
stabilityandpeacetoBoston’sschoolsandparent-activistswerecautiouslyoptimistic.
MurielSnowdenexplainedthatinthethirdyearofdesegregation,“Bostonmaybe
roundingthecornerandheadingforthegoal,whichhasalways,fromtheverybeginning
ofdesegregationandyearsbefore,beenthatofafairchanceatadecenteducationfor
everybody.”313Thoughtheviolencehaddeclined,theultimategoalofequaleducation
forBoston’sblackyouthwasnotimmediatelymetbydesegregation.Newplansinthe
late1970scalledfortheclosureofRoxburyHighSchoolandseveralother
predominantlyblackschoolsthroughoutthecity.ThoughJudgeGarrityeventually
rejectedthisplan,parentscontinuedtochallengefacilitiesplansthathadexcludedthem
fromtheplanningprocess.
TheLatinomovementforbilingualeducationinBostoncontinuedlongafter
311MigdaliaMarquez,quotedinJosephRosenbloom,“BilingualEducationGroupClaims‘Crisis’inClasses,”BostonGlobe,December19,1977.312JudgeW.ArthurGarrity,quotedinFletcherRoberts,“BilingualPlanWillRemain–Garrity,”BostonGlobe,July28,1977.313MurielSnowden,“FreedomHouseStatementtoCommunityatLargeandBlackCommunitySpecifically,”September9,1976,Box38,Folder1300,FreedomHouseRecords,NU.CitedinBundy,“‘TheSchoolsAreKillingOurKids!’”238.
205
JudgeGarrity’s1974desegregationorder.Bytheendofthe1970s,Latinoparent-
organizersrealizedtheirmovementwouldgarnermorepoliticalpowerbyincluding
otherimmigrantgroups.Inthespringof1979,theyledtheformationofadiverse
multiethnic/multiracialcoalitionof300peoplerepresentingaboutahalfdozen
linguisticgroupsbutwasmostlycomprisedofLatino,Chinese,Haitian,andCape
Verdeanimmigrants,allofwhichwererapidlygrowingpopulationsinthecity.Together,
theyprotestedtheschooldepartment,arguingithadneglectedtheneedsofbilingual
students.CarmenPola,ElComitéleaderwhohadbeendesignatedthecoalition’s
spokesperson,explainedinapublicstatement:“Parentsinthissystemcannot,donot,
andwillnotaccept[Superintendent]RobertWood’splanfortheso-called
reorganizationofbilingualeducation.Hisplansimplydoesnotmakesense.”She
continued,“Wedon’twantoutchildrentobeseparate,tobeshuffledintosome
basementclassroomandgiventheleftovercrumbsofthisdepartment–wewantthem
togetbasicservices,usingtheirownlanguageandlearningEnglish,sothattheycan
receiveaneducationwhichwillpreparethemtodealeffectivelyinthiscountry.”314After
twoweeksofnegotiations,Latinoparents,alongsidethosefromvariousother
ethnoracialgroups,celebratedamajorvictorywhentheschoolcommitteefinallyceded
totheirdemands.Thecommitteeadoptedaresolutionthatpreservedfivestaffmembers
inthedepartment,establishedspecialistsforbilingualhiringandcurriculumdesign,and
begantodevelopacoherentphilosophyonbilingualeducationwhichhadpreviouslynot
existed.Poladeclared,“Ifeelwehavemovedahead.”TheBostonSchoolCommittee
314CarmenPola,“Statement,”March28,1979,Box1,SeriesIII,CitywideParentsCouncilRecords(DesegregationEraRecordsCollection:BostonPublicSchools),CityofBostonArchives.
206
PresidentDavidFinneganwentevenfurther,hailingtheoccasiona“brandnew
beginningforbilingualeducationinBoston.”315Foronce,Latinoparents,liketheir
AfricanAmericancounterparts,werecautiouslyoptimisticaboutthefateofbilingual
educationanditsfreshstartinthe1980s,thoughexperiencehadtaughtthemto
maintainawatchfuleye(ora“vamosaver”attitude”)andbepreparedtointerveneat
anysignthattheirchildren’sneedswerenotbeingmet.
Conclusion
Despitethedecades-longhistoryofAfricanAmericanandLatinoorganizingfor
educationaljusticeinthecity,Boston’sdominanthistoricalnarrativeremainscentered
onJudgeGarrity’sdesegregationorderin1974andwhiteworking-classresistance.My
analysisoftheparallelblack-browneducationalmovementsinthischapterchallenges
theveryassumptionsofthisexisting“busing”frame,whichcontinuestoremainatthe
centerofBoston’sracialnarrative.ThisframeworkcentersontheMorgancaseasa
singularmomentofblackeducationalactivismorendpointtothemovementinBoston,
paintingthecityastornexclusivelybetweenblackandwhite,ignoringboththelong
blackeducationalmovementaswellasallotherethnoracialminoritiessuchasLatinos.
Thisframe,centeredontheideaof“busing”–whichwasnottheonlyremedyforschool
inequalityrepresentedinGarrity’sdecision–limitstheverytermsinwhichscholars
thinkandwriteabouteducationinBoston.
Overfortyyearslaterin2014ontheanniversaryofGarrity’sdecision,theBoston
315CarmenPolaandDavidFinnegan,quotedinFletcherRoberts,“BilingualDisputeAppearsOver,”BostonGlobe,April12,1979,30.
207
Globecontinuedtoframethestoryaround“busing”andnotaroundsegregation.As
MatthewDelmontandJeanneTheoharisexplain,thisframereducesBoston’sracismto
working-classethnicparochialism,centersentirelyonwhiteresistance,maintainsa
“dangerousfiction”thatwhathappenedinBostonwasdifferentthanwhathappenedin
LittleRockorBirmingham,andobfuscatesthelonghistoryofsystemicracialinequality
inthe“CradleofLiberty”thatledtothesedecades-longprotests.316Infact,centering
“busing”isentirelymisleading,asitwasnottheaimofeitherblack-brownmovements
nordidGarrity’sordersolvealltheeducationalinequitiesfacedbyAfricanAmerican
andLatinochildren.It’sfailedlogicandchaoticorganization,infact,creatednew
problemsforpoorandworking-classblack/brownfamilies.Fixatingonthisnotion
ignoresamultitudeofotherkeyissuesinthedesegregationcasesuchaspupil
assignmentsandbilingualeducation.
ThroughtheparallelmovementsforeducationalequalitybothAfricanAmericans
andLatinosimaginedbetter,moreeffectivealternativesforschoolreformthan“busing”
providedthem.Ledbyworking-classparent-activists(particularlymothers),who
workedstrategicallyinandoutsidetheschoolsystemandemployednumeroustacticsin
thepursuitofeducationaljustice,thesegrassrootsmovementsadvocatedabroader
visioncenteredonself-determinationandcommunitycontrol.InthecaseofLatinos,
Garrity’sdesegregationdiddisruptthemovementforbilingualeducation,however
Latinoparent-organizerssuccessfullyralliedtoconvincethecourtstoadjusttheorder
sothattheprogramswouldremainviable.Ialsoillustratehowthemovementextended
316MatthewDelmontandJeanneTheoharis,“Introduction:RethinkingtheBoston‘BusingCrisis,”JournalofUrbanHistory43,no.2(March2017),193.
208
beyond1974andexperiencedsomeofitsgreatestsuccesswhenLatinosbegan
organizingacrossraciallines,formingmultiethnic/multiracialcoalitionswithother
immigrantgroupsthroughsharedlinguisticconcerns.
Theblack-brownmovementsforeducationaljusticesolidifiedAfricanAmerican
andLatinoparentsaspoliticaldecision-makersinthecityofBoston,arguablyevenmore
sothanthemovementscenteredonpovertyandhousing.Intheepiloguethatfollows,I
examinehowtheleadingblack-brownactivistsinthecitysuchasMelKingbuiltoffthe
successoftheseoverlappingmovementsofthe1960sand1970s,continuedtobuild
multiracial/multiethniccoalitions,andenteredlocalpoliticsinthe1980s.
209
TABLEV.TIMELINEOFMOVEMENTSFOREDUCATIONALJUSTICEINTHE1970S
1971 •PassageofTransitionalBilingualEducationAct•FoundingofRafaelHernández,BPS’sFirstBilingualSchool•StateWithholdsFundsfromBSCforSecondTime•OfficeofCivilRightsatFederalDepartmentofHealth,Education,&Welfare(HEW)ChargesBostonforViolatingTitleVIofCivilRightsAct
1972 •BostonNAACPfilesclass-actionsuitMorganv.HenniganinFederalCourt•BlackAdvocatesforQualityEducation(BAQE)isFounded
1973 •FreedomHouseInstituteforSchoolsandEducationisFounded•StateWithholdsFundsfromBSCforThirdTime
1974 •JudgeW.ArthurGarrityRulesBostonschoolsareUnconstitutionallySegregatedinMorganv.HenniganDecision•Court-OrderedDesegregationPlanBegins•StateWithholdsFundsfromBSCforFourthTime•ElComitédePadresProDefensadelaEducaciónBilingüe(theParent'sCommitteeforDefenseofBilingualEducation)isFounded
1975 •JudgeGarrityAdoptsElComité’sRecommendationsinRemedy-PhaseDecision•SouthBostonHighPrincipalFired&SchoolPutIntoReceivership•BostonNAACPOfficeFirebombed•40,000MarchinSupportofSchoolIntegration•JohnO’Bryant’sFirstRunforBSC
1976 •LatinoProtestatSouthBostonHigh–JudgeGarrityTransfersBilingualProgramtoRoxburyHigh
1977 •LouiseDayHickslostCityCouncilSeat•JohnO’BryantElectedtoBSC
1979 •BSCAgreestoDemandsofMultiethnic/MultiracialCoalitionforBilingualEducation
210
EPILOGUE OnOctober11,1983,prominenteducator-socialworker-organizerMelKing
madehistorybybecomingthefirstblackAmericantoeveradvancetoarun-offina
Bostonmayoralelection.HehadrunfouryearspriorinachallengetoMayorKevin
White,butcameupshort,sufferingadisappointingloss.Nevertheless,hepersistedand
hissuccessinthe1983mayoralprimarywasatestamenttohisgrowingcoalitionof
supportersinthecity.ThatredeemingnightinOctober,Kingpassionatelyaddressedhis
voters,“somebodysaidlastnightthatanumberofmythsweregoingtodieandone
myththatsaidthatpeopleofcolorwouldn’tvoteandstaytogether.Thatmythhasdied.”
Hecontinued,“Westartedoffbysayingthatwemayhavecomeondifferentshipsbut
weareallinthesameboatnow.We’reheretosaythattheboatischangingitscourse.
Welcometotherainbowcoalition!”317
AbrieflookatthedevelopmentofMelKing’spoliticalcareerandculminating
mayoralrunshedslightonapatternamongblack/brownactivistleadersinBoston,who
increasinglytransitionedoutofgrassrootscommunityorganizingtoenterlocalelectoral
politicsinthelate1970sandintothe1980s.Thischallengesdominantdeclension
narrativesthatmaintainthatmovementsforcivilrightsdeterioratedbytheendofthe
1960s.King’smultiethnic/multiracialRainbowCoalition,infact,representedthe
intersectionofthewelfarerights,antipoverty,housing,andeducationaljustice 317MelKing,quotedin“KING:‘…theboatischangingitscourse,”BostonGlobe,October12,1983,59.
211
movementsofthe1960sand1970s.
***
MelKingwasborninOctober1928toWestIndianparentswhohadimmigrated
fromBarbadosandGuyanaafterWorldWarI.Oneofelevenchildren,hegrewupinthe
diverse“NewYorkStreets”neighborhoodoftheSouthEnduntiltheareawasdestroyed
inBoston’sfirsturbanrenewalprojectinthe1950s.Hisparentswereactiveinthe
communityashisfatherservedassecretaryofhislocalboatingunionandhismother
wasinvolvedinlocalchurchandwomen’sgroups.318HegraduatedfromBoston
TechnicalHighSchoolin1946andmovedtoSouthCarolinatoattendthehistorically
blackClaflinCollege.Itwasaneye-openingexperiencenotonlybecauseofKing’sfirst
exposuretotherealitiesofsegregated,JimCrowlifeintheSouth,butalsobecausehe
wastremendouslyexcitedtobepartofablackinstitution.“ForthefirsttimeIwas
attendingschoolsrunbyBlackpeopleandwasmadeawareofBlackpeopledoingthings
forthemselves,”helaterexplained.319Aftergraduatingin1950,hereturnedtoBoston
andin1951,hemarriedJoyceKing,ablackwomanwhohegrewupwithinhis
neighborhood.Theyhadsixchildrentogether.Hewentontobecomeamathematics
teacherathisalmamater,earningaMaster’sdegreefromBostonTeachersCollege(later
calledBostonStateCollegeandmergingwiththeUniversityofMassachusettsBoston).
In1953,Kinglefttheclassroomandbeganhisdualeducation-socialworkcareer
asDirectorofBoy’sWorkatLincolnHouseand,laterasYouthDirectorattheUnited
SouthEndSettlements.Atthesetwosocialserviceorganizations,heestablished
318King,ChainofChange,9-10.319King,ChainofChange,11.
212
educationalenrichmentandtutoringprogramsforblack-brownchildrenandworked
withstreetcornergangsinthecity.320Asdiscussedinchapterstwoandthree,healso
beganworkingasacommunityorganizerintheearlyantipovertyandhousing
movements.In1967,KingbecamedirectoroftheNewUrbanLeagueofGreaterBoston
andthenin1970,hecreatedtheCommunityFellowsProgramattheMassachusetts
InstituteofTechnology(MIT).Hedirectedtheprogramandtaughtasadjunctprofessor
ofUrbanStudiesandPlanningatMITforthenexttwenty-fiveyears.
King’sentranceintolocalpoliticswasalongprocess.Heranthreetimesforthe
BostonSchoolCommitteein1961,1963,and1965,thoughfailedtowinaseateachtime.
Hedidemergeasaleaderintheblackmovementforeducationaljustice,helping
organizethe“StayOut”movementandFreedomSchools,aswellasleadingthestruggle
againsturbanrenewalintheSouthEndthroughhisfoundingofCAUSEand
mobilizationssuchastheTentCityprotest.Kingfinallywonhisfirstseatinpublicoffice
in1973asStateRepresentativeforthe9thSuffolkDistrictandservedinthe
MassachusettsLegislatureuntil1982.
Kingwasnot,however,thefirstoronlyblack/brownBostoniantorunforlocal
electoralpoliticsduringthisera.In1951,blackeducationactivistRuthBatsonran
unsuccessfullyforBostonSchoolCommittee.Decadeslater,afteroneunsuccessfulrunin
1975,in1977,educatorJohnO’BryantbecamethefirstAfricanAmericantogetelected
toandserveontheBSC.In1981and1983,PuertoRicanactivistFelixArroyoran
unsuccessfullyforBostonSchoolCommittee,becomingthefirstLatinotoeverrun
320“BiographicalNote,”MelvinKingPapers,1983MayoralCampaign,RoxburyCommunityCollegeSpecialCollections,RoxburyMA.
213
citywideandthefirstLatinotomoveonfromtheprimaryelectiontotherun-offstage.
Atthesametime,largenumbersofAfricanAmericansandLatinosbeganmovinginto
positionsascityofficials,workingwithintheMayor’sOfficeinthelate1960sandearly
1970sandleadingboardsandadvisorycommittees.
InadditiontoKing,therewerealsoseveralblack/brownBostonianswhoalsoran
forStateRepresentative.In1968,PuertoRicanactivistAlexRodriguezwasdefeatedin
theprimary.Hecommentedonthedifficultiesinregisteringblack/brownvotersand
gettingthemtothepolls."Alltheyhadtodowascomeoutandvote,man.That'sallthey
hadtodo,”heexplainedtotheGlobe.321In1972,oneyearpriortoKing’selection,
longtimehousingrightsorganizerDorisBuntemadehistoryasthefirstblackwomenin
theMassachusettsLegislaturewhenshewaselectedasStateRepresentativeforthe7th
SuffolkDistrict.In1980,PuertoRicanactivistCarmenPolabecamethefirstLatinato
runforstatewideoffice.However,shewasunsuccessfulinherbidforState
RepresentativeofSuffolkCounty's17thDistrict.In1982,blackCOREorganizerByron
Rushing(whowasalsoFriedaGarcia’spartner)waselectedasaStateRepresentative
servingthe9thSuffolkDistrict.Alloftheseexamplesillustratehowblack/brown
grassrootsorganizersactiveinthepoverty,housing,andeducationaljusticemovements
ofBostonsoughtnewrolesinpublicpositionsofpower.Despitethestrugglesingetting
elected,particularlyforLatinosascomparedtotheirAfricanAmericancounterparts,
thesecampaignsdemonstratehowupbuildingandcommunityorganizingledtothe
growingpoliticalpowerofblack/brownBostonians.
In1979,MelKingranunsuccessfullyforBostonmayoragainstfiveother 321AlexRodriguez,quotedinCobb,"HowBoston'sSpanishspeakinghopetoemerge,"A3.
214
candidates,finishingthirdwith15%oftheprimaryvote.MayorKevinWhitewonhis
fourthterminoffice.Then,onMarch5,1983,Kingannouncedhisintentionstoenter
intothemayoralraceforthesecondtime.WhenWhitewithdrewfromcontentionafter
sixteenyearsinoffice,Kingandhiscampaignbelievedhehadachanceatwinningthe
election,despitehavingtorunagainstsixwhitecandidatesintheprimary.Asthelone
blackcandidate,KingwasconfidenthecouldwintheAfricanAmericanvoteinthecity.
However,hetrulyneededtobuildarainbowcoalitionaroundissuesofethnic,racial,
gender,andsexualequalityinordertoadvancetotherun-offagainsttheIrishCatholic
populistRaymondFlynn.
Whilelaborissuesandjobcreation,specifically,wereatthecenterofKing’s
platform,Iargueitwashispushformultiethnic/multiracialcoalitionbuildingthatdrew
massesinsupport,reflectingtheshiftingpoliticallandscapeofthecity.Thisincreasing
interestincooperationwasinlargepartduetothesharedlivedexperiencesofAfrican
AmericansandLatinosaspoorandworking-classethnoracialminoritiesinthecity
duringthe1960sand1970s,whichIhavedemonstratedformedthebasisofnew
overlappingracialandpoliticalidentities.KingexplainedtheRainbowCoalition
consistedof“peoplewhoarepractical,sopracticalthattheylookbeyondracetothereal
issuesthatareaffectingourfamilies.”Highlightingissuessuchashousingthatdrew
diversegroupsofBostonresidentstoworktogether,hearguedthecoalitionsought“a
citythat[was]openandaccessibleforall.”322Inhisspeechfollowingthepreliminary
election,Kingdeclared,“WehaveaphenomenalopportunityhereinBostontobring
peopletogether…I’vewalkedthroughallpartsofthecity,andIwanteverybodytobe 322King,quotedin“KING:‘…theboatischangingitscourse.”
215
abletobeabletowalkthroughallpartsofthecity.Wecanmakeithappen.Wemust
makeithappen.Wewillmakeithappen.”323
InOctober1983,MelKingfinishedsecondinthemayoralprimary,atightrace
againstRaymondFlynn.Infact,KingandFlynnhadbothgarnered28.7%ofthevote,
withKinglosingbyjustonevote-47,432to47,431.TheNewYorkTimeswrotethatthe
“virtualtie”intheprimarybetweenKingandFlynnreflected“theemergenceofamore
liberalelectorateinBostonafteracenturyofdominationbyconservativeandIrish
politicians.”324King’ssuccessinthemayoralprimarywaslargelyduetohisabilityto
registernewblack/brownvoters.Together,AfricanAmericansandLatinosconstituteda
quarteroftheelectorate.King’scampaignteamsuccessfullyregistered51,000new
voters,ofwhichmorethan40,000wereblack,Latino,or“otherminorities.”325
KinghadagrowingappealintheLatinocommunityofBoston.OnOctober29,
1983,hundredsofLatinosralliedinhissupport,marchingthestreetsofBostonchanting
“MelKing,sí;RayFlynn,no!”HehadwontheendorsementofanewPuertoRicanleader,
FelixArroyo,whowasrunningfortheBostonSchoolCommitteethatyear,who
addressedthecrowds.“ThereisnodoubtthatMelKingisthebestcandidatetoservethe
LatinocommunityinBoston,”Arroyoargued.MelandIhavebeenworkingtogetherfor
alongtimeonissuessuchashousing,accessibility,educationandLatinocommunity
323MelKing,quotedinKenneyCharles,“‘Incrediblywarm,positiveresponses’buoyedKing,”BostonGlobe,October12,1983,1.324Butterfield,Fox,“SignsofChangeAppearinginBoston’sElectorate,”NewYorkTimes,October13,1983,A1.325DudleyClendinen,“Black’sMayoralBidBringsChangetoBoston,”NewYorkTimes,October7,1983,A14.
216
improvement.”326
DespiteamassingacoalitionofsupportersacrossthecityofBoston,MelKinglost
themayoralelectiononNovember15,1983toRaymondFlynn.Ina“landslidevictory,”
accordingtotheGlobe,FlynnledKing66%to34%.Flynn’swinwaslargelyduetohis
successinthewhiteneighborhoodsofBoston,sinceKingonlyreceivedabout20%ofthe
whitevote.327YetKing’scampaignandsupporterscontinuedtohailthemayoralbidasa
victoryforthecity.“Itwillbesaidthatthe‘rainbowcoalition’didnotwin,butitnever
canbesaidthatthe‘rainbowcoalition’wasdefeated,”Kingdeclaredinhisconcession
speech.328Hecontinued,“Youhavegivenmetheprivilegetobeabletoguideusthrough
whathistorianswillrecognizeastheturningpointinthesocial,cultural,andpolitical
historyofBoston.”329
DespiteMelKing’slossinBoston’s1983mayoralrace,hisrainbowcoalition
politicsleftalastingmarkonthecity,representingtheculminationoftheblack-brown
movementsofthe1960sand1970s.Despitetheirbriefand,attimes,unstablenature,
earlyattemptsatmultiethnic/multiracialcoalitionbuildinginthewelfarerights,
antipoverty,andhousingmovementspavedthewayfortheemergingrainbowpoliticsof
the1980s.HistorianShanaBernsteinwrites,“Whethercoalitionswererareorcommon
isnottheimportantquestionhere,butrathertheirsignificanceandlong-term
import.”330Similarly,Iarguethatthelong-termsignificanceofBoston’searliest
326FelixArroyo,quotedinViolaOsgood,“Hispanics,youthrallyforKing,”BostonGlobe,October30,1983,40.327RobertJordan,“Flynnwinsinabigway,66%-34%”BostonGlobe,November16,1983,1.328MelKing,quotedin“AfterBoston’sdecision,”BostonGlobe,November17,1983,28.329MelKing,quotedinJordan,“Flynnwinsinabigway,“1.330ShanaBernstein,BridgesofReform:InterracialCivilRightsActivisminTwentieth-CenturyLosAngeles(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2011),8.
217
multiethnic/multiracialcoalitionsoutweightheirnarrativesasmere“missed
opportunities”or,worse,“failures.”Thoughtheseallianceswerecomplex,tenuous,and
oftenunbalanced,theyhelpeddeveloptheincreasinglysharedracialandpolitical
identitiesamongAfricanAmericansandLatinosinthecityandproducedradicalnew,
inclusivepoliticalvisionsandcivilrightsagendas.TheRainbowCoalitionforgedbyKing
demonstrateshowAfricanAmericanandLatinoactivistsbuiltofftheadvancementsof
thesemovements,cultivatedincreasingpoliticalpowerasacollectiveofpeopleofcolor,
andemergedasdecision-makersinthecityofBoston.
***
ThirtyyearsafterKing’sloss,in2013,theGlobepublishedanarticlearguingthat
despitethecity’sprogressivepolitics,Bostonremains“behindthepoliticalcurve”in
racerelations,whichisreflectedinlocalelections.Amongthenation’stwenty-five
largestcities,Bostonisoneoftwointhenorthwhohaveneverelectedamayorof
color.331Thatsameyear,severalcandidatesofcolorranformayorbutnotasingleone
wasabletogarnerthesupportofmassesofblack/brownsupporters,resultinginlosses
intheprimary.Howeverallofthismightchangesoonwiththecurrent2017mayoral
electionhasprovenveryhopefulbetweenchallenger,Roxburynative,andCityCouncilor
TitoJacksonandMayorMartyWalsh.InSeptember,Jacksonmovedpasttheprimary
electiontobecomethefirstblackmayoralfinalistsinceKing.
OnJune23,2017,theBostonGlobereleasedanarticletitled“IsBostonRacist?”
designedtooutlinetheresultsofapollthenewspaperconductedwithSuffolkUniversity
331KennethCooper,“Amayorofcolor:Whyracemattersinthisfall’selection,”BostonGlobe,August18,2013,BGM.6.
218
oncontemporaryracerelationsinthecity.Thoughthepoll’ssamplesizewasnotclearly
indicated,thearticlerevealedthatBostoniansarefairlyevenlydividedaboutwhether
thetownisracistandthattheiranswerslargelydependedontheirindividual
ethnoracialidentification.Oneofthepoll’smostcompellingfindingswasthatover60%
ofwhiteresidentsfeltrelationsbetweenwhitesandblackswere“very”or“somewhat”
good,whereasclosetohalfofAfricanAmericans(47%)thoughtthecompleteopposite,
thatrelationswere“somewhat”or“very”bad.”332Theseresultssurprisedfew
black/brownBostonians.AsAfricanAmericanGlobejournalist,ReneéGraham,aptlyput
it,“Thequestionisn'twhetherthiscityisracist,butwhatitscitizens,businessleaders,
andelectedofficialsplantodobeyondoccasionallytalkingaboutit.”Sheproposedthe
firstsolidstepwouldbeforpeopletobe“outragedbytheracismthatclingstoBoston
likeasecondskin.”333WhatismostinterestingabouttheGlobearticle,however,asit
relatestothisdissertation,isthenewspaper’sdecisiontophrasethequestionas
examiningthe“relationsbetweenwhitesandblacks.”Thisarticleisbutoneofmanythat
continuestoperpetuateablack-whitebinaryandracialconflictinthecity,obscuring
Latinosandotherethnoracialgroupsandtheirlonghistoryofcross–ethnoracial
collaborations.Similarly,in2014,aseriesofarticleswerepublishedinBoston’svarious
newspaperstocommemoratethefortiethanniversaryofJudgeGarrity’sdesegregation
order.Theseperpetuatedthe“busingcrisis”frameworkandtoldastoryofwhiteSouth
BostonresidentsagainstblackRoxburyresidents,onceagainoversimplifyingrace
relations.
332JimO’Sullivan,“IsBostonracist?Pollshowscityissplit-alongraciallines,”BostonGlobe,June23,2017.333ReneéGraham,“Yes,Boston,youareracist,”BostonGlobe,March29,2017,A.12.
219
Conclusion
“Boston’sStruggleinBlackandBrown”intervenesinthecity’sdominantracial
discoursesbyprovidingamultilayeredanalysisofpostwarracialpolitics.Itillustrates
notonlyhowAfricanAmericansandLatinosfacedparallelandintersectingstrugglesin
thesamesegregatedneighborhoodsofBoston,butalsohowthesesharedlived
experiencesfacilitatedtheiremergingracialandpoliticalidentitiesaspoor,nonwhite,
ethnoracialminoritiesinthecityduringthe1960sand1970s.Black/brownBostonians
begantoseetheirfuturesaslinked,developingincreasinglysimilarpoliticalvisionsand
civilrightsagendascenteredonideologiesofself-determination,communitycontrol,
andracialuplift.
Asdemonstratedthroughoutmyanalysis,thesharedracialandpolitical
identitiesofAfricanAmericansandLatinosdidnot,however,automaticallymaterialize
intocollaborationorformalcoalitionbuilding.Chaptersone,two,andthreeillustrate
howissuessuchaswelfare,poverty,andhousing,drewthesetwogroupstowork
together.Thesecommoncausesfacilitatedcooperation,asblack/brownBostonians
pooledtogethertheirpoliticalpowertoforminclusivemultiethnic/multiracial
organizationslikeMothersforAdequateWelfareortheSouthEndTenantsCouncil,or
alliancessuchastheonebetweentheRoxburyMulti-ServiceCenterandLaAlianza
Hispana.Yetthesecoalitionswerenotwithoutconflict,astherewerenumerous
differencessuchasclass,gender,andnationthatthreatenedcross-ethnoracial
collaboration.Additionally,themosteffectivegroupstendedtohaveethnoracially
homogenousleadership,prioritizingtheinterestsofonegroupovertheother.Chapters
220
fourandfive’sanalysesillustratethatnotallmovementswereplaguedwithconflict,but
merelyhaddifferinggoals.Theeducationaljusticemovementsofthe1960sand1970s
illustratehowAfricanAmericansandLatinosdivergedontheissueoflanguageandthus
chosetoadvancethestruggleforequitableschoolsonseparate,parallelpaths.
Beyondrecoveredblack-brownupbuildingandcommunityorganizinginBoston,
thisstudyexposesthelimitsoftheblack-whitebinaryracialframeforunderstanding
racialpoliticsinthepostwarurbannorth.IturgesustoconsiderhowLatinosforged
racialidentitiesandfitintospacestypicallydividedbyblackandwhite.Italsoquestions
thelimitationsofvocabulariesof“conflict”and“coalition”andsimilarsimplisticbinaries
suchas“unity”versus“disunity”thathavedominatedthescholarshiponblack-brown
relations.Instead,thisstudyprovidesamultilayeredanalysisthatexaminesboththe
powerofmultiethnic/multiracialorganizing,aswellasthedifficultiesinherentin
creatingandsustainingcoalitions.
Thisstudyilluminatesthepoweroflocal,communitystudies,whichhave
expanded,deepened,andfundamentallytransformedthestudyofraceinmodern
Americanhistory.Theyprovideafocusedlensandalevelofnuancetonationaland
regionalpatternsandtransformationsoftenoverlookedinexpansivestudies,whilealso
highlightingcomplexitiesandspecificlocalcircumstances.Thisstudy’s“bottomup”
approachassertstheagencyofordinaryAfricanAmericanandLatinopeople,
particularlywomen,inshapingtheircommunitiesandBostonpoliticsmorebroadly.
Usedinconjunctionwithothermethodologiessuchasoralhistory,thiscommunity
studyofBostongivesvoicetootherwiseobscuredpeople,thosemarginalizedinor
absentfromthehistoricalrecord,providingthemanopportunitytoactivelyparticipate
221
intherewritingoftheircity’sracialhistory.
“Boston’sStruggleinBlackandBrown”alsoshedslightoncontemporaryrace
relations,helpingtoexplainthecomplexrelationshipsbetweenAfricanAmericansand
Latinosinurbanspaces.In2015,theLatinopopulationbecamethelargestethnoracial
minorityinthenation,constitutingcloseto18%ofitstotalpopulation.TheLatino
populationisalsoprojectedtogrowfasterthananyothergroupinthecomingdecades,
whichisshiftingthelandscapeofAmericanpolitics.Thisstudyposesimportant
questionsonthegrowingpoliticalpowerofLatinosintheUnitedStates.Howhave
LatinosbeenshapedbyAfricanAmericansandblacknessandhowwilltheycontinueto
beinfluencedinthefuture?HowwillthisrelationshipimpactLatinovotingpatternsor
thefuturesociopoliticalclimateofthenation?Finally,whenwillthenationaddressthe
continuedsegregationandinequalityfacedbyAfricanAmericansandLatinosincities
likeBostontoday?Willblack/brownAmericanscontinuetouplifttheircommunities
fromwithinandforgetheirownparallelandintersectinggrassrootsmovementsfor
racialjustice?
222
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