2014. Notes on the Philippines

Notes on the Philippines Piers Kelly, 2021

How to use this document This document is a kind of Commonplace Book. That is, a compilation of direct quotations I have made from texts that I have read in the course of my research. All these texts are relevant to Philippine studies with a strong bias towards my own interests: language, the Visayas, ethnography, ritual, millenarian movements etc.

My aim in making it public is a) to make make the documentary basis of my research transparent; and b) share portions of texts with other researchers (some of the materials are difficult or impossible to find outside of the archives in which they are kept.)

The quotations are arranged in chronological order by date of publication. The best way to navigate them is to do do a CTRL+F search and to use the tags below if necessary. Many of these tags are meaningful only to me! A list of searchable digital sources on Philippine studies can be found here:

https://bravenewwords.info/cache/digital-resources-for-philippine-studies/

—P.K.

TAGS #acculturation #aglipay, #ambiguity, #anthropology of language #antinganting [see also #mutya] #article: abakano #article: bio of anoy #article: broome #article: counter-canon #article: dagohoy #article: feature #article: literature #article: lumina #article: rizal #article: virgin birth [see also: #definition: indigenous #construction of indigeneity #second-wave migration theory] #article: vocabulary #article: writing system #articulation #authenticity #available objectification

#bio of anoy #boholano-eskaya traditions

chapter 4, #chapter 10, #chapter: sounds and shapes, #chapter: significance, #chapter: introduction #chd #colorums #commensuration, #construction of indigeneity #contested histories #cosmography of the marvellous, #cryptolects #cults #cultural expressions

#dance , #definition: indigenous, #definition: visayas #deliberate language change #destruction myths

#epistemology #eskayan etymology

#faking it in visayan [see also #language learning in other notes document] #female cult leaders #finish reading #folk etymology [see also Eskaya Bibliography], #folk literacy, #funny

#genealogy #general vs. particular #globalisation

#hermeneutics #history: language documentation #history of biabas #history of bohol, #history of loon #history of taytay #house blessing #hypercorrection

#iconicity #ideology: antiquity #imagined communities, #immortality/longevity #indolence [see also #lost treasure] #invented traditions, #invisibility #invulnerability

#kitchen spanish

#land policy, #language diversity, #language ideology, #language policy, #language prestige, #language quantification, #latin #lexical archeology #linguistic anthropology: methodology, #literacy, #literacy: spanish, #literature, #localised history #lost treasure #lost tribes of israel

#messianism, #methodology, #methodology: ethnographic history, #methodology: anthropology #methodology: folklore #methodology: literature #mexican-filipino encounters #millenarianism #mimicry and rejection, #miracles (food), #mutya

#nakedness and authenticity #narrative intersections #national language #nativism

#old books, #oral history, #origin myths, #orthogaphy

#pamilacan cross #penis mutilation #phonology: allophones, #phonotactics, #polygamy #polyglossia #popes, #population #postcolonialism #primacy of writing, #prognostication #progressivism #pulahanes

#reincarnation, #ritual languages, #ritual registers, #route to biabas #rural ilustrados

#sapir-whorf, #second-wave migration theory, #suno, #symmetrical schismogenesis #syncretism

#the fantastic #tingguianes, #transcendence, #translation

#unintelligibility, #unrepresentability, #urasyun [see also Eskaya bibliography], #urasyunan (definition)

#visayan dictionaries #visayan literature

#weird, #word play, #writing and language change, #writing system, #written language

1500–1599 Pigafetta, Antonio. [1525] 1903. Primo viaggio intorno al

mondo. In The Philippine Islands, edited by E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson. Cleveland: A.H. Clark. Vol XXXIII.

I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the female [39] wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. 41

#weird #the fantastic

For a king of diamonds, which is a playing card, they gave me 6 fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. 41

#funny

They live according to the dictates of nature, and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years. 43

#immortality #the fantastic

One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina, and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action. [see long footnote] 49

#weird

Jnanzi q̃ venisse lora de cenare donay molte cose al re q̃ haueua portati scrisse asai cosse como le ciamanão Quanto Lo re et le alti me vistenno scriuere et li diceua qelle sue parolle tutti restorono atoniti in questo mezo venne lora de cenare 118

Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their words, they were all astonished. While engaged in that the supper was announced. 119

#literacy #folk literacy

They [natives of Limasawa] replied that they worshipped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they called their god “Abba”. 127

[Footnote: cf Morga vol xvi, p 132]

#lost tribes of israel

The males [of Cebu and Mactan], large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women

wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for other-[171]wise they could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. 173

#weird

They [natives of Cebu and Mactan] have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife. 173

#polygamy

Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. [West North west of Palawan] 207

#boholano-eskaya traditions (Anoy’s miracle of rice from bamboo)

At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear head; […] 211 [PK: ask Peter Bellwood about this]

They told us that their king [of Brunei] was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap, a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing books of paper, and a gilded writing case. 215

#literacy #chapter 1 [PK: mention gilded writing case, not just paper?]

Trees are also found there [the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon] which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it. I believe those leaves live on nothing but air. 233


At a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons. Those shaggy people are called Benaian. [see footnote] 243


Loarca, Miguel de. [1582] 1903. Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. In Blair and Robertson, vol 5, pages 34-187

[...] I shall commence with the island of Çubu and those adjacent to it, the Pintados. 35

#definition: visayas

The entire island [Cebu] contains about three thousand five hundred Indians, living in different, and for the most part small, villages. 39

#population

On the other side of the island of Matan [Mactan], and farther south, about eight leagues from the selltement of Çubu, lies the island of Vohol, which is an encomienda with two thousand Indians. The natives of this island are closely related to the people of Cebu and are almost one and the same people. 45

#population

The settlements inland amoung the mountains [of Bohol] are small and poor, and are not yet wholly under subjection. 47

#tingguianes #chapter 1

Leyte is thickly settled, it may have a population of fourteen or fifteen thousand Indians, ten thousand of whom pay tribute because that has been a people hard to conquer. 49

#population

Unlike the men of Visaya [...] 83

PK: Note Loarca uses Pintados and Visaya


Very rarely do they [Pintados] become angry when drunk, for their drunkenness passes off in jests or in sleep. 117

An abominable custom among the men is to bore a hole through the genital organ, placing within this opening a tin tube, to which they fasten a wheel like that of a spur, a full palm in circumference. These are made of tin, and some of them weigh more than half a pound. They use twenty kinds of these wheels; but modesty forbids us to speak of them. By means of these they have intercourse with their wives. [Fn: Cf. the descriptions of this custom in Morga’s Philippine Islands [...] and in account of Thomas Candish’s voyge, in Hakluyt’s Voyages] 177

#penis mutilation

There are two kinds of people in this land [the Pintados islands], who, although of the same race, differ somewhat in their customs and are almost always on mutually unfriendly terms. One class includes those who live along the coast, the other class those who live in the mountains; and if peace seems to reign among them, it is because they depend upon each other for the necessities of life. The inhabitants of the mountains cannot live without the fish, salt, and other articles of food, and the jars and dishes, of other districts; nor, on the other hand, can those of the coast live without the rice and cotton of the mountaineers. In like manner they have two different beliefs concerning the beginning of the world; and since these natives are not acquainted with the art of writing, they preserve their ancient lore through songs, which they sing in a very pleasing manner – commonly while plying their oars, as they are island-dwellers. 121

#tingguianes #literacy

...y ansi tienen dos opiniones, en lo del prinçipio del mundo y por careçer de letras guardan esto naturales sus antiguedades en los cantares los quales coantan de ordinario en sus bogas como son ysleños con muy buena graçia 120

#literacy

PK: Origin myths of coastal pintados and tingguianes p 121-127

Then they [tingguianes] relate also the story of the reed; but they say that the kite pecked the reed, and the aforesaid man and woman came out. 127

#origin myths

The souls of the Yligueynes, who comprise the people of Çubu, Bohol, and Bantay, go with the god called Sisburanen, to a very high mountain in the island of Burney. 131


The first man [among the Pintados] who waged war, according to their story, was Panas, the son of that Anoranor, who was grandson of the first human [parents: crossed out in Ms.] beings. He declared war aganist Mañgaran, on account of an inheritance; and from that time date the first wars, because the people were divided into tow factions, and hostility was handed down from ofather to son. They say that Panas was the first man to use weapons in fighting. 141

#eskayan etymology: panas

When the old man has ended his speech [after the betrothal of a pintado couple], they take a dish filled with clean, uncooked rice, and an old woman comes and joins the hands of the pair, and lays them upon the rice. Then, holding their hands thus joined, she throws the rice over all those who are present at the banquet. 157

#boholano-eskayan customs

They [pintados] divide the year into twelve months, although only seven [sc. eight] of these have names; they are lunar months, because they are reckoned by moons. The first month is that in which the Pleiades appear, which they call Ulalen. The second is called Dagancahuy, the time when the trees are felled in order to sow the land. Another month they call Daganenan bulan; it comes when the wood of those trees is collected from the fields. Another is called Elquilin, and is the time when they burn over the fields. Another month they call Ynabuyan, which comes when the bonanças blow. Another they call Cavay; it is when they weed their fields. Another they call [Cabuy: crossed out in MS.] Yrarapun; it is the time when they begin to harvest the rice. Another they call Manalulsul, in which the harvesting is completed. As for the remaining months, they pay little attention to them, because in those months there is no working in the fields. 165

#eskayan etymology: bulan

In all these islands are great numbers of [167] cocoa palms. In some of the nuts are found stones as large as filbrts, which the natives prize, although thus far it is not known what efficacy they have. 169

#antinganting

1600–1699 Chirino, Pedro. S.J. [1604] 1969. Relacion de las Islas

Filipinas. Translated by R. Echevarria. Manila: Historical Conservation Society.

In the island of Panay I saw all the people that were following a funeral, immediately upon leaving the church after the service, like Jews go straight to the river for a bath, although they had no knowledge whatever of this obsolete law. 258


The island of Panay, as I have said, is in the province of the Pintados, within the dioces of Sebú. It has a coastline of a little over 100 leagues and is very pleasant and fertile, populated by very many Bisayans, who are white people. Among them however there are also some negroes, ancient inhabitants of the island who occupied it before the Bisayans did. They are a little less black and ugly than those of Guinea, smaller and frailer but in the hair and the beard perfectly similar. They are much more barbarous and wild than the Bisayans and the other Filipinos, for they have no homes like these, nor any permanent settlement. 261

#definition: indigenous

There is more than one language in the Philippines, and there is no single language that is spoken throughout the islands[274]. In the island of Manila alone there are six different tongues, in that of Panay there are two, and in the others only one. 275

#history: language documentation

Of all these languages the one that I have found most satisfying and admirable is Tagalog, for as I have told the first Bishop and other persons of authority both here and there I have found in it four qualities from the four finest languages in the world, namely Hebrew, Greek, Latin and Spanish. From Hebrew, the intricacies and subtleties; from Greek, the articles, and the distinctions applied not only to common but also to proper nouns; from Latin, the fullness and elegance; and from Spanish, the good breeding and courtesy. 275

PK: Frei notes that “This is one of the frequently quoted pasages in discussing the merits of Tagalog [in connection to the National Language Question]” 2


#national language

It seems extraordinary in this prayer [Ave Maria as translated by Chirino into Tagalog] that the first word, ABA, signifies greeting, like AVE in Latin. Bucor also is an unusual word, for it signifies diversity, distinction and singularity or uniqueness. The article is si Jesus, like TOV [PK: find characters] in the Greek. [...] The other two languages of the Visayans have none of these refinements, or at least very little, being as they are coarser and less polished. 276

#lost tribes of Israel #language prestige

But their [Tagalogs] best manners are in their speech for they never address one as you, nor in the second person singular or plural, but always in the third: the master, the

gentleman, will want this or that. There are many examples to be found of this form of address in the Sacred Scriptures and in holy books, but especially in the psalms. Between women particularly, though they be of equal status and average rank, the form of address is never les than my lord, my lady, and this after every important word: as I was coming, my lord, up the river, I saw, my lord, etc..., a pleasant and affectionate use of title and pronoun that is known even in the most solemn languages, which are the three most sacred, namely Hebrew, Greek and Latin. 279 [PK: surely Usted is a third person form? Ask Margarita Escobar about this in relation to early 17th cent Spanish]

#lost tribes of Israel #language prestige

They [the Tagalogs] are punctiliously courteous and affectionate in social intercourse and are fond of writing to one another with the utmost propriety and most delicate refinement. 279

#literacy

The Bisayans are more artless and unpolished, as their language is more uncultivated and coarse. They do not have so many terms expressive of good breeding, as they had no writing before they adopted that of the Tagalogs many years ago. 279

[Los Bisayas son más rústicos y llanos, como su lengua más bronca, y grosera. No tienen tantos términos de crianza, como ni tenían letras; pués las tomaron de los tagalos, bien pocos años há. 45]

#literacy #language prestige

So accustomed are all these islanders to writing and reading that there is scarcely a man, and much less a woman, who cannot read and write in letters proper to the island of Manila, very different from those of China, Japan and India [...] 280

[Son tán dados todos esto isleños á escribir y leer, que no hay casi hombre y mucho menos muger, que no lea y escriba en letras propias de la isla de Manila, diversísimas de las de China, Japón, y de la India [...] 45]

#literacy

In spite of this [deletion of syllable-final consonants in the writing system] they understand and make themselves understood wonderfully well and without ambiguities: the reader easily and skillfully supplies the omitted consonants. They have taken after us to writing horizontally from left to right, but formerly they used to write from top to bottom putting the first vertical line on the left hand side (if I remember well) and continuing towards the right, quite differently from the Chinese and Japanese who though they write from top to bottom proceed from the right hand side towards the left.

They wrote on bamboos or on palm leaves, using an iron point for a pen. Now they write not only their own letters, but ours as well, with a very well cut pen and on paper like ourselves. They have learned our language and pronunciation and write it as well as we do, and even better, because they are so clever that they learn anything very quickly. I have brought home letters written by their hand in a very fine, flowing script. In Tigbauan I had a small [281] boy in school who in three months, by copying letters that I received written in good script, learned to write much better than I, and translated important papers for me most accurately, without errors or falsehoods. But enough now of languages and letters, and let us return to our business of souls. 282

#literacy #writing systems

Of What was Done in Manila in the Year of 1596 and 97

As we have mentioned, courses in Latin Grammar and in Moral Theology were introduced in this college, and as customary both were inaugurated with solemn acts and learned discourses. 282

#urasyun

The Church [of Saint Anne, dedicated in 1596] itself, just recently completed, looked so handsome and attractive that no additional beautification would have been necessary; nevertheless it was well adorned with tapestries and with numerous scrolls that we had inscribed in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Castilian and the Tagalog language and had posted up in three tiers along the main nave and distributed in other parts of the church. 284

#language prestige

[In Manila] Two priests who knew their language [Tagalog] at the time were therefore not enought to minister to them [for confession], even if they did so mornings and afternoons. I learned from some of them that they had been coming for more than ten or even twelve days and still had not been able to come to the feet of the confessor, because of the multitude of people. 286


On Sundays and holydays (sic), in the afternoon, during the sermons given in their own language [...] 286


Another one [Indio], who possessed a book of a certain kind of poem which they call golo, very pernicious because it expresses a deliberate pact with the devil, voluntarily gave it up for burning, which was done. 289

#urasyun #antinganting

Not for any of these three things [the false belief in the divinity of their idols, of their priests and priesteses, of their sacrifices and superstitions] – nor for government and public order – did they make use of their letters, for as we have said they never used these except to correspond with one another. 296

#literacy

They deal with the creation of the world and the beginning of the human lineage, with the deluge and, and with glory and grief and other intangible things, telling a thousand absurd stories and even altering their stories a great deal so that some tell it in one way and others in another. To show more clearly that these are all falsehoods and fables, one of them is that the first man and the first woman came out of a bamboo reed which burst from its grove, and that they thereupon engaged in a dispute as to the propriety of their marrying one another (due to the obstacle posed by the first degree of consanguinity, which among them is inviolable, although it was permitted in this single instance because of the need for propagating the human species). 297

#origin myths #lost tribes of israel

In memory of their dead they used to keep small idols, some made of stone, others of wood, others of bone or of ivory, or of crocodile’s tooth, and others of gold, which they call laruan, meaning idol, image or statue. To these they would have recourse in their needs and offered their barbarous sacrifices. 298

#antinganting #suno

Like the Egyptians they also adored animals and birds and, like the Assyrians, the sun and the moon. 298

#lost tribes of israel [PK: Note that Chirino only suggests comparison rather than derivation]

In the island of Mindanao between La Caldera and Rio Grande a great promontory juts out, very tall and rugged. There are always large breakers off these capes, and it is difficult and dangerous to sail around them: [298] sailing past this one, because of its great height, they offered arrows which they would shoot with utmost force so that these might become imbedded in the rock itself, as a sacrifice intended to obtain safe passage. I saw with my own eyes that after the Spaniards, out of hatred for so perverse a superstition, had set fire to the place and destroyed the multitude of arrows there, in less than a year the number of arrows newly stuck there was more than four thousand, in the positive judgment of all of us who used to pass there. 299

But although they had no temples, they had priests and priestesses, whom the Tagalogs called Catolonan and the Bisayans Babailan. 300

I had only been told by a certain Spaniard that it was the practice in a part of Mindanao, towards Dapitan, for one Bisayan woman (for the people of Mindanao are also Bsiayans) to marry two husbands, and that having several wives was known only among the Mohammedans, who are settled in Mindanao and in Burney. The fact is that it is not a general practice in the Philippines to marry several wives, nor is it common even in those places where it is sometimes practiced. 319

#polygamy

These same customs of marraige and divorce are followed by those who marry two or three wives, with whom it is not proper to contract marriage on the same day, but having married one year must elapse before they may marry another, and then another, as many as they can support, as the Mohammedans do. 321

#polygamy

The people [of Bohol] are in general whiter and handsomer than any of the other Bisayans. 325

They [Father Juan de Torres and Father Gabriel Sánchez] came in with good prospects of success [as the first preachers in Bohol] and very much encouraged, seeing that these people, like Nila of Sebú, their neighbor, did not follow the custom of marrying many wives [...] 326

#polygamy

Finally, since all these customs derived in part from some glimmer and surmise of natural reason, and in part (was was more certain) from the blindness and confusion that the devil grafted within them, these islanders followed rites and usage similar to

those of other ages and nations, being men like them and subject to the same deceit. 330

CONTRA: #lost tribes of israel

From all these places a good number of the better disposed and more capable were baptized, among them the good old man Catunao (of whom we spoke previously) and his wife. Between the two of them they had perhaps two hundred and thirty years, and the woman was not as old as he. 334

#immortality

At His Excellency’s [Father Pedro de Agurto, Bishop of Cebu] request we set up in our College a school of Latin for his clerics and staff, who were joined by the sons of some residents. 349

One cannot speak without grief of the many souls on this island and on others nearby who clamor for our help without our being able to give it. This year some chiefs came over from one of these islands, pleading almost in tears that for love of God just one of the priests here should visit them for at least eight days. 355

[...] six of our priests during this Lenten season were kept continually busy by the Bisayans alone, with hardly any respite night or day. Notwithstanding this, such is the lack and scarcity of the bread of divine doctrine, for shortage of ministers to distribute it, that in the very environs of this city many die in their hunger and without assistance. The Bishop of Sebú and his few clerics do a great deal, and the Fathers of St. Augustine do even more, yet all of them are not enough fathers for so many children. 379

“During one visit which we made to the town of Lobo [Loboc], a significant thing occurred. [Tells of a chief who “kept many cups and small jars full of charms, together with other instruments for casting lots and divining whether in cases of illness sacrifice should be offered to the devil] [...] upon arriving at the house the man himself had to take down and collect all the cups and jars, none of the Indians who were with him daring in any way to touch the objects lest they die at the touch. [...] But the Father, allaying their dread and disabusing them of their false forebodings, since he had touched them and remained alive, made them take the things out into the open and calling the young men to join him they all spat on them and trampled them (for these acts, among these people as among all other nations, denote the greatest contempt, abhorrence and dishonor).” – Father Alonso de Humanes, Superior of Bohol 384

#boholano-eskaya traditions

“Today Our Lord bestowed His neer-failing Mercy on two very venerable old men [of Bohol], each being more than a hundred years old.” – Father Alonso de Humanes, Superior of Bohol. 386

#immortality

[late 1600 to the spring of 1601, Father Valerio de Ledesma, Rector of Sebú, to the Father Vistor regarding Bohol]: Following our success at Loboc [at reducción], we sought to gather together the Tinguians or mountain-dwellers of Dita and Marabago, a wild people who had not seen a priest before.


Now, however, they make use of the name given by the mother at birth as surname, after the Christian name such as Juan or Pedro. On the other hand there are mothers so Christian and discreet that they no longer want to give names to thier children at birth, preferring that their name and surname be given to them at Baptism, as we very often do. 478

#genealogy

I [Father Gabriel Sánchez] write this letter from a town along the beach where only yesterday two more vil-[480]lages of Tinguianes or mountain-dwellers came down to us, begging us quite spontaneously that they be allowed to live here and bringing with them in token of their sincerity up to 40 children to be baptized, as they have been. 481

#definition: indigenous [PK: Note that Chirino only uses the term Tinguianes with reference to Bohol, from what I gather]

[...] we want to go to them and instruct them, and bring them into established settlements and baptize them, but because ther have always been only a few priests on this island we have been unable to help them. 481

Chirino, Pedro. [1604] 1979. Relation of the Philippine Islands. In Garcia, Mauro (ed.). Readings in Philippine prehistory. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild. PK: translator unknown

I shall speak first concerning the false belief that they hold concerning the divinity of their idols; second, of their priests and priestesses; third, and last, of their sacrifices and superstitions. Their art of writing was of no service to them in any one of these three things, or in matters of government and civilization (of which I shall perhaps later tell the little that I know); for they never used their writing except to exchange letters, as we have siad. All their government and religion is founded on tradition, an on custom introduced by the Devil himself, who spoke to them through their idols and the ministers of these. They preserve it in songs, which they know by heart and learn when children, by hearing these sung when they are sailing or tilling their fields, when they are rejoicing and holding feasts, and especially, when they are mouring their dead. 251

#urasyun #writing systems

de Morga, Antonio [1609] 1971. Sucesos de las islas Filipinas. Edited and translated by J. S. Cummins. London: Cambridge University Press.

In geography books, charts, and sea-rutters, these islands are usually called the great archipelago of San Lazaro in the Eastern Ocean. Among the most famous of these ae the island sof Maluco, Celebes, Tendaya, Luzon, Mindanao and Borneo which are now called the Philippines. 51

[PK: Note inclusion of Maluku and Borneo]

The islands, large and small, comprising this Archipelago are innumerable. Those which by name and government are the Philippines proper, number about forty large islands, not including some smaller ones, all contiguous. The best known and chief

islands are called Luzon, Mindoro, Tendaya, Capul, Burias, Mazbate [Masbate], [245] Marinduque, Leite [Leyte], Camar [Samar], Ybabao, Sebu [Cebu], Panay, Bohol, Catenduanas [Catanduanes], Calamianes, Mindanao and others of less renown [fn].

The first island that the Spaniards conquered and settled was Sebu where the conquest began and was continued to all the surounding islands, the aboriginals of which are called Viçayas [Bisayans], or by another name ‘Pintados’ [Picts] because the more prominent men there from their youth tattoo their entire bodies, pricking them according to a design, then throwing a black indelible powder over the bleeding. 246

[PK: Note, no mention of Maluku and Borneo]


Footnote 2: An eighteenth-century Jesuit satirist noted that the natives, under religious pressure, had abandoned this practice and that it was the Spaniards who now went about, so hung with medals and other religious haberdashery as to give the islands the name of Pintados. 246

In some provinces the weapons used by these people are bows and arrows but in all the islands generally they use fine medium-sized iron-headed spears [...] 251

There were neither horses, mares nor asses in these islands until the Spaniards had them brought over from China and New Spain. 255

#eskayan etymology: BRIL [PK: ask Sebastien about French word Brel] #chapter 7

South of here like the islands of Bisayas, otherwise called the Pintados. They are numerous and thickly populated with natives; the most celebrated of them are Leite [Leyete], Babao, Çamar [Samar], Bohol, Negros, Sebu, Panay, Cuyo and the Calamianes. All the natives of these islands, both men and women, are well-featured, of a good disposition, and of a better nature and more noble bearing than the natives of the island of Luzon and its vicinity. 266

#definition: indigenous (PK: Compare Chirino’s version where the Visayans are course and the Tagalogs are noble)

The language of Luzon and of the surrounding islands is very different from that of the Bisayas; and even in Luzon Island there is not a universal language, for the Cagayans have one and the Ilocaons another. The Zambales have their own peculiar tongue; the Pampangans’ is different again from the others. The natives of Manila province, who are called Tagalogs, have a language of their own, also, which is rich and fully capable of expressing whatever a person wishes to say elegantly and in many ways and manners. It is not a difficult language to learn or pronounce.

Throught the islands the natives write very well, using certain characters, almost like Greek or Arabic, fifteen in number, three of them being vowels equivalent of our five. The consonants are twelve. All are used with certain dots and commas, and in combination they express what they wish to write with all the fluency and ease of our Spanish alphabet.

The manner of writing, once on bamboo, is now on paper, the lines running from right to left in the Arabic manner. All the natives, women as well as men, write in this language, and there are very few who do not write well and correctly. 269

#literacy #writing systems

The native buildings and houses throughout these islands are all built alike, as also are their settlements: they are always on the seashore, between rivers and creeks. [...] A small number, called Tinguianes, live inland but even they seek out river-side sites and creeks for their settlements, and for the same reasons. 270


The houses and dwellings of all these natives are generally built upon stakes and piles, high above the ground. 270


The natives do not live in the lower quarters of their houses, partly because they raise fowl and cattle there, and partly because of the damp and heat of the earth, and the numerous huge rats which do great harm, both in the houses and in the sown fields. 270

-See also Alcina’s drawings of houses in trees


The act of drawing up a will consisted merely in making a written or oral statement before acquaintances. 276

#literacy

The natives of the Pintados Islands, especially the women, are very vicious and sensual, and their wickedness has devised lewd ways of intercourse between men and women, one of which they practice from their youth onwards. The men skillfully make a hole near the head of the penis into which they insert a small serpent’s head of metal or ivory. They then secure this by passing a small peg of the same material through the hole so that it may not work loose. With this device they have intercourse with their wives and for long after copulation they are unable to withdraw. They are so addicted to this, and find such pleasure in it, that although they shed a great deal of blood, and receive other injuries, it is a commonpractice among them. These devices are known as sagras, and there are very few of them left, because after they become Christians, care is taken to do away with such things and not permit their use. [see extensive footnote] 278

#weird

At the same time, besides teaching them their catchism the religious also work to instruct the natives for their material improvement, opening schools to teach the boys to read and write in Spanish, […] 291

#literacy: spanish

In addition each settlement has its own elected local governor, [293] together with his alguaziles, known as Vilangos. […] This governor, in addition to the vilangos and the clerk (in whose presence he makes his decrees, in the written language of the natives of the province), also has under his control and order the chief men and lords of the Barangay, as well as those who are not chiefs […] 294

#literacy

The Babuytanes [Babuyanes] consist of many small islands, lying off the head of Cagayan province. The natives who dwell there live principally by going to Cagayan in their boats with pigs, hens and other supplies, besides ebony lances which they trade.

The islands are not assigned in encomienda to any Spaniard, nor is any tribute demanded of the natives there, nor do any Spaniards live among them, for they are [263] people of less intelligence and culture than the others , so no Christians have been made there nor have they any persons to administer justice among them. 264

Footnote: ‘Moreover, these islands are so small that, on account of the little profit they were likely to offer later, they stirred neither the zeal nor the charity of the missionaries’ (Rizal, 282). In fact, however, the Domincans began the evangelization of the Babuyan, and more northerly Batan Islands, in 1680: formal decrees to this effect were made in 1688 but for various reasons the effort failed; other attempts were made in 1722, and again in mid-century, but not till late in the nineteenth century did the mission flourish. It is still conducted by Dominican friars. See. Fr J González Alonso, OP, The Batanes Islands, in Acta Manilana, 11 (Manila, University of Santo Tomas Research Centre,, June 1966), 1-112

de Morga, Antonio. [1609?] 1979. Relation of the Philippine Islands and ot their natives, antiquity, customs, and government. In Garcia, Mauro (ed.). Readings in Philippine prehistory. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild. PK: translator unknown

The first island conquered and colonized by the Spaniards was Sebu. From there the conquest was started and continued in all the neighboring islands. Those islands are inhabited by people, natives of the same islands, called Vicayas; or by another name, Pintados—for the more prominent of the men, from their youth, tattoo their whole bodies, by pricking them wherever they are marked and then trowing certain black powders over the bleeding surface, the figures becoming indelible. 267

#etymology of visayas

Both men and women go naked and without any coverings, [fn: Rizal] and barefoot, and with many gold chains, earings, and wrought bracelets. 292

#nakedness and authenticity

The language of all the Pintados and Bicayas is one and the same, by which they understand one another when talking, or when writing with the letters and characters of their own which they possess. These resemble those of the Arabas. The common manner of writing among the natives is on leaves of trees, and on bamboo bark. 293

#chapter 1 #writing systems

The natives throughout the island [Luzon] can write excellently with certain characters, almost like the Greek or Arabic. These characters are fifteeen in all. Three are vowels, which are used as are our five. The consonants number twelve, and each and all of them combine with certain dots or commas, and so signify whatever one wishes to write, as fluently and easily as is done with our Spanish alphabet. The method of writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, commencing the lines at the right and running to the left, in the Arabic fasion. Almost all the natives, both men and women, write in this language. There are very few who do not write it excellently and correctly. 294

#writing systems #chapter 1

There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by the natives themselves. 303

#chapter 4 #chapter 7 #chapter 10

de Morga, Antonio [?]. [1609?] 1979. The manners, customs and beliefs of the Filipinos of long ago. In Garcia, Mauro (ed.). Readings in Philippine prehistory. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild. PK: translator/date unknown. Find original

Description of the land of the province of Cagayan

They have certain characters that serve them as letters with which they write what they want. They are very different looking from the rest that we know up to now. Women commonly know how to write with them and when they write do son the bark of certain pieces of bamboo, of which there are in the islands. In using these pieces which are four fingers wide, they do not write with ink but with some stylus that breaks the surface and bark of the bamboo, to write the letters. They have neither books nor histories, and they do not write at length except missives and notes to one another. for this purposes they have letters which total only seventeen. Each letter is a syllable and with certain points placed to one side or the other of a letter, or above or below, they compose words and write and say with these whatever they wish. It is very easy to learn this and any person can do so in two months of studying. They are not so quick in writing, because they do it very slowly. The same thing is in reading; which is like when schoolchildren do their spelling. 339.

#writing systems #chapter 1

de San Joseph, Francisco. 1610. Arte y reglas de la lengua tagala. Bataan: Thomas Pinpin.

Dios sapientissimo, cuya sabiduria entre otras muchas obras vuestras resplandece en la muchedumbre de las lenguas y en la variedad tan concentrada que todas tienen, y en la marabillosa diferencia de pronunciaciones propias de cada una, Señor Dios nuestro zelosissimo amador de las almas, que para sacallas de los errores de la ydolatria y dalles conocimiento de vos verdadero criador y padre suyo henchistes repentinamente de celestial sabiduria los caraçones de unos hombres ydiotas, y les distes don de lenguas, con que pudiessen hablar todas las que ellos no sabian; proque assi pudiessen comunicar a todos buestra dotrica celestial y con ella (recibiendo la ellos) vuestro amor y gracia, pura despues dalles tambien buestra bienaventurança: suplico os Señor mio con quanta humilidad yo puedo querays ayudar a este pobre ygnorante ministro vuestro, y dalle con que el pueda ayudar a estas almas destos pobrecitos, para que os conozcan y amen. n.p.

#chapter 1

Colin, Francisco. [1660]1904. Labor Evangélica de los Obreros de la Compañia de Jesús en las Islas Filipinas. Barcelona: Heinrich y Compañía.

Conforme al origen, que dimos en el capitulo quarto (sic) a las Naciones Politicas de estas Islas, es tambien su habilidad, lenguas, y letras: son descendientes de los Malayos de la tierra firme de Malaca, y assi se les parecen en la capacidad, letras, y lenguas.

La figura, numero, y vso de los caracteres, y letras desta Nacion, claramente se vee, que es todo tomado de Moros Malayos, y deducido de los Arabes. Las letras vocales en el numero son tres solamente, y en el vso siruen de cinco, porque la segunda, y tercera, son indiferentes, e, i, y, o, u, segun lo pide el sentido del vocable, ó razon que se dize ó escriue. 54

[According to the source, we gave in chapter four, the political nations of these islands are further characterised by their ability, language, and literacy (letras). They are descendants of the Malays of the Malaccan mainland, and thus too they appear to be in their capacity, literacy (letras) and languages.

It can be cleary seen that the form, number, and use of characters, and letters of this Nation, is taken from the Moorish Malays, and inferred from the Arabic. The vowel letters are but three in number, and in their use serve for five, because the second, and third, are neutral, e, i, y, o, u, according to the sense of the word, or its stated or written justification.] 54

#literacy #writing system

Viniendo agora al otro punto de las lenguas, son ellas muchas; pues en sola esta Isla de Manila ay seis, conforme al numero de sus Prouincias, ó Naciones Politicas, Tagala, Pampanga, Camarina (que es la Bissaya) Cagayana, y las de los Ilocos, y Pangasinanes. Estas son las Politicas: que las de los Negrillos, Zam-[55]bales, y otras Naciones montarazes, aun no sabemos quantas sean. Las Politicas aunque en rigor son diferentes, simbolizan tanto entre si, que en breue se entienden, y hablan los de vna Nacion con los de la otra, al modo que en Italia la Toscana, Lombarda, y Siciliana: y en España la Castellana, Portuguesa, y Valenciana. Y la causa de simbolizar tanto estas lenguas entre si, es la misma que en Italia, y España: porque como alli se originan aquellas de la Romana, assi aqui estas de la Malaya, para cuya prueba no es menester mas que cotejar los vocablos, y idiotismos, ó modos de hablar de cada vna de estas lenguas con la Malaya [...] 56

[Coming now to another point concerning languages, is the fact that they are numerous; for in this island of Manila alone there are six, corresponding to the number of its provinces, or political nations: Tagalog, Pampanga, Camarines (Visayan), Cagayana, and those of the Ilocos and Pangasinanes. These are the states, although we still do not know how many there are amongst the Negrillos, Zambales and other wild nations. The states, though they are strictly speaking different, sufficiently resemble one other such that they are soon understood and those of one nation speak with those of another, just as Tuscan, Lombard and Sicilian in Italy,: and Castilian, Portuguese, and Valencian in Spain. And the reason these languages resemble themselves, is the same as that for Italy, and Spain. For just as those language originate from the Roman tongue, so here do these languages come from the Malayan, for which proof is not only necessary to

compare the words, and idioms, or modes of speech of each of these languages with Malayan [...] 56]

Y de las dos [Tagalog and Visayan] es sin duda mas cortesana, graue, artificiosa, y elegante la Tagala; porque participa de quatro calidades, de las quatro mejores lenguas del mundo, Hebrea, Griega, Latina, y Española. De la Hebrea, demas de la semejança ya dicha en el vso de sus vocales, y consonantes, tiene la raizes de los vocablos, y su preñezes, y misterios, y algunas guturales. 56

PK:I think this, and the remainder of the passage is more or less directly plagiarised from Chirino

#history: language documentation (Spanish era)

#language quantification

#language prestige

En las Naciones no politicas, aunque la gente es menos, las lenguas son mas. Porque casi cada rio la tiene diferente. Vimos en Mindoro (y lo mismo será en otras partes mas remotas) concurrir Manguianes, alarbes de lugares bien poco distantes, que no se entendian vnos a otros. Eran tan barbaros, que nunca auian visto rostro Español. Y lo que se les embió para atraherles, fueron cacaueles, clauos, agujas, y otras cosas semejantes. Las vozes de vna harpa, y guitarra, se les dió a entender, que eran vozes de gente. Aplicandoles vn espejo, se reconocian en ellos, notables efectos, en vnos de espanto, y en otros de alegria. La falta de policia, y comunicacion, es causa de multiplicarse las lenguas. Porque como en la primitiua multiplicacion de ellas, que fue en la torre de Babel, obseruanlos Doctores, que fueron tantas quantas eran las familias de los descendientes de Noe; assi entre las naciones barbaras, que cada vno viue de por si sin reconocimiento, ni sujecion a leyes publicas; todo es guerrillas, y dissensiones entre si; y faltando la comunicacion, se oluida la lengua comun, y cada vno queda con la suya tan corrompida, que ya no entienden los otros. En algunas partes obseruamos, que en la boca de vn rio se hablaua vna lengua, y en el nacimiento dél otra. Cosa que es de grande estoruo para la conuersion, y enseñança de estas gentes. 58

[Despite the lower population in the non political nations, the languages are more numerous as almost every river has a different one. We saw in Mindoro (and the same would be the case in other more remote areas), competing brutes (alarbes) of neighbouring places who did not understand one another. They were so barbaric that they had never seen a Spanish face. And what was dispatched to attract them were peanuts, nails, needles and other such things. The sounds (las vozes) of a harp or a guitar were thought by them to be human voices. By applying a mirror their self recognition produced noteworthy effects: shock in some, delight in others. The lack of police and communication is the cause for the multiplication of their languages. For, as learned men observe, just like the early multiplication of languages that took place in the tower of Babel, which were as numerous as the families of Noah’s descendants, so too amongst the barbaric nations in which each man lives for himself with neither recognition nor respect for public laws, all is brawling and internal dissent. And lacking communication, the common language is lost, and each is left with his own language that is so corrupted that it is not understood by the others. In some parts we observe that one language is spoken at the mouth of a river and another at its source, which is a great hindrance to the conversion and education of these peoples. 58]

#language prestige #history: language documentation (Spanish era) #language diversity

Alcina, Ignacio Francisco. [1668] 2002. History of the Bisayan people in the Philippine Islands: Evangelization and culture at the contact period: Historia de las Islas e indios de Bisayas. Part One, Book 1, Volume 1. Manila: UST Publishing House.

[PK: Spanish trans is even numbered pages, English is facing odd pages. Text is marred by inane annotations]

The name Bisaya, therefore, if we are to draw it out from its own language, means “a happy man,” “a man of a fine and pleasant disposition”. This meaning is derived from certain rootwords: for example, Aya, Saya, or Caya are all one and the same thing and in compounded forms as Macaya, it means “a person of a fine disposition”; Mamicaya, “an affable individual or one who has many friends”; Masaya, “a happy man”; Mimaya “joy”. Bisaya, therefore, would mean “a pleasant and a happy person.” 71

#definition: Visayas #folk etymology #etymology of visayas

They neither knew nor even used the alphabet in the beginnings [...] 73

[...] ni usaron ni supieron en su principio letras [...] 72

#literacy

The Bisayan language is a branch of the Malayan [...] 73

#history: language documentation (Spanish period)

If it is not quite obvious that the Visayan language springs from the Malayan language, it is more evident as to who brought the Visayan language to these islands. Countless are the nations, islands and lands which employ this language, beginning with India extra Gangem as they call it, as far as this archepelago. 73


I have heard other Bisayans say that they came, without doubt from Borneo and they attempt to prove it by saying that prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, yearly there would arrive ships loaded with these Borneans, bringing various items to be barted here [...] 75


Their [Visayans’] hair is black; however, sometimes due to nature’s whim one sees some red-haired natives of white complexion and with some reddish specks as if they were Flemish. 99

#funny

Alcina, Ignacio Francisco. [1668] 2005. History of the Bisayan people in the Philippine Islands: Evangelization and culture at the contact period: Historia de las Islas e indios de Bisayas. Part One, Book 3, Volume III. Manila: UST Publishing House.

PK: Have not read in detail from approx p295 onwards. Probably not too much in the way of language material here but some pretty interesting ethnographic detail

#finish reading

Whether the Malayan language [Alcina describes Visayan as such] [...] is one of the seventy-two original languages which, according ot the opinion of many learned men, sprang from Hebrew in the confusion of Babel, I have found no argument to prove or to deny it. If, as some would have it, the sons of Arfaxad [PK: Arpachshad] and the grand-children of Sem were the first settlers of India citra Gangem, it would not be unlikely that they were the ones who gave origin to their descendants when they spread out over the many, large and widely spread regions which today speak Malayan.

It cannot be denied that this language has many similarities with the Hebrew and root-words – as we call them here – which are the basis, as we shall see later, of this language; almost all, in the style and mode of ancient Hebrew, are monosyllabic, some of them preserving their original meaning very similar to, if not the same as, the Hebrew; or resembling it in the somewhat harsh pronunciation, although of a different meaning, etc. 13


First, it [Visayan] is most abundant in words and modes of speaking both in their natural and proper as well as in metaphorical way of expression, which is very frequent and most elegant in this [15] language; scarcely will there be found any other language among the most universal ones, which may have an advantage over it like Latin and Greek, so spread over most of the world, and in this regard no other surpasses this [Bisayan] language. Hence, due to the knowledge that I have of it, which is very considrable because for more than thirty-six years I have been familiar with it, I have challenged and still challenge to try with any one who may be well versed in the other languages that he will not tell me in any language whatsoever, Latin and Greek included, so many idiomatic expressions, difficult constructions, deep meanings, to which I will not give him its equivalent in the Visayan language; perhaps in more meaningful ways. 17

#language prestige

I shall set down some examples so that the richness of the language may be realized and how it has many more words than our Spanish, which, as they say, has clothed itself and, like a crow, adorned itself, by almost all the other languages of Europe, and here in the Indies from those of all. 19

#language prestige

The second [point] is that in addition to its wealth this language is also very expressive and meaningful, making clearer the meanings of the things and causes than other languages. 21

#language prestige

In the expression [of Visayan], in words and ugly things, is even greater, as befits a people much addicted to immoral things, because for those of us who know this language, when in Latin it seems that everything is said without a feeling of shame, we are ashamed to repeat it in this language because of the force of the expressiveness of its meaning. This is a property of expressiveness which a good language must have for, if words were invented to convey the concepts of the understanding, that tongue which best expresses them will be of a better quality. Concerning the less noble portion of a person, I doubt whether there is a language which excels this one; not so much in the second [area] which is the rational, and which among these people is poorly expressed. 23

[En la expresión y en palabras y obras feas es aún mayor su viveza, como gente más apegada a cosas soeces, pues los que sabemos esta lengua, cuando en la latina parace que se dice todo sin empacho, lo tenemos muy grande en repetirlo en ésta por la viveza de la significación, muy expresiva propiedad que debe tener la buena lengua, pues si las palabras se inventaron para declarar los conceptos del entendimiento, aquella lengua que mejor los declarare, tendrá mejor calidad; y, en lo tocante de la porción animal menos noble en el hombre, dudo que haya lengua que exceda a ésta; no tanto en la segunda, que es la racional, que entre esto flaquea mucho ] 22

#language prestige

[...] and in none of its words are to be found many consonants together, which is what usually causes the difficulty in pronunciation. 23

lo cual todo le falta a esta lengua que pronuncia con toda suavidad sus palabras, sin hallarse en niguna de ellas junta de muchas consonantes, que es lo que suele causar la dificultad a la pronunciación [...] 22

#phonotactics

At the end of this chapter I shall give their method of writing and reading whith the characters that they use to today (and which are) new among the Bisayans; for in their antiquity they did not know these, nor did they use them until very shortly before they became Christians, as we shall say later. 31

[[...] en el remate de este capítulo, pondré su modo de escribir y leer con los caracteres que hoy se usan, nuevos entre los bisayas, pues en su antigüedad no les supieron ni los usaron hasta muy pocos años que fuesen cristianos, como luego diremos.] 30

#literacy

These [vowels] are: A, which always has a constant and an invariable pronunciation; E which they fail to distinguish from the I; instead they so confuse them that many neither pronounce I clearly, nor the E, but rather as a dipththong of E and I. They interchange them ans substitute one for the other even when writing in our language and in the Spanish characters. [This they do] to such an extent that I do not know whether to this day a native has been found – whether Bisayan or Tagalog, for in this matter all are the same – who does not confuse and interchange them, even though he may be well versed in our language and disciplined in our character. 33

#orthogaphy #writing system #phonology: allophones #phonotactics

The same may be said about the O and the U, which they also confuse in their writing as well as in their pronunciation. 33

#orthogaphy #writing system #phonology: allophones #phonotactics

It was more than five years since I had known this language [poetic register] with some depth; as often as I heard them speak in a poetic way and did not understand it, it caused me some considerable dismay, until I finally set myself to studying and learning its intricacies. This cost me much effort and even some irritation in the beginning; however, after several months I began to understand some of it; with a firmer desire to learn and a greater application, I grasped more of it. I should even state that it cost me more work to learn this metaphorical mode, wich is useful only in poetry, than to learn this language itself even though it is so extensive. In truth, few are the European missionaries who understand it even though they do hear it. Rare is he how knows how to dupli-[41]cate it, especially with the subtlety and facility which some of them posses with regard to this poetic form; there are some who speak spontaneously in verse better than in prose. 43

#cryptolects

PK: use of music as cryptolect 45

#cryptolects

Let us bring this chapter to a conclusion with the letters of these Bisayans, or to put it better, those which they have used for the past several years until now – a skill which was communicated to them by the Tagalogs who , in turn, had learned it from the Borneans. These came from the Island of Borneo to Manila, for they had considerable trade with them; together whith this, they infected the Tagalogs with the evil sect of Mohammed long before the Spaniards arrived here. 49

[Acabemos este capítulo con los caracteres de estos naturales, o, por mejor decir, de que usan de pocos años a este parte, enseñanza que se les comunicó de los tagalos, y esto aprendieron de los burneyes que vinieron de su gran isla de Bornei a la de Manila, [...]] 48

#literacy

The Tagalogs learned their characters from the Borneans and the Bisayans from the Tagalogs. This is why they call these letters or characters ‘Moro’ [characters], because the Moros taught these to them. Although they never came to the Bisayas, or they did not admit this accursed sect, they learned their letters. Today they are widely used, and by the women more than by the men. The former read and write them more fluently than the latter. 49

#literacy

[De esto burneyes aprendieron los tagalos sus caracteres; y de éstos, los bisayas. Y por ésto les llaman caracteres o letras de “Moro”, pues los moros se las enseñaron; y, aunque no llegó a los bisayas o no admitieron la maldita secta, aprendieron sus letras que hoy usan muchos, y las mujeres mucho más que los hombres, que ellas escriben y leen más correintemente y mejor que ellos.] 48

In addition to the commonly accepted distinction of days and nights, – they did not, however have [the division] into weeks with its particular names for the days such as

Monday, Tuesday, etc. These they never distinguished until after our arrival, or even the Sunday. Nowadays, they already make the distinction, as we do, and refer to it as we do. They did have names for the months and they began calculating the first day with the phrase gimata sa bulan, which means ‘when the moon begins to open its eyes [...] 57

#eskayan etymology: bulan

[...] to put it briefly, seldom will these Bisayan natives be found not singing, unless they are sick or sleeping. 81

#funny

What is really unusual about these instruments [kuriapi, for men “it resembles our cithern but longer and narrower”, kurlung for women “similar to those small guitars of reeds which the boys used to make in Spain”] (something perhaps unheard of in any other nation, at least I have never heard or read about it) is that (sic) as if they speak to one another: that is as if asking questions and answering (each other) simply with the strings and sounds of both instruments. This is something incredible here among these natives, (although they never keep busy with good things). This is rendered in such a way that without most of those present catching the implication – and this is even much more so if those who play the instruments have made some previous arrangement about performing some special provoking sound – they agree on meeting each other, about falling in love and conversing in an amorous fashion, whith deeper emotion or sensuality than if they were actually using words. This has been acknowledged by those who know and practiced it. This is something that might seem incredible if, among these natives, experience and harmony of these instruments would not bear witness to it [85] everyday. Would to God that the consequences of this would not be so intense because then, the many offenses against God would be avoided, for these do not catch the public attention so readily. 87

#cryptolects

They did not have arithmentic or numbers which may correspond to ours in writing, although, it is certain they counted by tens as we do. 91

#eskayan etymology #chapter 7 #article: writing systems

What we do not have is one term which they have, that is, buraburaan; this is equivalent to such a fantastically high number that there is no way of expressing it. They would first begin foaming at the mouth even before they came close to expressing it. 93

#funny

And I do not wonder, as I opine that in their beginnings they had some knowlege [of divinity] borrowed, perhaps from the Hebrews. This I have already mentioned; namely that the latter lived either in Oriental India or in the Great Kingdom of China, by which these people are surrounded. 217


This One Whom they called Malaun in the region of Ibabao and acknowledged as supreme, they also called Makapatag, which means ‘he who sets everything in order and makes everything equal’, a name by which they gave to understand the equality of the divine justice. However, in their manner of understanding it, as I have traced the matter, they took it to mean rigorous in punishment and unforgiving toward anyone.

Yet, I have come to conclude that due to this way of thinking, they adopted this name from the Hebrews who called God ‘Deus ultionum’, as a result of the many punishments they saw inflicted. 221


Concerning the deluge, even though today they say it in their tongue an (sic) paglunud sa kalibutan, which means ‘the inundation of the world’, they did not describe it nor even say anything about it. If there is something they know about it, they have heard it from the Father preachers. 229


However, the word humalagad is derived from another which means ‘to follow another’; this, in turn is agar.

Then again, the latter comes from the term alagar, which is a word of Graeco-Hebrew origin. 245


This is what was told to me by these [individuals] and it agrees with what they relate in their ancient traditions. About all this they have not the slightest doubt; I too, after having seen the said child and having listened to all that the mother reported, began to doubt a little less.

What species of snakes [who are born with male children as familiars] could these be, what is the efficient cause which produced them in the womb, in what way and by what means were these preserved within and then outside of the womb; this instinct for seeking its uterine brother – let us call it so – of following him [as they relate], and accompanying him in his wars and of all those other circumstances, let the philosophers discuss its causes. I shall not dare to forward a natural explanation about these matters. 251

#epistemology

There is also no lack of others [women who by their madness are considered to be preselected as baylanes] who begin dancing and gyrating in their own fashion, singing things which the others cannot understand. 269

#cryptolects

1700-1799 Totanes, Sebastián de. 1745. Arte de la lengua tagala, y

manual tagalog para la administración de los Santos Sacramentos. Manila: Convento del Nuestra Señora de Loreto.

#chapter 1

Confiesso ingenuo, que hè desseado para lo Util, y Dulce, que el Tagalog, que este Manual contiene, saltera en el estilo Claro con Elegencia, y para este logro intentè poner todo el possible cuydado; pero reconociendo mi gran cortedad para la Elegancia, y que por violentarme me exponia à ser confusso, desistì del intento, dexandome llebar

de mi, tal qual, corriente esulo, (en que estoy my assegurado de que todos lo entienden) por no saltar à la Claridad para todos los Indios, pues paraque à todos sirva, y aproveche, se escribe. Por este respecto (para mi juycio, debido) hè puesto todo mi cuydado en usar solamente de las voces, y terminos llanos, que usual, y comunamente hablan los Naturales, dexando los no tan comunes, y huyendo de intento de valerme de alguno de los innumberables, elegantissimos, cryticos, y laconicos modos de hablar que tiene este Idioma, por solo no ser para todos los Indios generalmente, discretos, y Zafios, inteligibles. De Suerte que todo mi elegancia està, y consiste en sola la claridad. n.p.

Esta Lengua Tagala (segun sienten algunos) en solo lo superflua es abundante; en lo necessario escasa, y pobre; poco politica, y de ninuna elegancia. Dèmos caso, que assi sea, (que otros muchos, y muy peritos en ella sienten lo contrario) pero el fin à que su estudio se dirige es Divinissimo; con que queda, por ser medio necessario para el logro de aquel fin, divinizado este Idioma; y aunque èl por sì mismo sea el mas zafio, y aunque barbaro inculto fuera. Muchas Lenguas se aprehenden con gran esmero en el Mundo, por solo saber hablarlas, y por respectos solos mundanos, qunque no sean las mas politicas: sea esta Tagala lo que en si misma entitativamente fuere, el respecto proque se estudia es el mas elevado, y santo: pues à este respecto hà de corresponder el esmero, y aplicacion en aprehenderla, que ferà tanto mayor que aquel, y con tanta mayor razon, quanto và de lo Divino à lo humano. n.p.

de Viana, Francisco Leandro. [1765] 1907. Viana’s memorial of 1765: Part I. In The Philippine Islands 1493–1898: Vol. 48. Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Company. 197-338

The revolted Indians in the island of Bohol solemnize weddings among themselves, confer baptism, and perform other functions of the Catholics, for which purpose they have some persons who perform the duties of the father ministers in the villages and this mockery, this scorn, this contumely they display for what is most sacred in our religion. 202

#article: dagohoy

de la Concepcion, Juan. 1792. Historia general de Philipinas: Conqvistas espiritvales, y temporales de estos Españoles Dominios, establecimientos, progresos, y decadencias. Vol. 14. Manila: En el Conv. de Nra. Sra de Loreto del pueblo de Sampaloc.

3 Consultó tambien el Gobernador Romo sobre una orden de este Gobierno hallada en aquel archivo, sobre destruir a fuego y á sangre montes, lugares, ó pueblos en que sa halláse un Indio rebelde llamado Dagóhoy de la Isla de Bohól, principal agente en las muerte sacrílegas y violentas [79] de dos Padres Jesuitas sus Ministros: y á los sequaces de aquel rebelde, de que aun no se habia tenido noticia en este goveierno de sí se habian óno reducido, habiéndose publicado en aquellos partidos el orden superior, y su Indulto; sobre que representó, que el tiempo de su prevencion se iba cumpliendo, no se atrebia á la execucion, por carecer de soldados de valor y lealtad; y aunque los rubiese, no era tiempo, respecto á lo abanzado de aquel presidio á los

enemigos; era inconveniente mayor dexarle expuesto á invasiones; sí fuese de el agrado de su Señoria, podia auxiliarle con veinte y cinco hombres de este campo con sus armas, los que sustentaria á su costa, y con ellos buscaria al sublevado. Se decretó, que respeto á que se habian dado providencias antecedentes las que se juzgaron[fn?] convenir y no haberse dado cuenta de sus resultas, se continuásen las prevenidas, suspendiendo en interin diferir á lo que consultaba aquel, alcalde mayor.

4 Esta sublevacion de que ya se ha hecho memoria, no se ha referido con particularidad desde su origen, por ho haber hallado instrumentos que explicásen sus principios y causas; y deseandono [80] dexar en este asunto incompleta la historia, me han informado á fondo Padres Recoletos que sucedieron en el Ministerio de Bohól á los Jesuitas, cuya relacion é informe as así , y conviene con otros noticias que tenia ya extrajudiciales. ,, Governaba en lo espiritual el partido de Inabangan (sic) el Jesuita Padre Morales, sugeto de condicion fuerte, de nada indulgente genio, y austere en sus resoluciones mas de lo que pedian sufrir los Indios de aquel partido, mas belicosos que los de mas de la Isla, y acaso porque los domáse y humilláse habia puesto á este Padre su Provincial, continuaba el rigor, y los naturales se presentaron al Rector de la Residencia, paraque como Vicario Provincial moderáse sus violento Ímpetus, ó le mudáse á orro (sic) pueblo: esto no podia hacer por estar exceptuado el Padre Morales en las generales licencias: proseguian los inquietudes, pero no se atrebian á romper abiertamente los Indios, por que el Padre era de mucho valor, y no vivia desprebenido á sus intenciones depravadas que amenazaban, nada menos que á su vida. ,,

5 ,,Era anexo de Inabangan el pueblo de Talibon; y en este habia un Indio remontado y apostata, que ni confesaba ni comulgaba, ni asistia á Misa, ni se le reconocia accion alguna de Chrístiano, e escándalo era público, y el daño que hacia en los pueblos inmediatos obligaba ya á que se entendiese en su captura: nadie se atrebia, porque con la fama de atrebido ninguno era suviciente á ponérsele delante: el Padre como intrépido, encargó con estrechex al alguacil mayor de aquel pueblo, que le prendiese: las órdenes de el Padre era executivas, y podia ser problema qual era menos arriesgado, la prision, ó la infaccion de tal encargo: resolvióse á lo primero; solicíta al foragido; y hallado, quiso executar la apprehension, y halló en su arrestada determinacion su desgraciado fin: fué el levantado apóstata el primero en dar dl golpe, que fue tan furioso, que no dexándole vigor para defenderse, pudo repetir otros que la quitaron la vida; y el agresor se regiró á los mas espeso de el monte: tenia el muerto parte poderoso, y era regular quisiesen vengar tan infame muerte; y este temor le preciso á andar fugitivo: libróle de este gravísin o riesgo la indiscrecion de el Padre Morales. ,,

6 ,,Teniendo noticia de la tragedia un su [82] hermano por nombre Dagóhoy, fuè á donde sucedió, recogió el cadever, y le condujo al pueblo; dió noticia al Padre Ministro, y le dixo, que no habiendo otro remedio le enterrase en la Iglesia: dícese, que el Padre le pidió al hermano la acostumbrada limosna, escusóse, diciendo que aquella muerte habia sido por su causa, y era razon que remitiese los derechos: resistióse el Padre á enterarle en sagrado, diciendo habia muerto descolulagado en público desafio, y habia incurrido en las penas impuestas á los duelistas: replicó Dagóhoy, que su hermano no pensaba en matar al foragido, solo fuè á prenderle, como le habia preceptuado el Padro, que por obedecer sus órdenes habia perdido la vida; ya era mala correspondencia negarle la sepultura eclesiástica: en estas controversias estubo el cadever tres dias insepulto, y el Padre mucho mas obstinado en no dar sepultura al cadever: sucedió lo que era regular, que se pudriese, y se vermináse, haciéndose su hedor ya insufrible.,,

7 ,, Sintió vivísimamente la temararia resolucion de el Padre, Dagóhoy: estimuloóle el cariño de hermano, y que no suscitáse á compasion la tragedia en el que habia sido impulsivo causa; era [83] Indio sobresaliente, Caveza de una porcion de naturales, y muy respetado de ellos: convocólos á todos; y con facundia rústica pero patética, les puso á la consideracion la desgracia: que esto le era lo menos sensible; lo mas si, que el padre Morales causa de el homisidio (sic), se resistiese á enterrarle en Sagrado; accion inhumana y fiera, que no debia quedar sin satisfaccion tan indecente agravio: viesen pues y considerásen, qual seria mas acomodadao á tan infando insulto: respondieronle, propuisese, que le seguirian con el mayor fervor: Juró Dagóhoy solamente no cesaria ne désistiria en la venganza, hasta que no viese corrompido el cadaver de el Padre Morales, como habia este consentido la pestilencial putrefacion en el de su hermano: conspiraron todos sus dependientes en este juramente, y se le ofrecieron á su execucion muy prontos; tanto inspira el respeto á sus mayores en estos Indios; sesamparan el pueblo, se acomodan á una vida rústica y cimarrona en los montes, fortificando sus entradas, haciendolas inacesibles: y declarándose rebeldes á Dios, al Rey, y á la Patria, empezaron á ser molestos á los vezinos: como tresmil almas de uno, y otro sexo siguieron [84] el perverso exemplo de su caveza Dagohoy, sumisos le rinden (?) la obedencia, le reconocen por su Superior absoluto, y aprehende este despóticamente al mando: tenian los Jesuitas en las inmediaciones una grande y bien surtida hazienda, ó estancia Llamada San Xavier, en bacas, caravaos, cavallos, y otros animales domésticos; y de cuya labor en que empleaban á los Indios abundancia, les facilitó en su retiro la subsistencia; aprovencharonse de todo lo util, y lo inútil padeció el destrozo: eran las ansias comunes la execucion de el juramento que instaba: eran muchas y vivas las diligencias para quitar la vida al Padre, de quien estaban tan extremamente quejosos en vano; por que vivia el Padre muy prevenido, y no daba lugar su valor y vigilancia á furtivas intrepidezes.,,

8 ,,Mucho medita, y raramente el espiritu de venganza es indiferente en estas naciones, sea en el mismo que les ofendió, ó en otro de su parcialidad: como no lo podian lograr en el que los habia agraviado, trataron manifestar su cólera vindicativa en el padre Ministro de Lagna el padre Lamberti Religioso ajustado y pacífico, que como nada tenia que temer, no le ocupaban rezelos, y vivia [86] en un total descuido: ofreció Dagòhoy á un Indio de aquel pueblo un carabao, para que con él ó con su precio pudiese efectuar su casameinto que tenia contratado, y no podía efectuar por falta esta circunsancia, si mataba á aquel buen Padre: no se detubo el Indio en el convenio, y confirmó el contrato, dandole palabra executaria la muerte; en tal un precio se ajustó la vida de un tan Religioso Ministro, por satisfacer á su codicia, y á la venganza de Dagohoy: no obstante causóle horror dar la muerte á un inocente; vacilaba entre diversos afectos; unos que le proponian lo enorme de la accion; otros la falta de su palabra, como sí esta fuera tan eficaz, que faltar á ella se tuviese por irremisible: batallando en pensamientos consultó con el que habia de ser su suegro; sì la palabra en execucion tan horrorosa le obligaba sin dispensacion á cumplirla? sin títubear le dixo el viejo, que sí, y era obligado á cumplir lo prometido; pues no era de hombres de bien flatar á lo que una vez ofrecieron.,,

9 ,,Con este malvado sonsejo, quedó muy seron el Indio, como si su resolucion fuese de lo alto: determinado yq, fué á la casa de el Padre [87] Ministro con un puñal en la mano: era hora de prima noche en ocasion que el Padre estaba en su quarto rezando sus devociones, y un muchacho que cuidaba de la puerta; preguntó á este, ¿en donde estaba el padre? y le respondió que rezando en su aposento; entra en él, hace la demostracion de querer besarle la mano, y al dársela e Padre, atravesó con el puñal el

pecho: fué tan fiero, y acertado el golpe, que cayó muerto con sola la demostracion de un leve y último suspiro: huyó inmediateamente el homicida; y aun el muchacho portero horrorizado, no tubo valor para permanecer allá, ni aun para descubrir la fatal agresion. Á la hora acostumbrada vino de su casa el mayordomo para disponer la cena al Padre Ministro; hallóle nadando en su propria sangre difunto: dió parte de la extraña novedad al capitan y Justicia de el pueblo, y todo se pusó en movimiento al punto: comenzóse á hacer diligencias para descubrir al agresor, pero como no habia aun leves indicios todo era confusiones: el parricida caminó toda la noche á coger el asilo de el monte; pero lleno de horror erró los caminos, y como huyendo de si mismo se halló á la mannana en el mismo pueblo: estaba [88] el Capitan con los principales deliberando que convenia hacer en tan fatal lance, quando se les presentó el delinqüente: llevaba un carbon en la mano, y puesto en presencia de la Justicia, dixo muy turbado y sin ser requerido, que no era él el que habia muerto al padre, y en prueba de que era así, traia aquel carbon, para hacer en la palma de la mano una Cruz, sobre cuyo signo juraria, no sér él el que le habia dado tan violenta muerte: su turbacion y otras demostraciones hicieron conocer, no era otro el autor de el sacrílego parricidio, héchanle mano, y pónenle á qüestion de tormento en la llave de una escopeta; cofesó inmediatamente el caso, y su insulto con todas su circunstancias.,,

10 ,, Con estas diligencias en sumaria dieron parte al Alcalde mayor de Zebu Juez de el territori; fué este á Bohol, formó proceso, y resultando en él principales culpados el agresor ye el futuro suegro, fueron asegurados en estrechas prisiones; hicieron complice al muchacho portero, que no tenia otro indicio que se fuga, y no obstante las declaraciones de el matador que le escusaban, fué comprehendido en haber dado entrada, y no [88] haber avisado al padre: fueron los tres llevados á Zebú, y sentenciados sufrieron el suplicio de horca; el de los dos por tan justificado fué bien admitido de los Indios; pero el de el muchacho portero sintieron vivamente se huviese hecho tal execucion en una conocida inocencia; y esta Jucticia intenpestiba agregó mas gente á Dagóhoy, y se hizo mas formidable.,,

11 ,,No estaba aun satisfecho este rebelde caudillo con la muerte sacrílega de el Ministro de Hagna; y como el Padre Morales estaba tan sobre tan sobre si, y tenia partido en el pueblo á su favor, no le era facil conseguir su intento; eran muchas sus sugestiones en los de Talibon, é Inabangan; logrólas muy á medida de su deseo depravado un dia, que salió el Padre á avivar á los Indios en el arrastre de un palo de que queria hacer una embarcacion pegaron fuego a la yerba seca de el campo; el Padre queriendo huir de el incendio, fué atravesado con una lanza disparada á tiro hecho y espirò al instante la vida: todos se retiraron y quedó allí expuesto el cadaver á las inclemencias; fué el caso, que no se pudo recoger hasta tercero o quar[90]to dia, en que le hallaron corrúmpido y hediondo otros Padres de la misma Isla, que fueron á ello con buena escolta. Dióse parte al Alcalde mayor de Zebú, que fué con algunos soldados á Bohol, hiceronse las comunes averguaciones sobre el que habia muerto al padre Morales, y ho huvo dificultad en descubrirle, pero este huyéndose á Dagóhoy, se habia puesto en salvo: el Alcalde fervoroso amenzaó á los principales de el pueblo cortaria á todos la caveza, si no le entregaaban el reo de el Sacrílego homicidio; tuvo su efecto la comision, por que los principales escribeiron á Dagohoy, explicándole el peligro en que se hallaban, sí no les entregaba el reo refugiado en su retiro; y en cas de denegacion les seria preciso tomar, y con el auxilio de el Alcade sacarle con violencia: Dagóhoy que temia mucho, aun no bien aseguarado en su Superioridad, se declarasen los paisanos contra él, sacrificó aquel infeliz entregándole á los principales, para que con su persona diesen al Alalde satisfaction; recivieronle estos, ye le pusieron en manos

de el Alcalde, que hizo de él completa Justicia, poniendo los quartos en sitios públicos.,,

12 ,,Manteniase Dagóhoy en su retiro [90] exitando á la rebelion general de la Isla á sus compatriotas; no faltaban quienes por particulares sentimientos se le arrimasen, y crecia el partido consideráblemente: hiciéronsele algunas entradas; fiaban el éxito en los restante naturales, que era mucho mayor número, y podia sofocar el partido de Dagóhoy sin mucho esfuerzo; no querian su destruccion y ruina, porque en esta rebelion hallaban sus conveniencias; y todos los ataques fueron de oprobrio á nuestras armas, y solo sirvieron á confirmar la obstinacion de los alzados: creció mucho mas este rebelde cuerpo, quando de buelta de las armada de Iligan, Misamis, y Caraga, hallaron sus familias en estado miserable por la exaccion de el tributo Real, en que habian executado embargos y prisiones, sin reservar á las mugeres; exasperados mucho con el mal tratamiento, sus socorros devengados en esperanzas de que se satisfarian, y otras molestias en la falta á sus casas é intereses, tomaron muchos por propia satisfaccion retirarse al monte con Dagóhoy: gustada la libertad, y el que nada les falta allí, por tener lo mejor de la Isla y los mas fertil, y que lo que aquí no pueden adquirir se los llevan los que se conservan [91] en los pueblos en sugeccion manteniendo con ellos un lucroso comercio, hace la rebelion cada dia mas obstinada, y mas dificultosa la conquista, que solo haran las armas y tropas bien prevenidas: se ha intentado reducirlos coninultos: el Illustrísimo Señor Espeleta quando fué asu Obispado de Zebú, llevó instrucciones de este Gobierno para el efecto: en su conseqüencia pasó acompañado de el Alcalde mayor y de soldados á aquella Isla: se puso en Inabangan; á su solicitud baxó de el monte Dagóhoy con salvoconducto de su Illustrísima en nombre de el Rey, y algunos de los suyos en su compañia; persuadióles mucho la reduccion el Señor Obispo, ofreciendo partidos ventajosos y establecimientos á su gusto; explicaron la dificultad en acomodarse á ello, siendo baxo la dominacion de los Jesuitas, á quienes daban á entender remian todos, y se resistirian subsistiendo tales Ministros; seles ofreció les darian Clérigos: como les cogian todas las puertas dieron buenas esperanzas: y estas proposiciones que tubieron por súplicas, les hicieron mas insolentes.

13 Con ocacion de la expulsion general de los Españoles dominios, de los Jesuitas, fueron [92] comprehendidos los de estas Islas: introduxeronse con órdenes superiores en la Isla de Bohol los Padres Recoletos Augustinos; era Vicario Provincial y superior inmediato de todos los acomodados en sus ministerios pro dicha expulcion el Padre Difinidor actual de su Provincia Fray Pedro de Santa Barbara, ye se habia hecho cargo de la administracion de Baclayaon y su partido; este Religioso de conocida vivacidad, de un zelo á prueba, y de una no vulgar intrepidezez, luego que vió á si ya á sus dependientes en pacífica posesion de la administracion espiritual de todos los pueblos reducidos, pensó con seriedad instruirse á fondo de los principios, y progresos de la rebelion, su estado actual, y la disposicion de aquellos rebeldes ánimos; logró su eficaz aplicacion sus deseaos;,, y con cartas cariñosas acompañadas de regalillos, y la conexion de algunos principales de su pueblo, entabló la correspondencia con el caudillo superior Francisco Dagóhoy, tanto que, se determino sitio para comunicarse personalmente: pasó el Padre Ministro á las inmediaciones de sus atrincheramientos, y fué recibido de Dagóhoy con demostraciones de intima confianza; significóle el Padre el estado de su vida [93] incómoda, el riesgo que en su obstinacion le amenazaba, si tomando las armas el govierno se empañase en destruirlos; lo que era muy fácil, pues no podrian resistirse á lo superior de nuestro fuego que incendiaria con las bombas aun los sitios mas elevados, de que no estarian seguros, aunque se escondiesen en las nubes; aun este no era el mayor detrimento, era de mas consideracion el mal estado de

sus conciencias, la perdicion eterna de sus almas; pues viviendo como fieras, morian como brutos; tan distantes de el Reyno de Dios, era seguro y evidente su condenacion eterna; lo que era preciso reflexásen, sí aun conserbaban algunos principios de el Christianismo: todo tenia remedio, sí suplicaban por el perdon muy reconocidos.,,

14 ,,Mostróse Dagóhoy y sus compañeros convencidos, y explicaron sus sentimientos, él con otros dos principales en particulares escritos, cuya substancia era decir:,, Dagóhoy se volvia á Dios, y al Rey, pues habia admitido se introduxese con él el Padre Pedro de Santa Bárbara; y habia hecho bautizar á sus súbditos, casarse, y confesarse, por lo que él y los suyos pedian perdon al Señor Governador, pues vuelto á Dios y al Rey, era justo [94] la perdonáse sus delitos; y queria le plantàsen dos pueblos en los sitios de Capanapog, y Daruanan, que el Padre los ayudáse, por que los de la Compañia no habian convenido con ellos: orro principal Ignacio Arañez propuso, que él, y los datos de el recodo de Canligong se volvian á dios, y al Rey, sí tenia el Señor Governador misericordia de ellos, y perdonáse sus delitos antiguos; y sí esto se conseguia, suplicaban se les concediese licencia de formar allí un pueblo, suplicando al Padre Pedro de Santa Bárbara, hiciese las diligencias en goveirno para consequirlo.,,

15 ,,Pedro Báguio se explicó diciendo, que como homilde hijo con toda justificacion volvía á Dios y al Rey, habia faltado al trato, por hacer las mismas diligencias de reconocimiento con sus compañeros, de los que, veinte y cinco casados habian convenido con él: era mucha gente; pero no confiaba en la multitud, de que se reduciria á la amistad; pues aun estaba rezelosa. Bernardo Sanóte decia que él y demas datos de el monte de Tambungan, en que residian por el gran miedo que tenian á sus Padres antiguos, ya que no habia tal inconveniente, querian volver la servicio de Dios y de su Magestad, siendo [95] de el agrado de el Señor Governador perdonarlos, y tener con pasion de ellos, y concederles el formar pueblo en el recodo, ó ensenada de Guindulman, para cumplir con las obligaciones de christianos, y de vasallos de el Rey, por lo que suplicaban á su Padre espiritual Padre Pedro, tuviese misericordia con ellos, y se sirviese hacer las diligencias para que no se perdiesen sus alinas, y en él solo esperaban los ayudise en sus dificultades,,

16 El Padre Fray Pedro muy contento con estos instrumentos creyó demasiado á sus expresiones; dispusieronle una deconte Iglesia, y en ella bautizó como ciento veinte y quatro parvulos de uno y otro sexo de cinco años para abaxo, solemnizó algunos casamientos, y administró el Sacramento de la Penitencia como á doscientas (sic) almas; y era muy crecido el número de los que se disponian á limpiar con este Sacramento sus conciencias; y no menos el de los adultos, que se catequizaban para recibir dignamente el sagrado Bautismo. Con tan buenas dispocisiones, pareciendole todo facil al Padre Fray Pedro se presentó en Zebú al Alcalde mayor Don Pedro de Vargas; en que hizo representacion, que, siendo muchos de los de el cargo [96] de su administracion, alzado y rebeldes a nuestro Soberano; y que no deponiendo su rebeldía no eran capaces de Santos Sacramentos, habia procedido con cautela, y suavidad correspondiente á hombres perdidos por tantos años; habia procurad á costa de urabajos (?) y fatigas, volviesen á Dios, y á la obediencia á la Magestad, sin orro fin que la gloría de Dios, provedo de sus almas, y el aumento de vasallos fieles y leales al Rey: en cuyas diligencias extraordinarias habia conseguido que los mas de los principales, ya aun el que se habia hecho caveza de los rebeldes, reconociesen su infidelidad, pidiendo perdon á ambas magestades, y se reduxesen á vida arroglada, como constaba de sus peticiones adjutas, en las que le constituias (?) medianero, para consequir fin tan útil, soprehendidos de el miedo y rezelo de sus faciorosos delitos; en cuya consideracion de arrepentimiento habia usado de la licencia, ó permiso de los cavezas de los rebeldes, en

celebrar el Santo Sacrificio de la Misa, y administrar Sacramentos á los que habia reconocido mas bien preparados; á que habian concurrido los cavezas, y mucho número de rebledes con la devocion debida á tan sagrados Misterios: [97] por los que suplicaba, se sirviese providenciar, parsásen los presentados documentos con esta su representacion al Superior Govierno, paraque el muy Illustre Señor Governador determinase lo mas conveniente al servicio de ambas Magestades. “

17 Admitió la presentacion el Alcalde mayor, y pasó un oficio al Illustrísimo Señor Obispo de Zebú Don Miguel Lino de Espeleta; para que su sentir sobre estos pedimentos; y su Illustrísima informó; que no dudaba, fuese la reduccion de los rebeldes sincera, come el que consiguiesen el perdon de sus delitos de el Señor Governador de estas Islas, con el que se lograrian tantas perdídas almas; pues varios pasages, que le habia comunicado el mismo Padre Fray pedro haber tenido con Dagohoy, y casos que habia visto en ellos mediante sus Apostólicas fatigas, le daban sobrado motivo para sentir, á que fuese verdadero su reconocimiento de los rebelados; y aunque su Illustríssima solicitó lo mismo en person el año de sesenta y dos, no habia podido conseguir mad se Dagóhoy, que el que levantaria Iglesia, para cumplir con las obligaciones de christianos, pero como le tiraba la vida licenciosa practicada en [98] tantos años, y el gusto de ser obedecido, esto le hubo de arrastrar hasta la presente, quedando solo enarbaolados los harigues, que hubieron de serbir para la actual Iglesia, y con su tibieza, la facilidad burlada.

18 Pidió tambien informe el Alcalde á Don Joseph Velarde que le habia precedido en el oficio, y fué que,, en todo el tiempo de su govierno en que fue administrada la Isla de Bohol por los Jesuitas, bien lexos dar señas de reconciliarse el principal Dagóhoy con sus aliados, se mantubo en su tenaz rebeldia, sin dar esperanza alguma de su reduccion, y era preciso contener su sobervia con la fuerza de las armas, manteniendo en la Isla varios destacamentos de tropa; para que no insultasen con robos y muerte los alzados, á los que en sus pueblos se mantenian quietos y pacificos; pero que, desde que habian tomado posesion de aquellas doctrinas los Padres Recoletos, se reconocia en Dagóhoy y sus aliados una mutacion, qual no se habia experimentado en veinte y cinco que tenian de rebelion; la que constaba por la determinacion verbal, y escrita de todos los principales en reconciliarse con las magestades, como [99] prometian, persuadidos de las razones y diligencias de el Padre Santa Bárbara; pues requerido por Dagóhoy y los de la junta, sobre sus poderes para tratar aquella reduccion, para lo valido, y respondiendo no tenia otros que los de Ministro de el Altísimo, q’ quien el Rey Católico habia encomendado la administracion espiritual, y cuidad de sus almas; considerando su necesidad extrema se habia internado tan á propia costa en sus montes, para anunciarles el Reyno de Dios, y persuadirles la obediencia al Rey su Señor natural: lo que oyendo Dagóhoy, hizo presente al padre la resolucion en que estaban él, y los suyos de conduir un tratado (?) que les aseguráse su quietud; pero era muy preciso les facilitáse de el Governador un indulto general, y una complete amnistía de todos sus pasado defectos; de otro modo seria arriesgar su libertad, y aun las vidas: lo que no dudaba concederia la Capitan general en vista de las representaciones, y documentos con que se sinstuuia el expediente; pues habiendo mudado este negocio de sistema, se dignaria su Señoria condescender con el pretendido indulto, pudiéndose esperar por tan suabe medio la reduccion de los rebeldes in crecidos gastos de [100] la Real hazienda, y sin derramiento de sangre; quedando siempre el recurso de proceder contra ellos con el debido rigor, quando no se verificáse así; y que trataban dolosamente la pacificacion. ‘‘

19 Formalizadas así estad diligencias las remitió el Alcalde mayor á govierno para la providencia que se sirviese library en este asunto, mientras sudeliberacion, se volvió á presentar el Padre Santa Barbara al mísmo Alcalde diciendo que,, habiéndose posesionado de las doctrinas de Bohol le habia admirado, que en casi todos los pueblos se mantenian piquetes de Soldados, y que averiguado el motivo, era la seguridad de los Ministros antecedentes, que como tan aborrecidos de los rebeldes, no estaban seguros en realidad sin alguno guardia: tambien el evitar, que los alzados comeriesen en los pueblos insultos, muertes, y robos; pero que habia notado, que desde la posecion de los Padres Recoletos el motivo principal habia cesado, pero el Segundo existia en su vigor y fuerza; por que habiendo la gente arreglada ensangrentádose en entradas con los e el monte, regirada la tropa, baxarian los monteses á satisfacerse de agravios, y á vengar injurias; con todo habia com[101]puesto con el antecesor retiráse los piquetes de los sitios menos expuestos, que no se habia executado previniendo inconvenientes; pero ya en la actualidad que habia conseguido tratar con Dagóhoy, y casi todos los principales de su séquito, bien que no sin diligencias y fatigas; y estos convenido en su reconciliacion tenian suplicado, se retiráse la tropa de la Isla, para que ellos pudiesen baxar á los pueblos sin rezelo: esta diligencia aseguraria se trataba con sinceridad á los azados: y habiendo exprerimentado la conformidad de ánimos entre los alzados, y pacíficos, dispuestos unos y otros á perdonarse los agravios recíprocamente, por le que se veia precisado á hacer esta representacion á favor de los intereses Reales, pidiendo s sirviese el Alcalde mayor retirar toda la tropa distribuida en los pueblos de Hagna, Loay, Malabohoc, Malibago, y Loon, pues aunque huviese sido necesaria en otro tiempo, en el actual la consideraba superflua, sí no se hiciese novedad en los pueblos de Inabangan, y Talibon; por que en sus próximos montes habia un alzado cavezilla por nombre Ligaon, y segun informes tenia á su obedeiencia mas de mil tributos, y resistia á la reduccion por contemplarla engaño[102]sa; y aunque ya tenia notica de que dicho rebelde estaba mudado, y queria volverse á Dios, y al Rey como los demas; con todo juzgaba conveniente y necesaria la tropa en quellos pueblos interin no se ajustaba con aquel principal la reduccion: y aunque en Tagbilaran no consideraba necesaria la tropa, ni para contener a los alzados, ni para el resguardo de sus naturales; no obstante era de parecer se quedáse en este pueblo un piquete de doce soldados con sus cabos para facilitar la cobranza de el Real tributo, que auixliàse (sic) en cas necesario á los recaudadores. Esto le parecia lo mas conveniente segun el actual sistema de Bohol; y por lo que cedia en servicio de ambas Magestades pedia en toda forma, que atento el Alcalde mayor a un negocio de tanta gravedad, diese las providencias que tuviese por mas útiles. ‘‘

20 Proveyó en vista de lo presentado el Alcalde mayor, se despacháse órden al cabo comandante de los destacamentos en la Isla de Bohol, para que retiráse á la Ciudad de Zebu los piquetes, que se hallaban en Loay, Malabohoc, y Loon; quedando de firme los que existian en Inabangan con siete hombres nombrando pr cabo á uno de ellos; [103] ellos; en Hagna en la misma conformidad, en Talibon diez, y en Tagbilaran trece, como así se hizo.

21 El expediente formalizado sobre la reduccion de los rebeldes á este superior govierno, su Governador el Mariscal Don Joseph Raon admitió las propuestas; convino en ellas y les concedió en nombre de su Magestad un general indulto, qual podian desear, si fuesen sínceras sus pretensiones: pubilcóse con la mayor solemnidad el indulto en Bohol; y sus resultas fueron las que el mismo Padre Santa Bárbara en carta á su Padre Provincial firmada de él, y de otros siete Ministros de las misma Isla, explican sentidisimamente casí en esto terminos.

22 ,,En quanto al estado actual de los alzados está y permanece en el mismo que siempre, de Infidelidad á Dios, y al Rey, y con mayor fundamento; por que de aquel cuerpo, que mantenia de dos años á esta parte establecido en lo Interior de los montes en diez y ocho pueblos (segun ellos decian) solo se habian desmenbrado una corra parte, como quarenta que se empadronaron en Dimiao, onze en Baclayon, y diez y ocho en Inabangan: un principal llamado Arañez, que se retiró conciento [105] quarenta y tres tributos á la marina, y sítio de Tumbangan (sic) próximo al de Guindulman, pidiendo se formase pueblo alli, de que habi dado parte al Alcalde mayor de Zebu; de el que rezelaba, por saber tenia capitulado con su sangre segun costumbre, con el caudillo Dagohoy, y otro principal Don Pedro Baguio que pretendió formar pueblo en Canapog, y no pudiendó formar pueblo en Canapog, y no pudiendo componerse con Dagohoy se retirò al pueblo de Maasin en la Isla de Leyte: este corto número era el que se habia desmembrado de el numeroso de rebeldes; pero eran muchos mas los que se habian unido con ellos, ya de la misma Isla, ya de otras, especialmente de la de Leyte. ,,

23 ,,Subsistiendo en su infidelidad decian, que Dios tambien estaba en los montes se podian salvar en ellos sin necesidad de Sacramentos y de Ministros: no creían los mas, que huviese Infierno; por que ninguno de ellos (decian) no loe habia visto: que los Padres y Españoles, que dicen le hay, sería para ellos: se ocupaban mucho en la supersticion, é idolatria; y usban con frequencia de azeites, y raizes pactando con el Demonio; y á lo que se experimentaban de su partido, como se [105] veia en los que se habian epadronado en los pueblos, que estaban como insulsos, espantadizos, y con los ojos sobresaltados, atarantados, y casi inservibles. Sespues que se les intimó el perdon en nombre de su magestad publicaron ellos bando pena de la vida á los que dexásen su partido; y este temor les contenia en reducirse, proseguian en su costumbre de robar ganado y gente, aunque no con la continuacion que antes; y no habia tantas muertes; y á lo que alcanzaba, no era respeto al indulto intimado, sí el temor de que les privásen el trato y comercio con los naturales, y advenedizos; que era un pie sobre que estribaba la rebelion. Esto informaba con sinceridad religiosa, y era el juicio serio que se podia formar de el estado actual de aquellos alzados, segun el poco trato y comunicacion que se podia tener con ellos; por que aunque era verdad que despues que se les promulgo el perdon, le habia abisado Dagohoy pasáse á verle, no se habia atrevido en vista de el bando mandado publicar por él tan encontra de el publicado de orden de este Superior Govierno; se rezelaba de su infidelidad; pues no aseguraba su palabra, y la persona de el Padre con rehenes [106] equivalentes, ó ventajosos. ‘‘

24 Cierto es que la confianza que se coloca en sugeto ínfido se compara rectamente á un podrido diente, ya á un pie desconcerrado; uno y otro destituyen al hombre èn coas necesaria, ye en el tiempo de la mayor angustia: reprehéndese la facilidad en vanas confianzas, y los sugetos en que se colocan aun son mas despreciables, por que corrompen lo mas noble de el comercio humano: sea en nuestro cas lo que tuviere lugar; crea aun mas bituperable se dexe por tantos años, pues cuentan treinta y cinco computado desde el año de quarenta y quatro, esta rebelion sin castigo; sin sugeccion este perverso exemplo á los de la misma Isla, que en todo proceden en confianza de tan torpe asilo, á los de las demas que á vista de inaccion tan desidiosa, cometen muchos insultos, y á qualquiera correccion luego se descubren inicios de levantamientos, quando su reduccion con las armas, no es empeño mayor, ni de superiores gastos. 107

#article: dagohoy (see also ref to this in Blair & Robertson. There is another passage of Historia that deals with Lechuga’s campaign)

[...] creció mucho mas este rebelde cuerpo, quando de buelta de las armada de Iligan, Misamis, y Caraga, hallaron sus familias en estado miserable por la exaccion de el tributo Real, en que habian executado embargos y prisiones, sin reservar á las mugeres; exasperados mucho con el mal tratamiento, sus socorros devengados en esperanzas de que se satisfarian, y otras molestias en la falta á sus casas é intereses, tomaron muchos por propia satisfaccion retirarse al monte con Dagóhoy: gustada la libertad, y el que nada les falta allí, por tener lo mejor de la Isla y los mas fertil, y que lo que aquí no pueden adquirir se los llevan los que se conservan [91] en los pueblos en sugeccion manteniendo con ellos un lucroso comercio,

[...] this rebel body grew much greater when upon the return of the military from Iligan, Misamis, and Caraga, they found their families in a miserable state due to the payment of a Royal tribute in which embargos and imprisonments were exacted without sparing the women; greatly exasperated by their bad treatment, their cries for help yielded to hopes for satisfaction, and other troubles stemming from the lack of houses and other interests, took much [took a toll?] for their own satisfaction to retire to the mountains with Dagohoy: having tasted freedom, and the fact that they lacked for nothing there having taken most of the Island and the most fertile part,

15 ,,Pedro Báguio se explicó diciendo, que como homilde hijo con toda justificacion volvía á Dios y al Rey, habia faltado al trato, por hacer las mismas diligencias de reconocimiento con sus compañeros, de los que, veinte y cinco casados habian convenido con él: era mucha gente; pero no confiaba en la multitud, de que se reduciria á la amistad; pues aun estaba rezelosa. Bernardo Sanóte decia que él y demas datos de el monte de Tambungan, en que residian por el gran miedo que tenian á sus Padres antiguos, ya que no habia tal inconveniente, querian volver la servicio de Dios y de su Magestad, siendo [95] de el agrado de el Señor Governador perdonarlos, y tener compasion de ellos, y concederles el formar pueblo en el recodo, ó ensenada de Guindulman, para cumplir con las obligaciones de christianos, y de vasallos de el Rey, por lo que suplicaban á su Padre espiritual Padre Pedro, tuviese misericordia con ellos, y se sirviese hacer las diligencias para que no se perdiesen sus almas, y en él solo esperaban los ayudise en sus dificultades,,

Pedro Baguio explained himself by saying that as a humble son with all justification he returned to God and to the King, he had breached the contract, in order to make the same notary acknowledgments with his comrades, of whom twenty-five married men had agreed with him: there were many people but he did not trust the masses [??} would limit themselves to friendship. Bernardo Sanóte said that he and the rest of the chieftains [datos] of the hill of Tambongan – wherein they resided out of a great fear they held [towards??] their former Fathers now that there was no longer such a disadvantage, they wished to return to the service of God and to his Majesty, it being in the generosity of the Lord Governor to forgive them, and have compassion for them, and allow them to set up a town in the bend or cove of Guindulman, in order to fulfil their obligations as Christians and as vassals of the King, so that they might beg their spiritual Father, Fr Pedro to have mercy on them and to serve him by running errands so that their souls would not be lost, and he alone did they hope would help them in their troubles.

22 ,,En quanto al estado actual de los alzados está y permanece en el mismo que siempre, de Infidelidad á Dios, y al Rey, y con mayor fundamento; por que de aquel cuerpo, que mantenia de dos años á esta parte establecido en lo Interior de los montes en diez y ocho pueblos (segun ellos decian) solo se habian desmenbrado una corta parte, como quarenta que se empadronaron en Dimiao, onze en Baclayon, y diez y ocho en Inabangan: un principal llamado Arañez, que se retiró conciento [105] quarenta y tres tributos á la marina, y sítio de Tumbangan (sic) próximo al de Guindulman, pidiendo se formase pueblo alli, de que habi dado parte al Alcalde mayor de Zebu; de el que rezelaba, por saber tenia capitulado con su sangre segun costumbre, con el caudillo Dagohoy, y otro principal Don Pedro Baguio que pretendió formar pueblo en Canapog, y no pudiendó formar pueblo en Canapog, y no pudiendo componerse con Dagohoy se retirò al pueblo de Maasin en la Isla de Leyte: este corto número era el que se habia desmembrado de el numeroso de rebeldes; pero eran muchos mas los que se habian unido con ellos, ya de la misma Isla, ya de otras, especialmente de la de Leyte. ,,

As regards the present state of the insurgents [1792], it is and remains as it has always been, in Unfaithfulness to God, to the King and with a major base; because from that body that has held for two years to that settled part of the Interior of the uplands in eighteen villages (by their reckoning) only a short part has been split off, like the forty that registered in Dimiao, eleven in Baclayon, and eighteen in Inabangan: a chief called Arañez, who withdrew [conciento] forty-three tributes from the coast [the navy??] and from Tambungan, near Guindulman, asking to set up a village there, of which he would give a part to the Mayor of Zebu; one who suspected him of having made a blood compact according to the custom, with the commander Dagohoy, and the other chief Don Pedro Baguio who hoped to set up a village in Canapog, and not being able to set up a village in Canapog, and not being able to join Dagohoy he retired to the village of Maasin on the Island of Leyte: this small number was what had been split off from the numerous rebels; but there were many more who united with them on this same Island and on others, especially the island of Leyte.

23 ,,Subsistiendo en su infidelidad decian, que Dios tambien estaba en los montes se podian salvar en ellos sin necesidad de Sacramentos y de Ministros: no creían los mas, que huviese Infierno; por que ninguno de ellos (decian) no le habia visto: que los Padres y Españoles, que dicen le hay, sería para ellos: se ocupaban mucho en la supersticion, é idolatria; y usaban con frequencia de azeites, y raizes pactando con el Demonio; y á lo que se experimentaban de su partido, como se [106] veia en los que se habian empadronado en los pueblos, que estaban como insulsos, espantadizos, y con los ojos sobresaltados, atarantados, y casi inservibles.

Lingering in their unhappiness, they would say that God too was in the hills and could save them without recourse to the Sacrements or the Ministeries: neither did they believe any longer that Hell existed; since none of them (so they said) had ever seen it: that it would be something for the Priests and the Spaniards, who say that it is there: they took on a great deal of superstition and idolatry, and made frequent use of oils and roots, making pacts with the Demon; and with regards to what they had experienced of his side, as seen in those who have registered in the towns, they were like dullards, easily frightened with startled eyes, dumbfounded and almost useless

Manuel’s translations:

15 ,,Pedro Báguio se explicó diciendo, que como homilde hijo con toda justificacion volvía á Dios y al Rey, habia faltado al trato, por hacer las mismas diligencias de reconocimiento con sus compañeros, de los que, veinte y cinco casados habian convenido con él: era mucha gente; pero no confiaba en la multitud, de que se reduciria á la amistad; pues aun estaba rezelosa. Bernardo Sanóte decia que él y demas datos de el monte de Tambungan, en que residian por el gran miedo que tenian á sus Padres antiguos, ya que no habia tal inconveniente, querian volver la servicio de Dios y de su Magestad, siendo [95] de el agrado de el Señor Governador perdonarlos, y tener compasion de ellos, y concederles el formar pueblo en el recodo, ó ensenada de Guindulman, para cumplir con las obligaciones de christianos, y de vasallos de el Rey, por lo que suplicaban á su Padre espiritual Padre Pedro, tuviese misericordia con ellos, y se sirviese hacer las diligencias para que no se perdiesen sus almas, y en él solo esperaban los ayudise en sus dificultades,,

Pedro Baguio explained himself by saying that as a humble son with all justification he returned to God and to the King, he had breached the contract, in order to make the same notary acknowledgments with his comrades, of whom twenty-five married men had agreed with him: there were many people but he didn’t believe that the mass [of people who had joined him] would limit themselves to being friendly, as they [the masses] were distrusting.. Bernardo Sanóte said that he and the rest of the chieftains [datos] of the hill of Tambongan – wherein they resided out of a great fear they held towards their former Fathers, now that there was no longer such a disadvantage, they wished to return to the service of God and to his Majesty, it being in the generosity of the Lord Governor to forgive them, and have compassion for them, and allow them to set up a town in the bend or cove of Guindulman, in order to fulfil their obligations as Christians and as vassals of the King, for which reason they begged their spiritual Father, Fr Pedro, to have mercy on them and to prepare everything so that they wouldn’t lose their souls; they only expected of him their willingness to help them in their troubles.

22 ,,En quanto al estado actual de los alzados está y permanece en el mismo que siempre, de Infidelidad á Dios, y al Rey, y con mayor fundamento; por que de aquel cuerpo, que mantenia de dos años á esta parte establecido en lo Interior de los montes en diez y ocho pueblos (segun ellos decian) solo se habian desmenbrado una corta parte, como quarenta que se empadronaron en Dimiao, onze en Baclayon, y diez y ocho en Inabangan: un principal llamado Arañez, que se retiró conciento [105] quarenta y tres

As regards the present state of the insurgents [1792], it is and remains as it has always been, in Unfaithfulness to God, to the King and with a major base; because from that body that has held for two years to that settled part of the Interior of the uplands in eighteen villages (by their reckoning) only a short part has been split off, like the forty that registered in Dimiao, eleven in Baclayon, and eighteen in Inabangan: a chief called Arañez, who withdrew with one hundred and forty-three tributes from the coastal area of Tambungan, near Guindulman, asking to set up a village there,

tributos á la marina, y sítio de Tumbangan (sic) próximo al de Guindulman, pidiendo se formase pueblo alli, de que habi dado parte al Alcalde mayor de Zebu; de el que rezelaba, por saber tenia capitulado con su sangre segun costumbre, con el caudillo Dagohoy, y otro principal Don Pedro Baguio que pretendió formar pueblo en Canapog, y no pudiendó formar pueblo en Canapog, y no pudiendo componerse con Dagohoy se retirò al pueblo de Maasin en la Isla de Leyte: este corto número era el que se habia desmembrado de el numeroso de rebeldes; pero eran muchos mas los que se habian unido con ellos, ya de la misma Isla, ya de otras, especialmente de la de Leyte. ,,

of which he had communicated to the Mayor of Zebu; one who was distrustful of him since he knew that that he had performed a blood compact with the commander Dagohoy, according to the custom, and the other chief Don Pedro Baguio who hoped to set up a village in Canapog, and not being able to set up a village in Canapog, and not being able to reach an agreement with Dagohoy he retired to the village of Maasin on the Island of Leyte: this small number was what had been split off from the numerous rebels; but there were many more who united with them on this same Island and on others, especially the island of Leyte.

1800–1899 Villacorte, Francisco. 1833. Administración espiritual de

los Padres Agustinos Calzados de la Provincia del Dulce Nombre de las Islas Filipinas. Valladolid: Roldan.

En vista de esto no debe estrañarse que el Excmo. Señor Apodaca, Virey de Mégico, haya dicho “que en cada Fraile tenia el Rey en Filipinas un Capitan General y un ejército entero.” 204

#chapter 1

Buzeta, Manuel, and Felipe Bravo. 1851. Diccionario geográfico, estadístico, histórico de las Islas Filipinas. Vol. 1. Madrid: D. José C. de la Peña.

IDIOMA Los dialectos varian no solo entre las castas sino que cada distrito y aun cada familia tienen el suyo peculiar. Esta diversidad se esplica por el estado de barbarie en que viven todos los pueblos la ignorancia y el aislamiento son causas suficientes para ello. Lo mismo se observa en las tribus sumisas como en la de los isinayas aunque poseen diccionarios. Sin embargo entre tanta multitud de dialectos se distinguen particularmente el bisayo el tagalo y el pampango que parecen ser las lenguas madres por mas completas y perfectas. Quedan muy pocos fragmentos de la escritura de estas lenguas porque reduciéndose á signos trazados sobre pedazos de la hoja del banana con una punta de bambú no se ha podido conservar lo poco que escribieran. Estos escritos se reducian á hojas sueltas espresando los búfalos que poseian y otros

pormenores de interés personal y doméstico. Mucho se ha trahajado en averiguacion del origen de aquellas lenguas y su relacion con las antiguas unos las han considerado semejantes al árabe otros han creido ser su carácter mas análogo á la China y Japona y no pocos encarecedores del hebreo presentan esta lengua como su originaria. Nosotros no podemos menos de orillar los origenes hebráicos si bien consideramos que el estremo Oriente hubo de tener una lengua propia progenitora de todas las demas lenguas inclusa la misma hebrea siendo [64] do todos estos los resultados del cambio de aquella hecho por la accion tópica y la cultura ó el atraso de los distintos paises y tiempos. Dicese generalmente que los dialectos filipinos deben su origen á la lengua malaya y no lo contradiremos si se entiende en esta aquella lengua primitiva. Diferentes dialectos de los que se hablan en las islas Visayas presentan la mayor relacion con esta lengua. Se encuentra no obstante que palabras de igual pronunciacion tienen significado distinto y que otras muy diferentes son de sentidos análogos. Las voces malayas olo cabeza puti blanco langil cielo mata ojo susu pecho batu piedra se encuentran en los idiomas tagalo bisayo y en los dialectos cebuano y lutao otras palabras como lina lengua babi puerco ete solo ofrecen muy pequeña diferencia en la pronunciacion diciéndose dita babuy ete. La lengua primitiva y propia del pais ha sido tambien adulterada por los dialectos advenedizos. La lengua espanola ha dado sus caracteres á los filipinos cultos. La lengua tagala es clara rica elegante metafórica y poética prestándose mucho á la improvisacion en la que se distingue el genio del pais. La dificultad de esta lengua se esplica diciendo que para aprenderla se necesita un año de arte y dos de bahaque esto es de ejecucion y práctica pues se llama haha [PK: baba?] que el ceñidor ó taparrabo que llevan los indigenas de las montanas. La escritura de estos pueblos en su estado natural es de derecha á izquierda como todos los orientales usando diferentes signos cuyo significado se altera por el número de puntos que se coloca en la parte superior ó inferior de modo que una sola palabra escrita tiene muchas veces seis ó siete significaciones. Tienen diez y siete caracteres ó signos de los cuales tres son vocales valiendo por los cinco nuestros pues uno representa la A otro la y tiene tambien el sonido de y otro equivale á la O y á la U. De aqui nace gran parte de la diversidad de pronunciaciones tubi permitidme se pronuncia tambien tabe olo se pronuncia ulu. Las consonantes son catorce y se pronuncian siempre con la A si se escriben simplemente asi los signos que representan la С M se pronuncian Ça Ma pero poniendo un punto arriha se pronuncian con la E ó con la I y puesto abajo con la O ó con la U. La С y la S no se distinguen la D se pronuncia muchas veces R como en Madali que articulan marali la F se cambia tambien en La С se cambia algunas veces en M la G en У en la poesia. Esta última letra la G se pronuncia nasal cuando está eu medio de palabra y acentuada segun se nota en esta palabra manga que indica el plural. Las silabas Ge Ji se pronuncian muchas veces como guy la como J espanola la Q como A y la U como la espanola La pronunciacion de la g acentuada como en el monosilabo щ solo se puede aprender por el uso. Esta palabra no es mas que una conjuncion eufónica que se coloca entre toda especie de dicciones. Asi se traducirá la [65]proposicion hermoso cahallo mabuting ñga cavayo en vez de mabwting cavayn uniendo el adjetivo al sustantivo. La lengua espanola ha introducido con sus caracteres otras muchas novedades en los pueblos cultos pero ha dejado intacta la pronunciacion. Estas lenguas tienen sus nombres declinables por seis casos tienen tambien sus conjugaciones de modo que puede escribirse en las tagala y visaya como en las europeas. Asi es que se han publicado obras en prosa y en verso entre lias tratados sagrados poemas tragedias y odas que han sido impresas en Manila. La pasion ha sido completamente traducida y los indios de aquella y sus atrededores la cantan durante los cuarenta dias de la cuaresma haciéndolo muchas veces reunidos acompanándose con

una música por cierto no muy agradable. Los idiomas de los naturales sumisos á los espanoles pueden reducirse al tagalo pampango zombal á los de Pangasinan Cagayan llocos Camarines ó vicol al Vi sayo Vatonés y el chamorro. El tagalo y el visayo pueden considerarse como las lenguas madres. Se habla la lengua tagala que es la mas estendida en las provincias de Tonda Bu lacan Bataan Satangas Laguna Nueva Ecija Tayabas Cavite Mindoro y Zamboanga. Tambien se habla en las islas Marianas á donde la llevaron los deportados. Se habla la visaya en todas las islas visayas pero se diferencia en algunas provincias de modo que los habitantes de Iloilo no entienden bien á los de Samar no obstante hallarse en frecuentes relaciones. Por esto se divide la visaya en cuatro dialectos

i. El de la isla de Panay que se habla en Iloilo en las pequeñas islas de Romblon Tablas y Sebuyan en la parte noroeste de la de los Negros en Zamboanga en las provincias de Misamis y Caraga

2 El de Capis que se diferencia poco del de Iloilo 5 El Cebúano que muchos consideran como lengua particular este se habla tambien en la isla de Bohol y en la parte de la de los Negros que mas se aproxima á la de Cebú. Sus naturales comprenden fácilmente el de Iloilo 4 El de las islas Calamianes y Paragna en la parte sumisa á los espanoles este es el resultado dela mezcla de las lenguas tagala y visaya. Los demas idiomas se hablan solo en las provincias de que toman nombre. La isla de Mindanao está como la de Luzon dividida en gran número de tribus teniendo todas ellas sus dialectos particulares que seria imposible detallar no obstante la lengua mas general es la illana semejante á la malaya. En Luzon los igorrotes tinguianes fugaos gaddanes ibilaos i letapanes negritos ó itus raza primitiva diseminada en casi todas las cordilleras ete hablan dialectos que varian hasta por tribus ó rancherias fíC [66]

#history: language documentation (Spanish period) NEW #chapter 1 #writing systems #lost tribes of israel #phonotactics

Buzeta, Manuel, and Felipe Bravo. 1851. Diccionario geográfico, estadístico, histórico de las Islas Filipinas. Vol. 2. Madrid: D. José C. de la Peña.

LOON: pueblo con cura y gobernadorcillo, en la isla de Bohol, adscrita á la prov. y dióc. de Cebú; SIT. sobre la costa occidental de dicha isla , en una altura ó cerro donde le combaten todos los vientos; su CLIMA es bastante cálido. Administran este pueblo los PP. Recoletos ; tiene con su anejo Catarbacan unas 1,897 casas con la parroquial y de comunidad, que son las mejores; en esta última se halla la cárcel. Hay también una escuela de primeras letras , cuyo maestro tiene una asignación pagada de los fondos de comunidad. La igl. es de mediana fábrica, se fundó bajo la advocación de Nuestra Señora del Cerro, y se halla servida por un cura de la mencionada orden. El TERM. confina con los de Malabuyoc y Calapa, siendo el terreno fértil, con estensas llanuras. PROD. arroz, tabaco, algodon y otras varias. IND.: la agrícola , la caza, a pesca y la fabricación de algunas telas.

El carácter de estos naturales no desmiente el de sus antepasados de la isla, son muy indómitos, y algunos suelen fugarse con los [168] remontados, que son aquellos indios que se internan en la isla, habitando los montes y espesuras de los bosques. POBL. 10,765 alm. y en 1845 pagaba 2,088 trib. que ascienden á 20,880 rs. plata, equivalentes á 52,200 rs. vn. 169

#history of loon

Semper, Carl. 1869. Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner. Würzburg: A. Stuber.

An der Ostküste Mindanao’s, einer der ältesten und ergebensten Provinzen, wurde noch vor 40-50 Jahren nur der einheimische Dialect gesprochen, und die Priester bedienten sich hier sogar, wei man sagt, in ihrem officiellen Verkehr bis in den Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts hinein der alten malaiischen buchstaben. 81

[Trans from United States Bureau of the Census 1905, p577: “On the east coast of Mindanao, one of the oldest and most settled provinces, the native dialect was exclusively used until forty or fifty years ago, and the priests used the old Malay alphabet until the beginning of the century, even in their official business.”

1880. Manual para uso de los párrocos y demas que desempeñan el sagrado ministerio en Filipinas, añadido y corregido con mucho esmero: en esta Tercera Edicion: Por Mandato y con Aprobacion del Excmo. É Ilmo. Sr. D. Fr. Pedro Payo, Arzobispo Metropolitano de estas Islas. Parte II. Manila: Imprenta del Colegio de Santo Tomas, Á Cargo de D. G. Memije.

[PK: My translation]

De las bendiciones About the blessings

Avertencias generales General warnings

Reglas generales acerca de las bendiciones. General rules about the blessings.

Bendiciones que pueden dar todos los Sacerdotes

Blessings that can be given by all Priests

Bendicion de la muger despues del parto Blessing of a woman after childbirth

Bendicion del agua Blessing of water

Bendicion de candelas fuera del dia de la Purificacion

Blessing of candles outside the day of Purification

Bendicion de casas fuera del dia de Sábado Santo

Blessing of houses outside Holy Saturday

Bendicion de lugar Blessing of a place

Bendicion de casa nueva Blessing of new house

Bendicion del tálamo Blessing of the bridal chamber

Bendicion de nueva nave Blessing of a new ship

Bendicion del cordero pascual Blessing of the Pascal lamb

Bendicion de huevos Blessing of eggs

Bendicion de pan Blessing of bread

Bendicion de frutos nuevos Blessing of new fruit

Bendicion de cualquier comestible Blessing of anything edible

Bendicion de aceite simple Blessing of ordinary oil

Bendicion de la tierra sembrada ó plantada Blessing of sown or planted land

Bendicion de semillas Blessing of seeds

Bendicion del granero, ó de las mieses segadas

Blessing of a barn, or harvested crops

Bendicion de la primera piedra de un edificio

Blessing of the foundation stone of a building

Bendicion de puente nuevo Blessing of a new bridge

Bendicion de fuente Blessing of a spring

Bendicion de pozo Blessing of a well

Bendicion de infante Blessing of infants

Bendicion de niños Blessing of children

Bendicion de caballos y de otros animales Blessing of horses and other animals

Bendicion de animales enfermos Blessing of sick animals

Bendicion del Estandarte procesional Blessing of the processional Banner

Bendicion de la espada Blessing of the sword

Bendicion de la bandera militar Blessing of the military flag

Bendicion de las mortajas Blessing of the shrouds

Bendicion para cualquier cosa, que no tuviere fórmula particular

Blessing for anything that has no particular formula

Bendiciones que corresponden á los Párrocos.

Blessings specific to parish priests

Beddicion de las casas en Sábado Santo Blessing of houses on Holy Saturday

Bendicion para expeler de los campos las langostas, topos, gusanos, insectos y otros animales nocivos

Blessing to rid the fields of locusts, moles, worms, insects and other pests

Para las aguas infectas For infected water

Otra bendicion deprecatoria contra las ratas, langostas, topos y gusanos

Another supplicatory blessing against rats, locusts, worms and moles

Bendicion comun de los frutos y viñas General blessing of fruits and vines

Bendiciones que corresponden á los Sres. Blessings specific to Bishops, and to

Obispos y á los Sacerdotes que tienen facultad especial

Priests who are granted special powers

Bendicion de los ornamentos Sacerdotales en general

Blessing of Priestly ornaments in general

Bendicion de cada ornamento en particular Blessing of each specific ornament

Bendicion de los manteles ó lienzos del sagrado Altar

Blessing of tablecloths or sacred altar cloths

Bendicion de los corporales Blessing of the corporals [chalice cloths]

Bendicion del tabernáculo ó vaso para conservar el Santísimo Sacramento

Blessing of the tabernacle or receptacle for preserving the Holy Sacrament

Bendicion de la Cruz nueva Blessing of a new Cross

Bendicion de las Imágenes de N. S. Jesu-cristo, de María Santísima y demas Santos

Blessing of the Image of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Holy Mary and other saints

Bendicion de las Imágenes de la Santísima Trinidad

Blessing of the Images of the Holy Trinity

Bendicion de telégrafo Blessing of the telegraph

Bendicion de los caminos de hierro y de sus coches

Blessing of the railroads and their carriages

Rito que debe observar el Sacerdote facultado por el Sr. Obispo para bendecir y poner la primera piedra de una Iglesia

Rite to be observed by the priest empowered by the Bishop to bless and lay the first stone of a Church

Rito de bendecir nueva Iglesia, ú oratorio público, para que alli se pueda celebrar el santo sacrificio de la Misa

Rite for the blessing of a new church, or of a public oratory, so that the holy sacrifice of the Mass may be celebrated there

Rito de reconciliar la Iglesia violada, que no estaba consagraba por el Obispo

Rite to reconcile a desecrated Church, which was not consecrated by the Bishop

Rito de bendecir nuevo Cementerio por el Sacerdote delegado por el Obispo

Rite for the blessing of a new cemetery by a Priest delegated by the Bishop

Rito de reconciliar un Cementerio violado, sea contiguo ó separado de la Iglesia cuando ésta no ha sido violada

Rite for the reconciliation of a desecrated cemetery, be it contiguous with or separated from a Church that has not itself been desecrated

Método de dar Bendicion Pontfícia al pueblo, y Rito que se debe observar por los Sacerdotes, á quienes comete la Santa Sede esta facultad

Method of giving a Pontifical Blessing to the people, and the Rite that must be observed by Priests, to those who grant the Holy See this power.

Bendiciones con Indulgencia concedidas por privilegios á los M. RRR. PP. Regulares

Blessings with indulgence granted privileges to M. RRR. PP. Regulars

Bendicion de las candelas de la cofradia del Rosario, ó de buena muerte

Blessing of the candles of the Confraternity of the Rosary, or a good death

Bendicion de los Rosarios Blessing of Rosaries

Bendicion del cordon de San Francisco Blessing of the cordon of San Francisco

Bendicion del hábito de San Franciso para mortaja

Blessing of the habit of San Francisco to shroud

Bendicion del escapulario del Cármen Blessing of the scapular of Carmen

Bendicion de la correa de Ntro. Padre San Agustin

Blessing of the belt Our Father Saint Agustine

Bendicion é imposicion del escapulario azul de la inmaculada Concepcion

Blessing and imposition of blue scapular of the Immaculate Conception

Bendicion del cíngulo del Angélico Doctor Santo Tomás de Aquino

Blessing of the Angelic Doctor cíngulo Aquinas

[...] [...]

Decretos interesantes de la S. C. de Ritos sobre varias materias de este Manual, que se dejaron de insertar en sus respectivos títulos

Decrees interesting S. C. Rites of several materials of this Handbook, which is left to insert in their respective titles

n.p. N.P.

Otra bendicion deprecatoria contra las ratas, langostas, topos y gusanos

Nota: El Papa Benedicto XIV, en la institucion 47, considerando lo extenso de las bendiciones anteriores, propone al número 20 la siguinte mas breva y llena de piedad, de la cual usó algunas veces el Papa Benedicto XIII, para libertar al campo Romano de la plaga de esto perniciosos animales.

Llegado el Párroco á los campos infestados, y revestido de sobrepelliz y estola morada, dirá:

Aña. Exúrge, Dómine, ádjuva nos: et líbera nos propter nomen tuum. Salmo Deus, áuribus nostris audívimus: patres nostri annuntiavérunt nobis. y. Glória Patri, etc. Sicut erat, etc. y se repite la Aña. Exúrge, Dómine, etc. Exúrge, Dómine, etc.

y. Adjutórium nostrum in nómine Dómini. r). Qui feci cœlum et etrram. y. Domine, exaudi orationem meam. R). Et clamor meus ad te véniat. y. Dóminus vobíscum. Et cum spíritu tuo.

OREMUS

Preces nostras, quæsumus Dómini, cleméntèr exáudi:ut qui justè pro peccátis nostri afflígimur, et hanc múrium (vel locastárum, vel bruchórum, vel vérmium, sive aliorum animalium) persecutiónem pátimur, pro tui nóminis glória ab ea misericórditèr liberémur; ut [53] tua poténtia procul expúlsi (vel expúlsæ) nulli nóceant, et campos, agrósque nostros in tranquillitáte ac quiéte dimíttant, quálenùs ex eis surgéntia et orta tuæ majestáti desérviant, et nostræ necessitáti subvéniant. Per Christum Dóminum nostrum. Amen. 54 [more follows]

Trans: Another supplicatory blessing against rats, locusts, moles and worms

Note: Pope Benedict XIV, in institution 47, considering the length of the earlier blessings proposed for number 20 the following much briefer and more pious one, which was sometimes used by Pope Benedict XIII, to liberate the Roman countryside from the plague of these pernicious pests

[PK: See my photographs of this text for more]

#urasyun

Zueco de San Joaquin, Ramon. 1884. Método del Dr Ollendorff para apprender á leer, hablar y escribir un idioma cualquiera adaptado al Bisaya. Manila: Amigos del Pais.

[Description: a series of scripted questions and answers of increasing difficulty. A kind of written immersion/comprehension exercise. There are no remarks on Boholano dialect despite what is said in Blake]

Rizal, José. [1886] 2008. Noli me tangere. Barcelona: Linkgua ediciones S.L.

[¿Escribe en jeroglíficos? Y ¿por qué? –preguntó el joven dudando de lo que veía y oía.

–¡Para que no me puedan leer ahora!

Ibarra se le quedó mirando de hito en hito, pensando si el viejo estaría en efecto loco. Examinó rápidamente el libro para ver si no mentía y vio muy bien dibujados animales, flores, pies, manos, brazos, etc.

–Y ¿por qué escribe usted entonces si no quire que le lean? [163]

–Porque no escribo para esta generación, escribo para otras edades. Si esta me pudiera leer, quemaría mis libros, el trabajo de toda mi vida; en cambio, la generación que descifre esto caracteres será una generación instruida, me comprenderá y dirá: «¡No todos dormían en la noche de nuestros abuelos!». El misterio o estos curiosos caracteres salvarán mi obra de la ignorancia de los hombres, como el misterio y las extraños ritos han salvado a muchas verdades de las destructoras clases sacerdotales.

–Y ¿en qué idioma escribe usted? –preguntó Ibarra después de una pausa.

–En el nuestro, en el tagalo.] 164

“You write in hieroglyphics? But why?”, asked the young man, doubting what he has seeing and hearing.

“So that they cannot read me now!”

Sanchez de la Rosa, Antonio. 1887. Gramatica hispano-visaya, con algunas lecciones prácticas, intercaladas en el texto, que facilitan á los niños indigenas de las provincias de Leyte y Samar la verdadera y genuina expresión de la lengua castellana, compuesta pore el M.R.P. Fr Antonio Sanchez de la Rosa del seráfico órden de San Francisco de Asis. Manila: Imprenta Amigos del Pais, 1887.

[Description: two columns with spanish on the left and visayan on the right, comprehension exercises. Still using Latin categories (despite being for native speakers of visayan, eg Nominativo, Genetivo, Dativo, Acusativo, Vocativo, Ablativo]

Al Excmo Sr. D Emili Terrero y Perinat, teniente general de los ejercitos espanoles, caballero de la gran cruz etc....Gobernador capitan general de estas islas, etc.

Consagrábase la heroóica España en engrandecer á la dignidad humana introduciendo en los territorios conquisatdos y civilizados allende los mares la luz salvadora de la verdad evangélica, y con ella los principios más sanos y adecuados á la verdadera [2] civilización y á las necesidades respectivas, estrechando las relaciones, que la unían con razas inferiores por su decaimiento é ignorancia de las verdádes eternas, imponiéndole su caballerosidad el respeto y la consideración con que debía tratarlas y la obligación de ayudarlas á salir del lamentable estado en que vegetaban arrastrando una existencia indigna de seres racionales, criados por Dios y redimidos con el precio infinito de la preciosísima sangre de su Unigénito Hijo.

Pronto se reconoció como uno de los medios más importantes á este fin, instuir á los indios en un idioma que les pusiera en contacto inmediato con los progresos del mundo sábio, trjera hasta ellos las raudales de la civilización cristiana, y los hiciese capaces de conocer con alguan exactitud el Evangelio, y de penetrarse de la vivicante sávia del catolicismo, que tanto ennoblece al alma excitando en ella ideas grandes y aspriaciones elevadas. Desde aquel instante y guidada únicamente por tan levantados propósitos, empezó España á extender por sus conquistas el conocimiento de la lengua castellana con resolución inquebrantable, que no ha podido entibiar nunca la tenaz resistencia que en el trascurso de los siglos le han opuesto obstáculos insuperables. 3

--Fr Antonio Sanchez

#language policy: Spanish (new) #chapter 1

El rey de Cebú, que se llamaba Hababár, soberesalió en el afecto á Magallanes, y trabó conversación con él. Hamabár, tenia un sobrino enfermo, y magallanes le curó, y dió la no esperada salud. El rey dió muchas gracias al que había curado á su sobrino, y también suplicó que le enseñase la religión santa. Magallanes mandó á un Padre que instruyese á Hamabár y sus vasallos, é instruidos ya en las verdades divinas, pidió Hamabár el bautismo y ochocientas personas más. Aprende, niño, á no olvidar jamás la religión santa, que recibiste en el bautismo. 24 [PK: a language exercise, with Visayan trans below]

#chapter 4

An hadi su Sugbu nga guinha Hamabar, nahagugma caopay can Magallanes, ug nagcarocayacan sa iya. Si Hamabar may usa nga (tild) omancon nga masaquit ngan si Magallanes nacabolong sa iya ug nacaopay mán. An hadi nagpasalamat sin daco san nacaopay san iya amancon, ug nquimalooy man nga catuddoan siya san religión nga santa. Si Magallanes nagsugo sa usa nga Padre nga magtutdo can Hamabár ngan san iya mga (tilde) nasa sacopan, ug san tatudoan na sira san mga camatuoran nga diosnon, napabuniag si Hamabár ngan sin ualo pá cagatos nga mga tauo. Pagaram ca, bata san diri guipahon pacalimot san religión nga santa, nga nacarauat mo san pagbuniagui sa imo.

#chapter 4

de los Reyes y Florentino, Isabelo. 1889. Las Islas Visayas en la Epoca de la Conquista. Manila: De Chofré.

Las islas que se encuentran al SE. de Luzón fueron llamadas Visayas, es decir, pintadas, por los españoles, porque muchos de sus habitantes se pintarrajeaban. 7


Como queda dicho, estas islas se llamaron Visayas (corrupción de Bisayos), porque algunos de sus habitantes (no todos, como aseveran otros autores modernos) se tatuaban. 13

Los visayas conservaban la siguiente conseja sobre la creación del Universo.

En un principio no había mas que el cielo y el agua y entre ellos volaba sin cesar un milano, buscando un punto donde poder posarse; y ho habiéndolo hallado, revolvió el agua, la cual en encrespadas olas se levantó hacia el cielo. Este, temiendo que el elemento líquido lo sumergiese, lo cargó de islas para que su peso lo obligase á estar tranquilo y para que el milano tuviese dónde anidar.

Y estando el milano en la playa, los olas arrojaron á sus pies un trozo de caña compuesto de dos cañutos; de furor lo abrió á picotazos y de un cañuto salió un varón y del otro una mujer.

Estos, pues, eran el Adán y la Eva de los visayas primitivos. 17

PK: this story is also in Loarca.

#origin myths #commensuration

Aunque á la llegada de los españoles encontraron en Visayas algunos mahometanos, éstos no eran naturales de aquellos islas. 41

#eskayan etymology: ara #chapter 7

[The Visayans] Conocían la existencia de un Ser supremo que los de Limasaua denominaban Abba, y los de otras islas Laon, Dia, ó Sidapa. Este era el verdadero dios, el creador de todas cosas, bien-hechor, que según los Bisayas, moraba en el monte Madias de Iloilo, que era su ologan (cielo) 41

#eskayan etymology: ara #chapter 7 #lost tribes of israel


Parece ser que los visayas también conocían una especie de Obispo, lammado Sonat por los antíguos taglos, superior á los demás ministros [43] de los dinatas. Al menos en la secta que pretendió en 1673 un visaya, habia Obispo y hasta Papa.

#syncretism #chapter 1

Los visayas eran aficionados á las bebidas, especialmente los principales, considerándose la embriaguez como cosa digna de loa y propia de personas honradas. 49

#funny

De los antiguos, hubo autor que supusiera que los filipinos nacieron ex putre; otro que el autor de sus días es el sol; quién que fueron creados por arte de mágicos ó de los íncubos, en el Orígen de los indios, de dominico P. Fr. Gregorio García, obra citada por los antíguos, se hallan enumeradas casi todas estas opiniones.

También se creyó antíguamente que los igorrotes, tinguianes, zambales y otros montese procedieran de Malabar y Coromandel en Dekkan del Indostán. 5


Unos como Geler pretenden encontrar pruebas irrefragables de que los filipinos somos descendientes de los árabes [...] 57


-Filipinos = papuas de Melanesia

-aetas = raza especial

60


A la raza malaya pertenecen los visayas y otros filipinos que tienen los mismos rasagos [60] fisonómicos; pero la raza malaya en Filipinas no es pura.

El citado orientalista francés [Montano] divide la raza malaya, que existe en este Archipiélago en tres sub-razas: la mestiza de negrito, la mestiza de chino, y la mestiza de indonesiano y árabe. 61

[PK: this goes into much finer detail over next few pages]


A Borneo llegaron los malayos, de Sumatra, país primitivo de los malayos según creencia común. ¿Pero no pudo también la dirección de las invesiones (sic) malayas habr sido de Este á Oeste, es decir, de Filipinas á Sumatra? 69

#second-wave migration theory

Efectivamente, en Sumatra está la laguna de Toba, cuyas riberas estan pobladas de battaks (sic), malayos puros, cuyas facciones, dialecto y costumbres se asemejan mucho á los de los malayos filipinos, como demostrarémos en su lugar.

Prichard, fundándose en razones filológicas, cree que las emigraciones malayas partieron de Sumatra.

Los autores llaman tagalos solo á los que pueblan las costas del centro de Luzon; pero para éstos, tal denominación es comun á todos los malayos filipinos, incluso los ilocanos, bícoles, visayas etc. [...]

Y á la verdad sería más propia que la de indios (por que no son de la India), indígenas (por que esta palabra significa naturales y es aplicable á cualquier hijo de vecino), y filipinos (por que este vocablo no distingue las rosas y se puede dar lo mismo al hijo de europeos nacido en Filipinas, que á un está de Visayas). 72


El P. San Agustin confirma lo que dice el P. Colin y escribe: “Los visayas tienen sus letras y caracteres como los de los Malayos, de quienes los aprendieron y como ellos escriben con unos punzones en cortezas de caña y hojas de palmas; pero nunca se les halló escritura antigua alguna, ni luz de su orígen y venida á estas Islas”. 92

#writing system

“El orígen indio [de India] de estos alfabetos no se puede ponder en duda” 93

#writing system

[Discussing the comparative method:]

Y efectivamente, no basta que nos fijemos en la terminología, pues en todos los idiomas no faltan vocablos comunes á otros, lo cual justifica por otra parte la existencia de una solo lengua matriz, probablemente ya estinguida desde la Torre de Babel.

Así es que en dialecto visaya no faltan voces hebreas, latinas, francesas, italianas, alemanas, chinas, etc. 98


Los indígenas son naturalmente corruptores de lenguas é inventores de mil y mil términos nuevos: el tranvia, por ejemplo, cuando aun no contaba un año en el Archepiélago, ya estaba filipinizado, dando este nombre los de Manila á la muger pública. 99

#language documentation: diversity

[...] por ejemplo gamút, en tagalo significa medicamento y en ilocano veneno; kayo, en tagalo es tela, y en ilocano madera; etc 99

#language documentation: diversity

Rizal, José. [ca. 1884] 1972. Reflections of a Filipino [Penasamientos de un Filipino]. In Encarnación Alzona (trans.), Political and historical writings, vol. 7. Manila: National Historical Institute.

[Fn: A staticstical essay by Rizal entitled Pensamientos de un Filipino. It is unisgned and without date. In the opintion of the hero’s nephew, Dr. Leoncio López Rizal, it was written at Madrid between 1883 and 1885. The original is in the Bureau of Public Libraries]

For what do we need Spanish? To know the beautiful stories and theories of liberty, progress and justice, and afterwards get to like them? To understand the laws, know our rights and then find inpractice other laws and other things different from them. Of what use is the knowledge of Spanish? We can speak to God in all languages ... if it were Latin I say, well. The curate says that God listens first to the prayers in Latin before those in tagalog. That’s why Mases are in Latin and the curates live in abundance and we the Tagalogs are badly off. 11

#urasyun

Rizal, José. [1888] 1972. Ma-Yi. In Encarnación Alzona (trans.), Political and historical writings, vol. 7. Manila: National Historical Institute.

We believe Pu-li-lu to be Bohol, for “people of a cruel disposition” would be to the Chinese the warlike Boholanos, who even now boast of being brave. 45

#folk etymology #toponyms #chapter 3

Rizal, José. [1889] On travel [Los viajes] La Solidaridad, 15 May. [PK: Cannot find original text, only a translation online: http://www.rizalinfo.net/PlaysDetails.asp?TableIndex=12, Accesed 2 April, 2014]

Just as it is said that man is multiplied by the number of languages he possesses and speaks, so also is his life prolonged and renewed as he goes travelling in different countries.

#article: rizal

Rizal, José. [1889-1890] 1972. The Philippines a century hence [Filipinas dentro de cien años]. In Encarnación Alzona (trans.), Political and historical writings, vol. 7. Manila: National Historical Institute.

[PK: serialised in La Solidaridad Sept. 1889 to January 1890]

Then began a new era for the Filipinos; little by little they lost their old traditions, the mementos of their past; they gave up their writing, their songs, their poems, their laws in order to learn by rote other doctrines whichy they did not understand, another morality, another aesthetics [130] different from those inspired by their climate and their manner of thinking. Then they declined, degrading themselves in their own eyes; they became ashamed of what was their own; they began to admire and praise whatever was foreign and incomprehensible; their sprit was dismayed and it surrendered. 131

#colonial mentality

de los Reyes y Florentino, Isabelo. 1889. El folk-lore Filipino. Manila: De Chofré.

[PK: In the introduction, de los Reyes emphasises the importances of documenting Filipino folklore in order to reconstruct prehistory, and to inspire patriotism]

En 25 de Marzo de 1884, La Oceanía Española habló por vez primera del asunto en su artículo de fondo titulado “Folk-Lore de Filipinas,” invitando á sus lectores á aportar su contingente y para ello les trazó un programa más ó menos completo. 12

D. José Lacalle y Sanchez [...] autor del etnográfico libro Tierras y Razas [...] con el pseudónimo de Astoll. [...] [13]:

“[...] Y por eso la ciencia antropológica sabe del hombre filipino tanto como de los habitantes de la luna. Y la etnología, la etnografía, la lingüística y otros ramos del saber, solo saben... que no saben nada... Y teniendo en cuenta por otra parte, que el primitivo pueblo filipino no dejó su pasado escrito en papeles ni monumentos, claro aparece que solo en la tradición, en las práctica supersticiosas, en las costumbres primitivas que hoy se conservan por muchos, es posible encontrar los materiales necesarios á la obra histórica que nos ha de proporcionar el útil conocimeinto de tiempos y cosas que pasaron. —Cuando la locomotora cruce los campos filipinos y ponga en comunicación todas las provincias, llegarán á éstos los hábitos y costumbres de los modernos pueblos y desaparecerán, como van desapareciendo de Manila, los usos propios de este hermoso pais.—[14] Y si antes que esto ocurra, no se han recogido los materiales existentes, la historia perderá una de sus hojas mas curiosas; aquella destinada á las regiones levantadas sobre el Océano.—¿Quién se decidcará á explotar los tesoros de la tradición?—El Folk-Lore podría encargarse de ello. [...]” 15

[PK: Note that Lacalle y Sanchez is worried about folklore disappearing but assumes stationary and isolated Filipino populations, not exposed to cosmopolitan influences]

#folk literacy #article: grimm

En Ilocos Norte no se conoce al katatao-an. En cambio tienen á los llamados sangkabagí que son análogos al primero y creo que katatao-an y sangkabagí indican un mismo anito, lo cual no será extraño porque en Ilocos Norte hay palabras que no se entienden en Ilocos Súr, como salaysay, kain, buyubuy etc. Hay en Ilocos Norte curanderos que pretenden ser amigos de los sangkabagí y dicen que por ningún valor se ganan al parecio de los espresados anitos. Estos se aparecen á media noche y sus escogidos en las ventanas ó en los agujeros, desde donde les despiertan con voz apenas perceptible y les haces embarcarse en una barañgayó nove aerostática, parecida á la de los katatao-an, en la cual viajan por el espacio á la una de la madrugada dando en media hora la vuelta al rededor del mundo. El vulgo ilocano dice que los sangkabagí se aparecen á muchos; pero algunos hombres no aceptan su amistad, porque estos anitos prohiben á sus amigos usar rosarios [30] oir misa, persignarse y cuplir con sus obligaciones religiosas de cristiano, confesando los sangkabagí que no pueden acercarse á sus amigos, si estos practican actos piadosos.

Los sangkabagí se vengan de los que desdeñan su amistad, arrastrándoles por el suelo cuando están dormidos ó llevándoles á otros lugares ó sacándoles el hígado para llenar el hueco con yerbas. Y cuéntase que los sangkabagí tienen una vista tan perpicaz, que pueden ver las entrañas de los hombres vivos, al través de la piel. Y otras veces hace que el anay (tornes monoceros) ó el gorgojo destruyan las ropas, el palay, el maiz y

semillas de la persona que les haya causado algún disgusto. En cambio, entregan á sus amigos mas estimados, un libro (llamado) de la compañia [fn: Esta preocupación indudablemente fué añadida por los españoles á las puramente ilocanas. Hay una conseja, según la cual los Jesuitas poseen libritos milagrosos] y este libro les conducirá con inconcebible (sic) prontitud á donde quieran aunque sea á lugares muy lejanos, con solo señalar el sitio á donde deseen trasladarse. 31

#folk literacy

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to transport possessor to desired destination

#urasyun

Los ilocanos tienen curanderos supersticiosos, denominados maibangbangon, mango-odon y amigos de los sangkabagí ; á los llamados mannuma (tauak en tagalo) que dicen haber nacido en un mismo día que una culebra y por esta sola circunstancia son respetados y temidso por los reptiles y tienen poder para curar por medio de piedras milagrosas las mordeduras de las culebras y son obedecidos cuano llaman con un silbido á todos los reptiles del lugar donde ocurra la desgracia; y además, nosotros los ilocanos tenemos á los adivinos llamados mamadlés ómannilao. [...] [50]

Hay otras muchas maneras de avergiguar quién es el ladron de las cosas perdidas. Se escriben separadamente los nombres de los sospechosos en varios papelitos. Estos se ponen en una olla de agua hirviente; se enciended una vela bendita y se rezan unos credos. Al final de estas ceremonias, se examinan los papelitos, en los cuales desaparecerán los nombres escritos, except el del ladron. [fn: Los ilocanos á la llegada de los primeros españoles tenían escritura propia.]51

#urasyun

XVIII

Crímenes folk-lorísticos.—Anting-anting

Asi se llama en Fiipinas el amuleto, que ora nos libra de peligros, ora nos dá poderes maravillosos. Es propio de los bandidos, los cuales se sirven de él de buena fé ó acaso para rodearse de prestígio ante la gente menuda, quien por el anting-anting les teme casi tanto como á seres sobrenaturales. Hay muchas clases de amuletos: unos consisten en pieles [67] d fetos humanos, con que los bandidos se cubren el pecho, creyéndose asi invulnerables; otros son libritos impresos ó manuscritos como p. ej. la Oración del Testamento que fué hallado en el Santo Sepulcro de N. S. J., de la que un malhechor me propricionó una copia manuscrita.

Mas adelante hablaremos de otras clases de anting-anging; y aqui nos limitaremos á copiar alunos párrafos de una correspondencia de Vigan (Ilocos Sur) fechada en 19 de Julio de 1885 y publicada en La Oceania Espannola, y cumplimos con ello nuestro deber de folk-lorista, de mentar las relaciones de ciertas causas criminales con el Folk-Lore.

Dice la carta:

<<Hace algún tiempo que una cuadrilla de gente non sancta viene merodeando por estos alrededores y en algunos pueblos, ya asaltando algunas casas que se hallan en despoblado, ó á algunos pobres viandantes ó carretoneros que se arriesgan á seguir su

camino de noche; pero de pocos dias á esta parte se han propuesto llmara la atencioón con algunas fechorias más notables, cuando una muerte en Magsingal y otro en Sta. María.

Dos veces salió la Guardia civil á perseguirles en los sitios donde se decía que han sentado sus reales; pero no ha logrado verles el bulto.

Esta partida está capitaneada por un tal Estéban Sales, de quien se cuentan por estos naturales tantas hazañas bandoléricas, gracias á su anting-anting. Pero el mártes á media noche unos cuanto s hombres que se cree pertenecían á esta partida, se apostaron cerca de un puente en el pueblo de Santa María, e intentaron apoderarse de una cantidad bas-[68]tante considerable que el pueblo de Sta. Lucâ remitâ á esta cabecera, y eran más de dos mil pesos recaudados por el primer tercio de cédula personal é impuesto provincial; pero gracias á una precaución del conductor que pidió en Candon tres guardias para escoltar el carreton en que iba el caudal, no lograron su objeto, antes bien cayó en manos de los guardias el que hacía de jefe Fabian Ramos escapado de la cárcel, y los demaás se dieron á precipitada fuga.

Uno de los guardias fué herido en una mano al querer arrebatar un puñal que el malhechor llevaba, y éste á su vez quedó herido en una oreja. Dicen que llevaba puesta una cota hecha con pequeñas piezas cuadrilongas de carey y asta de carabao, unidas por medio de anillitas de alambre, y efectivamente, era un recurso defensivo que podía librarle de unos cuantos machetazos. Se encontraron también en él dos objetos, que según persona que los vió, parecian un garbanzo y una abichuela, y eran anting-anting, con los cuales se creîa invulnerable. De todos modos, es una parehensión importante.

Parece ser que esas preocupaciones son muchas veces la causa de que esos desgraciados se entreguen á una vida de peligros, pues creyendo poseer esos dones maravillosos, se engrien y buscan ocasiones de probar con esas aventuras que son hombres valerosos.>> 69

#chapter 7: bulto #article: vocabulary: bulto #antinganting #urasyun

Una campana de la iglesia de San Francisco de Manila fué hallada flotando en la bahia de esta ciudad y todas las órdenes religiosas hicieron grandes exfuerzos para sacarla á tierra: pero no lo consiguieron por su gran peso á pesar de su pequeñez y sólo cuando fueron los PP. Menores se dejó llevar con admirable facilidad. Segun la conseja, esta campana suena, sin tocarla. 72

Supersticiones [...]

Tesoros enterrados hay donde en noches de luna desaparecen gallina ó gallos blancos. [fn:2: Dicen en Lalabon que tambien bueyes.—De los Reyes] 137

#lost treasure

[A bell of the church of San Francisco de Manila was found floating in the bay of this city and all the religious orders to great pains to bring it to land, but despite its small size, the failed to do so due to its great weight, and only when the clergymen of San Francisco had left would it allow itself to be carried with surprising ease. They say that this bell sounds without being rung. ]

Si la última letra de un verso es vocal, todos los demás de la misma estrofa deben terminar en igual letra, advirtiendo que los filipinos suelen confundir la O con la U, y la E con la I, lo cual obedece á que los dialectos filipinos tenían sólo tres vocales en la

época de la Conquista, y en su antiquísimo alfabeto había una letra que representaba la E y la I indistintamente, porque entre estas letras no existía diferencia alguna y se usaban según los gustos de los que hablaban, si eran de poblado ó de campo. También había un carácter que del mismo modo represetaba la O que la U. 177

#phonotactics

Como en todo tiempo y en todas partes ocurre, no faltaron personas igeniosas ó malvadas que explotaran la credulidad de los supersticiosos ye el estado de ánimo de estas gentes, sacando nueva religión de la combinación de ciertas ideas cristianas ya algunas creencias supersticiosas, que el pueblo filipino se resistía á desterrar.

Estos nuevos apóstoles que se proponían hacer negocio con la religión, emplearon la prestigitación y otros medios análogos para embaucar á las gentes, ora haciéndose venerar como profetas inspirados por Dios, ora como dioses ó reyes mismos. A esto se prestó y se presta ahora, la noticía evangélica ó bíblica de que Dios algunas veces apareció como miserable mendigo ó en otra forma humana. Ningun indígena de Filipinas ignora ésto, y en provincias, se respeta mucho á los ancianos mendigo, <<porque—dicen—pueden ser el mismo Dios, que quiere probar nuestra largueza>>. 260

#chapter 8

[PK: What follows is a list of puluhan incidents from 1599 to 1888]

Los Dios-Dios é Diosdiosan, que tambi´n se llaman así, usan amuletos, piedras maravillosas, yerbas amatorias, y sería cuento de nunca acabar citarlos uno por uno.

Los bandidos sacan también buen partído de la credulidad de los ignorantes, haciéndose creer invulnerables, gracias á unos talismanes que llevan.

No creo que estos nueovs pseudo-profetas seban llamarse babailans ó katalonans, porque no son tales. Los que lo fueron, sólo existieron en la época de la conquista y antes de ella.

Aquellos representaban una verdadera religión con sus dogmas sobre los Dioses, el alma y otros puntos teológicos ó teogónicos; todos desempeñaban su papel de buena fé.

Los modernso son unos pillos, que viven y gozan á costa de la ignorancia y credulidad de los que les rodean; carecen de verdadera religión; meclan las ideas cristianas con las prácticas y preocupaciones más absurdas de la idolatría, y opino que ni ellos mismos creen en lo que dicen, porque saben que todos es invención suya.

Los mismos pseudo-profetas ignoran los nombres tradictionales de babailan y katalonan. Parece ser que un períodico de Iloilo, habiendo leido que los antiguos sacerdotes visayas se llamban babailanes, fué el primero en aplicar esto nombre á los seguaces de Bohaue. 266

#chapter 4 #chapter 8 #antinganting

Monografia de Malabon

[282]

[...]

Según datos estadísticos oficiales inéditos que tengo á la vista, el total de niños que existen en este pueblo, se calcula en 4118 de los cuales 400 saben leer; 450 leer y escribir, no saben leer ni escribir 3268: hablan el castellano 4 solamente. La proporción es dolorosa. 291 [PK: Approx 21 percent illiterate in Malabon in 1889]

#folk literacy

Rizal, José. [1890] 1972. On the idolence of the Filipinos [Sobre la indolencia de los filipinos]. In Encarnación Alzona (trans.), Political and historical writings, vol. 7. Manila: National Historical Institute.

[PK: Published in La Solidaridad, 1890]

#article: rizal

Man is not a brute, he is not a machine. His aim is not merely to produce despite the claim of some white Christians who wish to make of the colored Christian a kind of motive power somewhat more intelligent and less costly than steam. His object is to seek happiness for himself and his fellow men by gollowing the road towards progress and perfection. 231

In the negotiations for peace between the survivors of Magellan’s expedition and the chiefs of Paragua after the death of the servant-interpreter Henry, “they availed themselves of the services of a Moro who had been captured in the island of the King of Luzón who understood some Castilian,” (Martín Méndez, doc. cit.). 236

Man works for a purpose; remove the purpose and you reduce him to inaction. The most industrious man in the world will fold his arms the moment he learns that it is folloy to be so, that his work will be the cause of his trouble, that because of ti he will be the object of vexations at thome and the greed of the pirates from outside. It seems that these thought never crossed the minds of those who cry out against the indolence of the Filipinos. 243

We say the same about gambling. The word sugal (from the Spanish jugar, to gamble), like kumpisal (confesar, to confess to a priest) indicates that gambling was unknown in the Philippines before the Spaniards, the Tagalog word laró (from the Spanish barajar) proves that the introduction of playing-cards was not due to the Chinese, who also have a kind of playing-cards, because if it were so, it would have taken the Chinese name. What more? The words tayá (tallar, to bet), paris-paris (Spanish pares, pairs of cards), politana (napolitana, a winning combination of cards), sapote (to stack the cards), Kapote (to slam), monte (a card game) etc., all prove the foreign origin of this terrible plant which only produces vice and has found in the character of the Indio a suibalbe soil, fertilized by circumstances. 252

We have observed that the peoples who believe most in miracles are the laziest, just as spoiled children are the most ill-bred. Whether they believe in miracles to lull their laziness or they are lazy because they believe in miracles, we cannot say; but the fact is that the Filipinos were much less lazy before the word miracle was introduced into their language. 253

#whorf

[fn. Fray Miguel Lucio Bustamente, Si Tandang Basiong Macuntat, 1885, a pamphlet written in Tagalog against educating the Filipinos]

In addition to this, love of peace and the horror many have of accepting the few administrative posts that fall to the lot of the Filipinos on account of the troubles and annoyances they bring them, lead to the appointment of the most stupid and incompetent men to municipal posts—officials who submit to everything, who endure all the caprices and exactions of the curates and their superiors. And with imbecility in the lower echelons, and ignorance and giddiness in the upper, with the frequent changes and endless apprenticeships, with great fear and numerous administrative obstacles, with a voiceless people that have neither initiative nor cohesian, with government employees, who nearly all strive to amass a fortune and return to their country, with peopel who exist with great difficulty from birth, to create prosperity, to develop agriculture and industry, to establish enterprises and associations, which prosper with difficulty even in free and well-organised countries, cannot be expect to happen in the Philippines. 263

Rizal, José. [1893] 1961. Nueva ortografía del lenguaje Tagalog. In Elmer Wolfenden (ed.). A re-statment of Tagalog grammar. Manila: Summer Institute of Linguistics and Institute of National Language.

#article: rizal

[Fn: Obra escrita en Dapitan en 1893 y publicada en el No. 11. correspondiente al 13 de Diciembre de 1901, y sucesivos, de la revista hebdomadaria Escolar “La Albora”. There are indications that the wordinf of the title could have been ‘Nueva Ortografía de la Lengua Tagala’.]

[PK: sketch grammar with multiple comparisons with Spanish, English, Latin and German. Working with European categories. New categories were not introduced until Bloomfield. Some of his example comparisons demonstrate a poor analysis of European languages, eg, failing to recognise the French du as a suppletive combination of de and le.He identifies allophones]

Rizal, José. [n.d.] 1972. The people of the Indian archipelago. In Encarnación Alzona (trans.), Political and historical writings, vol. 7. Manila: National Historical Institute. 364-371

[Fn: This was first published ina Manila weekly called The Independent on 4 May 1918, pp. 20, 21. It is apparently a rough draft or notes taken by Rizal from the books cited by him. In his correspondence with Ferdinand Blumentritt, Rizal mentioned he was studying the origins of the Malay race and was buying books on the subject]

To give a gneral survey of the ethnogrpahy of the Malay peoples is in more ways than one a difficult task. Until now little that is accurate has been found about the relationship between the peoples of the Indian archipelago. Hardly do we know by name many of the peoples that inhabit it, especially those of the interior of the larger and smaller islands, little visited by Europeans. Finally, the old as well as the new traffic

between the peoples of the coast has produced such varied mixtures that easily disconcerts the judgment concerning their ethnographic relations, whether with reference to the physical or to the language, more so when at the same time are seen great difference in culture within the same tribe. 364

#chapter 1

Rizal, José. [n.d.] 1972. Notes on Melanesia, Malaysia and Polynesia. In Encarnación Alzona (trans.), Political and historical writings, vol. 7. Manila: National Historical Institute. 364-371

Everywhere can be found the phenomenon of a greater number of common words among peoples who live close to each other than among those which are distantly separated whether they are related or only come in contact with one another in their shifting commerce. At any rate, it should not be deduced from this any reason against their relationship through a common origin. But the objection to the point of view of Crawford is that he relies exlcusively on linguistic reasons, without himself being a linguist. It is a universally admitted truth, and often expressed by philologists in Germany at least, that it is not enough to forma judgment on the relationship of languages by the mere inventory of words that oud alike or in a way are similar together with some knowledge of the grammatcial construction of the same. For this it is necessary befhorehand to ahve an exact analysis of phonetics and of all the material that forms the language from the grammatical and etymological point of view. 377

#article: rizal

Retana, Wenceslao Emilio. 1894. Supersticiones de los indios filipinos: un libro de aniterías Madrid: Imprenta de la Viuda de M. Minuesa de los Ríos.

Á combatir las aniterías, palabra que, en los más de los casos, equivale á brujerías. Á combatir las aniterías han ido enderezados bastantes escritos de frailes celosos del prestigio de nuestra Religión, á par que amantes del bien-estar de aquellos naturales; por-[xviii] que éstos, por su sencillez, su credulidad, sus anchas tragaderas y, sobre todo, su apego á la tradición, han conservado, durante muchos años, de sus antiguas barbaries ciertas reminiscencias, á modo de levadura; y [xix] esta es la fecha en que todovía creen en brujos, duendes, viejos fantásticos, etc., no todos, claro está, pero sí una buena parte, á pesar del incessante desvelo de los religiosos, que uno y otro día les predican; los cuales brujos, duendes, viejos, etc., no son sino, como queda indicado, derivaciones más ó menos bastardeadas de los antiguos anitos y ficciones. xx

Es muy ordinario en los indios el traer consigo varias cosas para consequir efectos marabi-[xxvi]llosos. Vg. zedulas escriptos, Oraciones, viziadas ó misturadas con palabras ordenadas á su mal intento, yervas, raizes, cascaras, pelos, pellejos, hueso piedras, &c. Para efecto de no poder ser vencidos de no poder ser muertos, ó cogidos de la justicia, de consequir riquezas, mugeres y otras cosas. Son tambien moy in-[xxxvii]clinados acreer [sic] agueros, y dias de aciago, sobre que suelen tener varios quadernos moescritos, que se les debian quemar. xxxviii

Es de [xli] advertir, sin embargo, que en cierto modo existen precedentes; pero á fe que tales precedentes no creo que tengan la menor relación con los LIBROS DE ANITERÍAS filipinos. Ello es que allá por el siglo XVI, aquí en España se publicaron algunos devocionarios cuyas oraciones – por hallarse un tanto adulteradas, ó mejor, inficionadas de un cierto espíritu supersticioso – tendrían alguna analogía con las que se contienen en los antin-antines, si de estos á aquellos devocionarios no mediara la diferencia que existe entre un fanatismo mal entendido y una superstición derivada de bárbaras reminiscencias idolátricas. Los Tribunales competentes persiguieron los devocionarios, y estos son hoy de extraorinaria rareza; se les considera como joyas de inestimable valor bibliográfico. En cunato á los antin-antines de Filipinas, aparte de que ni en el fondo ni en la forma tienen seme-[xlii]janza, no es creíble que sean un remedo bastardeado de los devocionarios aludidos: primero, porque de éstos tal vez no fuese ninguno á las antiguas Islas del Poniente; y segundo, porque basta hojear un anting-anting para comprender que éstos son cosa del exclusivo ingenio de los indios: aquellos naturales á raiz de la Conquista, cuando tenían la mitad de la conciencia cristiana y la otra mitad, á ratos por lo menos, pendiente de la spreocupaciones heredadas, quisieron aprovechar lo mejor de unas y otras creencias religiosas, y de tal mescolanza provineiron los primeros libros: rezar á San Agustin, á San Pablo, etc., etc., pensarían, es cosa útil y de gran provecho; pero al propio tiempo no estará de más rezar al caimán, á cualquier anito... por lo que pueda ocurrir. La forma en que vemos escrita la palabra Jesucristo : Xpto, hoy de todo punto en desuso, es entre otras buena prueba de que el LIBRO que publico es una copia de otro más viejo, el que á su vez sería copia también... Esta serie de copias ha traído á la [xliii] larga una serie progresiva de equivocaciones, y de aquí el latín bárbaro, el castellano bárbero y aun el mismo pangasinán adulterado que resplandece en el maravilloso amuleto. Creo que las cifras cabalisticas, signos, y demás garabatos que ilustran el texto no significan nada; ni siquiera debemos considerarlos como remedo del antiguo abracadabra español; á mi juicio los primitivos autores de esta suerte de libros pusieron tales ilustraciones para deslumbrar á los legos en la materia, ó quizás para engañarles, que todo puede ser, y es, en efecto, pues así el amuleto sirve para los verdaderamente supersticiosos, como para los truhanes que, á la manera que algunos mediquillos, explotan la buena fe de los indios del montón. De sobra comprenderán los curanderos que sus oraciones no hace milagros; mas por lo que respecta á los sistemáticamente crédulos, ¡éstos si que conceden virtudes estupendas á cualquier anting-anting! Vaya en ejemplo. Érase un mestizo, cao de Infantería, que dueño de un amuleto [xliv] escrito, juraba y perjuraba que ninguna bala le penetraba en el cuerpo. Algún oficial lo supo y trató de disuadirle; pero el cabo, terne que terne, en cuanto tuvo ocasión se disparó un tiro de fusil en una de sus propias pantorrillas,... ¡y el pobre quedó cojo! Pues, cofo y todo, á pesar de haberse pasado meses enteros sufriendo horriblemente, aun seguía jurando y perjurando que, si se hizo daño, fue porque no había rezado la oración con el debido fervor... xlv

El original se halla escrito en papel azul finísimo, del llamdo comercial; la letra es bastarda; parece ser trabajo hecho entre los años 1845 y 1855. Consta de 52 hojas de texto más 10 en blanco. Está bastante manoseado. La letra varía de tamaño, así como varía el número de lineas de las páginas. Yo doy la copia á plana y renglón; y el tamaño de las hojas, es el mismo que tienen las cuadrículas que limitan las reproducciones por mí hechas con el mayor esmero. xlvi

Augustinian Recollects, records, 1898 Fr Felix Guillen de San Jose Agustino Recoleto Cura Parroco de Loon certifio:

Que en el Archivo de este Ministerio existe un Libro Titulado de “Cosas Notables” en cuya primera foya se encuentra su autorizacion en la forma siguinte:

Sirva este libro que consta de los fojas pr escribir en el por esta banda las cosas notables y sucesos que llaman la [...]

Terminada ya esta grandiosa obra y siendo que este pueblo [Loon] no tenia Escuelas en donde se pudiese dar á los niños de ambos sexos una instruccion religiosa moral y politica cualera conveniente y se ncesitaba principio la constuccion de las dos hermosas Escuelas que hoy se admiran á los dos lados de la plaza delante de la Igelsia, todas ellas de piedra con bonitos arcos en la planta y en en [sic] planta superior cuisten[?] los niños y niñas á sus respectivas Escuelas con suma holguera por les muy espaciosas. 3

Todo el furor satánico que alentaba al fanatismo de los ciegos sectatarios de Mahoma no era suficiente para apagar el divino fuego que de ardi en el corazon de estos Religiosos que no temian esponer sus vidas para salvar la temporal y eterna de sus nuevos feligreses y queridos boholanos. 5

#funny

All the satanic fury that spurred the fanaticism of the blind sectarians of Mohammed was not enough to snuff out the holy fire that burned in the hearts of these clergymen who feared not the expungement of their own lives to save the temporal and eternal lives of their new parishioners and beloved Boholanos. (Felix Guillen 1898)

1900–1909 Sawyer, Frederic H. 1900. The Inhabitants of the

Philippines. London: Sampson Low, Marston and Company.

In Bohol, Leyte, and Samar there are no heathen savages.

It may be said that the heathen in these islands would have died out before now but that they are reinforced continually by remontados, or fugitives from justice, also by people whose inclination for a savage life, or whose love of rapine renders the humdrum life of their village insupportable to them. 296

#history of bohol #definition: indigenous #chapter 1 [PK: add footnote to the effect that it is uncertain whether sawyer is referring to Bohol, Leyte and Samar or the Philippines at large]

RPC 1900 [1900], vol. 1. It is evident that the fitness of any people to maintain a popular form of government must be closely dependent upon the prevalence of knowledge and enlightenment among the mases. It is, therefore, of great importance that a clear understanding of the state of educational workin in the Philippines should be reached, especially as there is much popular misapprehension on this subject. 17

It is further and persistently charged that the instruction in Spanish was in very many cases purely imaginary, because the local friars, who were formerly ex officio school inspectors, not only prohibited it, but took active measures to enforce their dictum. This was especially true in [31] those towns where, on account of their remote situation, the provincial governor rarely intervened. We have been informed that in such regions even adults who had by one means or another acquired some knowledge of Spanish found it to their interest to confine themselves to the use of their native dialect. 32

It is further true that a small number have learned to read and write Spanish mechanically, with little or no knowledge of the words which they form or pronounce. 33

#folk literacy

The young Filipinos display a considerable aptitude for learning new tongues, and it is believed that if this policy is followed out, English can within a short time be made the official language of the archipelago. The commission strongly recommend that it be done. 34

Among the many preposterous statements which have appeared concerning the Philippines, perhaps the most ridiculous is that the percentage of illiteracy among the civilized natives is lower than among the inhabitants of Massachussetts. 37

#folk literacy

Instruction in the English language should be introduced as speedily as practicable into the primary schools. 41

To be eligible to the office of justice of the peace it is necessary that the person be for two years at least preceding the election a resident of the town; that he be more than 23 years old; that he know how to speak, read, and write the Spanish language; that he possess one or two academic titles; [etc] […] 59

In the Visayan Islands […] no civil government was established by the Spaniards […] 64

The system [of local governance?] will necessitate a small body of American officials of great ability and integrity, and of much patience and tact in dealing with other races; and (what will be still more difficult to find at the outset) they should know the country, have experience in dealing with the natives, and speak in addition to Spanish the language of the locality over which their jurisdiction extends. 98

Aguinaldo’s influence over the Tagalogs might, indeed, have been utilized had he not made war upon their liberators; 101

First, it is impossible, even approximately, to fix a time for the withdrawal of American sovereignty over the archipelago, as no one can foresee when the diverse peoples of the Philippine Islands may be molded together into a nationality capable of exercising all the functions of independent self-government. 103

With a view to facilitating the discharge of their official duties as well as to promoting mutual understanding, sympathy, and good feeling between Americans and Filipinos, the commission holds it essential that the American members of the regular Philippine civil service should be required to learn the language of the people (Tagalog, Ilocano, Visayan, Vicol, etc.) among whom they live, and that facility in the use of such vernacular be a condition of all promotion. This requirement should be extended to

the town and county commissioners or supervisors if they are not as a class brought under the provisions of the civil-service regulations. The more an American official has to do with natives the greater the need and the more imperative the duty of learning their language. By no other means can the two peoples be so speedily brought to understand and appreciate one another. Of course this recommendation is not inconsistent with another recommendation made by the commision—i.e., that English should be taught in the schools of the archipelago to the utmost extent feasible. 114

The only railroad in the Philippines is the line from Manila to Dagupan, a distance of about 120 miles. 127

#chapter 7

Many Visayans of this island [Panay] are opposed to the Tagalogs, however, and it is not believed that the latter can make a formidable resistance. In Samar, Leyte, and Masbate the Tagalog invaders are numerically few and are disliked by the natives of thse islands, whom they have oppressed. We were assured that 200 men would suffice to restore order in Mindoro. Bohol was asking for troups. 179

They [the civil government of Negros] believed themselves capable of managing their own affairs, but asked for a battalian of troops to hold in check the Babaylanes, a half-religious, half-anarchistic sect inhabiting the central mountain range, who for a number of years have plun-[179]dered and burned the plantations of the Spaniards. 180

[PK: what follows is an example of how the civil government failed to perform and the Americans had to take over. The lesson is held up as applicable to other parts of the country. All this under ‘The Lesson Taught by Negros’.]

In spite of the general use of the Spanish language by the educated classes and the considerable similarity of economic and social conditions prevalent in Luzon and the Visayan Islands, the masses of the people are without a common speech and they lack the sentiment of nationality. The Filipinos are not a nation, but a variegated assemblage of different tribes and peoples, and their loyalty is still of the tribal type. 182

ART. 93. The use of the languages spoken in the Philippines is optional. It can only be regulated by the law, and solely as to the acts of public authority and judicial affairs. For the purpose of thse acts shall be used at present the Castillian language. 200

RPC 1900 [1900], vol. 2. As for the island of Samar, you might send four or five. I have nothing to do with it, but, as for the islands of Leyte and Bohol, I should advise that no gunboat be sent, for the people would immediately take to the mountains, and a great many would die. They have nothing to eat; they are dying of hunger, and I wish to take right down there and sell at the regular rate, on my own account, an amount of rice. I would like a pass for this purpose from General Otis, so that if a gunboat should overtake the ship I was in I could continue on by showing my pass, and I could also use it to come back. 150

In saying culture I do not mean the simple knowledge to read and write, for there are perhaps 75 per cent of the population of the Philippines who know how to read and write mechanically, that is, they know how to make the letters only, without knowing how to read. They read, they make letters to write and to read, but only mechanically they can do it; they don’t understand the material that they are reading. The explanation of this is to be found in the existence of the two parties when the question

arose about the teaching of Spanish. The party of friars was headed by Gianca—and if a more eloquent witness is desired, one of them by the name of Miguel Lucio, a Franciscan friar, wrote a book in Tagalo, in which he maintained that it would not be advisable for the Filipinos to understand Spanish. 261

#literacy #article: broome [see also Hau and Tinto 2003] #folk literacy

By such historic testimony it can be explained why instruction was not more diffused in the Philippines. Now for actual ocurrences: The school-teachers who instruct their pupils well and in Spanish are all enemies of the priests and friars. 261

In case a school-teacher in the province wished to teach his scholars Spanish, and to teach them well, the parish priest immediately became his enemy; he would denounce him to the governor as a filibusterer or an enemy to the government; and as the Spanish preist was the ruler of the governor one word from him was enough to make it necessary for the schoolmaster to leave. And as the priest was the local inspector of the schoolmaster and the school he could do as he liked with the schoolmaster. I do not say that all the schoolmasters are incompetent, but I will say that all of them do not speak Spanish, and some of them but very little, and the friars do not wish them to teach it; and, in spite of all the acts and provisions that have been made for the teaching of Spanish, as a matter of fact it is not taught, because the friars are the ones in power. 262

#chapter 1

The opossition [to the diffusion of Spanish] was by the party I have spoken of before, headed by Father Guincia. I have the proofs of this, one of which is the speeches made by the party headed by Father Guincia, and another proof is the book written by a priest, Miguel Lucio. Now I will go on and give you some concrete examples. The principles of the opposition of the friars are as follows: In the first place, the friar being the inspector of local instucution, a single word from him was sufficient motive for the governor to cause a schoolmaster to lose his position. It is evident that when the matter of instruction is in the hands of the priests they can do as they like, and when they were oppposed to the speaking of Spanish, Spanish was not taught. I have known of cases in which the schoolmaster, because he wished to do his duty, has been put in jail. 262

Q. Did they teach Latin and Greek?—Yes, sir. 279

In the island of Bohol we only run to Ubay. That is a cattle port, and has been supplying the meat to the troops lately. Those are all the ports that we have open at the present moment. 292

Q. Would each one of these islands have to have a government of its own?—A. All except possibly Bohol and Masbate, which might be attached to one of the other Visayan Islands, although Masbate is nearer to Luzon than it is to, say, Cebu or Panay. […] Bohol is rather a poor island. 358

Q. Do they speak Spanish?—A. A certain number speak Spanish in all of the important towns. In Iloiolo, Cebu, and Manila, for instance, the majority of the population speaks Spanish, most of them very poorly and incorrectly. When you go out into the provinces and the smaller towns you will not find more than trhee or four or half a dozen who speak Spanish, sometimes not that many. 358

#chapter 9

Q. Do you think that the difference in dialects would cause difficulty in administering the government?—A. No, sir; I do not think so. If we will use Spanish for a time as the official language, later substituting English as the official language, all papers can be translated into the language of the province or locality to which they are sent. 358

There was a serious event occurred here in the time of General Weyler, when the priest wished a schoolmistress to come to church with the children; he did not allow her to answer him in Spanish, but in Tagalog. I know this schoolmistress, and cases of this nature have existed in all the Philippines. 406

#chapter 1

Q. Were the natives in the small towns who were able to speak Spanish ever punished or threatened for using that instead of their native language? —A. Yes, sir; they were. They ridiculed the native when he spoke Spanish, and if the Filipino continued speaking Spanish [406] and showed that he had a little civilization, in spite of their ridicule—and ridicule is a most serious thing to a Filipino—they persecuted him even to death. 407

#chapter 1

On account of the education in fanaticism which they have received, they regard life as a transitory state, and they are indifferent to death. 411

[at San Juan de Letran:]

First term , one year: Spanish and Latin grammar, Christian doctrine, sacred history.

Second term, one year: Spanish and Latin grammar (second course), instruction in general geogrpahy [etc]

Third term, one year: Latin analysis and translation, rudiments of the Greek language, and Christian morality [etc]

[PK: no more latin in following years]

459

RPC 1900, vol. 3, 403 ‘In place of F [the Filipinos] used a P and thus they wrote fuego instead of puego (sic). Y took the place of LL, and they said Yuvia instead of Lluvia. They used a similar method in writing other words, supplying the sounds for which they had no characters with similar sounds, a defect which they retain until to-day, for a similar misuse of consonants is to be heard amongst the Indians’ (RPC 1900, vol. 3, 403).

#phonotactics

Kayme, Sargent. 1901. Anting-anting stories: And other strange tales of the Filipinos. Boston: Small, Maynard & Company.

#antinganting #urasyun #lost treasure

[PK: In the Michigan Library version, the word ‘pseud.’ is handwritten next to Sargent Kayme’s name. The stories are fictional and not apparently derived in

any way from regional folklore. The introduction by ‘The Editor’ makes this claim: “That the truly remarkable stories written by Sargent Kayme do not exaggerate the realities of this strange life can be easily seen by any one who has read the letters from press correspondents, our soldiers, or the more formal books of travel.” (pvi). It’s a curious and unapologetically racist collection of stories in which white people, especially Americans, triumph in the face of cruel, superstitious and hysterical savages. See also Philip Jones commentary on H. Rider Haggard and tjurungas]

[From intro:]

Strangest, perhaps, of all these possibilities for fiction is the anting-anting, at once a mysterious power to protect its possessor and the outward symbol of the protection. No more curious fetich can be found in the history of folk-lore. A button, a coin, a bit of paper with unintelligible words scribbled upon it, a bone, a stone, a garment, anything, almost—often a thing of no intrinsic value—its owner has been known to walk up to the muzzle of a loaded musket or rush upon the point of a bayonet with a confidence so sublime as to silence ridicule and to command admiration if not respect.

—The Editor. vi

The anting-anting of Captain Von Tollig

[PK: Summary: Tagalog and American forces are at war on an island. Dead Tagalog soldiers are lined up outside the church awaiting burial in the morning. At night a Tagalog soldier approaches the bodies and rifles through the clothing of one of them and removes an object. He is discovered, chased and apprehended. The following day he is brought before Captain Von Tollig, searched and the object is found – “a little leather-bound book not more than two inches square” with words in an unfamiliar language. The captain finds a well educated lieutenant to try to translate the book suspecting that it may have contained messages from one enemy leader to another. The lieutenant says that he thinks the paper is too old to be dispatches and that the words seem to be “bad Latin”. He takes it away to study it. In the meantime the thief explains that the book is a powerful anting-anting that failed to protect its owner because the Americans attacked on the night of a full moon, the only time the charm loses its power. The thief is returned to prison. The lieutenant arrives with a translation of the charm, which turns out to be a message from a dying Spaniard wishing to explain the whereabouts of his buried gold. The end of the message reads” “Where three islands lie out at sea in a line with a promontory like a buffalo’s head, I sunk the gold deep in the sands, at the foot of the cliff, and dug a rude cross in the rock above it. Some day I hope a white man guided by this, will find the treasure and—”. The lieutenant commented that ,”The book was evidently intended to be looked upon as a mystic talisman, probably that the natives on this account might be sure to take good care of it.” Captain Von Tollig fails to return the book to the thief as he originally promised. Some time later, during patrols on the island he finds the promontory shaped like a buffalo’s head. However, that night the Tagalogs attack the garrison, kill Captain Von Tollig and recover the book. They make the attack because it is full moon, with the implication that the charm would be useless to the Americans.]

#lost treasure

The native submitted to the ordeal in sullen silence, and made no protest, when, from· some place within his clothing, there was taken a small, dirty leather bag from which two broken ends of leather thong still hung. Only his eyes followed the officer’s hands wolfishly, as they untied the string which fastened the bag, and took from it a little leather-bound book not more than two inches square. The officer looked at the book curiously. It was very thin, and upon the tiny pages, yellow with age, there was writing,

still legible, although the years which had stained the paper yellow had faded the [6] ink. He spelled out a few words, but they were in a language which he did not know. “Take the man to the prison,” he said. “I will keep the book.” 7

“I wish you would take this book,” said Captain Von Tollig, after he had told briefly how the volume happened to be in his possession, “and see if you can translate it. I suspect it must be something of value, from the risk this man took to get it; possibly dispatches from one native leader to another, the nature of which we ought to know.”

The young man took the queer little book and turned the pages curiously. “I hardly think what is written here can be dispatches,” he said, “The paper and the ink both look too old for that. The words seem to be Latin; bad Latin, too, I should say. I think it is what the natives call an ‘anting-anting;’ that is a charm of some kind. Evidently this one did not save the life of the man who wore it. Probably it is a very famous talisman, else they would not have run such a risk to try to get it back.” 8

“It is a very great ‘anting-anting.’ It never fails in its time. The man who made it, a famous wise man, very many years ago, watched one whole month for the secrets which the stare told him to write in it; but the last night, the night of the full moon, he fell asleep, and on that one day and night of the month the ‘anting-anting’ has no good in it for the man who wears it. Else the chief would not be dead. You made the attack, that day. Our people never would.” 10

“Yes. This is very singular. There is no doubt but the book is now nothing but a charm.”

“Yes. I found that out.”

“But I feel sure it was originally something more than that. Something very strange.”

“What?”

“It purports to be the record of the doings of a man who seems to have died here many years ago, written by himself. It tells a strange story, which, if true, may be of great importance now. To make sure the record would be kept the writer made the natives believe it was a charm, while its being writ· ten in Latin kept the nature of its message from them.” 11

I have written· out a translation as nearly as I [11] can make it out.” He handed a paper to the captain, who read:

“I, Christopher Lunez, am about to die. Once I had not thought that this would be my end,—a tropic island, with only savages about me. I had thought of something very different, since I got the gold. Perhaps, after all, there is a curse on treasure got as that was. If there is, and the sin is to be expiated in another world, I shall know it soon. I did not—”

Here there was a break, and the story went on.

“—all the others are dead, and the wreck of our ship has broken to bits and has disappeared. Before the ruin was complete, though, I had brought the gold on shore and buried it. No one saw me. The natives ran from us at :first, far into the forest, and—”

The words which would have finished the sentence were wanting.

“Where three islands lie out at sea in a line with a promontory like a buffalo’s head, I sunk the gold deep in the sands, at the foot of [12] the cliff, and dug a rude cross in the rock above it. Some day I hope a white man guided by this, will find the treasure and—” 13

The book was evidently intended to be looked upon as a mystic talisman, probably that the natives on this account might be sure to take good care of it. 13

When our men had rallied, and had come [18] back across the battle-ground, they found among the others, the captain lying dead outside his tent. A Tagalog dagger lay beside the body, and the uniform had been torn apart until the officer’s bare breast showed.

The first full moon of the month shone down upon the dead man’s white, still face. 19

RPC 1901, vol. 3. The interior of the island is mountainous. The coasts are low and sandy, and as a general rule do not offer security to ships, although there are some good ports or bays, which will not, however admit ships of much draft. 95

Visaya is spoken, although there are so many local modifications that it has been called Boholano or Bohol-Visayan. 95

#chapter 3

The soil is not very fertile, but with good care produces considerable quantites of rice, coffee, [etc] 96

The towns of the interior communicate with one another by means of paths. All of the others are united by cart roads suitable for carriages. 96

During low tide one can pass on foot from one island to the other in the southeastern part of the channel. [ie Panglao to mainland] 96

The coast is unprotected, [96] and has no place where boats may anchor. 97

General Origin of the Indians

What were they, and whence did they originate? A certain combination of relationship and affinity in language, usages, and customs, as well as in physiognomy, leads to the belief that they were derived from the Malayan race, which is that of the Indian native to the islands situated between Ceylon and this archipelago. 336

It is, indeed, a cause of no small wonder to find in these regions so many people with different languages that the same tongue is hardly spoken on two islands. In Luzon each province has its special dialect, which is not understood except by its inhabitants. The Tagalogs and Pampangos speak different tongues. The Pangasinans, Ilocanos, and Cagayans have in their respective territories their special languages. The people of Camarines are distinct from all the others. The Visayans, although almost all of them speak one language, nevertheless vary it so much in the different provinces that it seems like a distinct tongue in each. The native of Bohol does not pronounce certain letters. The native of Cebu has his special way of speaking, which is distinct from that of the native of Samar and Leyte, whose dialect is richer, more complicated, and has a greater abundance of words, which are, furthermore, pronounced more rapidly than in the regions above referred to; and this without mentioning the island of Mindanao, where,

on account of words derived from the Moro dialect, the difference is perhaps greater than in any other island. 336

On the other hand, Fr. M. Zuñiga defended on various grounds [fn], and, singularly enough, on account of the agreement between the dialects, the theory that these Indians came from tropical America. Other authors find the immediate origin of all or some of the Philippine peoples in different islands or lands of Oceania. 337

It seems to be clear, when one attempts to determine the origin of the races, that the tribe or nation from which the Tagalogs came enjoyed from the beginning, or at the time of establishing itself in the archipelago, a higher degree of culture than the other Philippine peoples which did not have a system of writing or, at all events, had a more rudimentary one, and accepted the Tagalog, abandoning their own, which would not have occurred had not the latter been more useful. 400

#definition: indigenous #article: virgin birth

As for the ancient characters, Father Totanez wrote in 1745 that “It is rare to find an Indian who knows how to read them, and extremely rare that one knows how to write them.” 404

#chapter 1

The Malay may have been at first a mixture of Sanskrit and of the language or dialect of the Samangos, Dayacos, and other blacks of the mountains of Malacca, which mixture may have been brought about after the immigration of the Indians [ie of India] to Java and Sumatra, for the latter island is close to the former, and is encountered before reaching Java when one comes from India. Said immigration, according to Javanese annals, took place seventy-eight years B.S. 407

#article: virgin birth

It has been shown then that, with the exception of the Negrito, the primary languge of the Philippine Archipelago was but one, and that derived from the Malay. 411


This conclusion is deduced from the ancient alphabets, the common roots, and the analogy in grammatical construction, and is in perfect accord with the conclusion reached in the chapter on ethnogeny.

As these languages are closely related to the Malay which is spoken from Madagascar and Aden throughout Malaysia to the confines of the Indian Ocean, the Philippine peoples also, with the exception of the Negritos, were derived in great measure at a more or less remote time from the Malayan stem. 412


RPC 1901 [1901] [Report of the United States Philippine Commission to the Secretary of War for the period from December 1, 1900, to October 15, 1901. Division of Insular affairs, War Department, December, 1901.]

These islands have just suffered from an epidemic of rinderpest, which in some provinces has destroyed more than 90 per cent of the cattle, reducing former cattle

owners to poverty and preventing agriculturists from tilling the soil. In several provinces actual starvation has resulted and the insular government has been compelled to inaugurate public works or to directly contribute food in order to succor the hungry. 56

RPC 1900–1903 [1904]. [Reports of the Philippine Commision, the civil governor and the heads of executive departments of the civil government of the Philippine Islands: 1900–1903. 1904. Washington: Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department.]

Report of the civil governor, 1902

Taft, 10 November 1902: As this report has not yet been forwarded, it seems proper to me to add a short statement concerning a movement [Aglipayan] that may have an important bearing upon future conditions, and which may, perhaps, add much to the labor of maintaining peace and order in the archipelago. 319

#aglipay

Report of the civil governor, 1903

Whatever may happen during the first few months of the coming of the American bishops, it is certain that the spirit of the American Catholic church is so different from that of the Spanish church from a political standpoint, that the inflence of the Spanish friars will gradually wane and that of the American bishops become controlling. The purchase of the friars’ land, the division of the proceeds, the application of a large part thereof for the benefit of the Philippine church, the establishment of the American hierarchy here, and the gradual withdrawal of the Spanish friars, all will bring about what we so much desire—the Americanizing of the Roman Catholic church in the Philippines. 504

#aglipay

Pardo de Tavera, TH. 1901. Etimología de los nombres de razas de filipinas. Manila: Estabecimiento Tipográfico de Modesto Reyes y C.a.

Despues de la fábula de las mil y quinientas islas que componen el Archipièlago Filipino, viene la de las «centenares de razas que en babilónica confusion pueblan las islas,» como dice un autor lírico geográfico que escribió sobre este pais. Haciendo omision de las rocas, peñas, islotes insignificantes, muchos sin vejetación, otros con solo una especie de aves y algunos insectos como fauna, y la mayoría sin un ser humano que le habite, quedan, como islas habitadas y que solo cuentan, al tratarse de Filipinas, unas cuantas desde la de Luzon, que es la mayor, hasta la de Cagayancillo, que es una de las más diminutas. Asi ocurre con las famosas «razas», nombre pomposo cuyo significado se ha confundido aplicándolo á agrupaciones políticas que en nada se diferencian unas de otras. [4]

Los estudios etnográficos más recientes han demostrado que las razas que habitan nuestro archipiélago son tres, á saber: Negritos, Indonesianos y Malayos. Pero de estas razas resultan no sólo varios mestizajes sino una gran variedad de tribus caracterizadas principalmente por las lenguas ó, mejor dicho, dialectos filipinos que hablan. Si nos

fundáramos en razones lingüísticas para dar nombres á las diferentes agrupaciones de hombres, el numero de las llamadas razas filipinas, con ser bastante crecido, no llegaría sin embargo á la cifra que hoy alcanza y que el profesor Blumentritt ha tenido la paciente labor de reunir en un folleto por orden alfabetico, publicado en español, con el título de «Las razas del archipiélago filipino.» 5


Brown, Arthur Judson. 1903. The new era in the Philippines. Nashville and Dallas: Fleming H. Revell.

Meantime, Aglipay has become a conspicuous figure. He has made himself personally popular by his affability and democratic manners. He freely associates with Protestants. He urges the people to send their children to the American public schools. He strongly supports the Amer-[145]ican Government. He demands the expulsion of the friars. 146

#aglipay

United States Bureau of the Census. 1905. Census of the Philippine Islands, taken under the direction of the Philippine commission in the year 1903, in four volumes.Volume 3: Mortality, defective classes, education, families, and dwellings. Washington: Government Printing Office.

One of the vital questions affecting the Filipinos is that of education. The Spanish appear to have established a most excellent and comprehend sive system, if measured by the school laws, but it apparently failed to satisfy the natives or attain the objects contemplated by the Spaniards. 575

#chapter 1

The establishment of schools of primary instruction in the municipalities of the Philippine Islands, and of a normal school in Manila for the education of schoolmasters for such schools, was not authorized until December 20, 1863. Before that date public schools were hardly known in the Philippines, and instruction was confined solely to the children of parents able to pay for it.

This should not be surprising, since, before the nineteenth century, education in Spain and other parts of Europe was limited to the children of wealthy parents; and the Philippines, as a Spanish colony, could not have more advantages in this respect than the mother country, nor could it be expected that Spain would evince more interest in educating her colonists than her own sons. The first thing observed is that popular education was completely abandoned during Spanish domination, and that political privileges controlled the educational system which was established by the Spanish colonial government in these islands. 576

#chapter 1

Before entering upon a detailed examination of primary instruction in the Philippines during Spanish domination, we will give what is said thereon by Mr. Robert L. Packard

in Volume 1 of the Report of the Commissioner of Education of the United States for 1897-98:

As to primary instruction it has been shown that the Philippine islanders could read and write their own language when the Spaniards arrived. According to a table in the book of Alfred Marche (Lucon et Palaouan. Six années de voyages aux Philippines, Paris, 1887), there are five alphabets in use in the archipelago. All travelers state that there are schools in every village, which are under the control of the priests. Good observers have noticed the aptitude of the natives for instruction. Thus, Mallat states that the children began very early to make their letters in the sand or on leaves. Some of them, he goes on to say ( he was writing in 1842), become [576]distinguished calligraphers, and can imitate all kinds of writing, drawing, and printed characters. He relates a story of a missal which was copied by an “Indian” and sent to the King of Spain. It was so well done that it, was impossible to distinguish it from the original. They copy maps also with great exactness. It follows that instruction among the Indians was far from being backward when compared with that of the lower classes in Europe. Nearly all the Tagals can read and write. However, the sciences, properly so called, have made little progress among the Philippine islanders. A few of the mestizos have a slight tincture of them, and those of the Indians who have taken orders know Latin. The best educated are without doubt those who, having studied at the University of Santo Tomás, have become lawyers. Among them can be found advocates worthy to be compared with the most celebrated in Spain. As to literature, there is aTagal grammar and a dictionary, and a combined grammar of the Tagal, Bicol, Visayan, and Isinay languages. These are all published by the monks at the Santo Tomás press. There are several public printing offices at Manila. The literary works proper consist mostly of poems and tragedies in Tagal. The former are sometimes on very grave subjects, such as the Passion, and the tragedies are very long. There are also short poems and songs, of which both words and music are national, and the Indians can write the music with wonderful ability. [...]

Semper, writing in 1869, says of education among the natives, “The Christian Spaniard has not been able to exert much more influence of a spiritual than of a political nature upon the character of the natives. Popular education was formerly, and is now, entirely in the hands of the priests. Excepting the professors of common and Roman law all the chairs of the University of Santo Tomás of Manila are in the hands of the priests, who naturally arrange not only the theological lectures, but those upon metaphysics, physics, and logic, as well, according to the principles of the Catholic Church. In the provinces every village has its public schools in which instruction is obligatory; but, besides reading and writing, only Christian doctrine and church music are taught. This instruction, moreover, is by no means generally given in Spanish; at least, the general introduction of Spanish is still so recent that it will be long before the Spanish officials will be able to converse, even with their subordinates, in Spanish. On the east coast of Mindanao, one of the oldest and most settled provinces, the native dialect was exclusively used until forty or fifty years ago, and the priests used the old Malay alphabet until the beginning of the century, even in their official business. The number of natives—the Spaniards call them ‘Indians’—who can read and write is tolerably large; but, owing to the total unreliability of all statistics on the subject, nothing accurate can be stated. In 1863 the Government attempted to make an enumeration of the population, and, incidentally, to note the number of those who could read and write. The fact that the result was never published seems to confirm the opinion that an unsatisfactory condition of things was found.” 577

#folk literacy #writing systems #chapter 1 [PK: consider when baybayin disappeared]

[Royal proclamation that established the education system in the Philippines. Madrid, December 20, 1863:]

[...]

ART 16. Natives who do not know how to speak, read, and write the Spanish language fifteen years after the establishment of a school in the respective town shall not be eligible for the office of petty governor, or lieutenant of the same, or to form a part of the principalia, unless they should enjoy such right by virtue of a special life grant. [...]

ART 17. Five years after the publication of this decree no Filipino not having the said qualifications, duly proved before the chief of the province, shall be permitted to hold salaried Government positions in the archipelago. 581

#chapter 1

This entire plan of public instruction lived in the minds of Spanish legislators, but was never put into practice. 582

#chapter 1

Regulations for schools and teachers of primary instruction of natives of the Philippine archipelago

[...]

ART. 3 The teachers shall take special care that their pupils have practical exercises in speaking the spanish language. As soon as they understand it sufficiently, explanations shall be made in said langauge and they shall be forbidden to communicate with each other in their own language during class hours. 583

#chapter 1

ART 4. [...] Paper, writing exercises, ink, and pens shall be issued free of charge to all children.

584

ART. 7 Christian doctrine shall be taught according to the catechism in use approved by the ecclesiastical authorities. The spelling book designated by the superior civil governor, the catechism of Astete, and the catechism of Fleury shall be used for reading. For writing there shall be used the examples of Spanish characters of Iturzaeta. 584

#chapter 9

[Table:] Primary schools in the Philippine Islands: 1866

[...]

Total

Number of inhabitants, 4,411,261

Number attending school, boys: 135, 098

Possible number of schools for boys: 841

Possible number of schools for girls: 833

[Total schools: 1674]

Number attending school, girls: 95,260

[Total attending school: 230,358]

Bohol

Number of inhabitangs: 192,734

Number attending school, boys: 15,736

Number attending school, girls: 17, 948

Possible number of schools for boys: 31

Possible number of schools for girls: 31

[...]

As is seen, this table is incomplete and does not give even an approximate idea of the progress of education in the provinces. It does not show the average age of the children attending school, the literate and illiterate population, or the number of inhabitants with higher [591] education. Data of this character appear for the first time in this census report. 592

#chapter 8 #chapter 9 #folk literacy

Number of schools of each class in the Philippine Islands: 1892.

Total

Both sexes: 2,137

Boys: 1,087

Girls: 1,050

Bohol

Both sexes: 91

Boys: 46

Girls: 45

592

#chapter 8 #chapter 9 #folk literacy

What were the causes of this lamentable state of affairs? We shall see. The religious orders, which, as has already been observed, were placed in full control of public instruction, did not find it convenient for them that the people should emerge from a state of ignorance; they, therefore, did not adopt all the measures necessary to develop a complete plan of instruction, such as was observed, and which practically resulted, because, when the popular masses became educated, they would, as an immediate consequence, protest and rebel against that power which was the principal object in the way of their progress and civilization. All the laws, decrees, circulars, etc., which wore issued for the purpose of encouraging arid strengthening the education of the people were dead letters, because the parish priests scattered throughout the country, making use of their influence, privileges, and governmental powers, tenaciously and constantly opposed the education of the popular masses.

The Spanish Government was really anxious that all Filipinos should speak the Spanish language, as it is understood that the use of a common language is the manner of

forming a national spirit and sentiment, the only thing that can preserve and unite in constant friendship people of different races. Nevertheless, the monastic orders were always decidedly opposed to the Spanish language being spoken in Philippine territory, because their interests would have been greatly injured if such language had become general throughout the archipelago, as from that time they would have ceased to be the intermediaries between the people and the authorities and would no longer be required by either, which would reduce their great influence with both parties. Thus was this country governed for several centuries, due to the difference of language which existed between the colonists and colonizers. As a consequence of all this the Spanish language did not become general, and due to the diversity of dialects in the country and the lack of books in these dialects, education went along a hard and difficult path. Some officials of the Spanish Government assisted the friars in this work.

A decree of the general government issued October 6,1885, provided for a competition to be followed by prizes for the best grammars written in Visayan,Cebuano, Ilocano, Bicol, Pangasinan,and Pampango, [594] there being one already in Tagálog. Naturally these grammars, which were written in different dialects and taught in the public schools, made it more difficult (and that was the object) for the Spanish language to become general. Matters reached such a stage that teachers were punished and threatened with deportation, and some were actually deported, for teaching Spanish.

#chapter 1 [PK: Note propagandistic elements]

[Translated from Reisen in den Philippinen, F. Jagor 1873:]

It is true that the teacher is required to teach Spanish to his pupils, but he himself does not understand it, and furthermore the officials themselves do not know the native languages. This system of affairs can not be changed by the parisli priests, nor do they desire to do so, as it contributes to the increase of their influence. Indians who have been in the service of Europeans are the only ones who speak Spanish. They are first taught a kind of religious prayer book in the native language, and later Christian doctrines. An average of one-half of the children between 7 and 10 years of age attend the schools. They learn to read and some learn to write, but they soon forget.

595

Such young people as understood the condition of intellectual and moral backwardness to which it was desired to relegate them, and in which they had been submerged for so long a period, protested many times and at others rebelled [595] against that power which smothered them in ignorance until, finally, tired of suffering—the national sentiment being aroused before that humiliating spectacle—in 1896 they openly rebelled against a government which permitted “one state within another state.” Then the nation of the United States of America, actuated by a desire to protect an oppressed people, interfered in the contest, causing Spanish colonial power to disappear in a short time, and thus fulfilling the prophecies of Doctor Jägor and of the Filipino martyr, Dr. José Rizal. 596

#chapter 1 [PK: Spanish education policy as a cause of revolution]

Many of the military commanders devoted a great deal of wisely directed energy to the educational work, and the success of the school system is in considerable measure due to their wise and earnest efforts. The standards of American civilization were set before the natives at an early date. They were astounded that in the midst of war the American Army displayed such genuine interest in the affairs of education. The schools were

everywhere received with interest, the bitterness engendered by war softened, and the foundations laid for the more systematic work wich followed under civil rule. 641

#chapter 1 #chapter 8 [PK: Education reform as tool of pacification]

[from the report of Dr David P. Barrows, General Superintendent of the Bureau of Education, to the secretary of public instruction, under date of September 30, 1903:]

[...]

The question has been frequently raised whether the Filipino languages were sufficiently related to fuse into one common tongue, and the Bureau of Education has received its most vigorous criticism in the United States because of its alleged attempt to supplant and destroy what might, in the opinion of absentee critics, become a national and characteristic speech. Such criticism could only proceed [647] from a profound ignorance of the nature of these languages and the people who speak them. All of those dialects belong to one common Malayan stock. Their grammatical structure is the same. The sentence in each one of them is built up in the same way. The striking use of affixes and suffixes, which gives the speech its character, is common to them all. There are, moreover, words and expressions identical to them all. A hundred common words could readily be selected which scarcely vary from one language to another. But the fact still remanís that, while similar in grammatical structure, these languages are very different in vocabulary— so different that members of any two different tribes brought together are unable to converse or at first even make themselves understood for the simplest steps of intercourse. The similarity in structure makes it very easy for a Filipino of one tribe to learn the language of another. But it is true that these languages have preserved their distinctions for more than three hundred years of European rule and in the face of a common religion and in spite of considerable migration and mixture between the different tribes. This is true where different populations bordered one another as elsewhere, nor has there arisen any indication that these languages were fusing. The Filipino adheres to his native dialect in its purity, and when he converses with a Filipino of another tribe, ordinarily uses broken Spanish. These languages are not destined to disappear or to fuse, nor are they destined to have a literary development. One has but to examine the literature which has appeared in the last fifty years in each of these tongues to see how unlikely of literary development is any one of these languages. The masterpiece of Tagalog literature is a satirical poem entitled “Ang Salitan Buhay ni Florante,” which was composed years ago by a Filipino filosofo named Baltazar. It was his professed intention in writing this poem to use the Tagálog language in its purity, and he continually strives to avoid circumlocution and the introduction of words derived from the Spanish. His result is not a success, and the poem, while of great interest, promises nothing for the development of a Tagálog literature. For common intercourse, as well as for education, the Filipino demands a foreign speech. To confine him to his native dialect would be simply to perpetuate that isolation from which he has so long suffered and against which his insurrection was a protest. Opponents of English education find no sympathizers among the Filipino people. The movement seems to be limited for its support to the academic circles and periodical offices of the United States and to the Congressional halls of the nation. The advantage which the possession of the English language will give him is readily understood by the Filipino, and it is fortunate that the acquisition of the Spanish tongue was largely denied him and that it never won his affection. English is the lingua franca of the Far East. It is spoken in the ports from Hakodate to Australia. It is the common language of business and social intercourse between the different nations from America westward to the Levant. It is without rival; the most useful language which a man can know. It will be more used within the next ten years, and to the Filipino the possession of English is the gateway into the busy and fervid life of commerce, of modern science, of diplomacy and politics, in which he aspires to shine.

Knowledge of English is more than this—it is a possession as valuable to the humble peasant for his social protection as it is to the man of wealth for his social distinction. If we can give

the Filipino husbandman a knowledge of the English language, and even the most elementary acquaintance with English writings, we shall free him from that degraded dependence upon the man of influence of his own race which made possible not merely insurrection, but that fairly unparalleled epidemic of crime which we have seen in these islands during the past few years.

From my own personal observation and conversation with men of wide experience in the events of recent years, I believe it is safe to say that in the majority of murders committed during the last five years the murderers, ignorant and debased [648] ools, acted from no other motive than that they were told by those to whom they were economically bound and on whom they were dependent that they must go and kill such and such men. There is no remedy for thin state of society or for caciquismo generally except the enlightenment and moral training of this great ignorant mass of the Filipino people.

649

#prologue #chapter 1 [PK: recognition of English becoming a global language]

[At the Insular Normal School in Manila, Table:]

First Year: English: Textbook: Fifty Famous Stories; Old Stories of the East; Stories of Animal Life; Fairy Stories and Fables. 666

#folk literacy [https://archive.org/details/fiftyfamousstor00baldgoog

https://archive.org/stream/oldstorieseast00baldgoog#page/n0/mode/2up

https://archive.org/stream/storiesanimalli01holdgoog#page/n6/mode/2up

http://www.worldcat.org/title/fairy-stories-and-fables/oclc/17684477]

Of the total number of teachers [in 1903] [...] 236, or 4 per cent, were Spaniards, of whom 192 were in Manila. 684


The total number of pupils enrolled in all the schools was 356,385. This was 5.1 per cent of the civilized population, a small proportion when contrasted with the corresponding figure for the United States, 20 per cent, but large when it is recalled that this was practically the growth of two years only. The proportion of enrolled pupils to the civilized population ranged widely, as shown in the following table, the largest proportion being in Bohol, where it was 11.1 per cent. The comandancias and wild tribe provinces are omitted from this table, since in these regions of wild peoples many children attended school but were not represented on the population schedules. 687

#chapter 9

[Table: Proportion of school enrolment to children of school age]

Manila city, 34.9 per cent [the highest]

Bohol, 34.0 per cent.

688

#chapter 9

Of the entire number of scholars [in 1903], 11 per cent were said to understand English and 11.8 per cent, Spanish. After two years of teaching the English language the result may be regarded as very satisfactory. 689

#chapter 1 #chapter 9

The following table shows, by provinces, the proportion of school children who could use Spanish. [...]

[Table:]

Manila: 80 per cent [highest]

Bohol: 1 per cent [equal lowest with Surigao]

#chapter 9

Miller, John Maurice. 1904. Philippine folklore stories. Boston: Ginn & Company.

[PK: contains a hari-sa-boquid, hari sa bukid story]

As these stories are only legends that have been handed down from remote times, the teacher must impress upon the minds of the children that they are myths and are not to be given credence; otherwise the imaginative minds of the native children would accept them as truth, and trouble would be caused that might be hard to remedy. Explain then the fiction and show the children the folly of belief in such fanciful tales. 5

#methodology: folklore #epistemology

The Silver Shower

[...]

Where it touches, a little fountain of liquid fire springs upward, and the water ripples away in gleaming circles that, growing wider and wider, finally disappear in a flash of silvery light.

Of all the beauties of the Islands, the water of .Manila Bay at night ranks among the first. And those who ask why it flashes and glows in this way are told the story of the silver shower .that saved the Pasig villages from the Moro Datto Bungtao.

Hundreds of years ago messengers came hurrying fro’in the south of Luzon with the news that the great Datto Bungtao, with many ships and men, was on his way to the island to burn the villages and carry the people away into slavery. [67] [...]

The Moros presently found themselves checked by a large army of men determined to save their homes or to die fighting. Near the present town of Imus, in Cavite, [68] [...] or all the warriors had gone to fight the invading army, and only old men and women and children remained in the villages.

Hastily they called a council and finally decided to send a messenger out to the Moro chief with all the gold and things of value they possessed, thinking thus to satisfy the fierce Datto and save their villages from harm.

Accordingly the women gave their rings and bracelets and the men their bangles and chains. Everything of value was taken from the houses. Even the temples of prayer were

stripped and all the ornaments taken. So great was the fear of the people that they even sent the gold statue of the great god Captan that was the pride of the tribe, whose members came miles to worship it.

As Bungtao was preparing to land and attack the town with his sailors, the messenger in his canoe came alongside the [72] ship and was at once taken before the Datto. Trembling with fear, the old man, with signs, begged for mercy for the people on the shore. He pointed to the presents and offered them to Bungtao. Then, placing the golden image of Captan at the feet of the Moro and bowing low, he again pleaded for the women and children.

Bungtao laughed in scorn at the offer. On his island was gold enough to satisfy his people. He needed slaves to work in the fields, for it was beneath the dignity of such warriors as himself and his companions to labor. So he kicked the messenger from him and, with a curse, picked up the sacred golden image and threw it far over the water. Instantly the sky grew dark and blackest night covered the land. The messenger felt himself seized by invisible hands and carried to the shore.

Then suddenly the heavens opened, and a shower of silver fire rained on the Moro [73] boats. In vain the Moros tried to escape. The fire hemmed them in on every side. Many leaped from the burning ships into the boiling water. vVhen the darkness cleared, boats and Moros had disappeared.

Joyfully the people on the shore ran to the temple of worship to pray to Captan. What was their surprise to find the golden image of the god in its usual place, and around it the bracelets and rings offered to the Moros! [74]

When the warriors, a few days later, returned from their great victory in the south, they could hardly believe the story of the wonderful escape of their people. But at night, when they saw the heretofore dull waters _dashing and breaking on the shore in crystals of silvery light, they knew that it was Captan who had saved their homes and families.

The villages are a thing of the past. The modern city of Manila now stands on the banks of the Pasig.

The nights here are very beautiful. The breeze sighs softly through the palm trees and the golden moon gleams on the waters of Manila Bay.

On the shore the waves break gently and little balls of silver light go rushing up the beach. Wise men say that the water is full of phosphorus. But they have never heard the story of the Silver Shower. 75

#lost treasure

Fourth Annual Report of the Philippine Commission: 1903. 1904. 3 vols. Vol. 3. Washington: Government Printing Office.

There has been considerable strife [in Tarlac] during the last six months between the Roman Catholics and the adherents to Aglipay’s church in Mocada, Victorria, and Murcia, but the bitter feeling is gradually dying out and no trouble is anticipated. 74

#aglipay

The Aglipay Church movement is at a standstill and will no doubt die out in time. It is believed, however, that it has done the country much harm by exciting the people, affording an excuse for not working, thus causing discontented and ignorant people to drift into shiftlessness and ladronism. The same might be said of any popular movement wich springs up in these islands; following the movement will come shiftlessness and sedition. 79

#aglipay

A number of “Philippine republics,” “Tagalog republic,” etc., have been broken up within the last six months. They are generally organized by men of no prominence or ability, many of them being fanatics, but they always get a following, and cause local disturbances. It is believed that the death sentence, with prompt execution, will have a deterring effect on this element. 79

PK: lieutenant of Biaba part is here too.

#history of Biabas

There was apprehension in other provinces of danger from pulijans, but the higher classes of natives attributed most of the talk to the discussions concerning the Aglipay Church, and the preliminary organization of its followers from various sections. Aglipay’s expected visit to the southern islands was looked forward to, and some of the church people feared riot and bloodshed would come with him. 116

#aglipay

Division of Bohol [Annual report of Division Superintendent L. T. Gibbens.]

It must be borne in mind that during the period from September 1, 1900, to November 15, 1901, the province was in organized rebellion against the United States Government, and 20 pueblos, including some instances all their barrios, were burned to the ground. Thousands of horses, cattle, and carabaos were shot and left lying where they fell, to vitiate the atmosphere and pollute the streams of water. Following closely after these events, rinderpest became epidemic among the remaining cattle and carabaos, while surra and glanders played havoc with the surviving horses. These facts have been commented upon in previous reports, but it is thought appropriate to again note them since their effects will be noticeable in this province for many years to come.

The surrender of all the armed forces in the province, in December, 1901, was followed by the return of the province to the control of the civil governor, April 1, 1902. The province having formerly been under civil government, the provincial officials and a number of the municipalities were nominally transacting their official duties during the period of the insurrection.

The 35 original pueblos were reorganized under the Municipal Code and the work of reconstruction was begun. Three pueblos deserve special mention for the manner in which they have risen, phoenix-like, from the ashes’—Dimiao, Anda, and Loon. The success of each of the above-named pueblos in the work of reconstruction is due to the precept, example, and untiring energy of its presidente.

Nearly every pueblo in the province has an abundance of fresh water issuing from springs in the mountains, which is utilized in the growing of upland rice. Necessity has caused the planting of more rice than in former years, but still the yearly supply is not equal to the consumption. Near the coast considerable copra and a verly little hemp are

produced for export. Many of the natives of the coast towns are fishermen, but seldom any fish is exported. Business is principally carried on by trade or barter. On market days the natives from the coast towns carry their products to the interior towns for exchange, and vice versa.

[...]

The vast upland prairies of Talibon, Ipil, Ubay, Carmen, Sierra Bullones and Batuanan, the section best adapted to stock raising and grazing, are now practically deserted. For reasons previously stated the natives have been compelled to change their occupations, and many of them have removed nearer to the mountains, where the water supply is more available for the cultivation of rice, camotes, and other articles of first necessity.

The population of the division of Bohol is estimated at 240,000, of whomeabout one eight, or 30,000, are of school age (6-14 years of age). The statistics of the census recently completed differ very slightly from the above estimate.

The public schools were opened for the school year 1902-3 on July 1, 1903, in 29 pueblos and 11 barrios, with a teaching force of 8 American and 95 Filipino teachers. At the close of the second month of school the enrollment had reached 17,228, with an average daily attendance of 8,756. Cholera having become epidemic in 20 or more pueblos, the schools of the division were closed September 15 by order of the provincial board of health. [740] The contagion having disappeared from Calape, the municipal council and teachers requested that school be resumed. The board of health having given permission, the schools of that pueblo were reopened October 13.

The office received a communicaiton from the president of the provincial board of health, under date of October 28, 1902, stating that in his judgment the work of the public schools might be resumed with safety in all the pueblos except Guindulman and Loboc. The schools were reopened on Monday, November 3, as indicated, and continued with but slight interruption until the close of the school year. The schools of Guindulman and Loboc were reopened in December and January, respectively.

Immediately following the epidemic of cholera there appeared fevers and smallpox. While very few cases of fever were fatal, the contagion sadly interfered with the school attendance. Four pueblos were obliged to close their schools on account of smallpox.

During the year an average of 1,328 persons for each day taught received personal instruction in English from American teachers, 2,738 pupils were taught by Filipino teachers, and 2,774 pupils were taught by Filipino teachers who have no knowledge of English. Average daily attendance for the year, 6,840. 741

#history of biabas

Jimenez, Pedro. 1904. English-Bisaya grammar in twenty eight lessons. Abridged from the grammars of the Recoleto fathers, Guillen, Nicolas and Zueco and translated into English for the use of the American people by R.P.Fr. Pedro Jimenez. Cebu: Imprenta de <<El Pais>>.

Preface

In presenting this English-Bisaya Grammar I do not pretend to be considered an author, my only aspiration is to be useful to my American brethren in the priesthood, in order that they in turn, may be so to the Bisaya people. The priest for the Bisaya people must be one who will devote all his attention to them, live among them study their ways, their character, their tendencies, and therefore, the study of their dialect is absolutely necessary to him, since they, for the most part, do not know how to speak either Spanish or English. In preparing this compilation I have used every effort to do it as well as possible, but I am only a pupil in both the English and Bisaya languages, and I believe, the work is not as perfect as would be desired, but I indulge a hope that the kindness of my readers will excuse my faults. n.p.

XXVIII

Being one day hunting the Emperor Charle V. lost his way in the forest, and having arrived to a house he went in, in order to rest himself. There were four men, who affect to sleep. One of them got up, and approaching to the Emperor told him he had dreamed he should take his watch, and took it. Then another rose and said that he had dreamed his overcoat fitted him well, and took it. The third took his purse. At last, the four came up and said: “I hope you will not take it ill if I search you” and in doing it saw around the emperor’s neck a golden chain to which a whistle was tied, which he wishes to rob him of; but the emperor said: “my good friend, before depriving me of this jewell (hias) I must teach you its virtue, and saying this he whistled. His attendants who were seeking him, hastened to the house and were astonished of seeing his majesty in such a state. But the Emperor seeing himself out of danger (gaos sa calisud) said; “behold these men who have dreamed all that they like. I wish in my turn to dream” and after a short musing, he said: “I have dreamed that you all four deserve to be hanged” which was not sooner spoken than executed before the house. 96

Sa pagpamusil niadto sa emperador nga si Carol V naualá sia didto sa cacahuyan, ug sa pag-abut nia sa usá ka balay, minuslud sia didto cay aron pagpahuay. Didto niadtong balaya duna nay upát ca tao nga nagapacatológ. Ang usá nagbacod, ug sa pagdo-ol nia sa emperador nag-ingon cania nga nagdamgó sia nga caoton nia untá ang iyang orasán, ug guicaoat nia. [...] 113

Stuntz, Homer C. 1904. The Philippines and the Far East. Cincinnati: Jennings & Pye.

The strength of the Aglipay movement lies in its appeal to a growing feeling of nationality, its recognition of the Word of God, its partial satisfaction of the large class whose hands have long waited for an available club [492] with which to smite the friars, and to its easy program of religious reformation. 493

#aglipay

It [the church] is of the soil, and therefore he who does not support it is not a good Filipino. He does not love his Fatherland unless he joins the Independent Filipino Catholic church. This form of pressure is very effective. It brings thousands into the ranks of “Alipayaños” [sic] who have precious little concern about merely religious matters. They habitually stand up for anything that exalts the Philippines, hence they put down their names and accept places on the committees which Aglipay leaves in charge of his interests in every place where a Church is established.

The success of Aglipay cuts the Catholic church to the quick. Therefore friar haters welcome the movement. Any weapon that will give promise of humbling the haughty, tyrannical friar is welcomed and used most lustily. The same motive leads hundreds to welcome Protestantism, as they suppose that our first business is to fight Rome. When they find out the spiritual and moral demands which Protestantism makes, they flinch. It was not for this that they desired “a new religion.” 493

#aglipay

The Aglipay movement helps us [American Protestant missions] by detaching tens of thousands of members from a nominal connection with the Church of Rome, and leaving them without positive instruction in a more excellent way. Our preachers get a hearing with them, and hundreds of them accept the Word and are saved. These people would never have left the Roman Catholic church to become Protestants, feeble as was the hold of the old Church upon them; but once out-[494]side and hungry for spiritual food they hear and are saved. Aglipay loosens this fruit from the tree, and we gather it. God is thus overruling the shortcomings of the leaders of this revolt against the Romish Church to the spiritual good of many souls. 495

#aglipay

Conciliar seminaries. 1904. In The Philippine Islands 1493–1898, edited by E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson. Cleveland, Ohio.

The constitution was adopted in October, 1902, at a convenion of the priests and laymen who had joined the movement, and Aglipay was elected archbishop. The movement spread rapidly. In north Ilokos but three priests with their churches remained loyal to Rome. Various estimates place the number of adherents to the new faith at 1,500,000 or 2,000,000, although they themselves claim 3,000,000. The question of their right to hold church property came up early, and Governor Taft ruled that the party which is in peaceful possession of any house of worship shall be deemed to be the rightful occupant, and the contrary must be proved in the courts before ejection can take place. More than 200 priests have joined the movement, and young native priests ae being ordained with somewhat startling ease and carelessness, in the seminaries which the new Church has opened. The foremost priests and laymen have been open enemies of the United States and some of them still advocate independence. Isabelo de los Reyes, a politician of the demagogue type, is one of the active leaders of the movement. A weekly paper is published in the interests of the new Church. Patriotism rather than religion is the reason for its rapid growth, so that its basis with many is political. The fear of the return of the friars was seized upon by the schismatics to gain new adherents. Homer C. Stuntz says: “Its easy program of religious

reformations attracts thousands. It promises a better order of things, but makes no spiritual or moral demands. Priests may come into the movement, and keep their mistresses and continue their gambling. Aglipay himself has never been accused of immorality or gaming, but he sets up no standard of purity in his priesthood or among his people. The cockpit, games of cards and dice, the bino habit, and all other national vices come into the new Church without direct rebuke. This, its real weakness, gives it apparent strength. Because of this it is enabled to count its members by the million within less than two years from its birth”. Protestant influence is seen on every hand. Protestant missionaries congratulate themselvs that the Catholic front of the islands is broken by this movement. The office of bishop is elective, Aglipay himself being included by this rule. Stuntz’s conclusions are as follows: “The Independent Filipino Catholic Church has come to stay. Just how strong a hold it will be able to keep over the multitudes which have flocked to its standard of revolt against the pope cannot be foretold. But it may be reckoned with as a permanent factor in the religious future of the Philippines.” 235

#aglipay

Annual Report of the Commissioner of Public Health: covering the period from September 1, 1903, to August 31, 1904. Manila: Bureau of Public Printing, 1905.

An isolated case [of cholera in Bohol] was first registered on March 19, 1902. After this the disease again appeared on July 29, 1902, on which date a case occurred in a banca that came from Cebu; thereupon the epidemic spread from north to south of the island, developing steadily until June 20, 1903, when it began to decrease. More than 6,000 cases occurred during the epidemic, most of them being registered in the towns of Valencia, Panglao, Tubigon, Inabanga, Loay, Bilar, Loon, Ipil, Jagna, and Tagbilaran. 65

Blair and Robertson, Phil. Is, Vol 29 p283. “They are not far from our belief on the point of creation of the world. They believe in a first man, the flood, and paradise and punishments of the future life …” (Blair and Robertson) 283

#narrative intersections #lost tribes of israel

RPC 1905 [1906], vol. 3. There does not seem to be as much agitation now as there was last year between the Aglipayano and Romanist churches, still in certain localities there is a very bitter feeling between the people of the two religious factions. [...] It was claimed at one time that this was not a religious organization, but the groundwork for a revolution. I believe that that theory has been entirely exploded. 61

#aglipay

Willis, Henry Parker. 1905. Our Philippine problem: A study of American colonial policy. New York: Henry Holt and Company.

Its [Aglipayanism’s] doctrines are rationalistic, conforming rigorously to the results of modern science. It accepts Darwinism, harmonising it with Biblical doctrine. 209


#aglipay

It is charged by some, especially by those who represent the Catholic Church proper, that the new movement both has been and is insurrectionary in character; that its leaders are collecting funds for the support of new revolutionary outbreaks: that its chief men are sworn members of the Katipunan society, and much more to the same purport. 211

#aglipay

In an order given about a year ago, Governor Taft directed that churches should in all cases remain in the hands of those actually in possession until the matter could be referred to the courts by that party to the controversy which should feel itself ready to test it there. The result has been that in most cases the priest in charge has been regarded as the actual holder of the church. Where he and his congregation have turned Aglipayan, he has been able to carry the church itself into the ranks of the reformers. Where the congregation has revolted, but the priest has stood fast, the church building has remained the property of the established hierarchy. 212

#aglipay

Aglipay: “I give it as my opinion,” he says in an authorised newspaper communication [Manila Times, June 14th, 1904], “that the government of the United States, as successor of the government of Spain, is the only party that can show ownership or is competent to appear in court, just as in the San José College case, [214] which is now pending in the Manila courts. And I may say, in explanation, that the position of the Independent Catholic church in every case has been to have the church property registered with the municipal officials in trust for the people, and we are entitled to the use of such property where the great majority of the people belong to our branch of the Catholic church.

Every case thus far brought in court has been only for the possession, as there never was a title issued to any church any more than in the case of any other government building, and therefore it will be seen that the establishment of ownerhip by any one but the United States Government is absurd.” 215

#aglipay #chapter 8

[PK: Nonetheless, American judges were more likely to rule in favour of the Catholic.Forcible repossession of churches on the part of Catholics were recognised as legitimate, while Aglipayan possessions or repossessions were dismissed. (see pages 214-215]

#aglipay

Dauncey, Campbell Mrs. 1906. An Englishwoman in the Philippines. London: John Murray.

His [Aglipay’s] followers are numerous, in fact it is generally believed that they now out-number the orthodox; and the whole movement is known to be the outward and visible sign of inward and hidden fires of Insurrection and Independence. 209

#aglipay

Then, on the other side of the water, in the suburb of La Paz [Iloilo City], which is a big town in itself, we met the Aglipayanos—Aglipay himself and his followers—all brown, flat-faced Filipinos, dressed something like the R.C. priests, only with fantastically bent up hats, and driving in the native quilezes or calesas. 237


Millington, WH and Maxfield, Berton L. 1906. Philippine (Visayan) Superstitions. The Journal of American Folklore (19) 74: 205-211

The Visayans in general believe in three kinds of spirits: the tamawos, dwendes, and asuangs. The first are not especially bad, although sometimes mischievous, and accustomed to kidnap children, in order to make them like themselves. They live in mounds or elevated places in the fields. Their houses, which are generally on the inside of the mound, although sometimes built outside, are of metal or glass, and ordinarily invisible to mortals. Those who have seen them, and in each town there is usually at least one person who claims to have done so, say that the houses have the appearance of those inhabited by men, contain handsome furniture, and usually have in them beautiful young ladies who do their utmost to induce the child whom the tamawo has captured to partake of their food, since if a mortal once eats of their food he becomes for all time a tamawo like themselves. If, however, he successfully resists them, the child is, at the end of three or four days, taken back to the spot where he was captured, and released.

The tamawo can take on any shape he pleases, generally appearing as a man, but sometimes as a dog, carabao, or other animal. The tamawo, however, can be distinguished from the true animal, because the former has a huge body, big staring eyes, and the toes much prolonged and ending in big claws. 205

#chapter 4

On the second of November (All Souls’ Day), most of the lowest class prepare a rich supper, which is laid on the ground at night, and the souls of those relatives who have died during the year are supposed to come and partake of it. 210

#mexican-filipino encounters

RPC 1907, vol. 1 http://quod.lib.umich.edu/p/philamer/acp1475.1907.001/7?q1=borja&view=image&size=100

[Governor Salustiano Borja (report translated, presumably from Spanish, in the RPC, and dated 17 July, 1907)]:

Pulahanism, which had threatend to disturb the peace and tranquillity of this province, especially of the southern portion, disappeared with the capture of Catalino Lagare, Benito Adayo, Tomas Caguang, Juan Cagud, Alonso Rodriguez, and Pedro Pamon. Otherwise there has not been any change in the political conditions since my last report, and peace and order have not been disturbed in any way worthy of mention. 282

#chapter 8

RPC 1908 [1909], vol. 1. In the case where it was reported that some of the people of the settlement of Quimaya had removed the bell and image from the Roman church and placed it in the Aglipay building, by order of the lieutenant-governor it was immediately restored to its original position and the incident closed. Although this act was committed by Bukidnons (nuevo Christianos), it is believed they were influenced by seacoast sympathizers of the Aglipay movement, and not by their own volition. 205

#aglipay #boholano-eskaya traditions

Couturat, Louis and Léopold Leau. 1907. Compte rendu des travaux du Comité. Coulommiers: Brodard.

‘M. Wise – Le Comité a reçu de M. Wise (Luna, Philippines) un mémoire exposant les principes théoriques d’une langue artificielle. L’un de ces principes est caractéristique des langues à priori dites philosophiques: “Les mots analogues de sens doivent être analogues de forme”. Ce principe en apparence logique est contredit par une loi psychologique, qui veut que plus les mots ont des sens voisins, plus ils doivent etre différents de forme, afin d’etre aisément distingués et retenus. L’auteur a joint à son mémoire des projets de réforme de la numération et du système métrique, que le Comité n’a pas examinés, attendu qu’ils n’ont aucune connexion avec la question de la Langue internationale.’

#national language #chapter 1 [PK: see James email]

Borja, Salustiano. 1907. Report of the Governor of the Province of Bohol. In Annual Reports of the War Department for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1906, Report of the Philippine Commission Volume VII: Part 1. Washington: Government Printing Office.

The present political conditions of this province are scarcely different from those of the year before. Complete peace and tranquility prevail. The only disturbance was the work of certain persons belonging to a group of discontented ex-insurgents who under the pretext of protecting the rights of their fellow-citizens against the vexations that might be caused them by the authorities and for the purpose of concocting cabals have formed a sort of party from among some of the residents of Dimiao, Valencia, Carmen, Bilar, Sevilla, Loboc, Garcia Hernandez and Jagna, the true purposes of which I have not yet been able to find out, though the presumption is that one of its ends is to exploit the ignorance and guilelessness of the people. They avail themselves of peaceful means and

soft words to attract people to their ranks, and once the latter are members of the party they have contracted an obligation to obey all orders of the leaders and faithfully to continue members of the party forever afterwards, on pain of death. In view of this terrible menace persons tiring of the party and wishing to leave it desert by emigrating to other provinces.

One of the promises held out by the leaders to entice the guileless and ignorant whom they wish to attract to the party was the assurance that from the moment [201] of their association they would be exempt from all obligations to the municipality. This gave rise to a disturbance which would have become an uprising against the municipal authorities of Dimiao had it not been for my timely intervention. [...]

In addition to the event above described [of sedition in Dimiao], a rumor that there was a group of persons organized in a similar manner to those now in prison created a disturbance of the public order in the pueblo of Carmen. The meeting place of said persons was the barrio of Biabas in the municipality of Guindulman, and rumor had it that on the night of the 15th of last May [1906] they were coming into town for the purpose of sacking it and of making prisoners of the municipal officials. This also led me to make a hasty trip with the necessary armed force requested by the municipal president of the said town, though after all it was proved that there was nothing to the rumor that had been the cause of so much excitement. 202

Owing to the famine and the suffering caused thereby, and the drought which prevailed in this province from the month of January 1905, 9 schools were closed down until June, 1905, the time for opening the schools in this division. During the month of July all of the schools at Garcia Hernandez and 18 other barrio schools were also closed in view of the impossibility of keeping them open. By August, 42 schools were closed down. Thanks to the copious rains in July and August, [1905] the farmers were able to plant corn and the famine was somewhat mitigated by the fair crop gathered in August and September. 203

During the period between October 29 and December 23, 1905, classes were held in the normal institute at the municipalities of Tagbilaran, Tubigo (sic), Loay, and Guindulman. The high school was also open during that time. 203

Conant, Carlos Everett. 1909. The names of Philippine languages. Anthropos 4 (4):1069-1074.

This confusion of b and v in Spanish orthography is of course due to their similarity, and, in most parts, identity, of pronunciation. In the spelling of the uneducated there is always doubt as to whether the sound is to be written de palo (i.e. b) or de corazón (i.e. v). As the native pronunciation [1070] is a labial stop in both Bisaya and Bikol, in which languages there is no labial spirant v, there is no justification for the English spelling Visaya(n), now almost universally used colloquially and in the press, both in the Philippines and in America. 1071

#preface #chapter 1 #faking it in Visayan

I […] propose that […] all Philippine languages and dialects be designated by their native names without inflectional endings, and that in their spelling all peculiarities of Spanish orthography be eliminated. 1073

#chapter 1

Starr, Frederick. 1909. A little book of Filipino riddles. Yonkers, N.Y.: World Book Co.

Many Filipinos know how to read and write their native language, although few have had actual instruction in doing so. 5

#folk literacy

To [21] school boys in Agoo, San Fernando (Union), Malolos, Manila and Tayug we owe many thanks. Would that the publication of this imperfect collection might lead to their greater interest in a neglected section of their folklore. 22

#folk literacy

1910-1919 Hall, Alton L & Andres Custodio. 1911. Visayan-English

Dictionary. Here is a book containing 3,000 Visayan words, with wide margins in which other words can be written and corrections made. The work is intended as a foundation on which the purchaser can build up a good dictionary.

Americans learning Visaya will find English-Visayan word-lists in the back part.

To those Filipinos, friends of the Americans, who trusting in the promises made by the American Government, are patiently co-operating with it in securing the realization of its ideal,—the peace, education, unity, prosperity and ultimate independence of the Filipino People, this volume is dedicated.

Preface

Neither the Spanish nor the English spelling is used, but a simplified spelling recommended by Dr. Jose Rizal.

u is dropped from between g. and i. gina, not guina

qu is changed to k. Bankilyo, not banquillo

ll is changed to ly. bankilyo, not bankillo

j is changed to h. Hinigaran, not Jinigaran.

In only one particular,—the universal use of k, have Dr. Rizal’s rules been deviated from. To assist those learning English, K is used before e and i; and c before a, o, and u, as in English. Thus coring, cat; not koring, kat; baca, cow, not baka, kow, c changes to k before i. cáon, kináon; cuha, kinuha.

Prefixes are separated from the root by spaces, and sufficxs separated from it by hyphens. The prefixes are separate as an aid to the student of Visaya, and not as a model. [pI]

[...] The nucleus for this work was a two thousand word list gotten toghether by Rev. S S. Huse, Jr of the Baptist Mission, and donated to the author in 1902. [pIII]

[357 pages in total]

#visayan dictionaries #orthogaphy #chapter 6 [relexification as an historical practice] and #chapter 9

Ferrándiz, Jose. 1912. Prólogo. Catequesis de la Iglesia Filipina Independiente. Manila: Isabelo de los Reyes.

El católico papista ha de ser un sin patria, campeón de un rey destronado, eterno pretendiente á la perdida corona y á reinar por sugestión sobre los otros reyes; ha de creer siempre enemigo y ladrón de la Iglesia al Estado y ha de vivir con la vista vuelta hácia atrás, ansiando que reviva lo que murió y que sean perseguidos cuantos no piensen como el Papa, aunque crean en Dios y en Jesucristo. El sacerdote católico se dice perseguido, cuando y donde no le dejan perseguir, y [xii] detentado, cuando no se le permite acaparar la riqueza de todos. xiii

Filipinas bien lo sabe. Sobre sus espaldas ha padecido el indígena, tratado como una bestia por el incrédulo y corrompido fraile, el latigo inquisitorial del Papa. A bejucazos se le ha impueto una fé del carbonero, vaga y superstíciosa; á palos se le ha robado el dinero, la hacienda, la virtud de sus mujeres, el honor, la libertad y la cultura. Se le ha sustraido á la comunicación mundial, apartándole de una lengua como la castellana, la más extendida en el planeta; así se le ha tenido hasta nuestros días, y cuando ha intentado, no rebelarse, respirar siquiera, la Iglesia implable ha señalado á los Virreyes ó Generales, las víctimas que debían sacrificarle. xiv

#chapter 1 #chapter 9 (‘Se le ha sustraido á la comunicación mundial, apartándole de una lengua como la castellana, la más extendida en el planeta’)

La comunión católica filipina venía, durante siglos, constituyendo un ejemplo elocuente del designio inícuo del papado, consecuencia de su críterio egoista sobre lo que deben ser la (sic) Iglesias y las Naciones, todas como la filipina, administradas por el fraeile (sic); pueblos qequeños (sic), cada uno con su lengua sólo allì que los aislara, impotentes y hostiles al resto de los hombres; el clero secular indígena, esclavo; ínterin no hubiera ocasión de suprimirlo; la Iglesia monástica, en fin. xv


He aquí el ideal romano. Donde quiera que prevalece, fomenta el separatismo y las lenguas ó dialectos locales, porque aborrece las grandes nacionalidades y las lenguas muy extendidas, fáciles vehículos del saber y de la solidaridad humana, que ha de extinguir el romanismo particularista. De ese tenor procede el redículo invento jesuítico de la patria chica, mísera caricatura del sentimiento patrio. El Papado alienta con encono el mal llamado regionalismo, en Francia, entre los Bretones; en Inglaterra, entre los Irlandeses, en Bélgica, procurando sustituir el francés por el local y tan limitado fiamenco; en España, entre los Catalanes y los Vascos. Que se hablen únicamente lenguas no etendidas fuera de un campo muy estrecho; suelen ellas ser rudas é incapaces de filosofía, refractarias á las sutilezas se un espiritualismo profundo. El vascuense, por ejemplo, carece de vocablos para nombrar á Dios, el espíritu, la cantidad, lo abstracto. En esas lenguas se hace imposible escribir de Matematicas, de Metafísica, de Astronomía, de Ética trascendental ó de Derecho.

—Pero esos pobres pueblo, se ha dicho á la Iglesia, no podrán leer á S. Agustin ni á Santo Tomás, ni á Santa Teresa.

—No importa, replica, les basta con el catecismo y el devocionario La Ciencia, para el clero; ya trans-[xv]mitirá él, predicando, el espíritu de esos autores; en compensación, los que no pueden leerlos, á fuer de intraducibles á su dialecto, tampoco podrán leer á Renán ni á Strauss. xvi


Lo que es un mito para la Ciencia, un mito es para la Iglesia Filipina, como sos ángeles, el infienro, el paraiso, los demonios, el limbo, el pecado original, el fin del mundo.... xxiii

Una dogmática tan diáfana, ha permitido confeccionar una liturgia con ella armónica, sencilla, sugestiva, democrática y en lengua corriente, que llene el antiguo foso que separaba el presbiterio del pueblo creyente en el interminable, laberíntico é [xiii] indescifrable culto católico en lengua hoy para todo el mundo muerta. xxiv


El gran enemigo de toda la Humanidad es el Papado; salir de su yugo es entrar en la vida. xxiv

#chapter 8

Aglípay y Labáyan, Gregorio. 1912. Catequesis de la Iglesia Filipina Independiente. Manila: Isabelo de los Reyes.

Los Siete enigmas [...]

6. la razón y el pensamiento con la cuestión aneja del origen del lenguaje; 17

Fin de Nuestro Mundo

¿Acabará alguna vez el Universo?—Nó; sino sólo sufrirá muertes parciales, ó mejor dicho, transformacionés, porque no hay verdadera muerte. La Tierra, con todo nuestro sistema solar, morirá seguramente, pero es para renacer otra vez; y lo mismo ocurre con otros mundos ó sistemas solares. 32

Resurrección

[...]

¿Qué demuestran las leyes físicas y químicas?—Nos prueban de consuno que nada se aniquila, nada desaparece: ni energía ni materia: todo renacerá, probablemente con otras formas (pero parecidas) que las actuales, porque serán distintas las circunstancias que concurrirán á su formación; más todo volverá á surgir. Diariamente nacen mundos, [...] 9

¿Que demuestran las leyes fisicas y quimicas? –Nos prueban de consuno que nada se aniquila, nada desaparece: ni energía ni materia: todo renacerá, probablemente con otras formas (pero parecidas) que las actuales, porque serán distintas las circunstancias que concurrirán á su formación; más todo volverá á surgir. Diariamente nacen mundos, mientras otros mundos se mueren, pero todos renacen immediatamente trasformados, porque el poder de Dios es inagotable. ‘Resurrección’ 33-34

Uso de Lengua Entendida

Es imposible orar con devoción, si nos dirigimos á nuestro Dios en lengua que no entendemos. Y toda oración en idioma no entendido es sin fruto, como dijo San Pablo.

Debemos, pues, siempre orar y predicar en el idioma de cada pueblo á que nos dirigimos. 100

#oracion

Blunt, Mason Cpt. 1912. An army officer’s Philippine studies. Manila: University Press.

On the 25 of the same month [January 1899], another ceremony took place. The people were assembled to kiss the new flag and to swear fealty to it. Some two thousand Igorotes had come down from the hills, and they too were solemnly sworn in. After that Aglipay reformed the clerical dress for out of doors. All the priests, and the seminarians as well, had to be uniformed as captains. When the seminary boys were out for their walk, they, including the priests that were with them, looked like a small regiment of captains. 311


About the latter part of 1902 and the earlier of 1903, Aglipay appeared in Manila. Having made his peace with the Civil Government, he started the Independent Filipino church, of which he appointed Governor Taft as president. [...]Governor Taft courteously declined to accept the presidency of the new church [...] 312

By forcing the [Catholic] Church to incur great expense in prosecuting these cases [of title to church buildings] in the courts, it furthermore caused that organization no little financial embarassment. What gives still greater force to this impression was that no other acts of the Insurgents or of their government beyond those in reference to Church property, were recognized to the same extent by the Civil Government. 40

#aglipay

Osorio, Amando. n.d. [1913?] Ang Walay Palad: ang Sugbu sa Kanhing Panahon [PK: Should this be Armando Osorio?]

[PK: Description: date is illegible, this is a novella in Cebuano. It tells the story of Daylinda, Omanad, Hamabad and Magellan. Probably the same text Martinez mentions as having been published in 1913. A version of it appears in a 1947 issue of Bisaya magazine (see Alburo’s article: Alburo, Erlinda K. ‘History and the Prewar Cebuano Novel’, Philippine Studies. Volume 55, Issue 4 (2007)]

Footnote: “Matud sa Historia nga sa ubang mga dapit sa Pilipinas, ang mga tawong nanagpuyo sa usa ka walog ug ang mga nagpuyo sa pikas sa walog dili kono mag-inilhanag ni magkinit-anay hangtud sa pagkamatay. Dili ba mga suroyán ang atong unang mga ginikanan?”

Chapter ‘Tungud sa Inahang Yuta’ p11-12

Briggs, Charles W. 1913. The progressing Philippines. Philadelphia: The Griffith & Rowland Press.

In July, 1902, Governor Taft made a journey to Rome to adjust these matters with the Vatican authorities. The result was the purchase by the government of the friar estates on condition that the friars be removed from the Islands, and American bishops placed in charge of the Catholic churches.

When the report of these arrangements became known in the islands, the Aglipayano movement [114] declined in strength. The Filipino priests and their sympathizers felt that they had already gained their contention.

But early in December, 1902, the papal legate, Mons. Guidi, arrived in Manila with his pope’s bull on the Philippine church (quae mare sinico), which he straightway published. From this bull it became evident that after Governor Taft’s departure from Rome, friar interests had dominated the Vatican. The bull was a vinidcation of the friars, and bespoke an almost open contempt for the Filipino clergy. There were in it passages that were construed by the Filipinos to mean that the friars were to be maintained in the Islands and returned to their parishes throughout the provinces. Many, indeed, were so returned.

That the bull was a colossal and typical friar blunder was soon evident. The leading Filipinos openly allied themselves with Aglipay; scores of native clergy flocked to his standard. He made fifteen of these priests bishops, assigned them districts throughout the Islands, and began an ovation march of triumph through the provinces. Where the Cahtolic churches were occupied by a priest loyal to Rome the Aglipayanos built a chapel for their own use. Thus Aglipayano chapels sprang up throughout the Islands. [...]

The strength of the movement, in addition to its offering an alternative to the friar church, lay in its appeal to the growing sense of nationality and patriot-[115]ism. Filipinos who would not join the movement were looked upon as tories. 116

#aglipay

Taft, Helen Herron. 1914. Recollections of full years. New York: Dodd, Mead & Company.

Mr. Taft was repeatedly warned by the allies of Rome that the movement [of Aglipay] was nothing but a cloak for the worst insurrection against the government that the Filipinos had yet attempted, and this suspicion was somewhat strengthened by the fact that many of the least tractable insurrecto leaders were among its directors, but in the main the schismatics evinced every desire to obey the injunction laid upon them not to resort to incendiary methods. And it was thought that the treatment they received in return would probably do more than all the preaching in the world to convince them that under American sovereignty they were actually to enjoy complete religious freedom. 260

#aglipay

Torralba, Domingo and Timoteo Butalid. 1916. ‘Some stories connected with the caves of Bohol’. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples, v3, Paper no. 71. Box 103.

The island of Bohol, different from the other islands, has many caves some of which have been entered but by very few people not for the sake of conquering or investigating what archaeological remains can be found inside but for the nests of a certain kind of birds (sic), which are highly prized locally. Some say that these caves are connected so as to form a tunnel or an underground labyrinth. Others say that some of these caves are so deep into the ground that if a stone is let fall into the sound of the face is faintly or not at all heard (sic). The people, however, believe that some of these deep caves are the homes of supernatural beings. It is said that these beings are seen hanging around these caves and some music is heard at night especially during moonlights. Stories, some of which are weirds (sic), spread among the people and the more they hear them, the farther they go from the caves.

In a certain place, Ilaya (shore) there is a cave into which I believe, no one has gone because it is claimed to be inhabited. One stormy night two fishermen were cast ashore near the cave. As they approached the shore they begged of the inhabitants of the cave (of course they did see no one) that they should be left alone. They took shelter beneath a protruding rock. They had not eaten any supper. They had some fish with them and they [1] wanted to roast them if they could only kindle a fire. One of them addressed the cave dwellers.

“Please, have pity on us. We are dying of hunger. Give us a little fire only.”

Right away a glowing fuel was thrown before them. They did not see anyone. After thanking they built a fire and roasted their fish.

The following day the story of these two fishermen was spread throughout the town. Three days after it happened that the two fishermen went out for a voyage of two days and two nights. They forgot to bring with them plates. But when they passed by the cave they landed and borrowed some plates promising that they would return them on their return. Out came five plates.

As soon as this was known the people of the town could do, more or less, whatever they wished. They just went to the cave and told the cave dwellers what they needed. But this was stopped because of an old woman who borrowed an earthen jar which she did not return as she promised. The people regretted very much. The things borrowed were taken from them unknowingly.

Somewhere in the interior of the island there was a small barrio the name of which I don’t remember now. Near the barrio was a cave which was full of nests, so most of the men in the barrio were nest gatherers. They gathered plenty of these nests and sold them to the people. One day, five of these gatherers went into the cave to gather the nests. But when they were inside they could not find any nest. They were very much surprised and believed that they were fooled by the cave-dwellers. They [2] got mad and scolded them. But when they groped their way they found that they were lost. In the course of two days it was known throughout the barrio that Messrs. So and So were lost. They wandered around the country and shouted for them. They found that the mouth of the cave was closed with a big rock, and believed that the five men were closed into the cave. They did not try to remove the rock because they fear that some

harm would be done upon them. They deserted their village instead and settled in another place.

The people attributed all cases of loss to these caves. When some got lost in the mountains or forest, they at once went to one cave after another calling the name of the person lost. 3

#chapter 2 [Tiyo Iyo’s cave expedition] #chapter 4 #article: literature #lost treasure

Torralba, Sergio. 1916. Uac-uac. In Stories from the islands of Bohol and Siquijor. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Volume 3, paper no. 86. Box no. 103. ADD to ENDNOTE

I believe the name uac-uac corresponds to the Tagalog name aswang but I am not certain about what they know of its nature. They say that this aswang eats or lives upon human flesh and they are very common in the Visayan islands. There is no such superstition in those islands except this uac-uac. 11

#chapter 7 [PK:difference between aswang and wak-wak but also add as supporting ref to statement about importance of aswang in Visayan folklore]

Cole, Mabel Cook. 1916. Philippine folk tales compiled and cnnotated by Mabel Cook Cole. Chicago: A.C. McClurg & Co.

From time to time since the American occupation of the Islands, Philippine folk-tales have appeared in scientific publications, but never, so far as the writer is aware, has there been an attempt to offer to the general public a comprehensive popular collection of this material. It is my earnest hope that this collection of tales will give those who are interested opportunity to learn something of the magic, superstitions, and weird customs of the Filipinos, and to feel the charm of their wonder-world as it is pictured by these dark-skinned inhabitants of our Island possessions. vi

The last group contains the stories of the Christianized natives—those who accepted the rule of Spain and with it the Catholic religion. Their tales, while full of local color, nevertheless show the influence of the European tutors. They furnish an excellent opportunity to contrast the literature of the savage head-hunters with that of the Moro and Christian tribes and to observe how various recent influences have modified the beliefs of people who not many centuries ago were doubtless of a uniform grade of culture. It is interesting, too, to note that European tales brought into the Islands by Mohammedan and Christian rulers and traders have been worked over until, at first glance, they now appear indigenous. xi

#article: grimm

United States Bureau of the Census. 1920-1921. Census of the Philippine Islands, taken under the direction of the Philippine legislature in the year 1918, in four volumes. Part II: Schools, university, commerce, transportation, banks, and insurance. Manila: Bureau of Printing.

[Table: Number of pupils years 1918-1919 ]

Philippine Islands, total: 789,046

Bohol: 27,495

432

#chapter 9 #folk literacy

[Table: Proportion of pupils to population of school age:]

Philippine Islands: 2,746,202 [population of entire country]. Pupils: 763, 227. Percent: 27.8

Bohol: 104, 711 [population of island]. Pupils: 27,087. Percent: 25.9

534

#chapter 9 #folk literacy

1920-1929 Fansler, Dean Spruill. 1921. Filipino popular tales

collected and edited with comparative notes by Dean S. Fansler. Lancaster PA. and New York: American Folk-lore Society.

The folk-tales in this volume, which were collected in the Philippines during the years from 1908 to 1914, have not appeared in print before. They are given to the public now in the hope that they will be no mean or uninteresting addition to the volumes of Oriental Märchen already in existence. The Philippine archipelago, from the very nature of its geographical position and its political history, cannot but be a significant field to the student of popular stories. Lying as it does at the very doors of China and Japan, connected as it is ethnically with the Malayan and Indian civilizations, Occidentalized as it has been for three centuries and more, it stands at the junction of East and West. It is therefore from this point of view that these tales have been put into a form convenient for reference. Their importance consists in their relationship to the body of world fiction. v


But what is “native,” and what is “derived”? The folklore of the wild tribes — Negritos, Bagobos, Igorots — is in its way no more “uncontaminated” than that of the Tagalogs, Pampangans, Zambals, Pangasinans, Ilocanos, Bicols, and Visayans. The traditions of the traditions of these Christianized tribes present as survivals, adaptations, modifications, fully as many puzzling and fascinating problems as the popular lore of

the Pagan peoples. It should be remembered, that, no matter how wild and savage and isolated a tribe may be, it is impossible to prove that there has been no contact of that tribe with the outside civilized world. Conquest is not necessary to the introduction of a story or belief. The crew of a Portuguese trading-vessel with a genial narrator on board might conceivably be a much more successful transmitting-medium than a thousand praos full of brown warriors come to stay. Clearly the problem of analyzing and tracing the story-literature of the Christianized tribes differs only in degree from that connected with the Pagan tribes. In this volume I have treated the problem entirely from the former point of view, since there has been hitherto a tendency to neglect as of small value the stories of the Christianized peoples. vi


While the most obvious sources of importation from the Occident have been Spain and Portugal, the possibility of the introduction of French, Italian, and even Belgian stories through the medium of priests of those nationalities must not be overlooked. Furthermore, there is a no (sic) inconsiderable number of Basque sailors to be found on the small inter-island steamers that connect one end of the archipelago with the other. Even a very cursory glance at the tales in this collection reveals the fact that many of them are more or less close variants and analogues of tales distributed throughout the world. How or when this material reached the Philippines is hard to say. The importation of Arabian stories, for example, might have been made over many routes. The Hindoo beast-tales, too, might have quite circled the globe in their progress from east to west, and thus have been introduced to the Filipinos by the Spaniards and Portuguese. Again, the germs of a number of widespread Märchen may have existed in the archipelago long before the arrival of the Europeans, and, upon the introduction of Occidental civilization and culture, have undergone a development entirely consistent with the development that took place in Europe, giving us as a result remarkably close analogues of the Western tales. This I suspect to have been the case of some of our stories where, parallel with the localized popular versions, exist printed romances (in the vernacular) with the mediaeval flavor and setting of chivalry. To give a specific case: the Visayans, Bicols, and Tagalogs in the coast towns feared the raids of Mindanao Mussulmans long before white feet trod the shores of the Islands, and many traditions of conflicts with these pirates are embedded in their legends. The Spaniard came in the sixteenth century, bringing with him stories of wars between Christians and Saracens in Europe. One result of this close analogy of actual historical situation was, I believe, a general tendency to levelling: that is, native traditions of such struggles took on the color of the Spanish romances: Spanish romances, on the other hand, which were popularized in the Islands, were very likely to be “localized.” A maximum of caution and a minimum of dogmatism, then, are imperative, if one is to treat at all scientifically the relationship of the stories of a composite people like the Filipinos to the stories of the rest of the world. vii

#article: grimm

A word might be added as to the nature of the tales. I have included only “hero tales, serious and droll,” beast stories and fables, and pourquoi or “just-so” stories. Myths, legends, and fairy-tales (including all kinds of spirit and demon stories) I have purposely excluded, in order to keep the size of the volume within reasonable limits. I have, however, occasionally drawn upon my manuscript collection of these types to illustrate a native superstition or custom.

(b) SUAN EKET. [Fn: Narrated by Manuel Reyes, a Tagalog from Rizal province. He heard the story from his grandfather.]

Many years ago there lived in the country of Campao a boy named Suan. While this boy was studying in a private school, it was said that he could not pronounce the letter x very well: he called it “eket.” So his schoolmates nick-named him “Suan Eket.”

Finally Suan left school, because, whenever he went there, the other pupils always shouted at him, “Eket, eket, eket!” He went home, and told his mother to buy him a pencil and a pad of paper. “I am the wisest boy in our town now,” said he. [2]

One night Suan stole his father’s plough, and hid it in a creek near their house. The next morning his father could not find his plough.

“What are you looking for?” said Suan.

“My plough,” answered his father.” Come here, father! I will guess where it is.” Suan took his pencil and a piece of paper. On the paper he wrote figures of various shapes. He then looked up, and said, —

“Ararokes, ararokes,

Na na nakawes

Ay na s’imburnales,” —

which meant that the plough had been stolen by a neighbor and hidden in a creek. Suan’s father looked for it in the creek near their house, and found it. In great wonder he said, “My son is truly the wisest boy in the town.” News spread that Suan was a good guesser.

One day as Suan was up in a guava-tree, he saw his uncle Pedro ploughing. At noon Pedro went home to eat his dinner, leaving the plough and the carabao in the field. Suan got down from the tree and climbed up on the carabao’s back. He guided it to a very secret place in the mountains and hid it there. When Pedro came back, he could not find his carabao. A man who was passing by said, “Pedro, what are you looking for?”

“I am looking for my carabao. Somebody must have stolen it.”

“Go to Suan, your nephew,” said the man. “He can tell you who stole your carabao.” So Pedro went to Suan’s house, and told him to guess who had taken his carabao.

Suan took his pencil and a piece of paper. On the paper he wrote some round figures. He then looked up, and said, —

“Carabaues, carabaues,

Na nanakawes

Ay na sa bundokes,” —

which meant that the carabao was stolen by a neighbor and was hidden in the mountain. For many days Pedro looked for it in the mountain. At last he found it in a very secret place. He then went to Suan’s house, and told him that the carabao

was truly in the mountain. In great wonder he said, “My nephew is surely a good guesser.” [3]

One Sunday a proclamation of the king was read. It was as follows: “The princess’s ring is lost. Whoever can tell who stole it shall have my daughter for his wife; but he who tries and fails, loses his head.”

When Suan’s mother heard it, she immediately went to the palace, and said, “King, my son can tell you who stole your daughter’s ring.”

“Very well,” said the king, “I will send my carriage for your son to ride to the palace in.”

In great joy the woman went home. She was only ascending the ladder when she shouted, “Suan, Suan, my fortunate son!”

“What is it, mother?” said Suan.

“I told the king that you could tell him who stole the princess’s ring.”

“Foolish mother, do you want me to die?” said Suan, trembling.

Suan had scarcely spoken these words when the king’s carriage came. The coachman was a courtier. This man was really the one who had stolen the princess’s ring. When Suan was in the carriage, he exclaimed in great sorrow, “Death is at hand!” Then he blasphemed, and said aloud to himself, “You will lose your life now.” The coachman thought that Suan was addressing him. He said to himself, “I once heard that this man is a good guesser. He must know that it was I who stole the ring, because he said that my death is at hand.” So he knelt before Suan, and said,”Pity me! Don’t tell the king that it was I who stole the ring!”

Suan was surprised at what the coachman said. After thinking for a moment, he asked, “Where is the ring?”

“Here it is.”

“All right! Listen, and I will tell you what you must do in order that you may not be punished by the king. You must catch one of the king’s geese tonight, and make it swallow the ring.”

The coachman did what Suan had told him to do. He caught a goose and opened its mouth. He then dropped the ring into it, and pressed the bird’s throat until it swallowed the ring. [4]

The next morning the king called Suan, and said, “Tell me now who stole my daughter’s ring.”

“May I have a candle? I cannot guess right if I have no candle,” said Suan.

The king gave him one. He lighted it and put it on a round table. He then looked up and down. He went around the table several times, uttering Latin words. Lastly he said in aloud voice, “Mi domine!”

“Where is the ring?” said the king.

Suan replied, —

“Singsing na nawala

Ninakao ang akala

Ay nas’ ‘big ng gansa,” —

which meant that the ring was not stolen, but had been swallowed by a goose. The king ordered all the geese to be killed. In the crop of one of them they found the ring. In great joy the king patted Suan on the back, and said, “You are truly the wisest boy in the world.”

The next day there was a great entertainment, and Suan and the princess were married.

In a country on the other side of the sea was living a richman named Mayabong. This man heard that the King of Campao had a son-in-law who was a good guesser. So he filled one of his cascos with gold and silver, and sailed to Campao. He went to the palace, and said, “King, is it true that your son-in-law is a good guesser?”

“Yes,” said the king.

“Should you like to have a contest with me? If your son-in-law can tell how many seeds these melons I have brought here contain, I will give you that casco filled with gold and silver on the sea; but if he fails, you are to give me the same amount of money as I have brought.”

The king agreed. Mayabong told him that they would meet at the public square the next day.

When Mayabong had gone away, the king called Suan, and said, “Mayabong has challenged me to a contest. You are to guess how many seeds the melons he has contain. Can you do it?” Suan was ashamed to refuse; so, even though he knew that he could not tell how many seeds a melon contained, he answered, “Yes.” [5]

When night came, Suan could not sleep. He was wondering what to do. At last he decided to drown himself in the sea. Sohe went to the shore and got into a tub. “I must drown my-self far out, so that no one may find my body. If they see it, they will say that I was not truly a good guesser,” he said to himself. He rowed and rowed until he was very tired. It so happened that he reached the place where Mayabong’s casco was anchored. There he heard somebody talking. “How many seeds has the green melon?” said one. “Five,” answered another. “How many seeds has the yellow one?” —

”Six.”

When Suan heard how many seeds each melon contained, he immediately rowed back to shore and went home.

The next morning Suan met Mayabong at the public square, as agreed. Mayabong held up a green melon, and said, “How many seeds does this melon contain?”

“Five seeds,” answered Suan, after uttering some Latin words.The melon was cut, and was found to contain five seeds. The king shouted, “We are right!”

Mayabong then held up another melon, and said, “How many does this one contain?” Seeing that it was the yellow melon, Suan said, “It contains six.”

When the melon was cut, it was found that Suan was right again. So he won the contest.

Now, Mayabong wanted to win his money back again. So he took a bottle and filled it with dung, and covered it tightly. He challenged the king again to a contest. But when Suan refused this time, because he had no idea as to what was in the bottle, the king said, “I let you marry my daughter, because I thought that you were a good guesser. Now you must prove that you are. If you refuse, you will lose your life.”

When Mayabong asked what the bottle contained, Suan, filled with rage, picked it up and hurled it down on the floor, saying, “I consider that you are all waste to me.”’ When the bottle was broken, it was found to contain waste, or dung. In great joy the king crowned Suan to succeed him. Thus Suan lived happily the rest of his life with his wife the princess. 6

#folk literacy

#motif: literacy as a means to success

#motif: literacy as sleight-of-hand to awe the illiterate

#motif: illiteracy as a shameful condition

This story seems to be fairly widespread among the Filipinos: there is no doubt of its popularity. The distinguishing incidents of the type are as follows: —

A1 Lazy son decides that he will go to school no longer, and (A2) with his ABC book or a pencil and pad of paper, he has no trouble in making his parents think him wise. (A’) He tells his mother that he has learned to be a prophet and can discover hidden things. (A4) He spies on his mother, and then “guesses” what she has prepared for supper.

[...]

H Afraid of being called on for further demonstration of his skill, hero burns his “magic” book.

[...]

A concluding adventure is sometimes added to version c, “Juan the Guesser.” King and queen of another country visit palace of Juan’s father-in-law and want their newly-born child baptized. Juan [7] is selected to be godfather. When called upon to sign the baptism certificate, he instantly dies of shame, pen in hand: he cannot write even his own name. 8

#folk literacy


#motif: literacy as sleight-of-hand to awe the illiterate


(e) The Manglalabas [fn: Literally, “Give us here in the ceiling some good food.”

[...]

In a certain barrio 1 of Balubad there lived two queer men. One was called Bulag, because he was blind; and the other, Cuba, because he was hunchbacked. One day these two arranged to go to Balubad to beg. [50]

[...]

When they reached the town, they begged at many of the houses, and finally they came to the large abandoned house. They did not know that this place was .haunted by a spirit. Cuba said, “Maybe no one is living in this house;” and Bulag replied, “I think we had better stay here for the night.”

As they were afraid that somebody might come, they went up into the ceiling. At midnight they were awakened by Manglalabas making a great noise and shouting, “I believe that there are some new persons in my house!” Cuba, frightened, fired the gun. The ghost thought that the noise of the gun was some one crying. So he said, “ If you are truly a big man, give me some proofs.”

Then Cuba took the handle out of the hatchet and threw the head down at the ghost. Manglalabas thought that this was one of the teeth of his visitor, and, convinced that the intruder was a powerful person, he said, “I have a buried treasure near the barn. I wish you to dig it up. The reason I come here every night is on account of this treasure. If you will only dig it up, I will not come here any more.”

The next night Bulag and Cuba dug in the ground near the [50] barn. There they found many gold and silver pieces. When they were dividing the riches, Cuba kept three-fourths of the treasure for himself. Bulag said, “Let me see if you have divided fairly,” and, placing his hands on the two piles, he found that Cuba’s was much larger.

Angry at the discovery, Cuba struck Bulag in the eyes, and they were opened. When Bulag could see, he kicked Cuba in the back, and straightway his deformity disappeared. Therefore they became friends again, divided the money equally, and owned the big house between them. 51

#lost treasure

(b) Juan and his six companions 92

[...]

After consulting gravely with his advisers, the monarch gave out this proclamation: “ He who shall succeed in getting the golden egg from the moss-grown oak in yonder mountain shall be my son-in-law and heir.”

This egg, whose origin nobody knew anything about, rendered its possessor very formidable. When the proclamation had been made public, the whole kingdom was seized with wild enthusiasm; for, though the task was hazardous, yet it seemed performable and easy to the reckless. For five days and five nights crowds of lovers, adventurers, and ruffians set sail for the “Mountain of the Golden Egg,” as it was called; but none of the enterprisers ever reached the place. Some were shipwrecked; others were driven by adverse winds and currents to strange lands, where they perished miserably; and the rest were forced to return because of the horrible sights of broken planks and mangled bodies. 93

#lost treasure

b) Three brothers of fortune [Fn: Narrated by Eugenio Estayo, a Pangasinan, who heard the story from Toribio Serafica, a native of Rosales, Pangasinan. ]

In former times there lived in a certain village a wealthy man who had three sons, — Suan, Iloy, and Ambo. As this man was a lover of education, he sent all his boys to another town to school. But these three brothers did not study: they spent their time in idleness and extravagance. When vacation came, they were ashamed to go back to their home town, because they did not know anything; so, instead, they wandered from town to town seeking their fortunes. In the course of their travels they met an old woman broken with age. “Should you like to buy this book, my grandsons?” asked the old woman as she stopped them.

“What is the virtue of that book, grandmother?” asked Ambo.

“My grandsons,” replied she, “if you want to restore a dead person to life, just open this book before him, and in an instant he will be revived.” Without questioning her further, Ambo at once bought the book. Then the three continued their journey.

Again they met an old woman selling a mat. Now, Iloy was desirous of possessing a charm, so he asked the old woman what virtue the mat had.

“Why, if you want to travel through the air,” she said, “just step on it, and in an instant you will be where you desire to go. “ Iloy did not hesitate, but bought the mat at once.

Now, Suan was the only one who had no charm. They had not gone far, however, before he saw two stones, which once in a while would meet and unite to form one round black stone, [118] and then separate again. Believing that these stones possessed some magical power, Suan picked them up; for it occurred to him that with them he would be able to unite things of the same or similar kind. This belief of his came true, as we shall see.

These three brothers, each possessing a charm, were very happy. They went on their way light-hearted. Not long afterward they came upon a crowd of persons weeping over the dead body of a beautiful young lady. Ambo told the parents of the young woman that he would restore her to life if they would pay him a reasonable sum of money. As they gladly agreed, Ambo opened his book, and the dead lady was brought back to life. Ambo was paid all the money he asked; but as soon as he had received his reward, Iloy placed his mat on the ground, and told his two brothers to hold the young woman and step on the mat. They did so, and in an instant all four were transported to the seashore.

From that place they took ship to another country; but when they were in the middle of the sea, a severe storm came, and their boat was wrecked. All on board would have been drowned had not Suan repaired the broken planks with his two magical stones. When they landed, a quarrel arose among the three brothers as to which one was entitled to the young woman.

Ambo said, “I am the one who should have her, for it was I who restored her to life.”

“But if it had not been for me, we should not have the lady with us,” said Iloy.

“And if it had not been for me,” said Suan, “we should all be dead now, and nobody could have her.” As they could not come to any agreement, they took the question before the king. He decided to divide the young woman into three parts to be distributed among the three brothers. His judgment was carried out. When each had

received his share, Iloy and Ambo were discontented because their portions were useless, so they threw them away; but Suan picked up the shares of his two brothers and united them with his own. The young woman was brought to life again, and lived happily with Suan. So, after all, Suan was the most fortunate. 119

#folk literacy


#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to restore the dead to life

(c) PABLO AND THE PRINCESS. [Fn: Narrated by Dolores Zafra, a Tagalog from La Laguna. She heard the story from her father]

Once upon a time there lived three friends, — Pedro, Juan, and Pablo. One morning they met at the junction of three roads. While they were talking, Pedro said, “Let each of us take one of these roads and set out to find his fortune! there is nothing for us to do in our town.” The other two agreed. After they had embraced and wished each other good luck, they went their several ways. Before separating, however, they promised one another to meet again in the same place, with the arrangement that the first who came should wait for the others.

Pedro took the road to the right. After three months’ travelling, sometimes over mountains, sometimes through towns, he met an old man. The old man asked him for food, for he was very hungry. Pedro gave him some bread, for that was all he had. The old man thanked the youth very much, and said, “In return for your kindness I will give you this carpet. It looks like an ordinary carpet, but it has great virtue. Whoever sits on it may be transported instantly to any place he desires to be.” Pedro received the carpet gladly and thanked the old man. Then the old man went on his way, and Pedro wandered about the town. At last, thinking of his two friends, he seated himself on his carpet and was transported to the crossroads, where he sat down to wait for Juan and Pablo.

Juan had taken the road to the left. After he had travelled for three months and a half, he, too, met an old man. This old man asked the youth for something to eat, as he was very hungry, he said. So Juan, kind-heartedly, shared with him the bread he was going to eat for his dinner. As a return for his generosity, the old man gave him a book, and said, “This book may seem to you of no value; but when you know of its peculiar properties, you will be astonished. By reading in it you will be able to know everything that is happening in the world at all times.” Juan was overjoyed with his present. After thanking the old man and bidding him good-by, the youth returned to the meeting-place at the cross-roads, where he met Pedro. The two waited for Pablo.

Pablo took the road in the middle, and, after travelling four months, he also met an old man, to whom he gave the bread he [120] was going to eat for his dinner. “As you have been very kind to me,” said the old man, “I will give you this ivory tube as a present. Perhaps you will say that it is worthless, if you look only at the outside; but when you know its value, you will say that the one who possesses it is master of a great treasure. It cures all sick persons of every disease, and, even if the patient is dying, it will restore him instantly to perfect health if you will but blow through one end of the tube into the sick person’s nose.” Pablo thanked the old man heartily for his gift, and then set out for the meeting-place. He joined his friends without mishap.

The three friends congratulated one another at having met again in safety and good health. Then they told one another about their fortunes. While Pedro was looking in Juan’s book, he read that a certain princess in a distant kingdom was very sick, and that the king her father had given orders that any person in the world who could cure his daughter should be her husband and his heir. When Pedro told his companions the news, they at once decided to go to that kingdom. They seated themselves on the carpet, and were transported in a flash to the king’s palace. After they had been led into the room of the sick princess, Pablo took his tube and blew through one end of it into her nose. She immediately opened her eyes, sat up, and began to talk. Then, as she wanted to dress, the three friends retired.

While the princess was dressing, Pablo, Juan, and Pedro went before the king, and told him how they had learned that the princess was sick, how they had been transported there, and who had cured her. The king, having heard all each had to say in his own favor, at last spoke thus wisely to them: —

“It is true, Pablo, that you are the one who cured my daughter; but let me ask you whether you could have contrived to cure her if you had not known from Juan’s book that she was sick, and if Pedro’s carpet had not brought you here without delay. — Your book, Juan, revealed to you that my daughter was sick; but the knowledge of her illness would have been of no service had it not been for Pedro’s carpet and Pablo’s tube. — And it is just the same way with your carpet, Pedro. — So I cannot grant the princess to any one of you, since each has had an equal share in her cure. As this is the case, I will choose another means of deciding. Go and procure, each one of you, [121] a bow and an arrow. I will hang up the inflorescence of a banana-plant. This will represent the heart of my daughter. The one who shoots it in the middle shall be the husband of my daughter, and the heir of my kingdom.”

The first to shoot was Pedro, whose arrow passed directly through the middle of the banana-flower. He was very glad. Juan shot second. His arrow passed through the same hole Pedro’s arrow had made. Now came Pablo’s turn; but when Pablo’s turn came, he refused to shoot, saying that if the banana-flower represented the heart of the princess, he could not shoot it, for he loved her too dearly.

When the king heard this answer, he said, “Since Pablo really loves my daughter, while Pedro and Juan do not, for they shot at the flower that represents her heart, Pablo shall marry the princess.”

And so Pablo married the king’s daughter, and in time became king of that country. 122

#folk literacy

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to reveal events in other places

(d) LEGEND OF PRINCE OSWALDO. [Fn: Narrated by Leopoldo Uichanco, a Tagalog from Calamba, La Laguna.]

Once upon a time, on a moonlight night, three young men were walking monotonously along a solitary country road. Just where they were going nobody could tell: but when they came to a place where the road branched into three, they stopped there like nails attracted by a powerful magnet. At this crossroads a helpless old man lay groaning as if in mortal pain. At the sight of the travellers he tried to raise his head, but in vain. The

three companions then ran to him, helped him up, and fed him a part of the rice they had with them.

The sick old man gradually regained strength, and at last could speak to them. He thanked them, gave each of the companions a hundred pesos, and said, “Each one of you shall take one of these branch-roads. At the end of it is a house where they are selling something. With these hundred pesos that I am giving each of you, you shall buy the first thing that you see there.” The three youths accepted the money, and promised to obey the old man’s directions.

Pedro, who took the left branch, soon came to the house described by the old man. The owner of the house was selling a rain-coat. “How much does the coat cost?” Pedro asked the landlord. [122]

“One hundred pesos, no more, no less.”

“Of what value is it?” said Pedro. “It will take you wherever you wish to go.” So Pedro paid the price, took the rain-coat, and returned.

Diego, who took the middle road, arrived at another house. The owner of this house was selling a book. “How much does your book cost?” Diego inquired of the owner. “One hundred pesos, no more, no less.” “Of what value is it?” “It will tell you what is going on in all parts of the world.” So Diego paid the price, took the book, and returned. Juan, who took the third road, reached still another house. The owner of the house was selling a bottle that contained some violet-colored liquid. “How much does the bottle cost?” said Juan.

“One hundred pesos, no more, no less.”

“Of what value is it?”

“It brings the dead back to life,” was the answer. Juan paid the price, took the bottle, and returned.

The three travellers met again in the same place where they had separated; but the old man was now nowhere to be found. The first to tell of his adventure was Diego. “Oh, see what I have!” he shouted as he came in sight of his companions. “It tells everything that is going on in the world. Let me show you!” He opened the book and read what appeared on the page: “‘The beautiful princess of Berengena is dead. Her parents, relatives, and friends grieve at her loss.’”

“Good!” answered Juan. “Then there is an occasion for us to test this bottle. It restores the dead back to life. Oh, but the kingdom of Berengena is far away! The princess will be long buried before we get there.”

“Then we shall have occasion to use my rain-coat,” said Pedro. “It will take us wherever we wish to go. Let us try it! We shall receive a big reward from the king. We shall return home with a casco full of money. To Berengena at once!” He wrapped the rain-coat about all three of them, and wished them in Berengena. Within a few minutes they reached that country. The princess was already in the church, where her parents were weeping over her. Everybody in the church wore deep mourning.

When the three strangers boldly entered the church, the [123] guard at the door arrested them, for they had on red clothes. When Juan protested, and said that the

princess was not dead, the guard immediately took him to the king; but the king, when he heard what Juan had said, called him a fool.

‘‘She is only sleeping,’’ said Juan. ‘‘Let me wake her up!”

“She is dead,” answered the king angrily. “On your life, don’t you dare touch her!”

“I will hold my head responsible for the truth of my statement,” said Juan. “Let me wake her up, or rather, not to offend your Majesty, restore her to life!”

“Well, I will let you do as you please,” said the king; “but if your attempt fails, you will lose your head. On the other hand, should you be successful, I will give you the princess for a wife, and you shall be my heir.”

Blinded by his love for the beautiful princess, Juan said that he would restore her to life. “May you be successful!” said the king; and then, raising his voice, he continued, “Everybody here present is to bear witness that I, the King of Berengena, do hereby confirm an agreement with this unknown stranger. I will allow this man to try the knowledge he pretends to possess of restoring the princess to life. But there is this condition to be understood: if he is successful, I will marry him to the princess, and he is to be my heir; but should he fail, his head is forfeit.”

The announcement having been made, Juan was conducted to the coffin. He now first realized what he was undertaking. What if the bottle was false! What if he should fail! Would not his head be dangling from the ropes of the scaffold, to be hailed by the multitude as the remains of a blockhead, a dunce, and a fool? The coffin was opened. With these meditations in his mind, Juan tremblingly uncorked his bottle of violet liquid, and held it under the nose of the princess. He held the bottle there for some time, but she gave no signs of life. An hour longer, still no trace of life. After hours of waiting, the people began to grow impatient. The king scratched his head, the guards were ready to seize him; the scaffold was waiting for him. “Nameless stranger!” thundered the king, with indignant eyes, “upon your honor, tell us the truth! Can you do it, or not? Speak. I command it!”

Juan trembled all the more. He did not know what to say, but he continued to hold the bottle under the nose of the prin-[124]cess. Had he not been afraid of the consequences, he would have given up and entreated the king for mercy. He fixed his eyes on the corpse, but did not speak. “Are you trying to joke us?” said the king, his eyes flashing with rage. “Speak! I command!”

Just as Juan was about to reply, he saw the right hand of the princess move. He bade the king wait. Soon the princess moved her other hand and opened her eyes. Her cheeks were fresh and rosy as ever. She stared about, and exclaimed in surprise, “Oh, where am I? Where am I? Am I dreaming? No, there is my father, there is my mother, there is my brother.” The king was fully satisfied. He embraced his daughter, and then turned to Juan, saying, “Stranger, can’t you favor us now with your name?”

With all the rustic courtesy he knew, Juan replied to the king, told his name, and said that he was a poor laborer in a barrio far away. The king only smiled, and ordered Juan’s clothes to be exchanged for prince’s garments, so that the celebration of his marriage with the princess might take place at once. “Long live Juan! Long live the princess!” the people shouted.

When Diego and Juan heard the shout, they could not help feeling cheated. They made their way through the crowd, and said to the king, “Great Majesty, pray hear us! In the name of justice, pray hear us!”

“Who calls?” asked the king of a guard near by. “Bring him here!” The guard obeyed, and led the two men before the king.

“What is the matter?” asked the king of the two.

“Your Majesty shall know,” responded Diego. “If it had not been for my book, we could not have known that the princess was dead. Our home is far away, and it was only because of my magic book that we knew of the events that were going on here.”

“And his Majesty shall be informed,” seconded Pedro, “that Juan’s good luck is due to my rain-coat. Neither Diego’s book nor Juan’s bottle could have done anything had not my rain-coat carried us here so quickly. I am the one who should marry the princess.”

The king was overwhelmed: he did not know what to do. Each of the three had a good reason, but all three could not marry the princess. Even the counsellors of the king could not decide upon the matter. [125]

While they were puzzling over it, an old man sprang forth from the crowd of spectators, and declared that he would settle the difficulty. “Young men,” he said, addressing Juan, Pedro, and Diego, “none of you shall marry the princess. — You, Juan, shall not marry her, because you intended to obtain your fortunes regardless of your companions who have been helping you to get them. — And you, Pedro and Diego, shall not have the princess, because you did not accept your misfortune quietly and thank God for it. — None of you shall have her. I will marry her myself.”

The princess wept. How could the fairest maiden of Berengena marry an old man! “What right have you to claim her?” said the king in scorn.

“I am the one who showed these three companions where to get their bottle, rain-coat, and book,” said the old man. “I am the one who gave each of them a hundred pesos. I am the capitalist: the interest is mine.” The old man was right; the crowd clapped their hands; and the princess could do nothing but yield. Bitterly weeping, she gave her hand to the old man, who seemed to be her grandfather, and they were married by the priest. The king almost fainted.

But just now the sun began to rise, its soft beams filtering through the eastern windows of the church. The newly-married couple were led from the altar to be taken home to the palace; but, just as they were descending the steps that lead down from the altar, the whole church was flooded with light. All present were stupefied. The glorious illumination did not last long. When the people recovered, they found that their princess was walking with her husband, not an old man, however, but a gallant young prince. The king recognized him. He kissed him, for they were old-time acquaintances. The king’s new son-in-law was none other than Prince Oswaldo, who had just been set free from the bonds of enchantment by his marriage. He had been a former suitor of the princess, but had been enchanted by a magician.

With magnificent ceremony the king’s son-in-law was conducted to the royal residence. He was seated on the throne, the crown and sceptre were transferred to him, and he was hailed as King Oswaldo of Berengena. 126

#folk literacy

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to reveal events in other places

(b) THE MYSTERIOUS BOOK. [Fn: Narrated by Leopoldo Uichanco, a Tagalog from Calamba, La Laguna.]

Once upon a time there lived a poor father and a poor son. The father was very old, and was named Pedro. The son’s name was Juan. Although they were very poor, Juan was afraid of work.

One day the two did not have a single grain of rice in the house to eat. Juan now realized that he would have to find some work, or he and his father would starve. So he went to a neighboring town to seek a master. He at last found one in the person of Don Luzano, a fine gentleman of fortune.

Don Luzano treated Juan like a son. As time went on, Don Luzano became so confident in Juan’s honesty, that he began to intrust him with the most precious valuables in the house. [145] One morning Don Luzano went out hunting. He left Juan alone in the house, as usual. While Juan was sweeping and cleaning his master’s room, he caught sight of a highly polished box lying behind the post in the corner. Curious to find out what was inside, he opened the box. There appeared another box. He opened this box, and another box still was disclosed. One box appeared after another until Juan came to the seventh. This last one contained a small triangular-shaped book bound in gold and decorated with diamonds and other precious gems. Disregarding the consequences that might follow, Juan picked up the book and opened it. Lo! at once Juan was carried by the book up into the air. And when he looked back, whom did he see? No other than Don Luzano pursuing him, with eyes full of rage. He had an enormous deadly-looking bolo in his hand.

As Don Luzano was a big man, he could fly faster than little Juan. Soon the boy was but a few yards in front of his antagonist. It should also be known that the book had the wonderful power of changing anybody who had laid his hands on it, or who had learned by heart one of its chapters, into whatever form that person wished to assume. Juan soon found this fact out. In an instant Juan had disappeared, and in his place was a little steed galloping as fast as he could down the street. Again, there was Don Luzano after him in the form of a big fast mule, with bubbling and foaming mouth, and eyes flashing with hate. The mule ran so fast, that every minute seemed to be bringing Juan nearer his grave.

Seeing his danger, Juan changed himself into a bird, — a pretty little bird. No sooner had he done so than he saw Don Luzano in the form of a big hawk about to swoop down on him. Then Juan suddenly leaped into a well he was flying over, and there became a little fish. Don Luzano assumed the form of a big fish, and kept up the chase; but the little fish entered a small crack in the wall of the well, where the big fish could not pursue him farther. So Don Luzano had to give up and go home in great disappointment.

The well in which Juan found himself belonged to three beautiful princesses. One morning, while they were looking into the water, they saw the little fish with its seven-colored scales, moving gracefully through the water. The eldest of the maidens lowered her bait, but the fish would not see it. The [146] second sister tried her skill. The fish bit the bait; but, just as it was being drawn out of the water, it suddenly released its hold. Now the youngest sister’s turn came. The fish allowed itself to be caught and held in the

tender hands of this beautiful girl. She placed the little fish in a golden basin of water and took it to her room, where she cared for it very tenderly.

Several months later the king issued a proclamation throughout his realm and other neighboring kingdoms, saying that the youngest princess was sick. “To any one who can cure her,” he said, “I promise to give one-half of my kingdom.” The most skilful doctors had already done the best they could, but all their efforts were in vain. The princess seemed to grow worse and worse every day. “Ay, what foolishness!” exclaimed Don Luzano when he heard the news of the sick princess. “The sickness! Pshaw! That’s no sickness, never in the wide world!”

The following morning there was Don Luzano speaking with the king. “I promise to cure her,” said Don Luzano. “I have already cured many similar cases.”

“And your remedy will do her no harm?” asked the king after some hesitation.

“No harm, sir, no harm. Rely on my honor.”

“Very well. And you shall have half of my kingdom if you are successful.”

“No, I thank you, your Majesty. I, being a faithful subject, need no payment whatever for any of my poor services. As a token from you, however, I should like to have the fish that the princess keeps in her room.”

“O my faithful subject!” exclaimed the king in joy. “How good you are! Will you have nothing except a poor worthless fish?”

“No more: that’s enough.”

“Well, then,” returned the king, “prepare your remedy, and on the third day we shall apply it to the princess. You can go home now, and you may be sure that you shall have the fish.”

Don Luzano took his leave of the king, and then went home. On the third day this daring magician came back to the palace to apply his remedy to the princess. Before he began any part of the treatment, however, he requested that the fish be given to him. The king consented to his request: but as he [147] was about to dip his hand into the basin, the princess boldly stopped him. She pretended to be angry on the ground that Don Luzano would soil with his hands the golden basin of the monarch. She told him to hold out his hands, and she would pour the fish into them. Don Luzano did as he was told: but, before the fish could reach his hands, the pretty creature jumped out. No fish now could be seen, but in its stead was a beautiful gold ring adorning the finger of the princess. Don Luzano tried to snatch the ring, but, as the princess jerked her hand back, the ring fell to the floor, and in its place were countless little mungo seeds scattered about the room. Don Luzano instantly took the form of a greedy crow, devouring the seeds with extraordinary speed. Juan, who was contained in one of the seeds that had rolled beneath the feet of the princess, suddenly became a cat, and, rushing out, attacked the bird. As soon as you could wink your eyes or snap your fingers, the crow was dead, miserably torn to pieces. In place of the cat stood Juan in an embroidered suit, looking like a gay young prince.

“This is my beloved,” confessed the princess to her father as she pointed to Juan. The king forgave his daughter for concealing from him the real condition of her life, and he gladly welcomed his new son-in-law. Prince Juan, as we shall now call our friend, was destined to a life of peace and joy. He was rid of his formidable antagonist; he had a

beautiful princess (who was no longer sick) for a wife; and he had an excellent chance of inheriting the throne. There is no more. 148

#folk literacy

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to make possessor fly: to make possessor change shape


The fullest form of the story, however, is the Tagalog metrical romance popularly known under the title “Juan Bachiller.” The full title runs as follows: “The Sad Life of a Father and of his Son named Juan, in the Kingdom of Spain. The son sold himself to a merchant on condition that he would bury the corpse of his father.” My copy bears the date 1907, but this is merely a reprint of an older edition. Retana cites an edition dated 1902 (No. 4337) and one before 1898 (No. 4156). The poem is in 12-syllable lines, and contains 350 quatrains. It is still very popular among the Tagalogs, but does not appear to have been printed in any of the other Philippine languages. Inasmuch as there is a close connection between our variants and the verse form of the story, I give a prose paraphrase of the latter:—

There was once a poor beggar, Serbando, who had an only son named Juan. They lived in the kingdom of Spain. They had a little hut outside the city in which Serbando used to go to beg their living. One morning,when Juan returned home from school and was playing around their little [204] hovel, he heard many kinds of birds speaking to him thus: “Juan, be patient and toil in poverty. The time will come when God will reward you.” Then a large bird flew to him, and said, “Juan, leave your little miserable hut; go and seek your fortune.” When his father returned home, Juan told him all about the advice of the birds. Serbando did not believe that birds could talk, and doubted, of course, the truth of what his son said.

Now, it happened that Serbando became sick, and after a short time died, leaving his son alone in the world. Poor Juan wept bitterly over the dead body. He did not know what to do. He covered the corpse of his father, and then went crying out through the streets of the city, “Who wants to buy a slave?” A merchant heard him. “I will serve you as long as I live if you will only see to the burial of my dead father,” said Juan to the merchant. Without hesitation the merchant assented, and together they went to the little hut. The merchant ordered and paid for a funeral; there was a procession, a mass, and after the burial a banquet.Then the merchant took the boy to live with him in the city where the king and queen lived. Moreover, this kind merchant sent Juan to school,and treated him as a son. In time Juan took his bachelor’s degree, and was greatly admired and respected by his teachers.

One afternoon Juan put a notice on the door of the merchant’s house, which read thus: “If we use money, there is nothing we cannot discover.”It happened that on that same afternoon the king and queen were driving through the streets of the city. The king chanced to fix his eyes on the sign which Juan had put up. He did not believe that the notice was true; and so, when he arrived at the palace, he ordered the merchant to appear before him. The merchant was very much frightened at the summons, so Juan himself went and presented himself before the king.

“Is the notice on your door true?” asked the king.

“It is true, your Majesty,” said Juan.

“Then go and find my daughter. If you can find her, she shall be your wife; if not, you shall lose your head three days from now,” said the king, who hid his daughter in a secret room in the palace.

Juan went home and called all the best goldsmiths in the kingdom. He told them to make a little wagon of pure gold, with a secret cell inside in which a man could sit with a musical instrument and play it. The goldsmiths finished the wagon in two days and were paid off. Then Juan called a man and told him to drag this little wagon along the street toward the palace, and then to the plaza. After entering the secret cell with his musical instrument, he told the driver to do as he had been directed. The man began to drag the wagon along the street toward the palace. Men, women, and children crowded both sides of the street to see this wagon of pure gold, which gave out such sweet music. When the wagon passed in front of the palace, the queen was amazed at it. She asked the king to summon the driver before him. So the king called the driver, and asked him to bring the golden wagon into the hall where the queen was.

“How much will you sell this for?” asked the queen.

“I will not sell it,” answered the driver.

“Can you not lend it to me until this afternoon?” said the king; and at last the driver agreed to lend the wagon for a few hours.

The queen then dragged the wagon along the hall, and took it to her daughter in the secret room. The princess was delighted. As she pushed [203] it forwards and backwards, sweet music charmed her ears. At last Juan came out of the secret cell in the wagon and knelt before the princess. He told her why he had been led to play this trick, and last of all he told her that he would have lost his life on the morrow if he had not been able to find her. He also began to express his love for her. At first she hesitated to accept his protestations of affection; but at last she accepted him, and gave him one of her rings as a sign that she would marry him. Fearing that he might be caught in the room by some one else, Juan now entered the secret cell of the wagon again.

At last the king came, and started to drag the wagon out of the palace to the place where the driver was waiting. Juan suddenly opened the doorof the secret cell and stood before the king. “O king!” he said, “now I have accomplished your command. I have found and seen your daughter in the secret room, and she has given me this ring.”

The king was amazed, and said to himself that, had he known that the wagon contained any one inside, he would not have allowed it to be brought to his hidden daughter. He said to Juan, “You have told the truth, that anything can be discovered if money is used; but you shall not marry my daughter.”

“Remember your promise,” said Juan.

“Wait, and I will ask the princess,” said the king. “She might refuse.”

“Whether she refuses or not, she is to be my wife, for I have seen her and found her,” replied Juan.

“Then you shall have her,” said the king. So Juan was married to the princess, and there was great rejoicing in the kingdom. The king, however, was very sorry that his daughter had married Juan, who had now the right to inherit the throne from him. He could not endure the idea, so he pondered night and day how to kill Juan under some pretext or other. Juan learned of the king’s plot, and decided to leave the city for a while. He asked his wife for permission to go and visit the little hut in which he was born, and at last she consented.

One day Juan left the palace and went to the country. While he was walking in the woods near his old home, two birds flew to him. “Juan ,take this ring with you; it has magic power, and will furnish you whatever you ask of it,” said the male bird.

“Here, take this pen-point, and use it whenever the king asks you to write for him,” said the female bird. “Remember, Juan, you do not need to have any ink; you can use your saliva,” it continued. “Now go back to the kingdom, and do not be afraid of the king’s plots,” said the two birds together. So Juan went back to the palace, and lived there with his wife.

One day the king called Juan, and ordered him to write something. The king thought that if Juan should make any mistakes in the writing, he would order him to be executed. Juan used the pen-point which the second bird had given him. The king furnished him only paper, but no ink, so Juan used his saliva. “Write this, Juan,” said the king: “‘It is not right that you should be heir to my crown, and successor to the throne.’”

Juan wrote the words just as the king had given them, and they appeared on the paper in letters of pure gold. The king was very much surprised by this demonstration of Juan’s ability. [204]

Then the king continued, “Write this: ‘You ought not to inherit the crown, you who were born in a little village, and whose ancestors are unknown.’” Juan wrote this dictation, and, as before, the letters were ofpure gold. Again the king said, “Write now what I shall say: ‘You cannot cheat a king like me; you saw my daughter the princess because you were hiding in the wagon of gold.’”

Juan wrote these words, and they were in pure gold too. The king was now sad, for he could think of no other way in which to detect a fault in Juan. So he dismissed his son-in-law, and showed the queen the golden letters that Juan had written. Juan returned to his apartments.

When night came, Juan decided to ask his magic ring for a tower which should stand beside the palace of the king. During the night the tower was erected; it was garrisoned with field-marshals, colonels, and soldiers. Early in the morning the king was surprised to see this tall tower standing beside his palace. He said to himself, “I rule the kingdom, and the kingdom is mine; this tower is in my kingdom, therefore the tower is mine.” So the king went out of the palace and entered the tower. No one saluted him. Then he called Juan, and asked him about the tower. Juan answered that its presence there was due to the will and power of God. When Juan and the king together entered the tower, all the soldiers lined up and saluted Juan, and music

was heard everywhere. Everything inside was made of solid silver and gold. The king was astounded at the magic power of his son-in-law, whom he was trying to kill.

“Juan,” said the king, “wipe away this tower and erect at this moment a palace in its place. If you can do this, you shall be the king of the whole of Spain.” By the magic power of the ring, Juan was able to fulfill the command, and the tower was changed into a beautiful palace. The council of the kingdom, at the order of the king, agreed to crown Juan and his wife king and queen. There was great rejoicing throughout the realm. The old king and his wife abandoned the palace, and went to live in an abbey, where they died.

Juan now called the merchant, his former master, to the palace. The merchant was afraid, for he feared that the king wished to do him mischief; he did not know that Juan was now king. But Juan received him affectionately, and from that time on the merchant, Juan, and the beautiful princess lived together happily in the palace.

It will be noticed that the Tagalog poem differs from the three oral versions, in that after Juan has won the first wager from the king, his skill is subjected to further tests, which he comes out of successfully through the aid of magic objects given him by birds. In other words, the poem carries on the folk-tale by adding some additional episodes. The fact that the folk-tales, both Pampango and Tagalog, preserve the simple structure, while only the printed Tagalog verse-form seeks to elaborate and extend the tale, suggests that the simpler form is the older, and that the anonymous author of the romance added to the oral material for mere purposes of length. As it is, the poem is very short compared with the other popular metrical stories, which average well over 2000 lines. The localization of the events in Spain signifies nothing. 205

#folk literacy:

#motif: textual object has supernatural power


The prince’s dream Once there lived a young prince who, after his father’s death, succeeded to the throne as the sole heir of a vast, rich kingdom. He indulged himself in all worldly pleasures. 304

#lost treasure

One noon, when the prince was taking his siesta, he had a dream. A ghost appeared to him, and spoke in this manner: ‘‘Y our father left a hidden treasure of gold and diamonds, which he forgot to mention in his will. Should you care to have that treasure, go to the city of Black. There you will find a Negro, the richest in that city, who will tell you all about the treasure.” On hearing these words, the prince woke up, and hurriedly acquainted his mother with his dream. “ Undeceive yourself,” she said. “Never believe in dreams. I don’t believe in them myself.” In spite of his mother’s words, he decided to look for the Negro. 304

#lost treasure

“I have told you that dreams are never true,” she said. “The ghost must be joking you. You see, you have gone to a far-away land in vain. Banish all thoughts of that treasure, and continue ruling your kingdom well, and you will be very much better off.” 305

#lost treasure

At first the prince followed his mother’s counsel, and tried to rid his mind of the thought of the treasure; hut the ghost haunted him in his sleep, day and night, reminding him of the gold and diamonds. Early one morning, without the knowledge of his mother, he took a pointed iron bar and went down into the cellar of the palace. There he dug where the treasure was supposed to be. 305

#lost treasure

He lifted the platform, and to his great surprise and wonder found a low ladder made of diamond bars, leading down into a small apartment all shining bright as if it were day. Here he found two columns of diamond bars, each a foot in thickness and a metre in height, whose brightness shot through all the comers like sunbeams. This subterranean chamber immediately led to another in which there was a big safe about five feet in height and three feet wide. He opened the safe, and from out of it fl.owed gold coins like water in torrents from a cliff. His eyes were dazzled by their brightness; and he was so startled at the inexhaustible fl.ow of money, that he said to himself, “Are these gold coins and diamonds real, or am I simply dreaming?” To assure himself, he filled his cap with the gold coins and went up into the sunlight. He rubbed his eyes and examined the coins: they were of pure gold. Greatly delighted by his discovery, he hastened to his mother, and said, “ I have found the treasure, I have found the treasure!” When the queen saw the gold glittering in her son’s hand, she was very glad. 305

#lost treasure

Now the prince came to a third chamber, in which he found two more columns of diamonds like those in the first room; and finally he came to a fourth apartment, in which he saw a wide curtain of silk hanging on the wall. Back of this wall was another apartment, but it was securely locked. On the curtain were embroidered the following words in big golden letters: “ Inside this chamber is another column of diamonds twice as large and twice as high as those in the other two; none can unlock this apartment hut the wealthiest Negro in the city of Black. 306

#lost treasure

“Well,” returned the king of the demons, taking out of his pocket a small oval mirror, “if you sec a beautiful woman, hold this mirror before her face. If the surface of the mirror becomes clouded, leave her; but if the surface of the mirror remains as clear as before, bring her to me, for she is the one I want for my comfort.” 307

#lost treasure

Then the king of the demons said to the prince, “Young king, since on your way to my palace you fell in love with this maiden, I deem it fit that you should have her for your companion; but do not expect the diamond column any more.” 308

#lost treasure

As an example I will give the opening of a story entitled “Ricardo and his Adventures” narrated by Paulo Macateaet, a Tagalog from Batangas: —

RICARDO AND HIS ADVENTURES.

Once there was a widow who had a son named Ricardo. One day the mother said to the boy, “Ricardo, I want you to go to school, so that you [347] may learn something about our religion.” Ricardo was willing enough, so he took his Catechism and set out. Instead of going to the school, however, he went to a neighboring pond and listened to the merry croaking of the frogs. When eleven o’clock came, he went home and told his mother about the real school. The poor woman was very happy, thinking that her son was spending his time wisely. Ricardo took great delight in joining the chorus of the frogs, for his mother gave him food as a reward for his diligence.

One morning the woman asked her son to read his lesson. The boy opened his Catechism and croaked very loudly. His mother was glad when she heard that her son could croak so well, because she thought that that was the way to read the book. [...] 348

#folk literacy


Millington, WH and Berton L. Maxfield. Beyer, H. Otley. Philippine (Visayan) Superstitions. Published in the “Journal of American Folk-Lore” (Volume XIX, pp. 205-211) July-September, 1906. Reproduced in H. Otley Beyer (ed.) 1922. Bisaya Paper No. 186. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Vol. 9. Surigao, Leyte, Manila.

The Visayans in general believe in three kinds of spirits: the tamawos, dwendes, and asuangs. The first are not especially bad, altho sometimes mishievous, and accustomed to kidnap children, in order to make them like themselves. They live in mounds or elevated places in the fields. Their houses, which are generally on the inside of the mound, although sometimes built outside, are of metal or glass, and ordinarily invisible to mortals. Those who have seen them, and in each town there is usually at least one person who claims to have done so, say that the houses have the appearance of those inhabited by men, contain handsome furniture, and usually have in them beautiful young ladies who do their utmost to induce the child whom the tamawo has captured to partake of their food, since if a mortal once eats of their food he becomes for all time a tamawo like themselves. If, however, he successfully resists them, the child is, at the end of three or four days, taken back to the spot where he was captured, and released.

The tamawo can take on any shape he pleases, generally appearing as a man, but sometimes as a dog, carabao, or other animal. The tamawo, however, can be distinguished from the true animal, because the former has a huge body, big staring eyes, and the toes much prolonged and ending in big claws. 1/3

There is a kind of tree called lonoc which the people think to be inhabited by tamawos, and they are afraid to touch it. 5/7

One must not point a finger at the rainbow, for if this is done the finger will become crooked. 9/11

Beyer, H. Otley. ed. 1922. Bisaya Paper No. 195. Data on the “Colorum” movement in Bohol, Leyte, and Surigao. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Vol. 9. Surigao, Leyte, Manila.

1.

Office of the Provincial Commander, Surigao. August 2, 1922.

From: Provincial Commander, Surigao.

To: Adjutant, Dist. of Mindanao & Sulu.

Subject: Colorums.

1. During the last two months, the influx into this province of Boholano and Leyteño home-seekers have been very unusual. They invariably struck the island of Siargao as their destination and now a great majority of them are shifting themselves in barrios of Pamosaingan, Socorro and Consolacion, where Boholanos and Leyteños have settled in former years. Needless to say practically all of them are of the laboring ignorant and superstitious people and as such they are easily subjected to the influences of the wiser man of their class, who pretend to be leaders and claim ability to heal human ailments and who are locally known as colorums.

2. The most outstanding figure among these colorums is one by the name of Juan Bajao. He is residing at barrio Consolacion of Dapa and the people in this and the other neighboring barrios of Socorro and Pamosaingan look upon him as their leader, their “Papa” and their Doctor. It is no secret in Dapa that this man is often called upon to cure [1/165] physical ailments of the people by massaging or giving cold water baths to the sick. We have proofs of a specific case in which he endeavored to cure a sick child by giving him cold water baths, but not long after he administered the last bath thte child died. These proofs have already been placed in the hands of the Provincial Fiscal. While we have not yet obtained any evidence that Bajao has been receiving money or any thing of value for his “doctorings”, there is no doubt but that he is lving upon the sweats of the poor ignorant people. It is a sad affair that President-elect Nicanor Sering of Dapa is backing up these so-called colorums. Sometime before the election I sent out soldiers in plain clothes but Sering got their wind and so warned Bajao at once to be on his guard.

3. Information has it that Bajao is in close touch with the notorious Noneng said to be the great colorum leader in Cebu. No doubt some of those new comers from Bohol or Leyte are the agents of Noneng who, like those in Misamis caught sometime ago, will induce the people to sell their property in order to be able to visit their colorum saint. However we do not have information as yet that the people here have been making sacrifice sales of their property. [2/166]

4. Any further activities of Bajao of the progress of our investigations of his deceptions will be reported accordingly.

(Sgd.). V.S. Juan

p3/167

[PK: intervening correspondence from Provincial commander, Cebu (J.P. De Tagle) alleging that Noning’s cult and criminal activities had ended – the last charge for “swindling” was seen on March 1919 and that since then he has maintained a law-abiding existence in the barrio of Luyang, Carmen, Cebu. ]

Office Provincial Commander, Surigao, October 10, 1922.

To Adjutant, P.C., thru Adjutant, Dist of Mind. & Sulu.

1. While Laureano Solar, “ Noneng, must have remained passive since his colorum activities in 1918, the fact is that other colorums have greatly capitalized his name. Where there was a colorum activity, the name of “Noneng” has always been mentioned as being their great saint so that any report of this character would not be [5/169] complete without Noneng being mentioned, be he active or not. The attached copies of correspondence will probably illustrate further my point.

(Sgd.). V.S. Juan.

p6/170

Reyes, Francisco B. Myths, spirit beliefs and miscellaneous folklore from the island of Bohol. in H. Otley Beyer (ed). 1924. Bisaya Paper no. 191. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Vol 9. Surigao, Leyte, Manila.

[PK: No notes taken]

Table of Contents

I. Superstitious beliefs.

1. Wakwak

2. Ongo

3. The Bakunawa and the Moon

4. Bangil

5. The Gabaan

6. Nag Lunos

7. Walay Katapusan

8. How to Detect Culprits

II. Favorite Phrases

III. Customs & Tradition

1. Betrothals

2. Kombida

3. Ganas

Chaves, Angel R. Magic tales from Cagayan, Misamis. in H. Otley Beyer (ed). 1924. Bisaya Paper no. 202. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Vol 9. Surigao, Leyte, Manila.

Panuelong Buoton (A wise handkerchief)

Summary by PK on 6/5/2009: This is a sort of cindarella narrative. The story begins “Tó Andoy was a very zealous Colorum”. Tó Andoy loved both is daughters but preferred the younger Maria who was vain and lazy over the elder Juana who was virtuous and industrious. Maria spent all day combing her hair and often visited neighbours at all hours of the night. Juana meanwhile did all the housework and was devoted to the family anitos or household gods to whom she prayed for the welfare of her sister. One night when Juana was cooking the hearthfire dimmed and out came an old woman who offered her a magic handkerchief as recompense for Juana’s hard work. One day the colorum’s priest held a festival in honour of the “faithful members of the sect” (11/262). At thist festival they were to elect amongst the ladies a “Virgin Binawi” but Juana did not attend because she was working in the kitchen. The high priest disapproved of all the candidates, especially Maria. The old woman appeared to Juana who was weeping because she could not attend, and told her to ask her handkerchief anything she desired. Juana requested to attend the festival an instantly she was granted a pretty gown, stylish soes and a carriage drawn by white horses. “Oh, what a transfiguration; from a kitchen woman to a queen-like being.” Naturally she was selected to be the “Virgin Binawi”. Her selfish sister emerged from the crowd to attack her with a bolo, but using the handkerchief, Juana had her transformed into an owl saying that she must “be always awake during the night and asleep during the day as your eternal punishment” (12/263). To this day you can hear her saying “Manang-hac, jac-jac” meaning “I am the bad sister, I want to be good-good now. “Virgin Binawi” now married the high priest of the barrio Sugbong Kogon, Talisayan, Misamis. “She died many years ago and all her followers mourned for her lost (sic) because she was a virtuous woman and a wise leader of her people”. 13/264

Fegi, Elipidio. Magic tales from Calubian, Leyte. In H. Otley Beyer (ed). 1925. Bisaya Paper no. 205. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Vol 9. Surigao, Leyte, Manila.

The White Monkey

A story about a mysterious monkey was related to me by a neighbor, a white-haired man, by the name of One’[glottal]. When a boy, he lived with his parents in a thick forest. Among the monkeys in the neighborhood, there was an extraordinarily large one. And what was more wonderful, this monkey had white hair. There were many notable peculiarities of this monkey. Whenever “Apo Ongoy” (as the men in the neighborhood called it) shrieks, a typhoon is bound to come very soon, and if it walks on the ground for a day or so without climbing a tree, earthquake (sic) is expected to occur shortly thereafter. 11/295

Flores, Pedro S. Local Magic Tales in Dumaguete, Oriental Negros. In H. Otley Beyer (ed). 1925. Bisaya Paper no. 211. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Vol 9. Surigao, Leyte, Manila.

The Magic Booklet.

Once upon a time, Juan, a shepherd of a rich famer, while on his way to the field found a booklet floating against the current of a brook. To his great surprise Juan picked up the book and found blank pages except on one page. This happened to be on Friday, and it was soon found out that for everyday (sic) of the week there was a corresponding printed matter on a page. With the possession of the booklet Juan came to possess magical power. Where before he could not read anything, he was now able to read what is daily written on a page of the booklet.

Anything he wanted he could have. One day he went to a field to fish. Throwing his line and muttering a few words a large fish was drawn in from the field. On another occasion a sack of corn was placed on the ground. By muttering magical words every grain of corn was extruded from the sack, and when the sack was empty, he muttered another magical words (sic), and the grains of corn returned to the sack. His co-laborers were astonished of his powers. His master, however, became jealous of him because of his powers. One day Juan told his companions that he could tell the exact amount of money their master possessed. And to the great surprise and anger [1/357] of the master Juan told exactly that their master had but fifty pesos in his trunk, which was correct. This made the master angry, and he wanted to get hold of the booklet from Juan. After a hard fight Juan became exhausted, and the book was taken from him by his master. What magic powers Juan possessed then consisted only of what could (sic) remember from the book. 2/358

#folk literacy


#motif: textual object has supernatural powers

“Mutya” of the banana – Just before the bud of the banana plant opens, one must be under it at night as a pearl or “mutya” will fall as soon as the bud opens. To secure the “mutya” the person must fight a sprit (an Aeta). If the person conquers the sprit and takes hold of the “mutya”, he becomes very strong man (sic). 2/358

#mutya #antinganting

The magic handkerchief – This tells of haddkerchief having magic powers (sic). Whatever is wanted, the handkerchief is spread and the things desired are on it. 2/358

Gonzales, Milagros M. Folk tales in Bacolod, Occidental Negros.In H. Otley Beyer (ed). 1925. Bisaya Paper no. 218. Ethnography of the Bisaya peoples. Vol 9. Surigao, Leyte, Manila.

How the Island of Siquijor Came to Be Named. 12/434

The captain met the man and asked, “Come to llama usted?” (What is your name?). Of course the man did not understand the captain’s words. The latter repeated his question, and the man shouted, “Sikihod”. The crew did not exactly know whether Sikihod was the name of the man or not.

When they went back to the ship, they related to their companions how they had met a man named Sikihod; so they took for granted that the name of the place was similar to that of the man’s name. They called the island [13/435] Siquijor. 14/436


How Bohol Got Its Name

Many years ago there was nothing known about the island now called Bohol. When the Spaniards came, they visited a small barrio along the seashore. The people did not know how to speak the Spanish language, so the Spaniards could talk with the natives. They found the [18/440] island full of caves. Wherever they went the Spaniards found caves. Finally they learned that the natives called the caves bohó, which a (sic) Visayan word for hole or cave. The Spaniards then repeated the word bohó with the sound of the letter “l” at the end; so they called the island Bohol, an island of many caves. 19/441


Laubach, Frank Charles. 1925. The people of the Philppines: Their religious progress and preparation for spiritual leadership in the Far East. New York: George H Doran Company.

The court of First Instance in 1904 decided that the churches belonged to Rome. The Filipinos appealed to the Supreme Court, which sustained the former decision. And so in December, 1906, all of the schismatic Filipino priests had to leave the old churches, which in almost all cases had been by far the finest buildings in every town, and lead their congregations out to build such bamboo and nipa structures as they could afford. The blow was almost incalculable. 149

#aglipay

1930-1939 Cañon, Juan. 1937. Modo practico de aprender la

gramatica castellana con traduccion al ingles y bisaya por Juan Cañon Jr. Cebu: Felix B. Gacura.

This book that I call “Modo practico de Aprender La Gramatica Castellana” is a summary of the Spanish Grammar taken from several books such as “Gramatica Castellana” of the Ateneo, Gramatica Española F.T.D. and from other Grammars that I had at hand. n.p.

Cañon, Juan Jr. [1937] 1956. [“date of registration[of copyright]” Feb 19, 1937]. La Gramatica Castellana con traduccion al Ingles y Bisaya. n.p. (?): Bacalso Press.

P.I. Copyright, 1937

by

Felix B. Gacura

3

This book that I call ‘Modo Practico de Aprender La Gramatica Castellana’ is a summary of the Spanish Grammar taken from several books such as ‘Gramatica Castellana’ of the Ateneo, Gramatica Española F.T.D. and from other Grammars that I have at hand. 4

[PK: Description: This is a 60 page trilingual pedagogical grammar. It follows exactly the same format as the museum document including typsetting. Pages are divided into three columns: Spanish words are on the left, English in the middle and Visayan on the right. Each section is preceded with grammatical explanations in the three languages above each of the columns (this is different to the museum document which does not put these in columns). If a book like this was the basis for the museum document it would appear that the Visayan section is missing and supplanted by Eskayan. This document has more errors in the english column than the museum document (eg, errors of pluralisation and transposition of ‘e’ and ‘i’). It includes Rizal’s ultimo adios in Spanish, English and Visayan. Look for works in National Library around 1937, search ‘ingles’. It includes popular sayings in the three languages. The museum document is much longer and more detailed grammatically. The vocabularios don’t coincide.]

Se conocera que la palabra terminada en una S esta en plural, por medio del articulo que lleva

The word ending in s is formed into its plural by placing before it the plural form of the article.

Nahimong plural ang mga pulong matapus ug S kon ang articulo una kanila plural

EJEMPLO: EXAMPLE: PANANGLITAN:

los Jueves The Thursdays Ang mga huwibes

las crisis The crisis Ang mga kalisud

las bilis The biles Ang mga pado

13

Verdaderamente todos nosotros debemos la vida a Dios.

Truly, all of us owe our lives to God.

Sa pagkamatuod, tanan kita nabuhi tungod kang Bathala.

Quizas no venga esta mañana

perhaps he may not come this morning.

Tingalig dili siya moanhi karong buntaga.

Yo tampoco no se la leccion

Nor I do not know the lesson (sic)

Ako usab dili maantigo sa leksiyon.

Cuando quieras, vendras. You may come if you want to.

makauban ka kun buot mo.

17

Gullas, Atty Vicente. 1937. English-Visayan-Spanish Dictionary. Cebu: Visayan Institute.

Preface [PK: bilingual English then facing page Visayan]

This humble volume has been prepared by an instructor and several college men of the Visayan Institute who are interested in improving our Visayan dialect so that it will adopt such modern rules and usages as employed by both the English and the Spanish languages.

As English is our official language, now extensively used by the Chinese and the Japanese, the language of business and society, of millions of boys and girls, young men and women studying or teaching in our public and private schools and colleges, this work is intended for the use of students, teachers, government employees and business men in these Islands especially to those who are interested in the progress of the Visayas and Mindanao. In these regions, the native inhabitants and the foreign business men (sic) are also anxious to increase their knowledge of both the Visayan and Spanish to improve their business and social relation (sic) with the people thereof.

Hence, the main objectives of the publication of this humble volume can be summed up this way:

To give a better chance to the 10 million inhabitants of the Visayas and Mindanao to know more of English, Spanish and Visayan;

To enable these people who speak either Visaya (sic) or Spanish only or both, to understand whatever book, magazines, or newspapers written in English.

The author of this volume has spent several years in compiling hundreds and thousands of the Cebu-Visayan words used by the people of Eastern Visayas and of the towns and the plains of Mindanao [vii] before attempting to construct them into the present dictionary. More difficulties wre encountered in preparing the English and Spanish translations or explanations. In the process of recorrections and investigations, more difficulties were discovered as explained in the next introductory chapter. If there are merits in this humble work, they belong chiefly to the untiring efforts and continuous study and investigation of my assistants in the course of the preparation of this work. The errors and mistkaes therein, are to be assumed by the undersigned.

THE AUTHOR

[viii]

***PK: Some consecutive words for comparison with Eskayan lexicons:***

A

a

aback

abaft

abandon

abash

abase

abete

avvey

abbot abbreviate

abdicate

B

Babble

baboon

baby

bachelor

back

backbite

backbone

backward

bacon

bad

baffle

E

[…]

elicit

elm

elope

else

eslewhere

elude

embark

embarrass pagkahilaw sa panagway, pagka-ulaw embarazar [!!!]

S

Sable - cebellina

saber - sable

sac - saco

sacred - sagrado

sacrifice sacrificio, sacrificar

sacrilege sacrilegio

sad triste, melancolico

saddle silla, f; ensillar

safe caja de hierro, seguro

saffron aza fran

sag colgar

sagacity sagacidad

sage savia, f; sabio

sago saugu, sagu, m.

sail vela, dar ala vela

sailor marinero, m

saint santo

sake causa, razon

salad ensalada

#visayan dictionaries

#chapter 9 (check if this has been excluded as a model for Castañares document)

Commonwealth of the Philippines Commission of the Census. 1941. Census of the Philippines: 1939. Volume I: Reports by provinces for census of popluation. Part I: Abra to Camarines Sur. Manila: Bureau of Printing.

[Table Population–Bohol:]

Biabas: 1,164

4

#chapter 9

[Table: Population by ability to speak Tagalog, English, and Spanish, and by Sex, and Age, by Municipalities:]

Guindulman

Total population: 16,670.

Persons able to speak Tagalog: 194

Persons able to speak English (total): 4,744

Under 5 years: 5

5 to 9 years: 134

10 to 14 years: 954

15 to 19 years: 1089

20 to 24 years: 924

25 to 34 years 1048

35 to 44 years: 421

45 to 54 years 146

55 to 64 years: 15

65 years and over: 8

14

#chapter 9

Persons able to speak Spanish

Under 5 years: 0

5 to 9 years: 1

10 to 14 years: 1

15 to 19 years: 4

20 to 24 years: 4

25 to 34 years: 18

35 to 44 years: 15

45 to 54 years 17

55 to 64 years: 20

64 years and over: 11

14

#chapter 9

Commonwealth of the Philippines Commission of the Census. 1941. Census of the Philippines: 1939. Volume II: Summary for the Philippines and General Report for the Census of Population and Agriculture. Manila: Bureau of Printing.

Data on literacy and illiteracy were obtaind by inquiring of each person 10 years old and over, whether he or she is able to read or write in any language or dialect. The enumerators were instructed to report as literate only those who are able to both read and write in some language or dialect.

The inquiry was restricted to persons 10 years old and over, because data on literacy in other countries usually relate only to that part of the population 10 years old and over. No doubt there is a considerable number of persons under 10 years of age who are able to read and write.

[Table]

Total number of persons 10 years old and over: 10, 903, 879

Persons able to read and write: 5,316,146; percent of total persons 48.8

Persons not able to read and write: 5,574,254; percent of total persons 51.1

[…]

65 years and over: 553,782

Persons able to read and write: 98, 058; percent of total persons: 17.7 [PK: lowest]

286

#folk literacy

[Table: Per cent of persons 10 years old and over, literate and illiterate, by sex, by province: 1939:]

Bohol: Total [population] 338,279

Per cent literate: 44.4

290

#folk literacy

While the term “language” means more or less a fixed idiom of a large number of people who have developed considerable written literature, and “dialect” refers to the medium of speech of a group of people who have comparatively little or no written literature, and whose speech is thus changeable, in the Philippines, any native medium of speech is spoken of as dialect and the foreign idioms as languages. For instance, Tagalog and Iloko are called dialects; English and Spanish, languages. 317

#chapter 4 #folk literacy #primacy of writing

[Table: Persons able to speak foreign languages: 1939]

Total: 4,831,465. Per cent distribution 100.0

English: 88.2 per cent

Spanish: 8.6 per cent

Chinese: 2.5 per cent

Japanese 0.6 per cent.

320

Of the male population, 29 percent is able to speak English, while only 24.2 per cent of the female population is able to speak English. 320

#prologue #chapter 1

[Table: Persons able to speak English, by sex and age: 1939]

Both sexes: 26.6 per cent

321


[Table: Persons able to speak English and Number of Persons who have completed Grade III or a higher grade, by sex and age groups, by provinces: 1939]

322

#chapter 9

However, it should be pointed out that Spanish still has a more stable base than English, particularly if the teaching of English in the schools is discontinued. In fact, there are more persons under 5 years of age reported as able to speak Spanish than English, indicating that Spanish is still a more widely used language than English in the home. 330

#chapter 1

[Table: Persons able to speak Spanish by sex and age: 1939]

Both sexes: 2.6 per cent

331

#chapter 1

[Table: Number of persons reported as able to speak various languages and dialects: 1939]

Bisaya: 44.37 per cent

[Broken down into:]

Cebuan: 22.63 per cent

Panay-Hiligaynon: 22.63

Samar-Leyte: 12.19

Bisaya: 5.76

Aklanon: 2.71

Hamtikanon: 10

333

#chapter 1

Bisaya.—Considering the five component Visayan dialects as a group, Bisaya is by far the most important Philippine dialect, being spoken by 7,099,582 persons, or 44.37 per cent of the entire population. Bisaya is the predominant dialect in the Visayan Islands and in fact is the leading dialect in the following provinces:

Agusan

Antique

Bohol

Capiz

Cebu

Davao

Iloilo

Leyte

Misamis Occidental

Misamis Oriental

Negros Occidnetal

Negros Oriental

Romblon

Samar

Surigao

Zamboanga

335

#prologue

[Table: Population of each province classified according to language or dialect: 1939]

Bohol

Bisaya-Cebuan 94.6 [Percent of population of Bohol]

English 25.2

Bisaya 5.9 [PK: this means Visayan without dialect specified]

Tagalog 1.0

Spanish 0.6

Chinese 0.2

368

#chapter 9

1940-1949 Parsons, Elsie Clews. 1940. Filipino Village

Reminiscence. The Scientific Monthly 51 (5):435-449. An anting anting is an object of stone or wood which imparts invulnerability, invisibility and the power to transform into an animal of any kind, into bird or snake. 449

#antinganting

Ratcliff, Lucetta K. 1949. Filipino folklore. The Journal of American Folklore 62 (245):259-289.

In 1908 while a teacher for the United States government in the provincial high school in Pagsanjan, Laguna, I suggested to a class that had been studying Washington Irving’s Alhambra the collecting of local folk tales. The following are selected from those written by the pupils.

[Footnote:] These folktales, collected by Mrs. Lucetta Kellenbarger Ratcliff and her students more than forty years ago, were accepted for publication in the Journal in 1939 by its then editor, the late Ruth Benedict. […] 259

6. “The Monster of the Balanac” By Ponciano Lorena

In one of its many windings, the Balanac River forms a cove where the water is very deep and the direct rays of the sun are kept away by the thick leaves of the bamboo leaning from the bank above. Formerly this spacious, shady cove was a favorite bathing place for every age and sex, because of its natural beauty and peaceful surroundings. There were always a number of people in the place.

Once upon a time there appeared at this spot a mysterious monster with a body half fish and half human. The bathers were filled with consternation. This creature was said to have its dwelling in a cave under the bank. This cave was supposed by many to be made of gold, for whenever the monster appeared, gold could be found on the bank. At midnight this monster would appear on the surface of the water riding in a golden chariot with a torch in his hand, but when the sun began to rise in the East, this chariot would disappear suddenly, leaving the water black for a little while. Many said that this monster fed on human beings. After a time people began to be frightened and consequently they abandoned the bathing place. Yet, when the news of this monster was spread abroad, people came even from other towns to peer from among the clumps of bamboo, hoping to catch a glimpse of the mysterious monster, but in vain, for no one has seen it these many years. 263

#lost treasure

“Legend of Halimumog” By Honorio Montecillo

In Alaminos, there was once a very extensive farm on which many farmers together with their families lived in separate cottages. This farm was located at the foot of the mountain, where according to tradition, an Enchanted Man lived, who possessed precious treasures. Often when these farmers were gathered together at rest under a spreading tree near their cottages, as was their habit, each told a story about the Enchanted Man. One favorite story was that, in earlier times, the farmers could talk to

that man and could even borrow some needful things,especially all kinds of plates to be used on wedding days. But it happened that a dishonest, odd looking fellow did not return what he had borrowed, so after that no one could see the Enchanted Man again.

[...]

The old man took him into the room, where a sum of money was given to him as a reward. This room was so richly decorated that it awed the farmer, as he had never seen such beautiful furnishings before. There were an ottoman and a rocking-chair in which he was invited to sit; so he seated himself, but jumped up very suddenly like a deer that hears the gun, for suddenly he thought that he would turn over. The old man just stood still and said to him, “Whenever you need my help, you need only come back here and you will obtain aid in whatever you may need.” Before Remigio left the house, all the jars on both sides of the corridor were opened for him to look in, and he beheld such wealth that he easily determined to return in his next difficulty as the Enchanted Man said.

[...]

As time went on, he becamevery well-to-do; but he still worked hard and always kept the warning of the Enchanted Man in his mind. Once when Remigio was with the friendly old man, he was offered a jar filled with wealth to be taken to his cottage [264] at midnight with no other help than his carabao. The Enchanted Man wished to go to some other place for several months, so he desired to provide Remigio with a liberal supply to cover his needs in his absence. After the warning had been again called to his mind, the old man told him that he would place the jar on the top of a mound, whence the farmer could roll it down to his sledge easily. Accepting the offer gladly, Remigio went home to prepare for the enterprise. His curious helpmate, seeing him preparing strong rope, the sledge and the yoke, asked what it all meant. He was so overjoyed at the prospect of great riches that unfortunately he told everything frankly, concluding with the announcement that now his Enchanted Friend would give him the jar of wealth. His wife advised him to take their eldest son with him. At first, the farmer refused to consider it, but he knew the jar was too heavy for him so he consented. Midnight came, and they started to go with their carabao pulling the sledge. When they came to the mound, they found the heavy jar exactly as promised. Then Remigio took hold of the jar, and with the aid of his son he rolled it down to the sledge. As the mound was very steep, the jar slid and bounded on the sledge very suddenly. At once the earth opened and the jar disappeared. The farmer, bitterly disappointed, then repented in vain of his foolish disobedience.

After this, the unfortunate farmer related the story to one of his neighbors, named Mariano. This ambitious man, who claimed to know something about the magic power, replied to him with enthusiasm, “Keep still, my friend, and we can find it; at midnight we will go with pick-axe and spade to the place where it disappeared, and I will tell you where it is to be dug out. But I advise you not to speak a word while there, nor to be frightened whatever you may see when we are digging.”

The appointed time came, and they soon arrived at the foot of the mound. Mariano knocked and knocked the ground with his hand, and held his ear listening closely. Finally he told Remigio where the jar was to be dug out. At first Remigio dug the ground; then his friend, Mariano, took his place. As Mariano was digging and Remigio stood silent, he saw many terrible and frightful creatures, among which were snakes with heads lifted up, wild boars with very long tusks and their bristles raised, and the

form of a big, tall, black man with a whip in his hands. All of these seemed to be approaching near and nearer to seize them. At last, unable to endure his fright longer, he exclaimed, “Let us go home now, my friend.”

Upon hearing these words, Mariano’s face became disfigured with rage and he said, “I was already touching the rim of the jar of wealth; but when you spoke, it at once sank down.” Then the two unfortunate friends went home full of sadness, and the Enchanted Man has not been seen there again up to this present time. 265

#lost treasure

‘The Naiad of Botocan Fall [sic]’, Unisimo Solisa

In the province of La Luguna [sic], there is a town named Majayjay, which has a small river on the east, known as the Botocan, with a beautiful fall. […] In front of this fall just at the edge of the precipice is a big tree covered from top to bottom with inscriptions in an unknown language. At the bottom behind this fall is a spacious cave inhabited by a wonderful naiad. This naiad is a golden princess dressed in a garment adorned with the most precious jewels and gold. In her habitation, she had a servant and also a golden cow, [265] a golden centipede, and many other golden things; for whatsoever the naiad uses is made of gold. […]

About the time of the American occupation, a poor little girl living in a barrio of Majayjay was passing near the fall with her mother one twilight when she stopped to wash her feet in a stream near by. […] The naiad gave this poor girl a great sum of money including bracelets, necklaces, rings and earrings, saying that she must not tell where these valuables came from. […] When she reached home, her mother asked her where that money came from; but she said that she must not ask, for it was a secret. Finally the mother asked her so persistently that she could not keep quiet any longer, so she had to tell the forbidden secret; but after so doing, she found no money in the chest where she had hidden her treasure. […]

During the guerrilla warfare between the Americans and Filipinos, an American captain who was stationed at Majayjay once went to Botocan to take a bath. When he reached the river, he decided first to go to the bottom of the fall; he did so and when he arrived there, he saw the golden centipede. So he dived suddenly to catch him and as the golden centipede was so big that he could not move quickly, the captain caught one of his legs. He made this one leg into two big rings. When the Americans heard about this treasure, many of them went there, and they have continued to visit the falls until the present time; but whenever an American or any foreigner goes then, even if it be Mr. William H. Taft, it rains heavily although the sun shines brightly. 266

#folk literacy #article: literature #lost treasure

#motif: textual object has supernatural power

‘Juan the Lazy’, Maximo A. Madridejos

In a little village in the mountains there once lived a poor old farmer, who had only one son named Juan Zafiro. Little Juan’s father loved him very much and taught him how to read and write when he was seven years of age; but unfortunately when he was about eight years old, his father died, so he and his mother lived alone in their little cottage. His mother worked very hard on the farm; but Juan, though he ought to have worked to help her, stayed in the cottage and did not like to work. The people called him Juan

the Lazy. When he was very hungry he just called his mother to give him food and water.

One day he called his mother, for he wished to take a bath in the river; so his mother called for aid from her neighbors to carry Juan to the river. Having arrived at the river, the neighbors told her that she should not take such care of Juan; they advised her to leave him by the bank and he would go home himself when he was very hungry, so she abandoned him. Juan stayed there like a statue on the bank of the river crying and calling his mother. Many people who saw him said, “Move, Juan. Go home, you lazy boy.”

Until it was about two o’clock in the afternoon Juan stood there and at that time no people were passing by, for all were taking their siesta. It happened then that Juan saw a package of papers floating on the stream. He immediately reached out for it; he opened it at once and found a book of seven pages. The book contained nothing except the word “Fibicoy,”written on each page. When he pronounced the word “Fibicoy,” the little book answered, “What, sir, have you anything to command? I am ready to do it.” Juan was very glad when he heard these words, and he said eagerly, “Fibicoy, carry me home.” After saying this Juan found himself in his cottage, and the book lying on his bosom. His mother was not at home at that time, so he [267]called Fibicoy again to bring him the best kind of food, for he was very hungry. After that he gave the book many commands, and the book obeyed him every time. His mother wondered at the change in her son because she was not called upon to take any more care of him.

Not far from Juan’s cottage there was a town famous for its beautiful buildings, but Juan had never been there. As he was anxious to visit this town, he ordered Fibicoy to carry him there. It happened that when Juan was at the gate of the town he heard the sound of the bells; as he had never heard so many church bells ringing before, he immediately rushed away in terror and ran very fast through the groves toward his village. He did not know here he was and had forgotten all that he had seen on his way. But the next morning, when he found that Fibicoy was not on his bosom, he went again toward the town to find the precious book. He cried very loudly “Fibicoy, Fibicoy”; but as no one answered, he still traveled on. Upon reaching the gate again, he found his little book lying on the road. This time he visited the town, and after he had seen all the pretty houses he ordered Fibicoy again to carry him to his cottage.

Not long afterwards his mother and his neighbors discovered his secret. Then many people went to Juan to ask all about his book, for they believed that the book was given him by a magician who was a friend of his father; many others said that the book had been the property of his ancestor many years ago. It is said that Juan and his neighbors received benefit from the book in all their difficulties. 268

#folk literacy

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to serve possessor as a servant

‘The Maiden and the Monkeys’

Once there lived a man and his wife with their young beautiful daughter. When the maiden was yet young, her mother died. The man was very lonely at the death of his wife so he soon married another woman. The new wife was jealous of the young maiden and secretly drove her away from home. She wandered into the woods. Wild fruits were her only food. But one day, while she was walking near a brook, she found a small cottage. This was the home of the monkeys, but they were not there. She went to

the cottage, and on the table she found small plates containing food and small glasses of water, so she ate and drank. After that, she went to sleep in a small bedroom. When evening came, the monkeys returned home and found that the food was gone. One of the monkeys went to the bedroom and found the youngmaiden sleeping. He did not wake her. From that time the monkeys were very kind to her and considered her as one of their companions. When the stepmother heard this, she wanted to poison the young maiden. Disguising herself as an old woman selling apples, [272] she put poison in one of the apples and went to the woods. When she arrived at the monkeys’ house they were not there. She offered the apples for sale; but the maiden would not buy, so the woman gaver her the apple. The maiden then began to eat and after a short time she fell fainting. The woman went away, hoping the maiden would die. When the monkeys arrived, they found that the maiden was lying as if dead and began to cry loudly. It happened that a gentleman was passing near the cottage. He went to the cottage, looked at the body, and asked the monkeys to give him the body of the maiden, which they did willingly, as they thought he understood better than they how to bury it properly. He carried the body about a mile from the cottage when suddenly the maiden vomited the poisonous apple and regained consciousness. The gentleman asked her to marry him, and she gladly consented. They went to the house of the gentleman where they were to be married. The maiden went to invite her father to attend the ceremonies. When he saw the maiden he fainted, for he had thought she was already dead. The shock was so great that he did not recover. 273

#article: grimm

‘The Legend of Bay’, Godofredo Rivera

In former days the town of Bay was on the beautiful shore of Lake Bay, but now it stands far back from the shore on the bank of a small, sluggish river.

[…]

A new Bay was built farther up the shore. Now it is a center of commerce and many cascos stop there for loading and unloading of cargoes. To prove the veracity of this story, another may be told of a casco that once stopped at the very spot where the old Bay sank and dropped anchor. When the casco was ready to sail away, the pilot started to lift up the anchor. He put forth all his strength, but could not move it, so he called his companions and all joined together in the effort. All their strength was exerted in vain, so the captain ordered one of his sailors to dive and investigate the matter. The diver discovered that the anchor was fastened in the bell of the church towere of the old Bay. Even today the top of the tower may be seen when the water is very clear at the spot where the town sank. 275

#article: literature #lost treasure

“How the Church of Santa Maria was Built” By Sixto R. Domine

When he came near the tree the old woman said, “Don’t be afraid, wise priest, for the old woman who is talking to you is the mother of Jesus Christ. Oh! kind priest, I would like you to do one thing in this wide world. I will open my treasury to you, and with the riches you will get from it you will build a church on this hill; on this spot where this tree is growing, place my altar.” She then directed that he himself should come every evening during the building of the church to take as much money as he could carry. As they were talking, St. Mary said to him, “You must stay here while I go and open my treasure and while I am gone you must not move or else you will turn into a stick.”

Suddenly she disappeared, but in a short time she appeared again. She then led him by a hitherto unseen passage into the hill through three great doors and the fourth door she unlocked and in that room was her treasure. St. Mary gave him a strong sack; he filled his sack with gold and money. When it was full, he could hardly lift it. So he carried it away, stooping under its weight.

He was led by her again through the three big doors. As he stepped from the fourth door, St. Mary said, “Tomorrow you will begin your work. Do not forget that you must come here every evening until you have finished the work which I told you to do.” The priest, as he reached home, was almost breathless. He put the sack in his box secretly. It is said that when he finished building the church, he was larger and stronger than before, for he had carried his sack from the Virgin’s treasury every

evening. The next morning the priest hired some workmen to build the church, and so they began working as hard as they could and continued until the church was finished. Now it is one of the largest churches of the province of Ilocos Sur. If you will climb to the top of the tower of the church, you will have a grand panorama of the surrounding country, with the blue black sea in the distance.

After a few years the priest died at his convent. Now many people think that he buried a large part of the money left from the building of the church under the convent, and that thousands and thousands of jars of gold, money, and precious stones are buried in that hill. 280

#lost treasure

1950-1959 Ratcliff, Lucetta K. 1951. Some Folklore from Bicol

Province, Philippine Islands. Western Folklore 10 (3):231-236.

The Enchanted Bell. (By Sulpicia Caro.) Once upon a time in the town of Cagsana in the province of Albay, there was a bell which was so big that when it was rung, the sound was heard by the Moros in the island of Mindanao. For that reason the Moros were very anxious to capture the town in order to get the bell. When the people of Albay heard of the impending danger, they took the bell from the church tower and concealed it in a deep lake near the town. They had just hidden the bell when the Moros landed in great numbers, entered the town, and looked for the bell. They were greatly disappointed not to find the desired object, and they sailed away without injuring the local inhabitants. When the Moros were out of sight, the people tried to raise the bell from the lake. During their efforts a storm arose with mighty thunder and lightning. Neither then nor later could the bell be recovered. The divers who tried to lift the bell told of an enormous eel which lay under the bell. Even today the bell rests in the lake. Its top can be seen above the water. 233


One Easter I went into the mountains to hunt deer, as I said, but really to look for a doll. My father had told me that one must search during Easter. If you desire a bulto, doll, you must go to the forest at this particular time. As soon as it is three o’clock in the afternoon, you take a bolo and cut every little shrub which you see. From one of these

shrubs drops of blood will fall as soon as the bolo cuts it. This shrub is the one which you must take to make your doll. At the proper time I went about cutting shrubs until I found one with a bloody juice. This shrub I carried home and shaped it into the doll which I now have. [The man stopped to fetch the doll.] You see these holes? If you wish to kill anybody, you fill the holes with different materials. The person whom you wish to kill will surely die, because the spirit will move to the person. 234

#eskayan etymology: bultu

Some people also believe in Anting-anting, which may be obtained by the same process as the Hocloban during the Easter days. Some men who are Fulisanes possess this power. I have seen persons who could jump ten feet into the air, and who could carry a huge sack of rice for an hour. Such men we call Daragagfian. An old man told me that when the town of Pamplona was assaulted by Fulisanes during the year 1888, the Fulisanes showed great daring, which was the effect of their Anting-anting. He told me that those Fulisanes could jump from the ground to the windows of the presidency. When they pointed at a flying bird, the bird would fall dead. One of them alone could carry three logs on his shoulders. 235

#antinganting

How to be Strong. At night before the lamps and candles in your house are lighted, go to a banana tree that is ready to unfold its inflorescence. Stay by it watching until the inflorescence unfolds. At the end there is a small black stone which you must catch as it falls. The moment that you have it in your hand, a big man will come to you. If you can overcome him in a fight, you will be the strongest man in the world. 235

#mutya

UNESCO. 1953. Progress of literacy in various countries: A preliminary statistical study of available census data since 1900. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.

Table 110. Number and percentage of illiterates in the population of the Philippines, 10 years old and over: 1918–1948 [Excluding persons unspecified for literacy; native population only]

Census year Percentage illiterate

1918 50.8

1939 51.2

1948 38.7

It should be noted that the criterion of literacy used in the 1918 census was simply ability to read, without reference to ability to write, whereas at the later censuses a person was only considered literate if he could both read and write. Hence the data from the 1918 census are not comparable with those from the following censuses. 122

#folk literacy

Percentage of persons having completed 3rd grade and higher

Male: 38.7 (1939), 49.4 (1948)

Female: 31.2 (1939), 45.5 (1948)

124

#chapter 9

For example, among male person 65 years old and over, about 18 per cent had apparently learned to read and write without having completed the first grade in school […] 125

#folk literacy

Pajo, Maria Caseñas. 1954. Bohol folklore. MA, Faculty of the Graduate School, University of San Carlos, Cebu City.

Marriage customs in early Bohol. During Pre-Spanish Bohol, there were many customs and ceremonies for different classes of people. This had been true to many parts of the Philippines also. The most typical was the parents of the groom or some respectable elders acted as go-betweens to the parents of the bride to ask for the lady’s hand or for marriage arrangements. One of the elders carried a spear of the groom and when he arrived at the bride’s house, he threw the spear pointing it at the stairs and prayed to God to bless this marriage. The elders then entered the house and conferred with the parents of the bride. The conference dealt with the marriage proposal, the dowry, the other [14] gifts, and the date of the marriage [fn]. After the conference, they carried the bride to the groom’s house. The bride had to appear shy, tried to say that she did not want to go up into the house and persisted that she was timid. The father of the groom tried to offer her a gift, maybe a slave, money, or another gift so that she would go up. As soon as she arrived at the top step, she began to demur and the father of the groom offered her another gift of jewels or articles of the home. Another gift was offered to make her sit; and another to make her eat; and still another, when she drunk. A drinking bout followed. One of the elders stood up and announced in loud voice that if the groom broke the marriage vows and would not support her anymore, the bride would not be obliged to pay back the dowry and could marry another man. That if the bride broke the marriage vows, the groom could keep the dowry and he could remarry. All those who attended the pre-nuptial ceremonies became witnesses of the vows made. After the drinking bout, a plate was filled with rice and one of the elders joined hands of the bride and groom over the plate as a sign of marriage. Rice was then scattered on the bride and groom and over all the people present and everyone would shout with [15] joy. The poor did not follow the above ceremonies. Their marriage was devoid of fanfare. The bride and groom would drink from one glass and the people would shout, “Long live!” After this, everyone would consider them married. The slaves had the simplest marriage ceremony. They would only say to one another in the presence of other slaves that they would marry and they were already married [fn]. 16


Bohol marriages in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. [...] [15] The marriage ceremony is performed in the church, the degree of solemnity depends upon the amount that the groom could pay. After the marriage ceremony, rice is thrown at the new couple before they leave the church in order to wish them riches and fecundity.

Then the bride and groom arrive at the house of the bride, they will be met by one of the relatives who lets them drink from one glass and who combs the hair of the bride and groom with one comb. Then they are brought to the parents of the bride for blessing and advice. Then the feasting begins and is continued generally after [17] breakfast. The groom and his relatives take the bride away to the home of his parents. This is called ganas [fn]. 18


The quack doctor sits on the stool by the side of the patient in front of the wine, rice, and leaves. All of a sudden he starts trembling to shake off the evil spirits with force so that he perspires tremendously at the performance, therby purifying himself. Then he mutters a litany of prayers in Latin which implores the spirits to placate their anger, to pardon, and bless the sick. 28

#urasyun

There is some superstition connected with almost every native toy that the children play with. The yoyo, which is a seasonal game, is according to old folks an accursed game for it brings the mumps. It is also believed that flying kites will bring wind and rice harvest which will be mostly chaff. Kite flying also stunts and dwarfs other crops, even root crops and corn. Playing tops result in a bountiful harvest. Playing with shells may also bring crops. 40


Myth of Creation. At the beginning, there was only sea and sky. One day a bird was seen flying. The bird became tired of flying for there was no place to land. He took water from the sea and threw it against the sky. The sky in turn got angry and threw back to the sea, rocks and boulders; that formed part of the earth. From these sprang the islands, the mountains, the valleys, and the hills.

Origin of the first man and woman. The bird that made the earth rested on the seashore for a few days. A floating bamboo thrown by the wind hurt its feet. The bird got angry and pecked it. It broke into pieces, and from its internodes sprang the first man and the first woman. [42]

The first man was called Silalac, and the first woman, Sibabay [fn]. Silalac and Sibabay lived together in the world and became rich for they were both industrious and God-fearing. A few years after, a snkae came and it gave a fruit to Sibabay and Silalac, saying to them: “If you eat the fruit, it will open your eyes”. Then they both ate the fruit. This made Bathala angry and did not give them any more blessings and they could not see Him anymore. 43

#chapter 4 [PK: commentary on biblical influence in Eskaya literature]

The people who fasted, eat the food left by the anitos. Then they mix the herbs that they gathered with oil and place the mixture in bottles. They believe this mixture to possess some medicinal properties that will make them the possessors of magic charms and love potion that will attract adamant women; it might be a magic charm that may make them invisible to human eyes. 79

#invisibility #article: dagohoy

She was not like other women. She was white, with eyes, no blow, now light brown; she could nto see very well at noon; this was noted by everyone in the barrio of Lantang. She was an albino. 85

It is believed by the people of Jagna that the point of Canupao is owned by an Apo [fn: Apo is an albino inhabitant in caves]

Many years before the Spaniards came, Bohol was known in Mindanao and other nearby provinces to have owned big frigates, and if the crew were asked from where they came, they answered that they came from what is now the town of Valencia, Bohol, near the point of Balitbiton. The people from other provinces, thinking that this town must be a big town full of rich men, went to Valencia to visit the place but found it to be a forest. Others also testified tha those big frigates disappeared as soon as they reached the place, and concluded that they must have taken its route through the underground river toward the barrio of Lantang. What amazed other people who learned of the crew of these big frigates was that they were all white with golden hair. At present only these two barrios, Lantang and Anas have albino children, so that the people of [103] these two villages wonder why they happen to be there. 104

One day, he learned that Señor Luis, the town’s opulent man [...] 121

The carabao knocked down by a man. A picture was being shown to the people in which the artist had painted a carabao knocked to the ground by a lone man. The onlookers felt great strength and glory seeing like this. But a carabao passed by and put an end to their cackling chatter [123].

“I see the man is given victory in this picture,” mowed the carabao, “but the artist had deceived you. The artist could paint it as he liked; but if carabaos could paint, the man would have been knocked down in the picture and it would have been more true to life!” 124

#folk literacy #postcolonialism

#motif: writing as a political weapon

The trigamist. Here the fable is used both as a teaching tool and an instrument of satire. A certain man, while his wife was still alive, married two other women. As soon as news reached the chief of the barangay, he ordered the polygamist to be tried for the offense, and ordained that such a punishment should be meted out as would terrify the whole people and prove a warning forever. To the judges, specially appointed to hear the case, the chief said: “If his punishment is a light one, then I’ll hang all you judges within four days.”

For three days they deliberated as to what punishment they could contrive for the man. They had an idea. They called the man into court and announced their unanimous decision thus: “The prisoner is sentenced to live with all his three wives at once!” At such a decision the people of the barangay were astonished. They feared that the chief would hang all the judges. The people’s fears were groundless for before the fifth day arrived, the trigamist had hanged himself. Since that time no man has committed trigamy in that country. 127

#polygamy

FN 13: Anting-anting or dagon is a sort of amulet or charm, believed to protect the possessor against any harm or evil. 130

#antinganting #article: dagohoy

The amulet (anting-anting). [Fn: Told to the writer by an old woman of Candijay, Asuncion Baja]. Iyo Filemon was well-known in the village as wanting to posses a charm, the charm of anting-anting. So he spent his life looking for a banana plant, the species called tindok. He finally found one plant of this kind. Its bud was about to open. He know it would open that very night. He ate his supper very early. About eleven thirty, he went to the said banana plant and there he waited for the clock to strick midnight. He stood right below the bursting banana bud. It should be known that it was not only Iyo Filemon who was after this amulet. The agta and other supernatural beings were also after this amulet. They were invisible. Iyo Filemon was unaware of this. He just waited for the time, mid-night.

When this time came, he whistled, then opened his mouth on the direction of the bursting banana bud. It was said that the amulet never falls except by whistling to it. As Filemon whistled, down fell the amulet. He caught the amulet in his mouth and closed it tightly, for fear someone might steal the precious treasure. He fought against the [152] agta and other supernatural beings who were present. The amulet gave him strength and vigor; that made him fight and defeat the agta. He went home and kept the amulet in his mouth. When he arrived home, he cut his right arm, just below the armpit. It was no joke to do that himself. He opened the skin and buried the amulet. He then sewed the skin again so that no one could take it away from him. Now that Iyo Filemon had the amulet, he had the power of invisibility, no one could ever defeat him. He was well known in his barrio as the invincible Don Filemon. He became the bodyguard and friend of Pascual Datahan who lived in the mountains of Duero, as a barrio king with vassals at his command. After many years, during the Japanese occupation, he disappeared from the town. The old folks believed that he went away, to rule the spirits of the other world. 153

Maria Loon [fn: Reported to the writer by Santa Relampagos, Loon, Bohol]. In the town of Loon, about twenty kilometers from Tagbilaran, stands a beautiful and large [160] church, one of the oldest and biggest in Bohol. An interesting legend is told about it, a tale which became very popular in the early days of American occupation. According to this legend, Maria Loon was the woman responsible for the construction of this church. She was once a very poor woman, but by a stroke of good fortune she became richer than anyone else in the whole town. That is why the town has been named after her, for she was the most civic-minded citizen that ever lived there.

It is said that a long time ago, just as the Spaniards settled in the province of Bohol, there lived in the town of Loon, Maria Loon and her husband Juan Tamad. They were poor but honest couple who did not live very happily. Juan was a fisherman who never liked to work, and often-times his wife scolded him for being so careless and lazy. If they had nothing to eat, it was Maria who tried her best to get some food. It was she who constantly urged Juan to stop loafing and go to work. When the need arose, it was also she who decided what was best for the family to do. It was no wonder, therefore, that Juan somewhat feared his own wife.

One dark night Juan got into his boat and started to go fishing. When he got far way from the shore, he put out his fishing lines and patiently waited for some fish to snatch the bait. Juan seemed to have no luck. A long [161] while passed but still he caught nothing. Then he grew sleepy and more sleepy, and before long, he was fast asleep in his banca. When he awoke, it was already morning. He found himself stranded on a point of land in the midst of the sea. It was clear to him that his boat was

drifted by the currents while he was asleep. He looked into the shallow water about him, and he saw quantites of bright, shining pebbles. Since his banca was empty, he filled it nearly full with these pebbles. He set out to return home.

When Juan came home without any catch, he was greeted by an angry wife, who scolded at him: “Why did you bring home stones instead of fish? Whoever heard of people eating stones?”

“Well,” Juan began to excuse himself, “As I caught no fish and as I did not want to come home with my banca all empty, I brought home these whitish and attractive pebbles for which we may have use some day.”

Juan put away the pebbles in a pile under the house and thought no more about them. Since the pebbles were brought, at night time the house of the fisherman and his wife looked as if it were on fire. The pebbles that were kept under the house shone brightly in the dark and gave the appearance of fire. This attracted the attention not only of the couple but also fo the neighbors.

Maria could not sleep nights thinking of these fiery [162] pebbles. Being a clever woman, Maria brought samples of the pebbles to Manila. There, she showed them to a jewler who examined them and found to be rare precious stones.

This was how Maria acquired her wealth. Being of a religious nature, and wishing to leave a memento behind her, she undertook the building of a church in her native town. Now, old and young people remember Maria as the woman who gave Loon its church. The peple were not even reluctant to name the town after her. Maria became very wealthy. No one was able to equal her in wealth. After the Americans stayed in the Philippines for five years, Maria died with the blessings of thankful people. 163


In his dream, the herbolario was instructed to take off the marble from the head of the datu. At the same time that he was removing he was to pray the oracion. He was also told to make some oracion everyday as long as he possessed the stone, and to preserve the head in his house. 164

#urasyun

The greedy man [Fn: Reported by Miss Josefa Libres, Normal Department, Central Visayas Colleges, Jagna, Bohol]. Once there lived two jewelers named Carlos and Juan. Carlos became jealous of Juan so that he tried all he could to ruin the business of his rival.

Juan’s business began to decline and after two months he was totally out of business. The unhappy man went to a certain isolated spot and sat on a big stone. There he grieved over his misfortune. After sitting there for an hour thinking of what to do in order to support his family a group of elves. came and encircled him. They danced and sang. Juan was frightened so that he wanted to run away from the place. One of the elves told him not to be afraid of them. He asked Juan what worried him so; he told the elf how his rival had tried to put him down. The elves then lifted the big stone where Juan had been sitting and told Juan to follow them. That hole covered by the stone turned out to be a cave. Juan could not believe what he saw. There were so many sacks of gold and silver. The elves told Juan to get all he wanted but Juan was very shy. He answered them that he would get only what they would give [166] him. The

elves insisted on his getting all he would carry so that the poor man thanked them for their kindness.

Juan reached home with a sack of gold. His wife was surprised to see so much gold that she frightfully asked Juan where he got it. She was afraid her husband had stolen the gold but when Juan told her how he had obtained it she felt very happy.

The next day everybody in town saw·that Juan was a very rich man. Carlos, his rival, asked him how he had acquired his wealth so that the good man told him about the elves. Carlos went to the same spot and there he encountered the same elves. They brought him to the cave and asked Carlos what he wanted to bring home. Carlos greedily answered that he would bring home all the gold he could carry.

He filled his pockets with gold and put over his back a very big sack of gold coins, He reached his house very late in the evening for he had to rest many times.

His wife was at the door waiting for him. She was very anxious as to what had happened to him, for it was already late in the evening. “Do not worry,” he said, “See what I have here.” He poured the contents of the sack on the floor. What did they see? Stones, many stones were laid before their eyes. His wife thought he had gone mad, but when Carlos kept on muttering of his cruelty and bad deeds, his wife understood him and she did not mind him. 167

#lost treasure

The dances in the lowlands show much foreign influence but the dances in the mountains has remaind much more pure. 236

Most Boholano dances are slow, except in curacha which is breath-taking and part of curadang also. 236

Most dances of foreign extraction are rather ballroom dances, not folk dances. Some of these are Valse, Polka, and Danza. The Rigodon and the Lanceros belong to old and gracious memory.

To open a formal dance, the woman should wear formal evening dresses, the mestiza dress; and the gentlemen, should wear embroidered and expensive [238] barongs with black trousers. 239

Telling riddles was one interesting way of spending leisure hours by the ancient people of Bohol. This was a habitual form of recreation in most of the rural homes. This time took place after supper before the rural folks went to bed. Riddles have been an interesting pastime for they develop thinking and humor among the old folks. Filipinos, in general, are very fond of riddles. Some Filipinos even today still express their ideas in terms of riddles, in a round-about way.

It is curious to notice that most of the legends have parallel versions in other provinces, and even in other Malay, and in Hindu countries. Only they are given local color but they retain the central theme and the mythical elements. Most of the folk tales given have been told orally from generations until today. The Spanish friars have been blamed for burning whatever written literature existed in the Philippines. This tragedy is deplored today by both Spaniards and Filipinos, clergy and laity [fn]. 271

#chapter 1

Arens, Richard. 1959. The early Pulahan movement in Samar and Leyte. The Journal of History 7 (4):303-371.

The term Pulahanism seems first to have been given to a subversive fanatical organization, which in 1894 brought death and terror to every town in Samar from Pambuhan in the North to Basey and Giporlos in the South. The members of this organization wore, as a distinguishing mark, red trousers or a sash of red colour elsewhere about their sparse clothing.

It seems that the Pulahan movement was partly a continuation of the “Dios-Dios” movement. The “Dios-Dios” members — religious fanatics [304] — went in 1884 into the mountains of Samar and were able to get a hold on the simple mountain people. They were harmless, however, and created very little trouble during the Spanish regime [fn: Vic Hurley in his Jungle Patrol also points out the connection of the “Dios-Dios” movement with the Pulahanes. he writes: “On Samar island, ‘Pope’ Pablo had consolidated factions of the Dios-Dios, which was to develop into pulajanism. The Dios-Dios had been under Anugar, who now relinquished the leadership to the ‘Pope’. Pablo was the religious head; Pedro de la Cruz rose to become Jefe Superior de Operaciones; Isidro Pompac, better known as Otoy, became Segundo Jefe de Operaciones”, p124] 305

The Pulahan movement in Samar gained momentum when the Insurrectos of the island surrendered in 1902. Some of the Insurrectos did not like to surrender; they went into the mountains and joined the Pulahanes. 313.

Jaime de Veyra stated in an interview with the author that some of the Pulahan leaders [of the early 20th century in Samar] came from Masbate, some of whom went to Samar and others to Leyte to spread the movement. 315

The two most notorious of the Samar Pulahan chiefs were “Papa” Pablo and Enrique Dagohob. “Papa” Pablo was the medicine man, and under the cloak of religion he played upon the superstitions of these primitive hill people. 316

[Governor Curry of Samar] reports that on July 1, 1905 there were about 7,000 people generally referred to as “Pulahanes”, with about 120 guns, in Samar.

In march 1906 [Captain George Curry] could announce that the last of the Pulahan leaders were to make their formal surrender in the near future. 321

Pedro de la Cruz and Papa Pablo were killed by patrols under Major John B. Murphy in November 1906 [...] 323

At the turn of the century there existed in the mountains of Ormoc a band of “Dios-Dios” bandits under the leadership of “Papa” Faustino Ablen. Faustino, who declared himself Pope of the island promised his followers immunity against Constabulary bullets if they wore an anting-anting (charm) —sold by “Papa” Faustino himself. 325

Under the leadership of Faustino the bandits robbed, burned, raped and carried off girls. By October 1902 it was necessary to send colonel Taylor to Leyte with three hundred men. Thus began the first of the two famous Pulahan camapigns in Leyte.

First Pulahan Campaign in Leyte (from October 1902 to August 1903) 325

Second Pulahan Campaign (1903 to 1907) [PK: also in Leyte]. 326

On May 11, 1906 Felipe Tamayo, Faustino’s “Chief of Staff”, came in with sixteen men and surrendered to Captain Crockett. 326

After the surrender of Felipe Tamayo, a new leader, Felipe Ydos, rose. Whether Faustino or the new bandit leader, Felipe Ydos, led the attack on the town of Burauen on June 19, 1906 has never been determined. [...] After the attack of Burauen the Pulahan movement gained such strength that it was quickly seen that the movement was beyond the strength of the Constabulary, and the regular troops were called upon. 328

PK: On June 11 1907, Papa Faustino is captured. 329

The Commission Report has the following to say about Faustino Ablin, styled by the common people “Papa” or “Pope”: “Faustino is a perfectly ignorant man, who can neither read nor write. He is 53 years old and a native of the outskirts of Ormoc. He is the youngest of a large family, and has himself 5 living children, 4 of whom have been with him in the hills. His wife is still with him and has shared his hardships in the mountains also. About 1887 or 1889 he was, by the Spanish authorities, arrested for having organized a fanatical movement known as the “Dios-dios” movement. He was taken to the penal colony in Zamboanga, San Ramon, and also to Iligan and Marahui. In all he was absent some ten years during which time his family lived in Ormoc. he says he was brought to Iloilo with a number of others about the time of the American occupation of Iloilo and that he was sent to Ne-[329]gros, where the American authorities released him and allowed him to go home. He joined the insurrection then in progress in Leyte, and when the leaders finally surrendered in Leyte, he refused to come in, and has ben an outlaw ever since. [...] 330

Faustino’s capture ended the campaign. Ydos, now with little following, surrendered four months later. Although Pulahanism in Leyte was now crushed, it did not entirely disappear. The unstable elements soon began to mgrate to nearby Mindanao where they staged the major uprising of the 1920’s, known in Philippine history as “The colorum Uprising of Surigao.” 330

The inhabitants of La Paz had been active in the early Pulahan movement. It is said that “Papa” Pablo had been living in La Paz, and other Pulahan leaders were well known in La Paz. According to some informants Marcial showed signs of mental and emotional imbalance. He did “funny” things. He was a fancy tree climber, but the people of La Paz believed that in Marcial the spirit of Antonio Anogar and “Papa” Pablo had been revived. They accepted Marcial as their god-sent leader. Marcial played well up to this belief and convinced the people that he had special powers and a very efficient “Anting-Anting”. 332

When the Pacific War broke out in 1941 and the USAFFE soldiers (United States Armed Forces in the Far East) surrendered and disbanded in Samar, the Pulahanes were resuscitated and became very active. 334

[During the Jap occupation] They avenged the abusive acts of government officials who had been hard and arrogant in dealing with people of the interior during peace time. 334

When the Japanese Imperial Forces occupied Samar on May 24, 1942, the three Pulahan organizations under three different leaders were unified into one organization and they called themselves Katipuneros. The Japanese commander Hakoyen utilized the Katipuneros as guides in the campaigns against the guerrillas and hostile civilian evacuees who helped the guerrilla movement. 334

The best known Pulahan units during the war were in Gandara and Wright. 334

Money was also in Kubalan’s case the driving motive. As a supervisor of the Samar district said: “All these fake leaders were clever fellows who knew how to deal with the simple mountain people and to get from them all the money and women they wanted.” It is well known that Kubalan, even in his late age, was always surrounded by young women. 335

#polygamy

Although the Pulahanes were friendly to the Japanese, the Pulahanes in Gandara did not receive any material aid from them. The soldiers had only bolos and sungangs to fight with . The Labong brothers alone were in possession of four revolvers and 4 rifles. The organization did not have a flag of its own. 338

According to the reports the Pulahanes of Wright had closer connections with the Japanese than the Pulahanes of Gandara. The Pulahanes asked the Japanese for help and protection against the guerrillas. The oppression practiced by the guerrillas against the mountain people of Wright was explained by officials of Wright in the following way: At the outbreak of the Japanese war the Philippine [etc] 342

Oppressive methods must have been used. Ex-Mayor Abalos said people of Lawaan, Calapi, Concepcion and Casanding were molested by the guerrillas. Seven civilians were killed in Lohilokon. The mountain people, resenting this oppression, joined together in an organization the general public called Pulahanes. 342

The name chosen by the organizers was “Katipunan”, to mark it as a continuation of the old revolutionary movement. The guerrillas were very much offended by the fact that this group, which openly supported the Japanese invaders, misused the sacred name of the Revolution. 344

Discipline was strict for the women soldiers. Unmarried women had to dress like older women—no colorful or fine dress was permitted. The hair could not be worn in curls: dancing was also forbidden in the camp. 345

In the Otley Beyer collection at the museum of Archaeology in Manila is an oracion amulet designed on a shirt of a Pulahan leader in Samar who had been killed by an American soldier in the 1944 pacification campaign. The shirt is a ‘classic” of an oracion amulet with fine drawings of angels and incantations. The Anting-antings of the common soldiers were mostly oracion amulets —written on paper and sewed in cloth, then worn as a necklace, called “reliquias”.

The Pulahanes of Camp Minarog believed that Rizal would return to life, and that there would be a time when rich and poor would be alike. They also believed that Pulahanes killed in battle would be revived after three days. 346

#urasyun

A Padi-Padi, a layman, took charge of the religious needs of the people in camp Minarog. 346 [PK: Compare pari pari in Candijay]

In the early part of 1947, the remnants of die-hard Pulahan leaders, like Antonio de la Cruz alias Toñing Pabelonia, Crispin Dagles, Ignacio Lagbo, Diosdado Labong (mabe a nephew of the Labong brothers), and a host of others reorganized the interiors of Yawa and San Jose de Buan. In May 1947 they resumed their subversive activities by

attacking and killing innocent civilians. They burnt many houses in San Jose de Buan, and in barrio Paglayogan of Catbalogan (Samar). To counteract their activities, a squad of Constabulary soldiers from the defunct 51st MP Company led by Leocadio Espina was dispatched to barrio Pagloyagan to intercept the Pulahanes. The patrol, however, was ambushed, which resulted in the death of Pfc Lucas Larrobis. 353

[...] in the morning of May 3, 1947 a bloody battle was fought in Calantawan. During this battle the prisoners from San Fernando were able to escape to their homes. The Pulahan “Verdugo” or “butcher, executioner” whose name was Crispin, was killed with many others.

In three months of rigorous joint campaigns undertaken by 51st and 52nd M.P. companies, all the important leaders of the Pulahan organization were captured and prosecuted. [...]

On May 27, 1947, the provincial fiscal of Samar filed a case of “Rebellion or Insurreciton with multiple murder and incendiarism” against twenty-six of the imprisoned Pulahanes. 356

“[...]The Katipunan was also responsible, in later years, for the growth of many of the numerous quasi-religious sects whose members terrorized Samar, Leyte, and Luzon. There is evidence, too, of Katipunan influence in the raids of the organized bandits who caused the Constabulary so much concern in the interval following the insurrection.” [Vic Hurley, Jungle Patrol, p117] 360

For example the leader would say: “Come back next week, your name will be submitted to Christ, if he accepts you, you will be a member.” When the day of final decision came, the applicant was led to a room with a curtained crucifix. This crucifix had been rigged up in such a way that by pulling a string the head of Christ would not, or his leg jerk. The leader would submit the name of the applicant in a loud voice to Christ. After a while of anxious waiting, during which Christ was “deliberating the case,” suddenly the head of Chrislt would nod. for the simple mountain people this was a tremendous experience [...] 363

A cross was placed in a glass filled with water. The leader would say: “Come back next week, if Christ accepts you, the cross will have grown to its double size in the glass.” coming the following week the “miracle” had happened, the cross had grown (replaced by a bigger cross in a bigger glass, bought in Manila), the applicant was accepted and contributed his little earnings to the exploiting leader, at the same time becoming a fanatical followers. 363

#pamilacan cross #bio of anoy

The Fifth Annual Report of the Philippine commission, 1904, brings out the fact that the simple people blindly followed these “leaders”:

[...] “[...] live at the expense of the unwary, as happens with the Pulahans, who use flag, have an infinity of prayers fabricated by their leaders which their dupes believe are a talismanic protection against the enemy’s fire. [...] [p610-611]

364

[PK: Note that the above is a misquote. Actual text runs as follows: ‘I can assure you that the character of the natives of this province is peaceful, but, as the lower classes are

very ignorant, a person little more enlightened than themselves teaching them false doctrines is believed in implicitly, and they allow themselves, lamblike, to be misled through devious paths of error, it being very difficult afterwards to make them understand that their guides or teachers are nothing but bandoleros who, accustomed to idleness, live at the expense of the unwary, as happens with the Polahans (sic), who use flags bearing religious emblems, scapularies, and rosaries, and who have an infinity of prayers fabricated by their leaders which their dupes believe are a talsimanic protection against the enemy’s fire.’ [Feito, Eduardo. 1905. Report of the Governor, Province of Samar. In Fifth Annual Report of the Philippine Commission: 1904. Part I. Washington: Government Printing Office. 610]

#antinganting

Frei, Ernest J. 1959. The historical development of the Philippine National Language. Manila: Institute of National Language.

PK: If collaborating with James on an article on ‘The invention of a national language: the appeal to linguistic theory in the formulation of Filipino’, make sure to really re-read this text. There’s plenty in it. In addition, read Cecilio Lopez’s The Language Situation in the Philippine Islands (at NLA), and perhaps more importantly Trinidad A. Rojo’s 1937 document possibly called The Language Problem in the Philippines (at NLA)

“it is of interest to remember that this study was published after the National Language Act was passed but before Tagalog had been recommended as the basis of the national language” Frei, 71.

Note also that this is only part 1 of the thesis. “Parts Two and Three of this thesis deal with the history and character of the grammatical treatment of the national language and its promotion” 92

[PK: Look for this in the NLP??]

PK: Look up B&R Vol IX, Instructions of Governor Tello to the King. p218, regarding refusal to implement Spanish teaching policy

PK: Look up Doherty, D.J. “Conditions in the Philippines,” 1904, p 7 for discussion of ‘fusing’ vernaculars to create an auxiliary language. ]

#national language #prologue [to add citation other than Frei]

Some grammars were written as early as 1580 or even earlier, and though some were never printed and remained in manuscript form, they were used by the newly arrived friars in the study of the dialects. 6


Pardo de Tavera: “The friars in studying the Filipino languages continually compared them with the Latin and the Castilian, to the grammar and genius of which they moulded, whenver they could, those of the new language which they were learning. As a result the grammars of the Filipino languages which they soon made created an artificial language, very different from that actually spoken by the islanders. Everyone who understands Tagalog has endured mortal torments thousands of times while hearing

from the pulpit the sermons which a great number of religious utter in the conventional language” (1899) 7

#history: language documentation (Spanish era) #unintelligibility

The Nueva Recopilación de las Indias contains law 18, title I of Book IV, issued by Carlos I on June 7 and July 17, 1550, in which it was ordered that teachers be assigned to the “Indians” to instruct them in Castilian [fn: B&R]. The instructions to Governor Tello of May 25, 1596 refer to a decree for teaching Spanish, to be given to him with the instructions. Another royal decree concerning native schools to teach the Spanish language was issued by Carlos II on June 20, 1686. The royal decree of December 22, 1772, demanded again the teaching of Spanish in native schools and referred to previous decrees of May 10, 1770, November 28, 1772, and November 24, 1774, demanding strict observance of these decrees. 9

#literacy: spanish

The laws of the Indias and all the royal decrees ordained that there should be schools for teaching Spanish in order to have a suitable language in which to teach the Christian faith. 10

#literacy: spanish

Carlos I, 1550: “Having made special investigation as to whether the mysteries of our holy Catholic faith can be thoroughly explained even in the most perfect language of the Indians, it has been seen that it is impossible without committing great discords and imperfections, and although chairs are founded where the priests, who should have to instruct the Indians may be taught, it is not sufficient remedy, as the diversity of the language is great” (recopilacion de las Indias, Vol XLV, p. 185)

#literacy: spanish

Fernando Valdes Tamon (1739): “Would that they might devote themselves at once to suppressing the variety of languages which the natives use, [...] gradually bringing to the use of the Castilian language and endeavoring to secure instruction therein all the schools” (Vol XLVII, p. 157) 10

#literacy: spanish

#language diversity

To advance the cause of teaching Spanish the government began to stimulate the linguists to produce textbooks in the dialects for the study of Castilian by Filipinos. Thus a royal order in 1876 ordered, “that the zeal of persons conversant with the various dialects of the archipelago be stimulated, so that a grammar may be compiled in each dialect for the teaching of the Castilian tongue in the schools of primary letters, for the purpose of obtaining the diffusion of siad language.” Vol XLVI, p 247. 14

#literacy: spanish

In 1883 a decree of the General Government was published for the purpose of calling an assembly in which the authors of the best grammars written in the dialects of the country for the teaching of Castilian should be awarded. Following this decree the General Division of the Civil Administration on September 25, 1883, convoked an assembly for this purpose and fixed the conditions of it. On October 6, 1885, there was a decree of the General Government, “granting to the original Hispano-Tagalog

grammar of the right reverend Father Fray Toribio Minguella the privilege established in rule 6 of the preceding decree” [fn: B&R, vol XLVI, 250-251) [...] It does not seem that there were entries for the [14] competition from other dialect areas, which would not be strange in view of the fact that between calling the assembly and the date of its meeting hardly enough time was given to reach the Pampanga and Ilokano districts, much less the Visayan Provinces. As a result, in the same decree of October 6, 1885, a new assembly was called for a competition to be followed by prizes for the best Castilian grammars written in Visayan, Cebuan, Ilokano, Bikol, Pangaisnan and Pampangan, there being one in Tagalog already. 15


[...] definite influences were engaged to slow down or nullify government endeavors to spread the Spanish language in the Philippines. 15

[...] the friars provided the chief obstacle to the spread of the Spanish language. 15

#literacy: spanish

For one thing, they [the friars] wanted to keep the power over the people in their hands and the government [of Spain] depending on them [the friars]. 16

#literacy: spanish

At this point [establishment of the Katipunan in 1892] the question of the use of language is not very clear, but it would seem that Bonifacio’s work was done in Tagalog so that the Filipino people might understand and respond more readily. The very name of the organization, “Kataastaasan Kagalanggalang Katipunan ñg mga Anak ñg Bayan” (Most High and Venerable Association of the Sons of the Nation), would indicate the growing importance of the vernacular in the movement for freedom. 27

#history: language documentation (revolutionary era)

The “Constitución Provisional de la República Filipinas” was drafted and adopted at Biac-na-Bato, November 1, 1897, and one of its articles declared Tagalog the official language of the Republic. 27


It was clear that the language of the oppressors would not be considered as the national language, for it was understood by only a small percentage of the people, but it was continued temporarily as official language. 28


Yet there was no definite plan [to secure Tagalog as the national language], and any aspirations toward Tagalog as the national language or indications of a program or plan of promotion of Tagalog in other language areas of the Philippines died with the short-lived first Philippine Republic. 30


[‘The President’s Instruction to the Commission’ in Report of the Philippine Commission 1900, p444:] “In view of the great number of languages spoken by the different tribes, it is especially important to the prosperity of the Islands that a common medium of communication may be established, and it is obviously desirable that this medium should be the English language.” 32

#language diversity

[...] the feeling on the part of the Americans that only in the English language could they make their cultural contribution to Philippine life [...] 33

Hence the Commission determined that English was the language the people ought to be taught, because it is the language of free institutions and of the government. This in spite of, “a demogogic agitation [...] to prejudice the people against English and to bring about the teaching of the barbarous dialects to the narrowing effects of which the people had ben condemned for so many centuries.” [In Forbes, op. cit. Vol II, quoted from Appendix XXIV, “Excerpts from Ex-President Taft’s address before the Brooklyn Institue of Arts and Sciences”, November 19, 1913, p. 501. PK: I can’t find the op cit. Note that the demogogic agitation refers to US citizens] 33

#history: language documentation (american era)

#language diversity

#sapir-whorf

“The question has been frequently raised whether these Filipino languages are sufficiently related so as to fuse into one common tongue, and the Bureau of Education has received its most vigorous criticism in the United States because of its alleged attempt to supplant and destroy what might, in the opinion of absentee critics, become a national and characteristic speech. Such criticism would only proceed from a profound ignorance of the nature of these languages and the people who speak them [...] In no case is there any indication that these languages are fusing. The Filipino adheres to his native dialect in its purity, and when he converses with a Filipino of another tribe ordinarily uses broken Spanish. These languages are not destined to disappear or fuse, nor are they destined to have literary development.” [Hayden, quoting from the Report of the Philippine Commission, 1903, Vol III, pp. 700-701]

#national language

His conclusion was that the new order of things, which the Americans and Filipinos alike wished to introduce into the Philippines, could come only through a new language, namely English. 35

#national language

[English] was the “Open Sesame” for cultural, economic, and political advancement and achievement. 38

#language prestige

In 1911 the then Resident Comissioner, Manuel L Quezon was quoted by the Cablenews-American as emphasizing, “the need of a common language for the entire islands, preferably English, as that was spoken by a vast majority of the civilized world”.

That he later changed his preference to Tagalog does not alter the fact of his recognition of the service the English language has rendered all over the Islands. 39

#national language

[Constitution of 1935:] “until otherwise [39] provided by law, English and Spanish shall continue as official languages,” 40

#national language

Others, for reasons, not always disinterested, seized in turn upon Doherty’s idea that the various dialects could be fused to create a national language for the Philippines in order, as already indicated, to embarrass the administration. This was what Taft criticized as “demagogic agitation”, and Barrows, referred to when he spoke of “the opinion of absentee critics” who thought that the languages could be fused. In the opinion of Barrows “such criticism could only [40] proceed from a profound ignorance of the nature of these languages and people who speak them” [See earlier in this chapter under “English Becomes the Official Language and the Language of Instruction,” supra. p. 47]

It appears that he [David J Doherty] had been working on Tagalog for some time, and finally in 1903, he took a trip to the Philippines for the purpose of making a first-hand investigation of the language situation, the tentative results of which he published in an undated pamphlet probably late in 1903 [“Notes on Filipino Dialects” Chicago, no date]. Three of his conclusions as a result of this trip need to be mentioned. First, he was greatly impressed with the possibility of a fusion of the dialects, which he considered necessary because

not for a century or more can [English] become the vernacular, because it is not the language of home life. Hence arises the necessity of perfecting the Filipino language; of fusing the seven dialects into a common one. (p2)

On the assumption that more than fifty percent of the words are similar if not identical, and that the grammatical structure is the same, he thought the fusion could be accomplished by making up a combined vocabulary, and then have native wirters promote the fusion language by writing literature in this new medium. To this end he encouraged Lope K Santos, then editor [41] of Mulig Pagsilag, in the organization of a Filipino Academy. 42

#national language

MacKinlay, in the preface to his grammars, says, [42]

Shortly after the arrival of the author in the Philippines, he in common with many others, felt the need of a work upon the Tagalog language in English, and began to prepare this compendium, working upon it from time to time as other military duties permitted, and, upon being ordered to duty in Washington for the purpose of having better facilities for the completion of the work, has been enabled to bring it to such completion [...]

This indicates that the Army encouraged linguistic interest, but since such publications on the part of the Army personnel are restricted to the early days of the occupation, it must be assumed that with the reduction of the armed forces, the usefulness of such studies for the Army diminished and linguistic interest waned. 43

#language documentation (american era)

[...]the government was interested from an anthropological and ethnological rather than a social and educational point of view. 43


[Frank R Blake, 1920]: ...comparatively little progress in the development of our knowlege of Philippine languages in the period of more than two decades [43] since 1898. But this is perhaps not surprising, considering the lack of interest on the part of

the government [...] [Blake, F.R., “The Part Played by the Publications of the United States Government in the Department of Philippine Linguistic Studies,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. XLII, pp. 147-170.] 44


From his [Blake’s] list of publications it appears that the civil government and the Army together brought out only eleven linguistic works, of which only one is on Tagalog. 44


[Blake, 1911:] Some persons, struck by the great resemblance which the various Philippine languages bear to one another, have thought that it would be possible to fuse these languages into one, but such an artificial scheme is certainly impracticable. If the Filipinos are destined ever to have a national language in which a national literature can be written, that language will almost surely be Tagalog, the language of the captical city, a language admirably suited by the richness of form and its great flexibility for literary development, and needing but the master hand of some great native writer to make it realize its latent possibilities. [Blake, Philippine Literature, 1911, p. 457] 45


[...]Lope K. Santos, at that time editor of a supplement to that newspaper, helped to form an academy for the purpose of reforming and fusing the dialects into a common vernacular. 63

#national language

The absence of evidence of any permanent results would indicate that the interest of the Academy was mild; no far-reaching pronouncements were made either by it or by the press of those days. 63

#national language

Another, similar, academy is reported by Bartless to have

proposed over two decades ago to direct the development of a ‘Philippine’ language by creating at the start a generalized literary [64] language, grammatically based on Tagalog, but with a composite vocabulary utilizing the words of greates prevalence in the Philippine group as a whole. [Bartlett, H. H., “Vernacular Literature in the Philippines,” Michigan Alumnus Quarterly Review, XLII (June 27, 1936)]

The name of this organization was “Akademya ng Wikang Pilipino” or Academy of the Philippine Language. Its secretary, Eusebio T. Dáluz, published in 1915 an interesting Filipino-English Vocabulary which was intended to aid the establishment of this common Filipino language. These and other academies seem to have had for their main purpose the promotion of a vernacular union and evidently were little concerned with Philippine linguistic studies per se. This may explain why Bartlett reported that the movement did not find a general response. 65

#national language

Thus, there was among othes the “Sanghiran San Binisaya” (Academy of the Leyte-Samar Bisayan Dialect [...] 65

#national language

In 1923 the University of the Philippines inaugurated the Department of Oriental Languages. Already in 1922 a committee appointed by its President, G.P. Benton, to study Philippine linguistic matters, reported that a general knowledge of the Austronesian languages is very desirable in the study of Philippine national linguistics, thus indicating the wide scope of the new department. [...] the purpose was explained to be

a scientific comparative study of the various dialects with the objective of rendering the students capable of forming an adequate independent and intelligent judgment regarding the future of the Philippine speech. [Gloria, C.P. “The Class in Linguistics,” The Philppine Collegian, October 15, 1923]

The study of the role of the various dialects and the possibility of a synthetic language were included among other subjects as proper for this department. 66

#history: language documentation (american era)

#national language

Thus again [in the 1930s], the language problem was tied up with nationalism and politics. Consequently, the discussion of the problem was not confined to linguists, educators, and politicians, but almost all groups of people of all walks of life keenly interested, and whenever opportunity arose, they expressed their opinion. 69

#national language

In the thirty-six-page article entilted, What Should be the National Language of the Filipinos, [Eulogio B. Rodriguez, 1926, wrote that] Tagalog can and should be the national language, but that the Filipinos must develop it themselves, neither waiting for the government to do it, nor for foreign students to take the initiative. [...] In advocating Tagalog he maintains that Filipinos have no right to “relegate to the backseat the language” in which they were born. 70

#national language

the English language, furthermore, is unable to compete with the vernacular in which the Filipinos think and live outside of school and office hours. 72

#national language

#sapir-whorf

According to the mandate of the National Language Act, the Institute was to prepare not later than a year after its [84] establishment the lists of words and phrases used in all or in the majority of the native tongues with common sound and meaning, with the seame sounds but with the same or different meaning; the study on Philippine phonetics and orthography; and the comparative study of Philippine affixes [Commonwealth Act No. 184]. This meant that the work was due on January 12, 1938. 85

PK: note, this was not for the formation of an auxiliary but to test shared vocabulary and intelligibility for selecting best language. Note also that the amount of literature in said language was a factor

#national language

The comparative studies made on lexicography include words used in all or the majority of a number of given languages [...] as required by Section 2 of the National Language Act. 85

#national language

[Quezon] signed the Executive Order designating Tagalog as the basis for the national language of the Filipinos on December 30, 1937, the anniversary of the death of Jose Rizal [...] 88

#national language

This Executive Order, in accordance with the provisions of the National Language Act, took effect two years thereafter and Tagalog became the national language on December 30, 1939. 89

#national language

Febrary 8, 1935: Constitutional Provision for a national language

November 13, 1936: National Assembly Act no. 184 providing for the creation of the Institute of National Language.

January 12, 1937: Executive order establishing the Institue of National Language.

November 12 1937: The Institue of National Language selects and recommends Tagalog.

December 30, 1937: The Proclamation of Tagalog as basis of the national language.

Decmeber 30, 1939: The national language goes into effect.

June 19, 1940: The Public Schools begin to teach the national language.

June 1940: The national language is declared to be an official language effective July 4, 1946.

89

#national language

The ten supposed errors [in the national language] as printed in one of the English-language newspapers, were as follows: (1) destruction of non-Tagalog dialects [“Ten Errors of the National Language Movement,” The Herald Mid-Week Magazine, March 23, 1938, pp. 12-13, 21-22] 90

#national language

1960-1969 de Achútegui, Pedro S, and Miguel A Bernad. 1961.

Religious revolution in the Philippines: The life and Church of Gregorio Aglipay: 1860-1960. Vol. 1. Manila: Ateneo de Manila.

On 20 October 1898, General Emilio Aguinaldo, President of the Philippine Revolutionary Government at war against Spain, and Baldomero Aguinaldo, Secretary

of War, affixed their signatures to an important document. They conferred upon Father Gregorio Aglipay, priest of the Roman Catholic Church and member of the Malolos Congress, the title of “Military Vicar General — Vicario General Castrense. iv

#aglipay

With the capture of Aguinaldo, peace began to be restored, although slowly. Seeing the hopelessness of further resitance, the guerrilla leaders, one after another, surrendered to the Americans. In April 1901 Aglipay and Tinio Surrendered in the Ilocos. Guerrilla leaders in Cebu and Iloilo surrendered in October, those in Bohol in December, those in Cavite in March 1902. 34

The bitterest fighting [of the Philippine–American War] was in Samar and Batangas. 34

Deserved or not, the feeling of hatred against the friars existed, and it had terrible results. “It is not a secret to any person,” said Felipe Calderon, the author of the Malolos Constitution, “that one of the causes of the Philippine insurrection against Spain, and even against America, was the animosity of the people — whether justified or not, this is not the time to discuss — against the religious corporations...” [Memorias (trans. in Encycl. of the Philippines, XV 239)].

This animosity against the friars may be traced to five main causes, some of which were due to conditions which were not the friars’ doing. These five causes deserve more detailed and more accurate study than can be devoted to them here, but at the risk of some oversimplification they must be briefly indicated in order to obtain some understanding of the mental climate in which the drama which we are studying took place.

The first of these causes was the fact that the friars held extensive landed estates in which large numbers of Filipino families lived as tenants. William Howard Taft, who had tried to negotiate with the Holy See for the sale of these lands when he was Governor of the Philippines, has given an estimate of the extent of these lands in his Report to the President of the United States as Secretary of War in 1908:

A most potential source of disorder in the islands was the ownership of what were called the “friars’ lands” by three of the religious orders of the islands.... These lands amounted in all to 425,000 acres, [45] of which 275,000 were in the immediate neighborhood of Manila, 25,000 in Cebu, and 125,000 in the remote Provinces of Isabela and Mindoro. The tenants on those which were close to Manila numbered some sixty or seventy thousand persons ... [Special Report of Wm. H. Taft, Secretary of War, to the President on the Philippines, January 23, 1908 (Manila 1909) pp. 20-21.]

In such circumstances, any complaint by the tenants against the administration of the haciendas would unfortunately tend to become a complaint against the friars as such.

A second source of discontent was the fact that entire regions of the Philippines were assigned for missionary work to a particular religious order. The Augustinians were assigned the Ilocos and they have left an impress of their corporate personality by the magnificent churches that still exist there. The Dominicans had charge of the Cagayan Valley in the north and of various sections near Manila. The Franciscans evangelized the Bicol region. The Jesuits, who had been among the earliest missionaries to come to the Philippines, established mission stations in the Visayas and Mindanao, as well as those in Antipolo and other districts near Manila. But their expulsion from all Spanish territories in the eighteenth century deprived them of their mission stations as well as of

any landed estates that might have accrued to them for the support of these missions. This fact, among others, helps to explain why the hatred for the friars was not extended to the Jesuits even after their return to the Philippines in 1859.

This parceling out of the country to the various religious orders for missionary work was a necessity in the beginning of the Christian era in the Philippines. But it survived the missionary era and had become an established condition. This meant that in the regions assigned to a particular religious order, the parishes were in the hands of members of that order. The friars who were parish priests could be replaced only by other friars of the same order. This meant that Filipino sec[46]ular priest in those territories stood little chance of ever becoming pastors of parishes themselves, but had to resign themselves to the prospect of remaining coadjutors all their lives. Human nature being what it is, such a prospect must have seemed dismal to many a Filipino secular priest.

A corollary of this fact constituted a third source of complaint. It was natural that in the administraiton of the municipal and provincial governments, the central government in Manila should lean heavily on the assistance of the parish priests. Indeed, many of the towns had been founded by friars or by other missionaries, and it was only natural that in their administration the priests in charge of the parishes should be consulted. Even where the friars did not enjoy formal civil power as such, the fact that little or nothing could be done against the determined opposition of a parish priest meant in the concrete that the parish priest excercised great authority in the district of which he was in charge. In a context in which this moral power was also, in some cases, combined with considerable economic and social power from the possession of landed estates, the impression could be obtained that the real ruling power in the country was not the civil government but the friars, and any injustice or error in goverment would be laid justly or unjustly, at their door. It was gainst “frailocracia” that the chief efforts of the Propaganda Movement in the late nineteenth century was directed.

There was a fourth complaint against the friars, and it was an ironic twist of history. The friars had played a preponderant role in the hispanization of the Philippines. Yet, in ther efforts to spread more widely the benefits of education — and therefore of the Spanish tongue — the educated Filipinos found themselves opposed, allegedly, by the Spanish friars. Marcelo H. del Pilar complained bitterly against this opposition in his pamphlet La Soberanía monacal, which waS itself a violent attack on the friars: [47]

Public education is one of the common aspirations of both the government and of the Filipinos. The government as well as the people dreams of a common language in the Islands. The government wants to understand the people and to be understood by them. The people want the government to know and remedy their needs without the mediation of other elements.

But monasticism is opposed to this, because it fears that the country may become Hispanized and cease to be a monastic colony.

There is a normal school in Manila where teachers are trained for the diffusion in the towns of primary education and the teaching of the Spanish language. Competent young men who have graduated from it prove the zeal and the efforts of the government and of the Jesuit fathers towards the realization of that ideal. But everything is shattered in the face of friar opposition. [La Soberanía monacal (Manila 1898), trans. by E. Alzona (Quezon City 1957), pp16-17.]

If this opposition was real, it was a reversal of the long-standing policy of the friars themselves. Two of the more important centers of Spanish culture in Manila were the University of Santo Tomás and the Colegio de San Juan de Letrán, both administered by the Domincans, which many of the leaders of the Revolution (including Mabini and Aglipay) had attended.

A fifth complaint against the friars was the alleged contemptuous treatment meted out by them to indios, as the Filipinos were then called. Rizal in his novels dramatized this attitude, and Manuel L. Quezon in his autobiography, The Good Fight, gives a tiny specimen of it. Some of the friars themselves provided an example of this attitude in writing about the Filipinos. [For instance Fr. Ulpiano Herrero’s description of the Filipino soldiers (Nuestra prisión pp 601-603). Cf. J. del Castillo Malolos y sus prohombres pp. 109-110]

This is not the place to determine whether or not these complaints against the friars were justified, and to what extent if they were. But it is important for the purposes of this bio-[48]graphy to bear in mind that these complaints were made and that the animosity against the friars was so strong as to color the judgments of otherwise sensible people. The violent treatment dealt to Catholic priests and religious by a Catholic population can not otherwise be explained. 49

In the rest of the Visayas, Aglipayanism hardly made any headway. The island of Leyte, with a population of half a million, had less than one hundred Aglipayans. The large island of Samar, with 400,000 inhabitants, remained untouched for a long time, until personal feuds led some to embrace the new religion. The province of Capiz in Panay was not invaded by Aglipayanism, nor was the island of Siquijor (province of Negros Oriental) with its 35,000 inhabitants. Bohol remained Catholic except for the town of Candihay (sic) where Aglipayanism appears to have taken deep root. 214.

#aglipay

Keats, John. 1963. They fought alone. Philadelphia and New York: J.B. Lippincott Company.

PK: Private Ball and Major McClish arrive in Misamis to serve under General Wendell Fertig. and fought in Butuan

But a few days ago, Knortz had drowned when a sudden storm at night swamped the overladen motor launch he had been trying to take across Gingoog Bay. In his youth and his pride, Knortz had died trying to swim in a storm while wearing his guns. 304

Orendain, JC. 1963. Ten datus of Madiaas. Manila: Mabuhay Press.

[PK: This book includes second-migration hypothesis and also the Code of Kalintiaw. It is purportedly based on the writings of Father Tomas Santaren (1853) and the Maragtas said to have been copied out by Pedro A Monteclaro (see below) in 1901.]

[Preface by Cornelio T. Villareal:]

He [Orendain] writes about it [Panay] as the island of Aninipay, (so called by the Ati,) then Madiaas (so called by the Borneans) and mistakenly called Panay from “Pan-hay”

the observation of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, the first Spaniard to visit the island. Legazpi exclaimed when he came upon the island of bounty: “Pan hay en esta isla!”. viii

#folk etymology: panay

[Preface to “Maragtas” by Pedro A. Monteclaro]:

In order that the reader of this Maragtas would not think that this narrative is the creation of my imagination, I am presenting here two writings which I have been able to find:

The first was given to me by an old man over eighty years of age who said that the written nar-[xix]rative was given to him by his father, who received it from his father, who at that time was the teacher of this town. Because of the length of time and the years that this document had existed, it was almost impossible to handle the paper it was written on without it disintegrating into shreds. The paper was very old and this was worsened by the fact that the ink used had been made of black dye mixed with a strong sap of wood that burned the paper.

The other I found in a bamboo tube kept by my grandfather wherein he put his important papers. This document could hardly be read and if handled carelessly, the paper would crumble to pieces. xx

#written language #ideology: antiquity

Footnote: Rizal’s annotation in Morga’s “Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas” says: “Acaso existiera una confederacion . . . Existen ademas otros documentos del Siglo XII que testifican esto.” p297. 77

#imagined communities

[The two daughters of Datu Paiborong] learned what they could learn, and were dedicated to the study of the syllabic writing. This was being introduced by the Bornay-Bisayan wherever they settled and the two Paiborong girls were adept at it. 80

Lubay, Pdohinog, Dumangso and Dumalogdog were with him and when they came to a cape, Sumakuel, talking to the other datus, tried to describe the cape, comparing it with some other place. He was distracted, however, so that he could not think of what to say except “dao, dao, dao.” And the other datus made fun of him and siad: “Let’s call it Da-o,” which is now the name of the mountain and town at this point. 84

#folk etymology

As the party was beginning to wane, the priest took a big empty plate and told the sponsors of the wedding, man and woman, to fill it with white and choice rice they called bisaya. [Asterisk: Anything that was fine such as excellent rice and fine and small select anchovies, are called bisaya] 96

#folk etymology: bisaya

After writing this on the tablets [indigenous ‘hours of the day’] Ilehay [Ilehay Solangaon, daughter of a datu] went ahead and wrote the days of the weeks. The job of writing on the tablets was slow and tedious, but she had much time and she did not want to be lonely. She etched these names of the days:

Tagburukad Monday

Dumason Tuesday

Dukot Dukot Wednesday

Baylo baylo Thursday

Danglus Friday

Hingothingot Saturday

Ligid ligid Sunday (day of rest)

“Let those who wish to learn look at this,” Ilehay called to Pabulanan [her mother].

“What’s all that about?” her mother asked.

“Come and look.”

Pabulanan called Ilohay and they both were happy that Ilehay was recording the name of hours and days. How about the names of the months? Ilohay asked her younger sister.

“It’s coming.” And she continued to write on another wooden tablet the names of the months.

Ulalong January (Time for women to begin weaving cloth)

Dagangkahoy February (Time to cut the trees from the lot they want to plant)

Dagangbulan March (The moon is bright during these nights and the women can spin their thread in the moonlight)

Kiling April (Lightning and thunder)

Himabuyan May (Worm called timbaboy multiply)

Kabay June (Time to use their kaba they wore over their ordinary clotes because they did not want to get wet)

Hiladapdapon July (Not explained)

Lubdlubad August (They eat only once when the sun sets)

Kangorosol September (Month of regrets for those who owed money. The next month would be harvest time.)

Bagybagyo October (There’s so much rice, sometimes the cooked rice is spoiled and is called bagyo)

Panglot nga diotay November (Cold weather begins to be felt)

Panglot nga dacu December (Very cold weather)

111

#chapter 7 [not actually relevant] #chapter 10

Foster, George. 1964. Treasure tales and the image of the static economy in a Mexican peasant community. The Journal of American Folklore. 77 (303): 39-44.

#lost treasure #mexican-filipino encounters

These tales are neither myth nor legend (categories essentially lacking inTzintzuntzan), nor are they folk stories.The latter are told fairly frequently, and they deal with such common European motifs as Pedro de Urdemales, Tar Baby, kings with three sons, and the like, all set in the vague and indefinite locales that characteristically mark such accounts. Treasure tales are short, historical accounts, dealing with people still living or recently dead, in specific places localized as precisely as well known houses, trees, or rocks. 39

If, however, treasure tales are examined in the light of the economic world view of the villagers, a continuing keen interest in them becomes not only intelligible, but it becomes apparent that such tales are a functional requirement for the maintenance of this world view. That is, treasure tales (or modern equivalents) must continually be invented and told and retold to explain economic phenomena which can be explained in no other way.

The economic world view that characterizes the Tzintzuntzan peasant is that of a static economy which precludes growth and development. This world view, of course, is realistic, in accord with the observed facts of village life. If one looks at Tzintzuntzan traditional productive processes, it is clear that they do not lend themselves to expansion by dint of harder work or other activities open to villagers. 40

The role of treasure tales in Tzintzuntzan should now be clear: they account for wealth that can be accounted for in no other manner. When other, more commonplace, explanations are examined and found wanting, treasure tales are drawn in to fill the gap, to balance the economic equation, to maintain the world view of the static economy. 42

1. In societies in which the image of the static economy prevails, the appearance of wealth beyond that explicable by the traditional economic activities of the individual involved produces explanations running through a three-stage sequence:

a. Encroachment on the rights of fellow villagers.

b. Tapping of outside sources of wealth, by honest or dishonest means.

c. Tapping of outside sources of wealth by supernatural or lucky means. [43]

The Tzintzuntzan concern with treasure tales—the third category—reflects a widespread Mexican pattern, so that for Mexico, the hypothesis seems valid.[fn] The next research step is to test this hypothesis in other peasant societies.

2. In a traditional peasant society, trade and commerce provide the easiest, and usually the only, legitimate avenue whereby an able person can break out of the bonds of the static economy and significantly improve his lot. (It will be recalled that almost all Tzintzuntzan treasure finders opened stores.) He can do so much better than his fellow townsmen who stick to agriculture or arts and crafts that he rises to an economic level

simply incomprehensible to them. Thus, in modern peasant societies the same economic forces are at work producing or tending to produce class differences that presumably played a major role in the rise of the first class systems in history.

3. In a static economy, economic morality is opposite that of the Protestant Ethic. The American-style Horatio Alger makes no sense in this setting. No amount of thrift and hard work at traditional occupations is seen to permit a person to improve his position, so hard work is not a virtue. Thievery excluded, luck is the only avenue of advancement. The Horatio Alger of static economies, therefore, is the person who conscientiously seeks luck opportunities, and who saves pennies, not to invest, but to increase his luck probabilities. Horatio Alger, in fact, is personified by the gambler. The man who goes without lunch or who otherwise deprives himself or his family of basic necessities to buy a weekly lottery ticket is not the ne’er-do-well of the American morality; he is the prudent man of his society, the one worthy of emulation and aphorisms, the one who is following the only avenue he sees open to him to change his place in life. He is, in fact, hoping to hit a lucky “growth stock.” The odds are long, but the possibility is there. He can find it nowhere else. 44

Tirol, Victoriano B. 1968. A study of Bohol litreature (hero-tale, drama, poetry and short story). PhD in English.

[Narrated by Nicolas Ligason of Bool, Tagbilaran City, a retired public school teacher]:

Sikatuna was the chief of the island now called Bohol. He was loved by the people. He was a tambalan and could cure sick people. He was also a religious leader and could sanction marriage contracts. [25]

In order to invite traders from other places, the chieftain dug a canal between Panglao island and Bohol. This canal brought to Bohol traders from Siquijor, Cebu and Mindanao. Even Chinese came to trade too.

Sikatuna wa looked upon as a protector of his people. He taught the young men the art of fighting. He taught them how to fight with the bolo, spear and bow and arrow. When the Moro pirates came the women, children and the aged were instructed to run and hide behind Banat-i Hill. The warriors ran to the chief with their weapons and prepared dugouts along the seashore. Nature seemed to help the natives everytime the pirates attempted to come ashore. The sea urchins like tuzoms, bangas sizuk and suaki would pile up about a meter hight along the seashore. The pirates had a difficult time for they did not wear shoes.

Sikatuna posted guards on the top of Banat-i Hill to watch incoming vessels. Every one should listen attentively to the sound of the tambole blown by the guards. The guards could see as far as Camiguin Island in the east, Siquijor Island in the south and Cebu Island in the west on top of Banat-i. The people were very familiar of the following tambole code: two [26] long sounds blown at short interval, Moro vintas are seen; three short sounds blown at long interval, Chinese junks are seen; four short sounds blown at long interval white men’s ships are seen.

Sikatuna had two trusted men. One was Magbuaza. The other were Kabzawon. Magbuaza was more of a warrior than a statesman. He ruled in the western part of the island now called Muawong. He was able to drive away a group of people called Incarnatis. Magbuaza’s subjects hated the Incarnatis, for the Incarnatis possessed evil powers. These people are called by the natives Buyagan.

The Buyagan can cause the death or illness of a person, work animal, or plants by merely expressing a wish. This power is called boyag. The Incarnatis being outnumbered by Magbuaza’s men tried to cross the Abatan River but Sikatuna’s men met* [To meet in the dialect means abat. This is why the river is called Abatan River] them on the opposite side of the river. So the Incarnatis went down toward the seashore of a place now called Maribojok then stole the banca and baroto and sailed toward Panglao Island. The others proceeded to Dumaguete, Siquijor, Baliyangao, and other towns in Mindanao. [27]

#chapter 7

The descendants of the Incarnatis can be identified by the way they talk and pronounce some Visyan words: kalayu for kayu (fire), siliboyas for siboyas (onions), palayong for payong (umbrella), kalanding for kanding (goat), kalabao for kabao (carabao). However, it is said that the Incarnatis have lost their powers.

#chapter 3

Kabzawon the other trusted man of Sikatuna lived and ruled in the eastern part of the island now called Hinawanan in the town of Loay. He was more of a statesman than a warrior. He was the counselor of Chief Sikatuna.

One day, the people hear the signal that white men’s ships were coming. The children and the aged fled beind the Banat-i Hill under the care of Kandong-gon. He was so called because he could hear and see all dangers.

Sikatuna posted his men in strategic positions. About a hundred men under Mainit guarded Talisay cave, an ancient cemetery. A group of ninety men under Subay, a good warrior guarded the springs for public bathing. A group of about twenty men aunder chief Sikatuna met the visitors. Both natives and visitors were very cautious [28] in their language and movement. They smiled as they talked. But they could not understand each other. Luckily one of the visitors could speak and understand Visayan. It was from him that the natives learned that the visitors came as friends and to secure food and water. Sikatuna told the visitors that they could have all the water they wanted but they have to pay for it. The visitors heartily consented. They gave Sikatuna gifts such as toys, mirrors, clothing and many others. Sikatuna, in return sent to the visitors in the ships, rice, corn, bananas, and chickens. On the second day the Spaniards invited Chief Sikatuna to the ship. But some Spanish soldiers were left as hostages on the shore. The gun salute almost spoiled the good relations between the parties. The natives were very much frightened at the burst of the guns.

The natives were entertained by the Spaniards playing tops. Sikatuna was so fascinated by the top that he asked fore one which the Spaniards readily gave. Legaspi introduced himself as he gave the top. The native chief in return introduced himself as Si Katuna.

On the following day Sikatuna invited Legaspi and his men to a feast held on the sandy shore. The Spaniards were served native foods and drinks. During [29] the feast, the natives exhibited their arts in fighting. One group of warriors threw spears at another. The other group caught the blades of the spears with bare hands. They also exhibited their skill with the bolo and the pinota.

Sikatuna and Legaspi sealed their frienship with a Sandugo. They drew a few drops of blood from their arms and mixed them in the same cup with water and wine. The

mixture was divided equally in two cups and they rained their cups alike. Thus was concluded the famous Blood compact. 30

Comments: [...] The sandugo, a rite performed between equals to seal a treaty of friendship is a definite suggestion that the natives had a culture and civilization sufficiently advanced to command the respect of other people. 30

#mimicry and rejection #chapter 4

The Spanish authorities in Bohol were cruel. They [31] imposed onerous taxes, demanded unreasonable dues for the church, and forced the people to work in building constructions without being paid. The inhabitants resented but they kept silent, afraid of brutal punishment if they complained.

Amidst this dissatisfaction, a man named Tamblot set out to fulfill his mission. Tamblot was a babaylan, a priest of the native religion. He roamed the island and told the people that the time had come to throw off the Spanish vassalage and their God.

Tamblot incited the people saying “Bathala, the God of our ancestors, has sent me to proclaim his power and free His people from oppression. If you follow me and fight the Spaniards, the God of our ancestors would cause the mountains to rise against them. Their muskets would not go off or else would rebound on those who fired them. If any believer of Bathala should die, the God of our ancestors will make him live again to continue the fight against the enemies.”

“Come follow me to the hills where we will live a life of abundance and freedom. There we will be free from the encumbrance of paying tribute to the Spaniards and from the dues to the churches of the white men.” [32]

Finally, Tamblot declared, “So that you will believe that I am sent by Bathala, through me he will perform miracles which will be the revelation of his powers.”

The baybaylan [Tamblot] led the villagers to a bamboo thicket. In their presence he cut a bamboo tube with a small knife and wine gushed. Then he cut another and rice came out.

After these great marvels, Tamblot said again, “Bathala, the God of our ancestors will perform more miracles if you follow me. In the hills where we will go, the leaves of trees will turn into fish, and from the leaves of banana plants we will have fine cloth to cover our bodies”.

The followers of Tamblot grew in number. At last the time came for them to attack the Spaniards. The day chosen was the feast of the beatification of St Xavier when most of the church and civil authorities were in Cebu to attend the celebration.

The news of Tamblot’s rebellion spread throughout the nearby islands. It caused fear among the Spaniards and their loyal subjects but inspired the enemies of Spain. The Spaniards assembled their troops composed [33] of Spanish soldeirs and Cebuanos and prepared to fight the rebels. Before they left Cebu a mass was offered to their patron Santo Niño to implore his help and protection.

Meanwhile in the natives’ stronghold, Tamblot assembled all his followers and a great feast was prepared. The rites of Bathala was performed and the babaylan prayed saying, “Diwatas of nature: Buntugan, Kadagkuan, Pinili; souls of our ancestors; Lumad,

Umagad nga Tigpalain, Dumuduung, come now and dine with us. There are many kinds of food especially prepared for you which do not have salt.”

“When you are already satisfied, please grant us our requests. Tell Bathala, our God, that we have come back to him. Ask Bathala, the most powerful, to protect us from the white men, their God, and their muskets.”

The Spanish troops arrived in Bohol not long after. The battle started with the Spaniards firing their muskets. But suddenly, a heavy rain fell and the powder of the Spaniards would not catch fire. Upon seeing this, Tamblot and his followers attacked with their bolos. Many were slain on both sides with [34] the Cebuanos fighting with their bolos for the Spaniards. The invaders soon withdrew.

Days and months passed and the Spaniards did not come back. Again, Tamblot assembled his followers and said to them, “Bathala, the God of our ancestors is now restored to his people. It is time that I go to other places to proclaim his powers. You who gained in his favor must continue to worship earnestly even in my absence.”

After saying these words, Tamblot walked down the hills and never returned. 35

Ponciano [son of Ongko, son of Dugay Palangga, descendant of Tamblot]:

The sight of Ponciano began to fail him in his old age. But even as his sight was diminishing he also developed a strange power of seeing things that happened in other places. He could also foresee the coming of storms and other natural calamities like famines and epidemics.

Ponciano lived to a ripe old age of more than one hundred years. He was so old that some people thought that the page of the book in heaven where his name was written had been lost.

#chapter 8 [PK: discussion of longevity]

The people of the village asked the old man when he would die and he told them that death would come to him when a fountain would spout under his bed. “Until then,” he said, “I will live on and continue to serve the people.”

One afternoon, Angela, Ponciano’s wife, shouted for help with great bewilderment. She said that water was coming out from the earth under Ponciano’s bed. When the old man learned of what had happened, he called his children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren. He [40] said, “The time has come for me to meet the Creator. Take me to Osip’s house in Mana-ol because I wish to die there.” Osip was his youngest child.

While in Osip’s house he called his descendants to come near him. He touched their heads one by one but in the end he said, “Not one of you is worthy to succeed my knowledge and my powers.”

After saying this, Tatang Ponciano got a libreto from his pocket and swallowed it page by page. He died after eating all the pages.

But before he died, Ponciano predicted that one of his descendants near the seventh, in the seventh, and after the seventh generation will grow up to be a very great man. 41

#chapter 9 [PK: Note parallels with age, disappearance of libreto, feuding sons, prophecied leader etc]

His [Dagohoy’s] followers said he never died. 47

#immortality

The last survivors of Dagohoy’s men made their stand in the cave of Ginaguban, in Candijay. These men were led by Handog who had fought from the beaches of Pangpang to the mountains of Kailagan, Tawagan, Boasa, Kambanbay and Katagdaan. Inside the cave they had a supply of food: water was provided by an underground stream which passed through the cave.

For many weeks the defenders holed inside the cave coming out occasionally to make a sneak attack at the enemy camps who guarded the entrance of the cave.

One day towards dusk, a loud shout came out thundering from the cave saying, “If you do not build a fire at the mouth of the cave and smoke us out you will never get us.”

It was the voice of Handog.

Hearing this, the Spaniards built a big fire.

Inside the cave, meanwhile, Handog and his men made preparations for the last fight. He had put on [51] his new armor made of carabao hide and rushed ahead of his men towards the secret outlet. Handog and his men actually wanted the invaders to guard the main entrance while they sneak out through the secret passage and attack the enemy from behind.

Unfortunately, Handog who was a big man had become bigger because of his armor. He could no longer pass through the small secret passage. His men, in a frantic attempt to get out kept on pushing to no avail. All the warriors in the cave were suffocated to death.

Only Berudya survived the tragic incident. Being a woman, she covered her face with her skirt and was saved from the smoke.

Handog’s powerful voice failed him because he wore the carabao armor. Bathala, it is sad, was angry because he no longer trusted Him.

And so the rebellion of Dagohoy ended. 52

Somewhere in the high cliffs of kailagan, the treasures of Dagohoy are buried. These treasures were the booty of war which Dagohoy and his men carted away from the Spanish missions, convents and churches [52]. These treasures were buried in a cavity of the cliff by lowering a man on a rope ladder. The length of the ladder was five joints of a pig trap rope […] It is said that anybody who looks for it will die unless he uses it to fight for the freedom of the Boholano people.

Today, the Kailagan cliff gleams against the setting sun with its cannon holes and the hidden treasures. 53

#article: dagohoy #article: literature #lost treasure

Berudya [narrated by Amalia Reyes of Ubay, Bohol, the great granddaughter of Berudya.]

Many years ago, the whole eastern and nothern portions of the island of Bohol were ruled by a woman named Berudya. She was a very brave woman, strong and possessed with supernatural powers. Her hair was white and long that some people thought she was a tagabanua [fairy]. [60]

Berudya ruled her domain by force. She had a white horse which could run very fast enabling her to fight her enemies in many places almost at the same time. Moros, bandits and other enemies were killed with the use of a magic stick. During combats, Berudya would jump very high and her enemies could not hit her from the ground. She was very strong and could even uproot a full-grown coconut tree. She could also throw a spear with amazing accuracy even at a great distance.

Being the ruler of the place, Berudya had a claim to anything she wanted. She had a magic horn which had a sweet sound. Everytime she blew it, all the carabaos within the hearing distance would follow her even if they were tied by their owners. Sometimes the line of carabaos following her was so long that it would stretch from one town to another. It is said that Berudya acquired such power when she split a fresh bamboo tube and found black ants inside. This was unusual because the bamboo had no cracks. It was then predicted that she would have many carabaos, as many as black ants.

But in spite of her strength and power, Berudya was like any woman. She also admired good looking men. When a man caught her fancy, she would take him for a [61] husband. If he was already married, she would ask for him from the wife. A wife’s refusal would mean death but favors were showered on those who acceded to her wishes. They were given chickens, carabaos, rice, and even tracts of lands.

Berudya would live with the man of her choice for some time, but if after a while, he could not give her a child she would return him to his wife or simply send him away. Then she would take another man.

Berudya had so much gold and silver that sometimes she had to dry them under the sun. It was made known to her people that if anybody would see her drying her coins, they were allowed to grab a handful and run away with it without being punished.

Berudya buried her gold and silver in a thick forest near her house. With each tibod [earthern jar] of coins, she also buried a boy together with some food, clothing, candles and other things which he might need. The boy, she said, would guard her money.

Berudya, however, had a peculiar passion for [62] livestock with white skin, fur or feather. All the people throughout her domain never harmed a white animal nor killed them for food to avoid the anger of Berudya.

One day, all the white animals and the carabaos looked sick and tired. They would not eat nor drink. This was a sign, the people said, that Berudya had died. 63

#polygamy #chapter 8 [PK: add a footnote to discussion of ‘periodic emergence of charismatic leaders’: mention berudya and also the Aparece cases]

It may also be speculated that the auhtority and influence of Berudya over her people were remnants of the [63] independent government of Francisco Dagohoy. 64

#article: dagohoy

After the battle the American forces tried to arrest Capitan Filimon. But the pursuers never caught up with him although in some instances he was almost cornered. At one time he ran through a bamboo thicket unimpeded and unscratched. In another, he simply picked up a small twig and hid behind it. He became invisible and escaped. 65

#invisibility #chapter 8

Demetrio, Francisco. 1969. Towards a Classification of Bisayan Folk Beliefs and Customs. Asian Folklore Studies 28 (2):95-132.

To make food serve a hundred or more guests, the saliva of a frog is wrapped in a banana leaf and placed inside the food container. (TIN=N; LI=G; TIG=M) 96

#miracles (food) #chapter 8

During midnight of Holy Fridays a certain species of bananas yield a hard stone which if caught and swallowed will make its possessor very charming to women. 99

#mutya #antinganting

The bird pugo when caught and rubbed on one’s face will render that person invisible. 99

#invisibility

People believe in bolto, an image of a person carved in wood [105] whereby holes are made at the joints, stomach, mouth, etc. The person who has a bolto could kill his enemy by pricking a needle in the hole or the bolto. If the bolto is pricked on the stomach, the enemy will die of stomachache. 106

#eskayan etymology: bultu #chapter 7

When a baby is a cry-baby, it is the custom of the family to have the baby undergo a queer rite of being “smoked” over a mixture of burning ingredients of incense, bones of guisao (fish), dry seaweeds, and live charcoal placed in a coconut shell. The performer chants unintelligible words in Latin as the baby is passed over the smoke. Incredible as it may seem, the cry-baby becomes a bit reformed (not always crying anymore) after it has been subjected to this rite for three successive times which is usually done in the twilight. 109

#urasyun

Ayadon or Hil-o, a custom of the people to help each other in group work, like planting rice, preparing the land, as plowing, clearing a kaingin, etc. The person for whom the work is done returns the favor to each of the rest when their respective work comes. 112


1970-1979 Misa, Sotero Nuñez. 1970. The life and struggle of

Francisco Dagohoy: A historical and cultural heritage to the Filipino people, University of Bohol, Tagbilaran.

Anting-anting. An amulet or charm with magic power which our ancestors velieved that makes its possessor invulnerable to iron weapons (via Zaide, Philippine Political and Cultural History, Vol 1 p69). 22

#antinganting

Only persons born of Spanish [24] parents in the Philippines were called Filipinos by the Spaniards. 25


Francisco Dagohoy died in the year 1825 at the age of one hundred and one years. 40

PK:note persistent reference to the “sworn statements of centogenarians” throughout

#immortality/longevity

Tales form old folks which were handed down to the lips of this generation, related that Dagohoy possessed some supernatural powers. On his neck hangs an amulet or anting-anting, a charm which protected him from being harmed by his enemies. It was also said that the anting-anting gave Dagohoy the power to appear and disappear from [65] a scene as he wished. The story goes on that Dagohoy could jump from one hilltop to another hilltop and from one side of the river to the other side of the same river.

Dagohoy’s followers called their leader, “dagangan”. “Dagang” is a Bisayan word for feathers. Hence, Dagohoy was referred to as a man with feathers because of his ability to jump from one place to another in a fardistant [sic]. 66

#invisibility #invulnerability #antinganting #boholano-eskaya traditions

When the enemy was confused, Dagohoy vanished and reappeared in a distance already beating a drum for the enemy’s knowledge of the hero’s location [Fn: Story related by Attorney Victoriano D. Tirol, Sr. to the writer] 67


Tugpa who was Handog, the alias of Maximino, Dagohoy’s younger brother; Bankaw of Ubay, Omahas and Abahib of Candijay and Jagna; Serrano of Sierra-Bullones; Calizto of Tagbilaran; [68] Miguelilo and Islao of Baclayon, Santos and Lazro of Dauis; Antonio, Busyo, Anoy, Dagohoy’s nephews of Inabanga; Gencio, Donato Udtohan and others from other towns. 69

#genealogy

In the mountain bastion and in the coastal towns, the Dagohoy Government performed not only the functions of the civil and military affairs but also the most sacred duties of the Catholic Church, baptism and weddings. These duties were solemnized by persons who acted as ministers of the church. 76


Francisco Dagohoy’s rebellion revitalized some of the beautiful culture of the early Boholanos which were fading and almost lost during the Spanish administration in Bohol. 82


Stories go on that Francisco Dagohoy, not only possessed the charm of the gentle wind but also possessed the charm of the “trabungko”, a glittering pearl which enabled the possessor to see and view things even in total darkness inside the caves. Further tales related that the Bohol hero possessed a dozen of different charms given to him by supernatural beings. 94

#mutya

In an official report of Captain Manuel Sanz, dated August 31, 1829, at Talibon, Bohol, 19,420 rebels surrendered; 3.000 Boholanos fled to other islands; 395 perished in the last engagements and 98 were exiled [117]. [...] Governor Ricafor pardoned the survivors and patriots of Bohol and were permitted to live in the new villages as follows: Batuanan, 6,266 souls; Balilihan, 2,100 souls, Catigbian, 1,967 sous; Bilar, 930 souls; Cabulao, 790 souls. 118

PK: note that this is approximately a quarter of the population of Bohol at the time

#history of bohol: DAGOHOY

Some of Dagohoy’s leaders who were priests of babaylan were also allowed to practice their diwatas and worshipped the anitos as their bathala. 126


Dagohoy’s surname was a connotation of two Bisayan words, “Dagon” and “huyohoy”. Francisco was also referred to as “ang tawo nga nakadagon sa huyohoy”, a man who possess (sic) the charm or magical power from the gods of the gentle wind. This charm gives him the power to vanish and reappear as the hero wishes. Like [138] the blowing of the wind, it was said that Dagohoy could only be heard but could not be seen. [...] Legends related that Dagohoy will appear on a place away from the Spanish patrols beating a drum, challenging the enemy to capture him. The Spaniards rushed to the scene of the drum-beating Dagohoy only to betrapped, killed, and routed by his special forces, waiting in well-planned ambush position and terrain. 139

#invisibility #boholano-eskaya traditions

Gaabucayan, Samuel. 1971. The Medicine Men of Agusan in Mindanao, Philippines. Asian Folklore Studies 30 (1):39-54.

The Mananawal or Orasyonan.

All the folk healers interviewed claimed to possess some kind of hinuptan or orasyon. However, there is a specialist in curing venomous bites called the tawalan or orasyonan. His orasyones are really said [44]only for this purpose. These prayers are a conglomeration of Latin, Spanish and Cebuano verses. Ciriaco is one of the famous tawalan of this barrio [Agusan, Mindanao]. He declared that much of his powers to heal poisonous bites is due to the prayers handed him by his great grandfather who was a well reputed tawalan of this district. The prayers were shown to the writer, all contained on the lanhanan or luba. He says, “Kining akong diyutay nga pamaba ug ang lanhanan nga kabilin sa akong mga ginikanan mao ray akong gisaligan sa pagpanambal contra todos!” This means that his power of healing lies in his little knowledge of prayers and the only heirloom of the family, the bottle of Oil. Armed with these, he is confident of curing all kinds of diseases. 45

#polyglossia #urasyun #urasyunan (definition)

This preliminary ceremony was followed and Iyo Kakoy started [45] the ritual of healing. First he applied his saliva to the [snake bit] wound and murmured this orasyon:

Orasyon Contra Malala

“Getog, Getog, Hependa, Espina

Aleloya, Aleloya Amen.”

“Jesus salba, Dominus dido,

Jesus salba Compendido

Christe Nustra Cosa de

(Pinaakansa halas)

Linebreme, Bebit Aleloya.”

Free V. Translation [footnote 13]

(Getog-nonsense.

Pluck out the thorn.

Alelluia, Alelluia, Amen.)

(Lord Jesus Christ,

Save this boy who had

Been bitten by a snake,

Save him O Lord!

Live boy! Live! Alelluia.)

[footnote 13]: The free verse translations to all prayers are given here to the best ability of the writer. If translated literally, one would hardly find any meaning at all. The informants who have the prayers have been asked regarding the possible meaning, but they themselves do not know even in the dialect for they are supposed to be a supernatural power given them and are not supposed to be understood. They must remain a mystery. 46

#unintelligibility

[This prayer was used to free patient from lock jaw caused by a barang or voodo doll]:

Credosum

Credosum Christum

Etium Dominostrom

Vestram selem

Meatam Maalem

Virginem Portam

Crucifisus.... ! Amen.

Free V. Translation

I believe in

Our Lord Jesus Christ

(Vestram nonsense) conceived by

(Meatam nonsense)

Mary the Portals of heaven

and He was crucified. Amen!

At the word crucifisus, Tranquilino shook the doll’s head vehemently thrice and pricked the ears slightly until Anki declared that the culprit it now suffering from pain as caused by sorcery just performed. The old man however, keeps complaining of the pain he is suffering, hence, Tranquilino gave him a glass of ilimnon contra sa barang.” While the old man Lorenzo was drinking the prepared drink, Anki [50] accompanied it with prayer:

Ginoo kong Jesucristo, O Lord Jesus Christ

Ec nos benedictos loria

Beati pauperis espiritu

Es reghum ecce colorum. Amen!

We praise and bless Thee

Bless your people O Holy Spirit,

Thou Who reign [sic]

In Heaven. Amen!

With this act of drinking and the accompaniment of Anki’s prayers, Lorenzo vomited profusely as had been earlier signified to him by the healer-sorcerer. Anki explained that Lorenzo has now vomited out the barang. 51

#urasyun

Constantino, Ernesto. 1971. Tagalog and other major languages of the Philippines. In Current trends in linguistics, edited by T. A. Sebeok. The Hague, Paris: Mouton.

The enumeration of the Philippine languages and dialects is until now incomplete and is largely done by guesswork. The first survey of the Philippine languages and dialects in the twentieth century was made by William E.W. MacKinlay (1902). He counted ‘eight tongues spoken by the civilized races of the country, and about sixty dialects of the savage mountain tribes,’ besides ‘a dialect of Spanish spoken in and around Zamboanga’ and ‘two or three dialects spoken by small half-civilized tribes’ and the ‘Negrito dialects’. In 1917 the anthropologist H. Otley Beyer (1917) listed 43 lan-[112]guages and 87 dialects. 114 [note there is a map page]


Eight of the Philippine languages, chief among which is Tagalog, have been called major languages. The other major languages are Sebuano, Ilokano, Hiligaynon, Bikol, Waray, Kapampangan, and Pangasinan. These languages were designated major languages because they were the native languages of the eight largest ethnic groups in the Philippines. 114

Tag. [Tagalog] was chosen as the basis of the Philippine National Language, now called Pilipino, in 1937 when it was spoken by only 25 percent of the population. 117

#national language

Indeed, one can say without exaggerating that the history of Philippine linguistics is largely the history of the study of the major Philippine languages, especially Tag. [Tagalog]. 118


The study of the Philippine languages during the Spanish Period was done exclusively by Spanish missionaries who were usually stationed in the Philippines for some period of time. The linguistic work of these missionary-linguists was ancillary to their mission of Christianizing the natives. Since the natives were not taught the Spanish tongue, the missionaries had to learn the native languages so as to be able to preach to the natives and prepare religious instructional materials for them. As Phelan (1942:194) says, ‘The

friars did enough linguistic research in order to enable them to discharge their sacerdotal obligations.’ It is not surprising then that the bulk of Philippine imprints during the Spanish Period are linguistic studies: grammars, dictionaries, catechisms, confessionals, and Doctrinas Christianas (Phelan 1942:158).


The Spanish missionaries emphasized the study of the major languages, most especially Tag. Much of their work, like that of the European missionaries who went to Oceania, ‘rests upon the normative preconceptions and traditional pigeon-holes of conventional European grammer’ (Milner 1963:64). 119


The interest of the United States Army in the Philippine languages seems to have lasted only a few years. It faded away soon after 1901 when the military government was replaced by the civil government. The publications of the Army linguists were limited to the first few years of the occupation; cf Blake (1922). 120


The study of the Philippine languages and dialects reached firmer grounds under the civil government. 120

He [the linguist Carlos Everett Conant] was in the Philippines as a government translator from at least 1903 to 1906 where he compiled six wordlists [...]. He also compiled in collaboration with two native spakers of Seb. a Seb.-English dictionary (1906) containing about 5500 words. The wordlists and the dictionary have remained unpublished until the present time. 121


The Philippines produced her first native Filipino linguist, [Cecilio] Lopez, before the Second World War. Lopez began as a student of Sheerer at the University of the Philippines. 130


Anderson, Benedict. 1972. The idea of Power in Javanese culture. In Holt, Claire (ed.). Culture and politics in Indonesia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.

Indeed, the secua fertility of the ruler is one essential sign of the Power that he holds, for his seed is the microcosmic expression of the Power he has concentrated. The fertility of the ruler was seen as simultaneously evoking and guaranteeing the fertility of the land, the prosperity of the society, and the expansionist vitality of the empire. 18

#polygamy #messianism #chapter 8

For signs of the ruler’s virility are political indicators that he still has the Power. Conversely, any marked decline in sexual activity could be taken as a sign of waning Power in other respects. 18

#polygamy #messianism #chapter 8

The critical point, I think, is that the Javanese view of history was one of cosmological oscillation between periods of concentration of Power and periods of its diffusion. The typical historical sequence is concentration-dif[20]fusion-concentration-diffusion without any ultimate resting-point [fn]. In eash period of concentration new centers of Power (dynasties, rulers) are constituted and unity is recreated; in each period of diffusion, Power begins to ebb away from the center, the riegning dynasty loses its claim to rule, and disorder appears—until the concentrating process begins again. 21

#chapter 8

This conception of history helps to explain two notable but apparently contradictory features of Javanese political psychology: its underlying pessimism and at the same time its susceptibility to messianic appeals. The pessimism derives from the sense of the impermanence of concentrated Power, the difficulty involved in its accumulation and retention, and the inevitability of disorder on the far side of order. The susceptibility to missianism in times of disorder, however, arises from the sense that a new concentration of Power is always preparing itself within that disorder, that one must be alert for portents of its imminent appearance and then approach [21] the germinal center as rapidly as possible, attaching oneself to the new order as it emerges. This messianism clearly has little of the linear quality of many European millenary movements, which saw the world coming to an end with the arrival of the Messiah. Traditional Javanese sense that history does not come to an end, that messiahs are only for their time, and that the primordial oscillations of Power will continue as before. 22

#messianism

The Sumpah Pemuda (Oath of Youth) of 1928—One Country, One Flag, One Language—reiterates the same theme. 23

#chapter 4 [PK: Cannot find Franco slogan “una bandera” in thesis. Was it in TAJA article?]

Wealth should flow to the holder of Power, as a consequence of that Power, in the same way that pusaka, large populations, wives, neighboring kingdoms or states flow toward the ruler, as it were, magnetically attracted to the center. The vast wealth that the great rulers of the Javanese past are described as possessing is always an attribute of Power, not the means for acquiring it. Thus in the Javanese political tradition welath necessarily follows Power, not Power wealth. 41

Significantly, in the wajang stories the single most powerful weapon in the hands of the favored Pandawa is not an arrow, club, or spear, but a piece of writing, the Serat Kalimasada, the special pusaka of the eldest Pandwaw brother, King Judistira. What is actually written in this pusaka is never made clear, indeed in one sense the power of the pusaka rests in its opaqueness to all but the initiated.[fn] Seen in this light, literacy is simply an external sign of the possession of knowledge. [...]The literacy of the ruling class was a symbol of Power largely because it presupposed the ability to make the qualitative leap out of illiteracy. The literati were not just better educated—they were the educated in a society of uneducated. Their power derived not form their ability to disseminate new concepts through society, but from their ability to penetrate to and concerve old and secret knowledge. 47

#unintelligibility #folk literacy

The contemporary sociologist would probably expect such charismatic leaders to emerge in times of social unrest; most writings about Javanese messianic movements stress this point.[fn] But from within the traditional intellectual framework, once again causality must be reversed. It is the abrupt emergence of such figures into the political arena wich reveals the inner decay or disruption of the social order, indeed precipitates it. 54

#messianism #chapter 10 [PK: regarding responses to ‘cultural stress’]

[Footnote 110:] Compare the description of charismatic leadership given by Weber, in H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, trans. and eds. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 245-252; cf. also Bendix, pp. 298-328. 65

[PK: for #messianism see The Ruler and His Critics, and Conclusions p62-69]

Wolff, John U. 1972. Introduction. A dictionary of Cebuano Visayan. Vol. I. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University.

Cebuano is spoken in the central portions of the Philippines: on the islands of Cebu and Bohol, on the eastern half of Negros, western half of Leyte, along the northern coasts of Mindanao, and on smaller islands in the vicinity of these areas. A large portion of the urban population of Mindano, and on smaller islands in the vicinity of these areas. A large portion of the urban population of Samboanga, Davao, and Cotabato is Cebuano speaking. Cebuano is also widely spoken throughout the lowland areas of the entire eastern third of Mindanao, where it is spreading at the expense of the native languages (most of which are closely related to Cebuano). Cebuano is the trade language in most places in Mindanao where Cebuano-speaking populations and populations speaking other languages are in contact. vii

The Cebuano language is remarkably uniform. There are differences, to be sure, but these diferences are no greater than the differences found among the various varieties of English spoken around the world. vii

Footnote: Approximately five percent of our data [from written sources or from taped oral sources of Cebuano of nearly a million words, gathered from all over the Cebuano speech area and covering a wide range of topics and styles] is not included for lack of reliable informants. These are mainly forms of only local currency, a large portion of them from Bohol. viii

#chapter 1 [see Frank Blake footnote] #chapter 3

Wolff, John. The Influence of Spanish on Tagalog. Manuscript (find published version).

#article: vocabulary

Of course, not all of these items were entirely new introductions. In many cases there were similar things existing in the Philippines prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, but the Spanish introduced ways of looking at these items or using them such that they were felt to be something new. Thus the Filipinos probably already knew footgear, but it was something different from the Spanish zapatos; they had sugar cane for which there is a root tubó of perfectly good Austronesian etymology, but refined sugar came in with the

Spanish, and for this they borrow the Spanish azucar; they had toddy very similar to wine, but the Spanish vino was rather different; they had native boats, but nothing like the Spanish barco, and their anchors where different from the Spanish ancla. Rattan associated with Spanish-style furniture is called by a Spanish derived name, behúko, but there are numerous names of native origin for rattan as well. [n.p.]

#acculturation

One explanation is that Spanish forms are a way of indirection (a virtue in present-day Filipino culture and no doubt a long standing cultural characteristic), and in that way they serve to make the derogatory statement somewhat less derogatory. [n.p.]

This does not by any means account for forms of Spanish provenience in the list of Tagalog forms for the register of everyday activities or events. There is any number of forms of high frequency for which there are competing forms of native provenience. Here are a few examples: asikáso “pay attention”, asistí “attend, help”, atrás “go backwards”, atrasádo “behindhand”, aksidénte “accident”, bóses “voice”, bíktima “victim, victimize”, bentáha “advantage”, alakdán “scorpion”, mas bále “better (to do X than something else)”, and many others. A closer look is needed at these forms and comparison of the contexts in which they are used with the contexts in which the forms of native provenience are used to see if some evidence is available of the motivation for their borrowing, but in any case they can only have been borrowed if Spanish was a code for some members of the speech community. Some originated in a specific register for which Spanish was used and referred to a learned borrowing or an introduced way of looking at things and then moved into a more general register, but others seem to have come in from the use of Spanish forms to give a certain status to the speaker—that is, Spanish forms were a marker of status, much as French was in European languages of three or four generations ago.

[n.p.] For example, a character in Rizal’s Noli me Tangere, Consolación, the Filipino wife of a Spanish officer assigned to the town of the story, is described as speaking a bad Tagalog and a bad Spanish, pretending not to know Tagalog properly. The description of this woman’s speech sounds rather similar to the English-Tagalog mixture we may observe in the Tagalog community to day.

[n.p.] In short, some of these borrowings from Spanish into Tagalog can best be explained as the result of the existence of an intertwined Spanish-Tagalog code. What is important to note is that these forms do not require a widespread societal use of the mixed code. It would have been sufficient for only a small percentage of the community to use these forms for them to have spread throughout the speech community. In short, they are still surface manifestations: the masses adopted these forms imitating the speech of the prestigious Spanish speakers who employed them as an indication of their high status. What I mean to say is that the use of adyós in Tagalog is very similar to the use of adieu/adé in German. The use of the conjunctions and prepositions is much like the use of Dutch loan forms in eastern Indonesian dialects, which originally were employed as indicators of class but now have moved into general speech.

[n.p.]

An example from another area of morphology: nouns in Spanish are obligatorily inflected for number, but in Tagalog are not. Thus Spanish forms are borrowed in singular or in plural, probably depending on whether singular or plural was of most frequent occurrence: bérhas “grating”, butónes “button”, búrlas/bórlas “tassle”, bóses “voice”, aláhas “jewelry”, and so forth. In some cases a Spanish form ending in /-s/ in the singular is borrowed in Tagalog without the final /s/: abriláta “can opener “ (Spanish abrilatas). Another example is bakasyón “vacation” Spanish vacaciones. (Spanish vacación means “vacancy”.)

[n.p.] �

Francisco, Juan R. 1973. Philippine palaeography. Quezon City: Linguistic Society of the Philippines.

De los Reyes wrote:

...me ha mostrado una curiosa caña de tres o cuatro metros de largo, en cuva (sic) superficie estan grabados los caracteres de las Tagbanuas de la Paragua, que son enteramente iguales a los ilocanos y tagalogs, lo cual corrobora mi opinion sobre la unidad de alfabetos en Filipinas.

A la vista de dicha caña, parece resolverse la cuestion referente a la direccion: segun la comodidad exige y la disposicion de las letras, es indudable que dichas caracteres se han escrito de izquierda a derecha horizontalmente; pero despues colocan la caña vertical u oblicuamente apoyada en la pared y en esta posicion leen lo escrito, esto es: las letras colocadas de abajo hacia arriba. [Tavera, Annales de l’extrem Orient, VII, p.233.] 17

#chapter 5 #writing systems [PK: compare Miller’s comments on writing direction]

In spite of these three pieces of evidence, with the proofs provided not only by the living scripts in the Palawan and Mindoro regions but also by the documents we have here referred to like the Povedano manuscript and the Romualdez report on the three documents from Western Negros island, it stands to reason that the direction of the Tagalog writing as well as the others was from bottom to top, left to right. 19

#chapter 5 #writing systems [PK: Note that Miller disputes this point]

The impression that one gets from a survey of the illustrations tabulating the various Philippine “systems” of writing, each labeled Iloko “alphabet,” Tagalog syllabary, or anything else, is that a number of “alphabets” or systems of writing were used in the ancient Philippines. This, it seems, was an unconscious error, if not indeed a deliberate scheme, among earlier writers in their effort to create multiple cultural complexes in the Philippines.

But upon examination of all these systems, there appears to be a singular affinity among them. If there was evidence of variety, this can only be understood as a result of the idiosyncrasies of the individual writers. Note, for instance, what T.H. Pardo de Tavera, one of the pioneers in the study of the subject, wrote: “Al momento se ve que la diferencia que hay entre estos alfabetos no es fundamental: se puede decir que son uno mismo, consistiendo sus diferencias en la manera de trazarlos ...”. [Footnote: Cf. Ignacio Villamor, La Antiqua Escritura Filipina, pp. 24-25. In this work while Villamore mentioned Tavera to have seen the “singularity” of the Philippine scripts, he (Villamore) referred further back to Fray Cipriano Marcilla y Martin (Estudio de los

Antiquos Alfabetos Filipinos, pp 41, 44-45) and W. Retana (Los Antiquos Alfabetos de Filipinos, p. 3) who “hold that there is only but one Philippine alphabet, notwithstanding the slight differences noticeable in the tracing of the letters of the alphabets published by the different authors ...”] 21


Apart from the Tagbanuwa tradition on the origin of scripts, there is a very interesting reference to the origins of the Tagalog writing by two writers – Pedro Paterno [Pedro A Paterno, La Antiqua Civilizacion Tagalog (Madrid: Tipografia de Manuel G. Hernandez, 1887, pp35-52, 357-359), and Guillermo A Tolentino. This reference may be considered legendary. Paterno’s view is not altogether hopeless in the sense that [28] while he attributed the name of god to be formed from the symbols b ba, h ha, and / (l abbreviated to [/]) la (ba b imitation of the external feminine organ, ha h the symbol for the ray of light or spirit and / corresponds to the external masculine organ), he becomes more scientific in his view toward the end of his discourses on the Tagalog letters. 29

[PK: in footnote on p5 of La Antigua civilizacion, paterno write (regarding bathala symbols “Consultase nuestra obra Arco Iris, Camino del paraiso Tagalo, cap II—Origenes de la escritura]

[PK: also note Paterno’s backwards and forwards reading of ‘Bathala’ like Tirol’s reading of cave inscriptions]

#chapter 4 #chapter 5 #writing systems

Guillermo A. Tolentino, Ang Wika at Baybaying Tagalog (Manila: The Author, 1937), pp 70-95:

The N is the whole creation (liNalang) under heaven thus the form which pictures the sound (tunog) of this is one wide area that is covered by the heavens. (That is the reason) the earth where we live (pinakikipamayanan) is known by the universe (sansinukuban). The line (guhit) that rises in wavy form to the heaven(s) is none other than man’s thought (or spirit) which soars (pinaiilanlang) into the world other than this, so that it may attain (what it needs to attain) through faith. 29


Footnote 1: An Augustinian Friar, Tomas Santaren, brought out the supposed document [the Maragtas] in a Spanish translation in 1858. This translation has been translated into English by Enriqueta Fox with the title Bisayan Accounts of Early Bornean Settlements in the Philippines Recorded by Father Santaren (Transcript No. 4, Philippine Studies Program, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1954). See Mauro Garcia, “The Sources and Provenience of the Maragtas, in Maragtas Symposium Proceedings (UNESCO Philippine National Commission, 1967). 121

Footnote 2: [circumstances of Maragtas coming to light first mentioned in] Fray Angel Perez, “Igorrotes: Estudios Geografico y Etnological sobre Algunos Distritos del Norte de Luzon,” El Mercantil (Manila, 1902) 121

Mojares, Resil B. 1974. The myth of the sleeping hero: Three Philippine cases. Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. (2) 3: 156-162

The principal motif of the King’s expected return characterizes Hari-sa-Boqued, one of the better known tales in Philippine folklore. 156

#article: literature [PK: compare return of Datahan]

Spanish rule brought with it the infusion of new types and motifs into Philippine folklore. These elements were quickly assimilated into existing folklore material, bringing about the mutations which make Philippine folklore both a difficult and exciting field of study. 158

#article: grimm

A Spanish tale which quickly gained hold of the popular imagination, through such forms as the corrido, the moro-moro, and the oral narrative, was the story of Bernardo Carpio, which is one of the most popular stories in the country. Drawn from Spanish sources — e.g., Bernardo Balbuena’s Bernado, o victoria de Roncesvalles (1624) — this story of a fictitious Spanish warrior was soon adapted by local troubadours and storytellers to local conditions: the hero was placed astride a carabao; he was entombed in San Mateo, Rizal, near the foothills of the Sierra Madre Mountains, between two crushing rocks, there to remain until the Philippines was free from freign dominance (Del Castillo-Medina 1972: 125). 158

#article: literature

Santos, Alfonso P. (ed.). 1973. Rizal miracle tales. Quezon City: National Book Store.

#folk literacy

These tales were collected in 1950 with the aid of my former students in the University of the Philippines, whom I have credited individually in the footnote of every story. Viii

[PK: Rizal goes to visit an old woman with supernatural powers. The old woman gives him a locket]

“To you I give this locket. Wear it and you will be shielded against all mortal harms. My only request is that, if this locket should fall on other hands, repeat aloud the inscription on it, and it will vanish and return to me.” She placed the chain with the locket around Rizal’s neck and concluded, ‘Now you can go, you are safe against your enemies.”

In his studies and travels abroad, Rizal was protected by the locket, but he lost it when he was harassed by the Spaniards in the latter years of his life. 16

#folk literacy #urasyun

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to protect possessor from harm

Rizal’s magic cigarette

Some old folks in Calamba said that young Rizal was an easy going student although his biographers had written that he was a very studious scholar. After his classes, he would throw his books on his bed, go on his usual walk, visit his friends, or go and stand by the path usually taken by a girl who had suited his fancy.

He never devoted himself to his books, yet during class recitations he was always very responsive and could answer all the questions that the teacher asked him. On the eve of an examination, he would go to bed early instead of preparing for it, but he would always get a very high grade if not the highest in his class. Because of this everyone in the school, including the professors, wondered at his brilliance, but nobody could offer an explanation for the mystery.

One night, however, a group of his dormitory mates plotted to spy on Rizal’s actions. They agreed to go to bed early and pretend to be asleep when Rizal would return from his walk. It was ten o’clock when he came home. He was not aware that he was being observed. In order not to disturb his companions, he tiptoed quiety into his room. He put on his pajamas, gathered his books and other things he used in school, and proceeded to his study table near his bed. He put out the light and everything was dark in his room.

Then his dorm-mates got up and gathered quietly in front of his closed door. They took turns in peeping [17] through the keyhole and wondered how Rizal could study his lessons in the complete darkness. Finally they saw him rise from his seat and light a cigarette. Then their eyes opened wider with surprise when they saw that the light from his cigarette flarred up and illumined the book he was reading. The eager observers thought that their eyes were deceiving them, but no matter how they looked again and again, all they could see was the luminous light from his cigarette. With his magic cigarette, Rizal mastered his lessons secretly and topped his classes.

In the daytime they watched him closely, but he did not smoke the same kind of cigarette. 18

Dr. Rizal and the posts

A former servant of Dr. Rizal said that one day the doctor and his mother went to visit some sick relatives on the other side of Calamba. The only persons left in their house were one of his little nephews and their house-boy, Isidro.

[PK: While Rizal is on his rounds, Isidro rummages through Rizal’s personal belongings and steals four pesos].

Upon entering the house, Dr. Rizal went directly to the first corner post. From his pocket, he took out a piece of paper and pencil. He pressed the paper against the post then scribbled something on it. After this, he went to the second corner post and did the same. He repeated this act on the third and fourth corner posts, and it aroused the curiosity of Isidro.

Like any inquisitive youth at his age, he went to stand behind Dr. Rizal when he was in front of the fourth post, and he observed that his master seemed to be receiving a silent report from the post which he scribbled on the piece of paper. But the writing was a mysterious kind to him, for he had not seen the likeness of it in his Cartilla or in any other book. [71]

When Dr. Rizal had finished his silent conversation with the four posts, he suddenly turned to Isidro and said, “Boy, tell me what you did with the four pesos that you took

from my pocket while Mother and I went to visit the sick.” His voice was firm and his eyes went straight into the eyes of the houseboy. He was not angry or threatening, but he was insistent.

Surprised by the suddenness and the mysterious way by which he was discovered, Isidro could not say a word or move his legs. He merely stood there with fear, then he dipped his right hand into his pocket and brought out the four pesos of Dr. Rizal. He gave them to the doctor and said, “I am sorry, sir. Please, forgive me. I shall not do it again.”

Dr. Rizal softened his look on him, and Isidro felt relieved and released. Since that day, he kept telling people that his master had magic eyes and a detective mind. He could also converse with inanimate objects like posts. When they asked him how Dr. Rizal did this, he confessed to them how his since of commission was discovered by his master. 72

#folk literacy

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to reveal events in other times

#motif: literacy as sleight-of-hand to awe the illiterate: into virtuous behaviour

The notebook of Dr. Rizal

[…]

One day Dr. Rizal was called to go and see a very sick patient who was too weak to be carried to his clinic. Since he had no assistant doctor to take his place while he was away, he told his trusted servant to attend to his other patients if any of them came to his clinic.

“But, Doctor, I do not know medicine and I do not know the dialect here. I would not know what to do and what they want,” the servant protested.

“Don’t worry about that, I will make you know everything,” Dr. Rizal said to him, and at once he felt confident. Then the doctor got a notebook and wrote [80] rapidly on it with a mysterious smile on his lips. He wrote many things that aroused wonder in the servant, for the latter could not even read them, but he would not dare question his master. He thought Dr. Rizal might not want to be delayed by answering his questions. So he just obeyed quietly.

When he was through writing the doctor said, “When somebody comes, consult this notebook, ask any question to it, and it will answer you and tell you what to do. Don’t fear anything.”

“Yes, sir,” he answered, and Dr. Rizal picked up his medical bag and was gone.

True enough, some patients came after the doctor had left, and at first the servant was a little bit nervous. They talked to him and told him about their sickness, but he could not understand their language. Then he turned to the notebook, which was within hearing distance of the patients, and asked what he should do.

It moved slightly, then the writings of Dr. Rizal on it became his image, and it spoke to him clearly. At first, it frightened him with wonder, but its eyes restored his confidence, and he followed carefully what it dictated for him to do. The patients submitted themselves obediently for treatment, though they too were surprised almost to the brink

of fear, but their faith in the voice and image of Dr. Rizal on the notebook held them steady.

After all the patients had been treated, the image and the voice became writings again and the servant sat quietly for a long time pondering over what he had seen, heard, and gone through. “Dr Rizal is an enchanted man,” he [81] said and repeated the same to others, especially after the hero was gone from this life. The patients too retold what they witnessed, hence this tale of mystery. 82

#folk literacy

#motif: textual object has supernatural power: to impart medical instructions

[PK: Rizal discusses the virtues of reform over revolution with is friends by Laguna lake]

[PK: Note that there are many other stories about Rizal’s magic cane]

Just then a stray dog was scavenging around for food. Dr. Rizal coaxed it with a friendly call, and it approached him. When it was almost within reach, he touched it gently with is cane, and the dog died instantly. Then he turned to his companions and said, “I can do this to all the Spaniards, but my conscience does not allow me. It is a sin against God who is in all of us”. Then he touched the dog kindly with his hand, and it sprang to life again.

All of his companions gathered around him with great surprise, and some of them feared him secretly for his miraculous power. Before they walked home, he advised them, “Please, do not do anything rash while I am away.”

Many years later, while he was abroad, he used his pen instead of his cane to touch the Spaniards. With his pen he wrote two books to show the sufferings of his people under their rule. When copies of the books reached the Philippines, they roused the Filipinos more to revolt than the Spaniards to reform their administration. His pen instead of his cane wiped out Spanish tyranny in the Philippines. 101

#folk literacy

#motif: writing as a political weapon

The mysterious professor

Dr. Rizal, according to many people in Calamba Laguna, did not die when he was shot at Bagumbayan. Right after his execution, he went back to Calamba and from there proceeded to Cebu. In Cebu he was appointed professor at the College of San Carlos. He taught Latin and Spanish in that college every Wednesday under the name of Gonzaga. […]

He was never recognized by the authorities of the school, for his disguise made him look very differently from the Rizal that everybody knew. It was Luis Pobregat, one of his students in Latin, afterwards parish priest of Calamba, who finally recognized him. But Dr. Rizal was quick to sense that Pobregat had discovered his identity. At once he resigned his job and disappeared. Since then no more of him was ever heard or seen in San Carlos. 136

#funny

Santos, Alfonso P. (ed.). 1974. Rizal in life and legends. Quezon City: National Book Store.

On the 1973 Rizal Day, President Ferdinand E. Marcos made the following observation about our hero: “[…] [vii] As we attain peace and progress in our country, the central concern of Rizal’s life — his belief in peaceful and evolutionary change — gains all the more currency and relevance. It casts meaningful light on many of our endeavors today, where before it seemed feeble in the throes of ferment and violence in our country.

Quite possibly it is our generation that stands to profit most from the best that Rizal had to say to his people. […]” viii

#article: rizal

[PK: Compare Rizal’s comment that imperfect independence would result in a tyrant, and also U.S. desiring a non-violent national hero. Wide appeal of Rizal was that he was a cosmopolitan before he was a nationalist]

Most of the contents of this book are adition to RIZALIANA, not duplicates. They are a sequel to RIZAL MIRACLE TALES. ix

One afternoon, when he was a schoolboy, he talk a walk in the street in front of their house. […] On this particular afternoon, he met a Spanish officer in blue uniform newly pressed and full of hangings and decorations. […] He expected every Filipino or indio, young or old, to salute him […]. Instead [Rizal] looked at him straight in the face as if they were equal in rank and race. This insulted the officer […] [17] Accordingly he raised his cand and threatened to strike him, but the boy, with skill and speed, dodged and escaped his blows. He stepped backward continuously, and this made the officer look like a fool because he was armed yet he could not reach his young victim. This angered the Spaniard more and was determined to catch Rizal and reduce him to a worthless indio. But as he made a final advance he stumbled, and the boy stepped into their yard and closed the gate behind him. 18

#article: rizal

‘Young Rizal Entertained a Priest’

In his boyhood, Rizal was very fond of repeating quotations from Spanish, Latin, and German. He recited these passages to the church authorities, civil officials, and military officers who stopped at their house in Calamba to take a rest while on their way to the health resort in Los Baños. He repeated these quotations not to show that he was learned, but to see how those people would react to them. He liked to see what was behind the pretenses of other people in order to learn more about them.

One day a Spanish priest stopped at the Rizal house. Because Rizal’s father was not feeling well, young Rizal himself was forced to entertain him. They conversed and talked about painting, sculpture, medicine, and other allied subjects until their conversation drifted to tropical ailments and the possibility of extracting special medicine from plants and herbs abounding in the Philippines.

Then Rizal looked at the old priest intently and said, “Panet teurum aprosum matrinquete arte.” The latter looked blank and remained silent. After a while, Rizal checked him up saying, “I hope you understood what I meant, Father,” the priest was taken aback, but did not show any surprise because this might betray his ignorance. He

was served a light refreshment, then shortly after he thanked his host and left for Los Baños. [25]

Later, when the priest had gone, Rizal’s father, who overheard the conversation, asked his son, “Jose, what was that ailment you told Father Lopez when you were conversing with him?”

“Oh, that, Father?” answered Rizal laughing. “That was not an ailment. It was just an expression I picked up from our maid. It is supposed to ward off evil spirits.” 26

#urasyun #article: rizal #folk literacy

‘Young Rizal and the Anagram’

[…] when he was a student at the University of Santo Tomas, In Intramuros, Manila, a candy factory not very far from his boarding house in Calle Magallanes sponsored a series of anagrams in the daily morning paper in order to improve its sales. The prize was a box of candies for anyone who could solve and submit the anagram first before anybody else.

Rizal decided to win the whole series in order that he would not pay for his candies and to show that the sponsor was not above his ability to think. He looked at the anagrams like the problems in his studies and in his life, and he felt he must conquer them. So at four o’clock every morning, he woke up, dressed himself for school, then went downstairs to wait for the morning paper. As soon as it came, he opened it to the page where the anagram was printed and started solving the puzzle. After solving it, he sent his solution to the candy factory through the houseboy. Every solution he made was the only one correct among the other solutions submitted, and was always the first delivered. [31]

Everyday for several days he received his box of candies, and his boardmates were surprised and envied his ability to solve problems. Some of them imitated is ways and habits, but they could not match him in the quality of his achievement. Some more anagrams were printed and solved by Rizal, and more boxes of candies were won by him, until the factory stopped the series and gave up business. 32

#folk literacy #article: rizal

‘Young Rizal and the Flying Cards’

[Rizal’s friends] were playing cards and when they saw him, they opened a place for him at the table and included him in the game. […] his friends requested him to entertrain thre group with his card tricks. […] At this point he saw a beautiful girl looking at him steadily, and when she smiled he stood quietly and asked [33] for all the cards. Then he said to the girl, “Please, think of a certain card, but do not name it aloud until I ask you.”[…]

Now he shuffled the cards thoroughly in his hands with all eyes fixed on him. Then he flipped them all in the air and they fell scattered on the crowd except one that got caught on the ceiling, face-up. Everybody saw it and was in great suspense. Rizal sought the girl with is eyes and spoke to her again, “Please, tell the crowd the card you have chosen.” She looked around to everybody and said, “The king of hearts.”

The audience turned to Rizal suspiciously as if he were the one intended as the “king of hearts”, but he pointed at the card on the ceiling and they turned their eytes to it. A

stick was given to the girl and Rizal told her to touch the card so that it would fall to the floor. It did drop, she picked it up, and showed it to everybody — the king of hearts, indeed! 34


‘Dr. Rizal and the Foolish Widower’

Dr. Rizal had a tenant in Calamba by the name of Diego, a widower with three children. […] Of all the girls Diego had courted, he was most in love with the beautiful daughter of a widow, and because of his devotion to her he had neglected his fields and his children. This troubled Diego very much and he went to consult Dr. Rizal. Being an illiterate and a common tao, he addressed his landlord thus, “Amo, I want to speak to you about a very serious matter […] I am deeply in love with a beautiful girl and I want to marry her, but she does not love me. She loves another man, and I am desperate, so I have decided to kidnap her. I am sure she would marry me then after I have said and done everything to her.” […] Dr. Rizal was seated at his table with an old book, written in Spanish, in front of him. He told Diego that the book contained great wisdom, and it could help him solve his problem if he would promise to follow him and what he would read from it. He promised. [45]

“Very well then,” said Dr. Rizal, “tell me your age, the date of your birth, then choose a number from one to ten.” Diego did as he was told, and with the figures he submitted, Dr. Rizal made some calculation. Then he consulted his book and read a sentence from it which he addressed to Diego, saying, “You can do as you desire, but be careful that a snake does not bite you.”

The desperate lover was puzzled, so Dr. Rizal explained to him that a woman is like a snake, which attacks unexpectedly. That if he married the beautiful girl, who did not love him but loved the handsome bachelor, and during his absence she would go and have a good time with her lover, would that not be like a snake biting him?

Diego looked at the book with wonder, then turned to his landlord and said, “Amo, if that is what the book says, then I give up.”

“Well, that is what it says,” Dr. Rizal confirmed, and the kidnapping was prevented. 46

#folk literacy

#motif: literacy as sleight-of-hand to awe the illiterate: into virtuous behaviour

‘Dr. Rizal the Linguist’

The fame of Dr. Rizal as a linguist is widely known in the Philippines. In fact, he could speak and write in twenty-two languages, and this has aroused wonder in many people, especially those who could communicate in only two languages. […]

Once when Dr. Rizal was a guest of Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt in Leitmeritz, Germany, he was elected member of the Leitmeritz Mountaineer Society. […]

As was expected of him, Dr. Rizal stood to deliver a speech of response and acknowledgment. […] Accordingly, the chairman called for a Spanish interpreter […]

Then Dr. Rizal cleared his throat, surveyed his distinguished listeners, and delivered an extemporaneous speech in fluent and almost perfect German. For this he was loudly applauded and was embraced by Dr. Blumentritt, who said that he had done something

distinctive for the Germans themselves found it difficult to deliver an extemporaneous speech in their own language. [66]

[…] As to how Dr. Rizal learned German, Dr. Viola wrote: “As we lived in the same room (when they were in Barcelona) my attention was called to his habit of going to bed early, lighting his table candle, open his book, and after six or ten minutes, put out the light, not, of course, failing to say good-night. As this practice was rigorously observed every night, I interpreted it as a prayer, and on asking him if it was trisagio or some other prayer, he answered that it was neither; it was his methodic study of German consisting in learning and committing to memory five basic words of the German language, which, multiplied by 365, the number of days in a year, would enable one in time to achieve the position of an academician in that tongue.”

The other languages that Dr. Rizal knew were Tagalog, Ilocano, Spanish, Latin, Greek, French, English, Arabaic, Malaya, Sanskrit, Hebrew, Swedish, Dutch, Catalan, Italian, Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Russian, Subanon and Visayan. 67

#article: rizal #folk literacy

‘Dr. Rizal and the White Stone’

Some people say that Samson the Great was in Calamba. He was there during the time of Dr. Rizal, and the two were very good friends. But Samson was under the assumed name of Damos. He lived at the foot of Mt. Makiling as the caretaker of a field planted with corn and peanuts. On different occasions, he had shown his great strength, so the people had proclaimed him as the strongest man in town.

One day, while he was away, a huge bird went to Damos’s field and ate some of the crops. On returning he saw the great damage done to his field, and he became very angry. So he watched for the bird to come back. On the following day, it came back and Damos caught it.

Because of the great strength of the bird, Damos was carried up with it when it flew away. So he prayed for greater strength to come to him. It came in the form of a heavy weight, and it pulled him and the bird together to the ground. The fall made the bird unconscious and Damos tied it with rattan. He plucked one of its feathers and went to Calamba to show it to his friend, Dr. Rizal.

Dr. Rizal was very much surprised to see the big feather. It was so big that it could enfold one ganta of rice. Damos boasted of his prize and invited Dr. Rizal to come and see the huge bird for himself. Dr. Rizal [68] consented to go but was told to wait, while Damos had to go and attend some business in another part of the town.

In his eagerness, Dr. Rizal could not wait while Damos was away, so he proceeded to the place where the bird was tied. Upon seeing the bird, Dr. Rizal was filled with pity for it. Then the bird spoke to him and he was greatly surprised. The bird said, “Please, set me free and I will never offend your friend again.” He cold not believe what it said, so he did not heed its pleas.

But it spoke again, saying. “I will reward you with something that will enable you to know and speak all the languages if you untie me.” Dr. Rizal knew how hard it is to lose one’s freedom, so he believed the bird, and set it free. The bird told him to open his mouth, and he did. It desposited in it a white stone, and since that time Dr. Rizal became a linguist. In addition to twenty-two languages that he learned and could speak, he could also understand animals, the songs of birds, and the hum of the bees. [Retold

from an account by Jose Bariconosa, president, Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi, Calamba, Laguna, as reported by Rosario M. Silva]. 69

#mutya

People who saw this incident happen in San Isidro, Nueva Ecija, during the Revolution, believed that though Dr. Rizal was executed in Bagumbayan, God gave him some super-natural power and he did not really die. He was among the generation of his time and is still among us today, they say. 101

#longevity #chapter 8

Scott, William Henry. 1974. The discovery of the Igorots: Spanish contacts with the pagans of northern Luzon. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.

In a very real sense, the discovery of the Igorots has yet to be made. xi

But the grimmest result of the discovery of the Igorots was subtler, more tragic and longer lasting—the creation of a distinction between lowland and highland Filipinos which contrasted submission, conversion, and civilization on the one hand with independence, paganism, and savagery on the other. 167

#article: virgin birth #chapter 1

Father Rodriguez himself relurned to Philippines after his release from captivity during the Revolution to complete a half century of serving the Filipino people in his own way. […]

[Rodriguez:] The marked inclination of the Filipino for the free and independent life of the forest is well known to all, where, far from all organized society, he can avoid the duties, troubles and mutual responsibilities which have to be shouldered in the civilized life. And if this individualism, this love of a life shared with deer and beasts of the field, this propensity which in the end always draws him off to to the mountains, is still so deep after three centuries of Christendom and discipline that it appears to be ingrained in the very nature of the native, what shall we say of those tribes of fierce aspect and stormy mien whose lullabies are the sounds and rude creakings of the bamboo groves and who continue century after century and generation after generation to be kings and of the woods? Born like wild animals, as has been said, in the open air in the midst of an uncouth and untamed nature, their first cries resound from peak to peak in mountain echoes, and their sobs their wails and their first words join and co-mingle with those thousand sinister noises of the forest, the lowing of the fierce buffalo and the songs of the wild birds. [PK: from Fr. Mariano Rodriguez’s “Etnografía filipina: lgorrotes de Pangasinan” in the Correo, Vol. 28 (1894), pp. 261-321, and Vol. 29 (1895), pp. 313-379, and reprinted as “Etnografía filipina: lgorrotes y salvajes de la cordillera nordeste de Pangasinan” in La Politica de España en Filipinas, Vol. 5 (1895). I cannot find a digital copy of any of these]

332

#chapter 1 #chapter 10 [PK: could use as epilogue text]

[Guingguing, C.B.] Anonymous. 1 Dies, 6 Captured in PC encounter. Bohol Chronicle 21 September 1975. 1, 8.

A follower of the Rizalian sect was killed during an encoutner with a PC patrol Friday morning in sitio Sugpong Cogon, barrio Lundag in Pilar town while six others were captured by another PC Patrol. [...] 1

The [shot] Rizalian was identified [1] as Jose Umantod, 56, widower, reported to hold the rank of Reverend in the Philippine Ecumenical Christian Church popularly known as Rizalian.

Umantod was barefooted and sported a long hair (sic). He was attired with ragged clothes with a breast band which had an embroidered name Rev. Jose T. Umantod. 8

The encounter took place in a wooded area some 20 kilometres from the highway.

Umantod was gunned down by the PC patrol after he emptied his paltik .22 caliber revolver at the PC patrol. He was also armed with an Indian pana (bow and arrow). Some Rizalian items were also found in his possession.

Some 100 darts were likewise seized by the PC with sharp points believed to have been poisoned. 8

The six persons captured were identifieds as Roquillano Ratila y Galorio, 24, farmer, of La Hacienda, Lundag, Pilar; Inocencio Magallon y Abaldo, 39, married, farmer, of aga, Zamboanga del Sur; Gavino Escabosa y Bayron, 39, farmer of Lundag, Pilar; Ramon Custodio y Asdule, 22, single, farmer of Cabasalan, Zamboanga del Sur; Conrado Bayron y Anoede, 25, married, farmer of Lundag, Pilar; Flaviano Pangunuron y Sumulhig, 50, married, farmer, of Lundag, Pilar.

The PC patrol which encountered the lawless group was dispatched after several violent incidents were reported in the area.

The PC said that on Sept. 18 in sitio Ilaya in barrio Lombog, Guindulman four persons were hogtied in a forested area by some 17 persons.

Those hogtied wer Fausto Gamalo, 65, married, Filipa 55, married; Federita, 13, single; and Ricardo, 22, single, all surnamed Gamalo.

Ricardo is still missing.

Later on the same day, in the same locality, Florentino Escabusa, 33, married, a farmer, and Niserata Escabusa, 34, were also missing from their house. They were believed captured by the same armged group led by a certain Arcadio Bagarsa according to thsoe who returned to their homes.

On Sept 19 in the same sitio, three young boys who were catching parrots in the wooded area were also captured by the same group: Eutemio Escabusa, 15, Guillermo Pinedo, 17; and Raymundo Escabusa, 9.

Later Eutemio was found dead with stabbed (sic) wounds in his neck and stomach. 8

Guingguing, C.B. ‘Pacification, Cival in Pilar: Roud-building through embattled area to link inland barrios.’ September 28, 1975. 1, 8

The provincial board mounts tomorrow a massive pacification and civic action drive to ease the tension obtaining in the Pilar area including the inland barrios of the towns of Guindulman, Duero, Candijay and Alicia. [PK: Note all this happened under Martial Law] 1

At least four civilians were already found dead in the thickly forested area of Lombog, Biabas and Mayuga in the Guindulman side last week.

Anti-government forces are being holed up in pinpointed areas with several civilian hostages where they are facing starvation.

About a score of the anti-government elements were captured or have surrendered to the PC patrols which have secured the critical areas.

Those interrogated had admitted having been linked with the New People’s Army in Mindanao. 1

[...]

The following four are civilians believed killed by the armed band:

1. Ricardo gumalo, 22, single, farmer, Ilaya Dos, Londog, Guindulman.

2. Florentino Escabusa, 33, married, farmer, same adress.

3. Niserata s. Escabusa, 34, wife of Florentino, same address;

4. Eutemio Escabusa, 15, single, same address. 8

Captured during the military operations last week besides the six already reported were:

1. Pedro Garridos, 20, married, Reverend of the Rizalians, Mansabay, Misamis Oxx.;

2. Amado Laga, 65, married, cook, Lombog, Guindulman;

3. Samual Carias, 48, married, farmer, Buena Suerte, Pilar;

4. Pedro, borther of Samuel, 43, farmer;

5. Ireneo, cousin of Pedro, 42, farmer. 8

[...] the provincial commander [of the PC] appealed to members of the Rizalian sect to disassociate themselves from the lawless elelments coming from Mindanao. He said that the armed band led by Jose Escalera alias Aser who is reportedly wanted for a series of cases in Tagum, Davao del Norte has taken advantage of the Rizalian movement as a front to foster their criminal activities. 8

Vice Gov. David Tirol and Board Member Erico Aumentado will head two separate civic action teams in a massive road-building project tomorrow which would link the inland barrios of Pilar, Guindulman, Alicia, Candijay and Duero. [...] The roads will connect the barrios of Bato Catungawan, Mayuga, Biabas and Lombod in Guindulman with Lundag, Pilar and another road will cut through the barrios of Tambungan, Cadapdapan, Inaghuban, San Vicente in Alicia with Lundag. 8

Peace emissaries have been sent to the beleagured anti-government group holed up somewhere to reach a peaceful solution of the controversy.

[Vice Gov. David] Tirol and Aumentado had a rendezvous with top Rizalian and rebel leaders at one’oclock dawn today at an undisclosed place to effect a peaceful confrontation. 8

Some NPA converts who escaped from embattled Mindanao last year managed to infiltrate the Rizalians in Central Bohol headed by Zenon Balaba in the Pilar area.

Somehow, Escalera who is being wanted in Mindanao with his handful of armed henchmen succeeded to influence the Rizalians and asserted his leadership in the area.

According to intelligence reports gathered by Capt. Jesus Magno, Balaba who is now aging and suffering from paralysis is reportedly being held hostage by the armed men of Escalera. Nevertheless, Balaba is still being respected by the Bohol Rizalians in the area. 8

[Guingguing, C.B.] Anonymous. Gov’t presses peace overtures: emissaries contact rebel group; peaceful confrontation seen. The Bohol Chronicle, October 5, 1975. 1, 8.

Many civilians were reported to be held as hostages of this rebel group inside two caves where they are reported to be facing starvation. Food supply inside the caves is running low, it was learned. It was even feared that incidence of disease has already erupted and had taken [1] toll of innocent lives. 8

Civilians in the beleagured area are invited to visit the evacuation centers. 8

Vice Gov. David Tirol and Board Member Erico Aumentado were set to confer yesterday with Federico Melecio, supreme pontiff of the Iglesia Catolica Filipina, whose headquarters is in Lawis, Inabanga.

The government panel will also confer with the offices of the Philippine Benevolent Missionary Association headed by Ignacio Sabrado in Ubay, Guindulman and Duero and Cipriano Otero in Pitogo and Talibon.

The religious sect in the Pilar-Guindulman area is known as the Philippine Ecumentical Christian Church. 8

Aumentado who heads a task force in the Guindulman side said that civic action work including distribution of medicines and medical treatment has been completed in the barrios of Lombog, Biabas, Mayuga in Guindulman and Canapnapan (sic) and Tambungan in Candijay.

Road building has started to link Lundag with the towns of Guindulman, Pilar and Candijay. 8

Eng. Francisco Ceniza is in charge of the road project from Canapnapan, Candijay to Lundag via Biabas [...] 8

[...] Board Member Aumentado as officer-in-charge of the governor’s office, asked the town executives to discourage the influx of evacuees from other provinces especially Mindanao. 8

At the same time, the coast guard station in Tagbilaran has been asked to report the arrivals of soldiers on furlough, rest or recreation.

They will be asked to submit their mission orders to prevent fake soldiers from infiltrating the civilian ranks. Even mission orders must be scrutinized thoroughly since many have been found to be forged. 8

Guingguing, C.B. Rizalians deny rebel affilation: Head pleges support to government during peace talks. Bohol Chronicle. October 12, 1975. 1, 8.

The Rizalian sectarian group headed by Zenon Balaba, highest ranking leader of the Philippine Ecumentical Christian Church, vehemently denied last Wednesday any complicity with the rebel group operating in the inland barrios of Pilar and Guindulman. 1

He [Balaba] spelled out his request for the release from the forest zone the tracts of land which have been under tillage by his followers during the past several years. 1

and two couriers [to pass on negotiation messages] Eugene Datahan and Celso Valleser. Nobody was armed.

Datahan, barangay captain of Tambungan, Candijay has been taken into confidence by Balaba and had freely entered their hideout during the negotiations which took several months.

Valleser is an employee in the office of Aumentado who had volunteered to accompany Datahan during his contacts with Balaba.

Among the concessions which Balaba offered to the government which would help ease the tension in the area are the following:

1. To pledge full allegiance to the present administration of President Marcos.

2. Immediate return of the evacuees inside the Fatima Cave, his hideout in Lundag, Pilar to their respective homes in Babacjanan, Sierra Bullones and from all inland barrios between Pilar and Guindulman surrounding the Lundag area.

A modest estimate of Datahan, the government courier who frequented the Fatima Cave in the course of the negotiations was about a thousand evacuees.

[...]

At the same time, Balaba reiterated that his group had no hand in the atrocities committed by other armed bands in the area. 8

In return to these concessions, Balaba sought the immediate release from the forest zones the tracts of land under tillage by his men in the Lundag area.

He also asked for the immediate completion of all farm-to-market roads leading to Lundag particularly the road network from Canapnapan in Candijay via San Vicente in Pilar.

These two requests have been fulfilled by the government even as other roads are being constructed by heavy equipments from Guindulman to Lundag and from Pilar to Lundag.

Under the Central Bohol Resettlement Project, the Lundag area was already covered by the agrarian reform program with all government benefits extended to the farmers in the area.

In addition to these requests, Balaba also sought the following from the military side:

1. The release of detainees identified by his group who have been arrested or captured.[...]

Balaba denied any complicity about the activities of Jose Escalera, alias Aser, who was reported to be heading an armed group with hostages in another cave identified as San Roque Cave.

He admitted, however, that Aser is his son-in-law but alleged that he had left for Leyte to join another group there.

He also disclaimed knowlege about Arcadio Bagasarza, the No. 1 councillor of Pilar who had joined the group of Aser. Balaba admitted that Bagsarza was with him before at the Fatima Cave but had left the hideout when their food supply was getting low. 8

Guingguing, C.B. Final talks set; to yield arms: Massive civic action work on as followers plege faith in gov’t (sic). Bohol Chronicle 19 Oct, 1975.1. 6

The final round of talks that seeks to restore peace and harmony to the strife-torn highland barrios of Guindulman and Pilar will be heald at 10 o’clock a.m., Tuesday October 21 at sitio Candelaria, Lundag, seat of the Rizalian sect in central Bohol.

During the meeting, Zenon Balaba, recognized leader of the group is expected to surrender all firearms in the sect’s possession, including a machine gun of pre-war vintage used by the guerrillas during the Jap occupation.

Other armaments which Balaba had earlier pleged to turn over to the government are long boloes (sic), bows and arrows, darts and home-made guns locally known as “paliuntod” or “surit-surit”. 1

Paving the way for the coming Tuesday talks was the meeting held last Sunday also in sitio Candelaria, four kilometers from Kabagnan, Biabas, Guindulman, where the first contact with the Balaba group was made.

[...]

The head-count, the census yielded 984 Rizalians including 15 families who came from Mindanao and joined them. 6

[Guingguing, CB] Author unknown. Rebels surrender unconditionally with arms, ammo, papers. Bohol Chronicle 26 October, 1975. 1, 8.

Sixteen armed rebels including the elusive gang leader Terry Escalera, alias Aser, 33, of Baroy, Lanao del Norte together with their arms and ammunition unconditionally surrendered to the government negotiators headed by Board Member Erico B Aumentado at 6.20pm Wednesday morning at the chapel site of barrio Lundag in Pilar town. 1

The armed rebel group which later professed unconditional support to the administration was composed of.

1. Terry Escalera, 33, of Baroy, Lanao del Norte:

2. Arcadio Bagsarsa ...

3. Senecio Basilad ... barrio caouncilor of Lundag, Pilar

4. Leotico Toraroso ..

5. Fortunato Carbonel ...

6 Epimaco Paster

7. Narciso Galo

8. Pedro Ruso

9. Ernesto Camatura [PK: the above were all from Mindanao].

10. Porfiro Cornito, Cebu

11. Edilberto Borja, 30, Lundag, Pilar

12. Maximo Abcede, 50, Lundag, Pilar

13. Glicerio Abcede, 20, Lundag, Pilar

14. Paulino Alaba, 45, Lundag, Pilar

15. Diascoro Busangilan, Ubay

16. Rebucato Taer, Garcia Hernandez

[...]

Fifteen-year old Susan Garridos of Lopez Jaena, one of Escalera’s 15 common law wives surrendered with the armed group. Ten other common-law wives of Escalera were already interrogated by the PC.

His legal wife, Margarito Balataoy, is from Maribojoc.

The rebel group surrendered the following arms [...] two Japanese rifles... [among other things of course] 28 rubber sling shots, 664 pointed arrows, one portable typewriter, PC and ranger uniforms, Rizalian uniforms, neckerchiefs with Latin inscriptions, 64 bottles of oil said to contain superhuman powers [...] 8

The dramatic surrender was the culmination of a series of peace talks between the government panel and Zenon Balaba, ecclesiastical governor and spiritual leader of the Rizalians in Bohol with Lundag, Pilar as the seat of Power.

Escalera, however, managed to wrest control of a segment of the group particularly those who were inclined to subversion. Escalera holds the rank of grand master of the group. 8

Earlier, the armed group held as hostage inside two caves in Fatima and San Roque almost all the civilians in the surrounding sitios numbering about 1000. However when their food supplies were running low and health conditions insided the caves became intolerable, the hostages began to abandon the armed group 8

[...] This civic action [of road building] practically alienated the support of the populace from the rebels. 8

Tirol, Lumin B. History of Bohol (Prehispanic up to 1972). Graduate School, University of Santo Tomas, Manila. October, 1975. In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in History.

The name Bohol was derived from the name of the place where Sikatuna and Legazpi sealed their bond of friendship with a blood compact on March, 1965. It is about three kilometers from what is now the city of Tagbilaran. The present spelling is from bohol, the Spanish attempt to reduce the local term bo’ol to writing, the Spaniards not having the glottal stop between two vowels.

The term bo’ol refers to a kind of tree (exora philippinensis Nerr) 1

It is said that when Legazpi met Chief Sikatuna he asked the [1] latter the name of the place, pointing to a bo’ol tree nearby in an effort to be understood. The Chief anwswered “Bo’ol”, thinking that Legazpi was asking for the name of the tree. Since then the place has been called Bo’ol. 2

#folk etymology

There is another origin given to the term “Boholanos” per information given by Alcina who says: “the word boholanos means “fishermen”. [Francisco Ignacio Alcina. The Nuñoz text of Alcina’s History of the Bisayan islands. (1998) trans by P.S Lietz (Chicago: n.p.) Part 1, Book IV, p15.]

This means basically that documentary evidence about Bohol starts with the chronicles, memoirs and other written materials first put together by the Spaniards. This is not to say that Bohol did not possess written documents before the arrival of Spain. As a matter of fact, the Boholanos did posses such documents, including a system of writing not much different from those found elsewhere in the archipelago. But as in the rest of the Philippines, these documents were destroyed by the zealous attempt of the friars to eradicate paganism. 26

#chapter 1 [PK: add ref]

Balangao. When a rainbow or balangao appear, the children should not point it or their fingers will rot or be cut. It is because they believed that the rainbow is a great diwata being born. Others also say that it is a dress of a diwata who gets angry when somebody points at it. For the same reason, they cease working for a day. 74 [Possibly taken from Alcina and therefore referrring to the Visayas at large, not Bohol specifically]

They believed that an earthquake or Linog is caused by a certain woman who moves her very large bust and so for this they abstain from working for eight days. 75

#funny

These teachers [first American teachers in Bohol] had two-fold duties: teaching the schools under their charge and training filipino teachers to take charge of classes. They conducted classes to teach the native teachers what they should teach the following week. Such beginnings were forerunners of the district institutes or provincial normal

institutes which later became common throughout the archipelago. The institute taught or trained teachers for the work they were to handle.

The first American teachers assigned in Bohol were Mr. Frank John and Miss Misheart [according to Mr Claudio Butalid, a retired supervising teacher of Bohol, residing in Tagbilaran City]. Mr John took charge of the boys while Miss Misheart taught the girls. [PK: note sex segration as per early Eskaya schools]. The next American teachers to arrive were Mr. Cameron and Miss Wood. The classes which were organized by Mr John were divided into three. Mr Cameron took charge of Class A and Ba as combined and Miss Wood of Class C.

When Mr Frank R. Adams and Mrs Jesie DY Adams came, they managed to open another school from January to April, 1902. In this school, pupils were taught as teachers for the beginning of the school year 1902-1903. The adults who could read and write a little Spanish [249] enrolled, knowing that a great deal of teachers were needed for the schools to be opened.

Primary schools. As provided for by law, the Tagbilaran Municipal School was opened in 1902. Mr Cameron conducted the classes with the help of native teachers, Mr Remegio Ramirez and and Mr Cecilio Putong. They were under the charge of the District Supervising teacher, Mr Adams.

Primary instructions were extended to the barrios, making a total of 183 primary schools in the division of Bohol in 1904. There were also seven night schools with an enroment of 303 pupils. Primary instruction in English was given by 24 Americans and 13 Filipino teathers in 13 pueblos, representing a total population of 177.396 and a school population of 35,479.

In 1905, the number of primary schools increased to 183 of which schools in 15 towns were attended by municipal teachers without the intervention of Americans. Also, those schools controlled by the religious orders in the towns of Tagbilaran, Valencia, Jagna, Loboc and Anda were allowed to continue operating with an aggregate attendance of 2,000. [250]

More primary schools were opened in Bohol to accommodate more pupils until 1918 when there were 243 schools in the province.

Intermediate schools. Intermediate education was started in Bohol in 1908. Two intermediate schools were opened, one in Tagbilaran and the other in Guindulman. The intermediate course consisted of three years.

The number of intermediate schools continually increased until it reach to 16 in 1918.

Methods of instruction. The pupils who attended the English schools were the previous Spanish pupils during the Spanish regime. This caused difficult in communication. The American teachers resorted to translation of Spanish words into English or vice-versa, to facilitate learning. From the method of instruction mentioned, it can be deduced that Mr John was also a Spanish speaking teacher. Mr Claudio Butalid who was then a pupil said that Mr Frank John taught with the use of Spanish instruction until March 1901.

#chapter 8 [PK: regarding leap forward in Spanish competence in late 19th cent]

Another method used was memorization. The pupils read aloud after the teacher, repeating it several times until they could recite it themselves. They also sang the letters of the alphabet. Big charts [251] showing pictures of objects with the names of each,

written below, were used. After teaching vocabulary, simple sentence construction was taught.

Curriculum. The curriculum of the early public schools was patterned to that what was adopted in United States. But after some time, it was modified to suit local needs and conditions.

This curriculum prescribed four years for the primary course. Mental and physical training was directly provided for. Provisions for moral training were given in the stories read by the children. The primary curriculum underwent revisions in 1907, 1910, 1913, 1915, 1924 and 1934 to 1935, to meet the demands of the time. Vocational and physical education was included.

In 1904, and intermediate curriculum for three years was introduced following the general pattern of the then existing grammar grades in the United States. It was also revised in 1909, 1913, 1917, 1922 and 1934.

Provincial high school. By Act No. 375 passed on March 7, 1902, the provincial high schools were established. These schools were designed to fit graduates of the intermediate course for useful vocation. The courses offered were: literature, history and sciences, which would prepare the students for advanced standing in undergraduate work of American colleges; a course in teaching which would qualify a student to teach all intermediate grades; a course in commerce [252] designed to fit young men for business or industrial undertakings and a course in arts and crafts for the training of workmen. These courses took from three to four years to finish.

The Philippine Commission visualized the provincial college, “and the few who might demand such instruction in Manila or in the United States”. In fact among the Filipino students sent to United States, two came from Bohol. They were Eduardo Ramirez who studied in Manual Training High School, Indianapolis, Ind. and Cacharias Rocha who enrolled in the Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass.

The provincial high school of Bohol started in 1904. It was temporarily housed in a municipal building that was leased by the Provincial Board. There were 157 students of boths sexes enrolled at the start. In order to accommodate the big number of students, the members of the provincial board of Bohol passed a resolution asking the insular treasury for a loan of P20,000 to be expended in the construction of a building [in Tagbilaran] to be used as a provincial high school and for the school of Arts and Trade. 253

Normal institutes. The native teachers who were first employed were for the most part equipped as far as the subject matter was con-[254]cerned, but were deficient in English. In order to train and improve their efficiency in the service, normal institutes were opened.

All of the barrio teachers received preliminary instruction in their English as well as the methods which they must follow in teaching in their respective schools through the Normal Institutes. This school opened two months in a year. In Bohol, there were five hundred and fifty-four pupils, of whom about one-half were teachers who enrolled in the Normal Institutes during 1904-1905.

The course of study conformed to that laid down by the general superintendent of education, and the work of teaching was done by American teachers. The school day was divided into six recitation periods of forty to forty-five minutes each and each

teacher who had less than five periods of teaching each day was required to teach one hour each night. In addition to the classroom work, mechanical drawing and carpentry were also taught.

[...]

Teachers who enrolled in this school returned to their respective barrios to educate their pupils in those matters taught to them during the two month staying the Normal Institute. For the school year 1918-1919, of the 579 teachers of Bohol 100 [255] were elementary graduates, 422 secondary graduates, 8 collegiate, 45 vocational and 1 university graduate and 5 not mentioned. 256

Year Primary Intermediate Secondary Total

1905-1906 15,359 83 107 15,448

1918-1919 24,315 2,305 465 24, 684

1930 36,345 4,985 1,978 43,308

256

An isolated case of cholera in Bohol was first registered on March 20, 1902. After this, the disease again reappeared in July, 1902 and killed many people. From March, 1902 to August, 1904 the number of cases reported were 2,706 with 1,877 deaths. The towns mostly affected were Valencia, Panglao, Tubigon, Inabanga, Loay, Bilar, Loon, Ipil, Jagna and Tagbilaran.

Smallpox also claimed a heavy toll of lives during the six months of the year 1902. In 1904, there occurred 1,903 cases with 100 deaths, in 1905 there were 671 cases with 96 deaths, and in 1906, 234 cases with 24 deaths. With the systematic vaccination employed by the Provincial Board of health officials, death rate caused by the epidemics in the following years was reduced. 264

Aglipayanism was first introduced in the province of Bohol in 1903, in Biabas, Guindulman [Data furnished by Miss Emerita Menez, Secretary of the Women Auxiliary of the Philippine Independent Church in Bohol]. Among the pioneers of Aglipyanism in Bohol were Don Mariano Datahan, a self-made member of the Katipunan and one of the most active members of the insurrectos; Sr. Filimon Veronilla Sr; Tomas Tambayaon and other Boholano leaders.

The church had the following objectives: to struggle for an indigenous church, religious freedom and to give spiritual guidance in [273] supporting the administration of the civil government. With its good foundation many at present are professing such religion. In Guindulman, its members numbered to 420 house; in Candjay 321 houses; San Miguel 46 houses; Ubay 94 houses; Talibon, 110 houses; Alicia 271 houses; Pilar 342 houses; Sierra bullones 301 houses; Jagna 267 houses; Duero 303 houses; Valencia 130 houses; Sevilla 97 house and Loon, 8 houses.

Aside from erecting chapels, they had established cemeteries and taught the obligations of the people towards the ecclesiastical and civil government.

They, too, had their share of problems like the rest of the established religious groups in the archipelago, such as: lack of money [276] propagation, the partiality of the

religious actuations mostly of government officials and employees; internal rivalry and personal interest.

The Seventh Day Adventists. Another religious group that was proagated in Bohol in 1905 was the Seventh Day Adventists. It had its first operation in Bohol in Three Stones, Tagbilaran Bohol. 277

#aglipay

Jehova’s Christian Witness. Shortly before the outbreak of World War II, the Jehovah’s started to propagate in Sevilla, Bohol. 384

Islam. In 1958, a group of Muslim traders formally introduced Islam religion in Bohol. Since then, every Friday, Islam believers group together for worship in any of the Muslim residence. At present there are about 180 Islam worshippers in Bohol. 385

Sturtevant, David R. 1976. Popular Uprisings in the Philippines, 1840–1940. New York: Cornell University Press.

Serious history is not a form of suspense literature. Readers should not be required to search for clues concerning the thesis, nor be compelled to await an exposition of camouflaged themes in the final chapter. Before beginning a book they deserve an indication of the orientation that has shaped it. 13

#methodology: ethnographic history

Pre-Spanish practitioners of magic evolved a [24] repertoire of techniques and devices to assist fellow villagers through the maze of a supernatural milieu. Hexes, incantations, and miraculous formulas protected hamlet dwellers from unearthly influences. Equally impressive methods were developed to ward off the intentions of human foes. Anting-anting, in the form of talismans, guaranteed invulnerability to their possessors. Enchanted clothing held forth a similar promise. Sorcerers gained renown for their ostensible ability to conjure love potions, devise concoctions to incapacitate and subjugate enemies, create amulets granting invisibility to their fortunate owners, and formulate charms which permitted men to swim rivers and lagoons without getting wet. 25

#antinganting

The existence of numerous, small, stable communities frustrated the creation of baronial establishments comparable to the vast reducciones which emerged among nomadic folk on Latin American frontiers. 26

#land policy

As the [ninetheenth] century wore on, the developing contrast between classes took on a chiraoscuro quality. Principales were literate; peasants were not. Principales spoke Spanish; peasants used local dialects. More and more members of prominent families pursued the learned professions – particularly theology, law, and medicine; villagers continued to farm and fish. A simple mental-manual social dichotomy emerged. Sheltered faces, soft muscles, and long fingernails designated educated leaders or ilustrados. Sun-ravaged flesh, wiry bodies, and work-worn hands distinguished commoners or taos. The fact that a Spanish superlative was reserved for the elite, while

a Malay noun was retained for the peasantry underlined the cultural nature of the developing gap. 39

Obvious differences between the foreign conduct of fair superiors and the customary ways of swarthy inferiors generated a variety of wry comments. Most revealing, perhaps, was the growing tendency on the part of the peasantry to refer to themselves as “Filipinos of heart and face” [Footnote: “Filipinos de corazon y cara.” Suppressed racial feelings asserted themselves in 1896 when rebelling villagers smashed the Caucasian noses of religious images. Theodore Friend, Between Two Empires (New Haven, Conn., 1965)]

#postcolonialism

Between 1872 and 1898, consequently, ilustrados led a disjointed drive for national independence. Like most nineteenth-century revolutionaries, they sought essentially political goals. Other objectives – particularly the creation of a more equitable social order – held little allure for the men who challenged Spanish authority. By 1896, Filipino elitists were attuned to the great tradition. They challenged neither its basic assumptions nor its rational purposes. All they hoped to achieve was a transfer of power. Ilustrados, in short aspired to direct the course of Philippine development. 41

#postcolonialism

With all its imperfections, the experiment [the American education policy] produced benefits. For one thing, literacy rates rose sharply. By 1939 at least 7,000,000 Filipinos were able to read and write – a figure equal to the total population at the turn of the century. For another, increasing reliance on the English language helped break down regional linguistic barriers. 45

#literacy #language policy

By 1906, the most dangerous military expressions of Philippine nationalism had been suppressed, and Americans broadened the role of Filipinos in the colonial regime. Calls were issued for the first general election in Philippine history. Restrictions on civil rights, together with bans against groups advocating independence, fell by the wayside. New parties representing all shades of opinion on the subject formed and received the freedom to advocate their causes before captivated voters. A Partido Independista Inmediatista, and a Partido Urgentista, along with other organizations bearing similarly exhilarating titles, appeared on all sides. 47

Among those primary weaknesses [of the established colonial economy] were a number of perplexing conditions related to landownership. American administrators recognized the centrality of the issue. As early as 1902 they attempted to overhaul an antiquated registration system. One year later complex negotiations for the purchase of church estates were brought to a successful conclusion, and the insular government embarked upon an ambitious redistribution program. Over the years other, if less sweeping, efforts were made to resolve the persistent problem. None of them succeeded. The final American record on the crucial land question added up to an unbroken series of failures.

The unenviable performance grew out of cultural and political miscalculations. In the first place, the approaches adopted by the United States were ill suited to Philippine conditions. Administrators attempted to apply techniques derived from the American frontier to the inhospitable milieu of Southeast Asia. Homestead laws, survey pro-

[51]cedures, and registration machinery which had worked relatively well in Kansas and Colorado broke down completely in Nueva Ecija and Pangasinan. A second cause of failure grew out of the Filipinization process. Almost from the outset of American rule, most provincial and municipal officials came from prominent families with vested in interests in maintaining or expanding the traditional landholding system. Like their ancestors, many local leaders used their positions to serve selfish purposes. Political and social realities, therefore, combined to shatter effective implementation of the land policy. Instead of creating a nation of free farmers, the United States unintentionally fostered the formation of a society composed primarily of landlords and tenants. 52

#land policy

The resettlement program, therefore, failed to gain momentum during the first decade of American rule. After 1910, popular awareness of the land law and its potential benefits, together with official efforts to eliminate inequities, increased the flow of homesteaders to respectable dimensions. 54

#land policy

In 1622 “nativism” swept through the coastal communities of Bohol. The antifriar mass movement materialized abruptly. Lulled by the ostensible devotion of their charges, many missionaries had left the island to attend commemorative services in Cebu, but ominous circumstances soon confronted the remaining Jesuits. Outlawed babailanes (priests) and catalonans (mediums) returned from the mountains to spread apostasy among former neighbours. Their spokesman, a spellbinder named Tamblot, called upon villagers to reject the Spaniards and their faith. Those willing to return to ancient ways were promised lives of plenty in upland retreats. [79] More importantly, potential disciples were guaranteed invulnerability amongst Spanish reprisals. [Footnote: According to a contemporary Spanish account, Tamblot promised that the “mountains would rise against their foe; that the muskets of the latter would not go off, or rebound on those who fired them; that if any Indian should die, the [gods] would resuscitate him”. Extract from Murillo Velarde’s Historia de Philipinas” BR, XXXVIII, 88.] Four villages rebelled. Others threatened to erupt in xenophobic excesses, and a general exodus toward the high country began. 80

#nativism #history of bohol #article: dagohoy

Four decades later [after the Tamblot uprising] a similar eruption interrupted Visayan peace. Like the Bohol-Leyte episode, the Panay tumult of 1663 originated in nativistic yearnings. Unlike its forthright predecessor, it rapidly took on eclectic elements. Calling for the revival of pre-Spanish religion, a proficient sorcerer named Tapar won a small but devoted following among Catholic parishioners. Over missionary protests, some villagers began to participate in traditional rites. Although resident friars warned their superiors in Cebu of impending trouble, church authorities – fearful perhaps of another Bohol – were reluctant to initiate punitive measures. Tapar refused to be ignored. The defiant leader finally took an inspired step which routed hamlet opposition and outraged the ecclesiastical establishment. Proclaiming himself “God Almighty,” he labeled one of his aides “Jesus Christ,” another the “Holy Ghost,” and added insult to injury by designating a female associate “Maria Santisima.” To that charismatic assemblage he appended a roster of “popes” and “bishops” until all his lieutenants carried divine or semidivine titles. The conglomeration of sacred and sacerdotal types demolished the orthodoxy of Panay’s villagers. Almost overnight Tapar’s small following blossomed into a mass movement. When the dissenters launched attacks on

mission compounds, Spaniards responded with predictable fury. Cebuano contingents again overwhelmed and scattered the religous rebels. They also hunted down Tapar and his retinue. The last vestiges of the “diaboli-[80]cal farce” vanished after a series of grotesque public executions. By 1664, subservience, if not serentiy, had returned to Panay. 81

#nativism, #syncretism

Regardless of their secular origins, however, many militant movements took on sacred characteristics. Like Tamblot and Tapar, popular redeemers usually claimed miraculous powers. They won and retained supporters by portraying themselves as prophets or deities in regular communication with a “supernatural pseudo-community”. [Footnote: The phrase was coined by Anthony F. C. Wallace, “Revitalisation Movements,” American Anthropologist, LVIII (1956) ...] They also expanded the ranks of their adherents through apocalyptic pronouncements linked to assurances of collective invulnerability. Sooner or later, leaders and followers alike experienced delusions of limitless power. 81

#nativism, #messianism

The repetitious pattern – religious insurgency followed by Spanish repression – produced a series of miniature Armageddons in Luzon and the Visayas. Iberia churchmen and administrators, however, never grasped the significance of the rhythmic phenomena. More importantly, they refused to accept the upheavals as manifestations of profound cultural stress or deep-seated social tension. Instead, they regarded them as [81] outlandish examples of provincial perversity. Devotees of native messiahs, moreover, were dismissed as naive and superstitious “fanáticos” deserving neither curiosity nor compassion. 82

#chapter 10 [PK: around discussion of cultural stress]

Spaniards patrolling the trouble zone heard that Apolinario was living in “ridiculous majesty” surrounded by attractive maidens who “attended to his needs and pleasures.” [fn] Less earthly rumors also indicated he was experiencing delusions of grandeur. Some maintained he had declared himself “king of the Tagalogs.” Others alleged he had named five bishops who reciprocated the honor by electing him “Supreme Pontiff.” Gossip concerning an “indigenous Pope” caused an abundance of righteous comment in [89] Manila. 90

#popes #reincarnation

By 1870 inhabitants of tiny communities dotting the mountain sides had dropped the name Cofradía de San José and had begun to call themselves “Colorums.” [Footnote: The origins of the word are usually traced to the Latin phrase “per omnia secolar seculorum,” used by Catholic priests to terminate prayers. The last three syllables appear to have been corrupted by peasant religious leaders and applied to the mountain sects.] 94

#colorums

The deceased Julian Baltasar [of the Guardia de Honor] had been elevated to the status of a living deity. Many residents regarded him as “God Almighty.” The supremo Antonio Valdes, his principal adviser Gregorio Claveria, and their constant companion Maria de la Cruz, were worshipped respectively as “Jesus Christ,” the “Holy Ghost,”

and the “Virgin Mary.” The twelve liutenants, perhaps inevitably ,were believed to be the “Savior’s Apostles”. Such an assemblage made anything seem possible. 111

#colorums #syncretism, #messianism, #cults, #reincarnation

Many discontented hamlet dwellers, “fled from the bells” to the bracing atmosphere and comparative freedom of the mountains. Known as “montestas” or “remontados,” the fugitives florished in sparsely settled uplands or on out-of-the-way islands like Palawan. [Footnote: The terms montesta and remontado were sometimes used as synonyms for bandit. LeRoy, Philippine Life in Town and Country, 29-30] 115

Attacks on well-to-do strangers and affluent foreigners, or onslaughts against distant poblaciones and their prosperous inhabitants, were regarded by most villagers as rewarding, if not legitimate, pursuits. Relatives, neighbors, and friends provided sanctuary and sustenance to outlaws. Informers seldom appeared. Tulisanes, consequently, tended to vanish into the rural background as quickly as they had materialized. Villagers came to look upon the largess-dispensing outlaws as defenders and frequently elevated them to the status of folk heroes. Their exploits, embellished and romanticized to swashbuckling heights by admirers, created persistent Robin Hood myths in the barrios. [Footnote: See the observations of Wiliam Howard Taft in Report of the Philippine Commission, 1902. (Washington, D.C.), I, 17. ]

Almost without exception, brigands claimed miraculous attributes. Outstanding chieftains were widely reputed to be protected by potent anting-anting. The wonder-working talsimans – ranging from simple amulets and charms to elaborate uniforms bearing mystical designs or quasi-Latin formulas – allegedly shielded their owners from malign sorcery and physical misfortunes. Famous ladrones often maintained they were immune to death. Some even averred they possessed the capacity to extend invulnerability to followers. Less prentitious tulisanes asserted they could resurrect dead comrades. The most influential outlaws, hoever, posed as reincarnations of divine beings or deceased popular champions. 117

#antinganting #latin #immortality, #reincarnation #invulnerability

Brigandage of both the mercenary and social varieties flourished as never before between 1890 and 1910. Revolutionary turmoil and the chaos emanating from Filipino-American hostilities created conditions favorable to its growth. 118

On June 18, 1901, the Philippine Commission authorized the formation of a binational police force to be deployed in the provinces. Unlike the defunct Guardia Civil – on which it was partially pat-[118]terned – the Philippine Constabulary was designed to eradicate brigandage by winning the confidence of insular civilians. [fn]

Within a year the militarized enforcement agency had begun to earn its keep. During 1901 and 1902, tulisanismo erupted everywhere. Forced to grapple continually with the hydra-headed monster, American and Filipino officers soon became aware of its characteristics. Constabulary analysts even evolved a derious of categories to identity their furtive opponents. Under the genus “outlaw” they established three distinct subspecies: (1) ladrones, (2) ladrones politícos, and (3) ladrones fanáticos. [The classifications were used by General Henry T. Allen in Report of the Philippine Commission, 1903 (Washington D.C.) III, 100.] The first two yielded relatively easily to systematic force. By late 1903, most of the “flotsam and jetsam from the wreck of the insurrection” had been cleared away [fn]. The third variety, however, manifested extraordinary regenerative capacities. Instead of disappearing, seditious religious creeds

tended to proliferate. Ferreting out the leaders of secret congregations posed unanticipated difficulties and often provoked violent peasant responses. The disruptive outcome of clandestine spiritual associations prompted one Constabulary realist to predict “frequent local uprisings for a long term of years.” [fn]

His gloomy prognosis proved accurate. Between 1902 and 1906, militant sects surfaced from northeastern Mindanao to northwestern Luzon. In addition to troublesome Colorums and anarchistic Guardias de Honor, toiling constabularymen faced Pulajanes and Colorados (Reds), Cazadores (Hunters), Babailanes (Priests), Santos Niños (Holy Children), and Hermanos del Tercero Orden (Brothers of the Third Order). They were also confronted by crusaders who called themselves Soldados Militantes de la Iglesia (Militant Soliders of the Church), and by numerous converts to underground cults with redun-[119]dant names, such as Dios-Dios, Cruz-Cruz, or Anting-Anting. District inspectors found the grandiose titles delightful. That, however, was all. Wthout exception, the esoteric societies instigated – or were linked to – terroristic upheavals in the municipalities that severely taxed Constabulary resources. Responsible officers, therefore, learned to fear the implications of village mysticism. 120

#pulahanes #antinganting #cults

Third-largest land mass in the Philippines, Samar in 1900 boasted fewer than ten kilometers of barely passable roads [fn]. Horse trails to the interior were nonexsistent. Footpaths, known only to primitive hunters and adventurous remontados, were the sole means of crossing the island. Communications between widely spaced coastal towns took place via fishing boats and occasional interisland vessels. Physically, Samar added up to little more than an ideal refuge for fugitives from the law. 125

#chapter 8

Bandits, never-say-die common solders, ex-convicts, and and Dios-Dios divines directed the rebels [of Samar]. Communal governments – of, by, and for the poor – appeared throughout the interior. The barangay-like regimes acted as semiautonomous units in larger, less formal coalitions. Neither national independence nor republicanism was a unifying motive. Back-country supremos did not emulate elitist patriots by calling themselves presidentes and coronels; rather, hearkening back to prerevolutionar carities, they appropriated sacred titles sucha s “First Teacher” or “Pope,” and rallied the hill people to a holy crusade against their coastal exploiters. They built unity around spiri-[128]tual themes. Thatched iglesias, accordingly, became the developing insurrection’s command posts. Militant preachers used the chapels to disseminate anarchistic doctrines, to distribute anting-anting, and to arouse congregations to martial heights. Dedicated “soldados” left the services to march against lowland towns. Wearing nondescript red unifroms emblazoned with white crosses and fighting with the ferocity of men convinced of their own invulnerability [fn], the marauders dismayed the constables and townspeople, who tagged the gaudy terrorists “Pulajanes.” The scarlet label stuck. It soon became a catchall category for peasant religious rebels throughout the eastern Visayas. There was no dearth of claimants to the contemptuous designation. Pulajan successes encouraged similar movements in Leyte and Bohol. 129

#pulahanes #popes #antinganting

Moving regularly between southern Bulacan and northern Pangasinan, [Felipe] Salvador provided the peasantry with constant inspiration. His recommendations pertained to a vast range of topics. In addition to dispensing wisdom on spiritual and

domestic matters, he supplied advice on farming, together with uncannily accurate information on tropical storms [Footnote: The Constabulary was convinced that Salvador’s meteorological data came from the old Spanish Weather Bureau in Manila. Report of the Philippine Commission, 1906. III, 55.] The weather forecasts convinced doubting Thomases of his near-divinity. Hamlet dwellers believed the prognostications were derived from regular conversations with God. Barrio people, consequently, gave their all to the supremo, who, like other charismatic leaders, acquired an honorific title, “Apong Ipe.” According to Constabulary records, many farm couples offered their daughters to the peregrinating mystic: the gesture originated in a belief that sexual unions involving Salvador and village maidens would produce a Malayan messiah to lead “Filipinos of heart and face” out of the alien wilderness. 136

#prognostication #messianism #polygamy

Learning of wholesale defections from the Church of Rome, Laureano Solamo – the supremo of the Visayan Colorums – sent a group of emissaries to Bucas Grande. Their reports convinced him that the situation was ideally suited to a major conversion effort. Late in 1918, consequently, halens (Colorum immigrants) from Bohol, Leyte, Samar, and Cebu began to arrive on both the mainland and the offshore islands [fn]. Within two years the newcomers had established enclaves in Misamis, Agusan, and Surigao provinces. But Solamo’s lieutenants enjoyed their greatest success on Bucas Grande. By early 1921 all the island’s Catholic defectors had affiliated themselves with the folk faith.

While provincial authorities regarded the sect as an outlandish religious expression, its original activities provided no ground for intervention. Organized for devotions to the “Sacred Heart of Jesus and the Immaculate Heart of Mary,” the cult subjected converts to rigid discipline. Initiates were required to rid themselves of personal property and were urged to settle in tightly organized villages. On Bucas Grande, for example, the barrios of Socorro and Paomsaingan became self-sufficient Colorum settlements [fn]. Spiritual leaders assembled residents for compulsory prayers at 4:00 am and 6:00 pm. Between morning and evening devotions, inhabitants labored at assigned tasks – primarily farming, fishing, and lumbering. Yields from the communal enterprises were divided equally among villagers. One month out of each year, moreover, was set aside for mutual-assistance projects such as house construction. Dwellings were identical in size and shape. In every way the hamlets added up to intriguing examples of peasant utopianism.

Asceticism reinformed Colorum egalitarianism. Prohibitions developed against smoking, drinking, dancing, cursing, and gambling. Elaborate restrictions also regulated sexual activities. Segregated labor and housing patterns, in fact, reflected antipathy toward all fleshly pleasures. 143

Spiritual relationships were as stringently governed as social and economic conduct. Colorums throughout the eastern Visayas and northern Mindanao recognised the ultimate authority of Laureano Solamo. From his ornate headquarters near Cebu City, the supremo controlled far-flung sectarians via a hierarchical chain of command [fn]. A veteran revivalist named Felix Bernales directed Solamo’s Mindanao followers [fn]. Known as “Lantayug” Bernales demanded and received total devotion. Juan Bajao, annother Cebuano, acted as liaison between the regional leader and local lieutenants. Pators oversaw the destinies of individual congregations, which were composed ideally of 156 adults. Church groups, in turn, broke down into twelve smaller units, called decorians, each consisting of a headman and twelve disciples.

Mystery bound the complicated structure together. Like other Colorum sects in southern and central Luzon. Solamo’s followers abided by intricate creeds derived directly or indirectly from the confused legacies of Apolinario de la Cruz and his charismatic successors. The revolutionary era, however, had added some distinctly new features to the syncretistic faiths. During the quarter-century since 1896, village cultists had elevated a group of fallen patriots – particularly José Rizal and Andres Bonifacio – to the status of divine or semi-divine beings [fn]. In the minds of many barrio people, Rizal exerted a heavenly influence comparable to that of Jesus Christ. The revolutionary martyr’s “Second Coming,” according to hamlet believers, would initiate a final struggle to achieve social equity. His imminent return, furthermore, constituted the major premise in their articles of faith.

Bernales, or Lantayug, personified the myth. Ignoring conventional designations such as “Papa,” he proclaimed himself a reincarnation of José Rizal [Footnote: Many of his followers, however, addressed him as “Papa Indong”. N.A., B.I.A., FE 4865-A-57]. Under any circumstances, the “Malayan Messiah’s” alleged reappearance would have been enough to cause profound unrest. Lantayug, however, did not limit his performance to dramatic poses. He reinforced peasant credulity with predictions of universal calamity. The earth and its occupants, Bernales siad, teetered on the brink of disaster. Epidemics, flame, floods, and fratricidal war would scourge mankind. Only Bucas Grande’s most dedicated inhabitants could hope to escape unscathed. Survivors would be called upon to construct a new order on corruption’s sodden ashes. Soccorro, Lantayug promised, would emerge as the “Eternal City” of a theocratic paradise. Within its shining precincts, José Rizal, sovereign over all, would dispense justice and well-being from a golden throne [fn]. 145

Uneasy peace returned slowly to the region. By late March, the wheels of justice were ready to grind. Lantayug, his querida (mistress) Eusebia Puyo, Juan Bahao, and other leaders, together with 190 ragged Colorums, appeared before the court of Firsts Instance in Surigao town. 154

#genealogy

After January 8, 1924, Constabulary officers brought heterodox peasant leaders under close surveillance. Rumors of apocalyptic pronouncements or reports of secret gatherings were enough to generate preventive action [Footnote: Retired General Guillermo Francisco granted an interview to the author in 1966. Entering the Constabulary as a third lieutenant in 1904, he role to the rank of lieutenant colonel by 1924. He and other senior officers recognized the dangerous potential of peasant religious movements. As district commander of the Visayas during the Colorum years, he said, “Things were tense. If I heard there was a popular faith healer in my district, I had him kept under close surveillance. If I heard that a prophet was predicting natural disasters, I either had him arrested or shipped out to another island.”]. Any spiritual association with unorthodox political or economic objectives, moreover, received a “Colorum” designation. Newspapers and periodicals picked up the theme. Within weeks Colorumism had become synonymous with fanaticism and criminality. Indiscriminate use of the term rapidly created a Colorum scare. Uneasy politicians and reporters prone to exaggeration convinced many people that conspirators dedicated to sedition or to terrorism populated the countyside. In time, even authoritative United States publications accepted the myth. The New York Times, for example, printed the story, ascribing 13,000 political murders (mostly unsolved) to Colorum assassins. [fn] 156

In large part, the much-publicized Colorum threat was a joint figment of elitist guilt and police suspicion. 157

With all their otherworldly proclivities, the Colorums represented a rude form of hamlet nationalism. Emphasis on José Rizal constituted the key to understanding the countryside’s evolving climate. Two decades of American rule had altered peasant aspirations. In the emerging universe of village true believers, millennium and independence had come to mean one and the same thing. 157

#postcolonialism #cults #millenarianism

Judged by barrio standards, Entrencherado was no run-of-the-mill prophet. The son of a wayward seaman by a wife he soon deserted, Entrencherado was born on Corregidor in 1871. While playing alone one day under the sentinel island’s watchtower, young Florencio was approached by what appeared to be two dignified old men. He recognized them immediately: one was God; the other was Padre Burgos. The Lord, Entrencherado said, pointed to Father Burgos and declared, “This child is good ... he will replace you.” [fn] After a breif interchange along similar lines, the heavenly figures departed. Florencio told his mother of the incident. Shortly thereafter, the young woman moved with her child of destiny to Cavite.

Placing Florencio in the hands of her parents, Mrs. Natividad left [160] the provincial port town for Manila. Entrencherado spent the next nine years in the shadow of his grandfather, Captain Luis de la Cruz, master of the interisland steamer San Pedro, who introduced his grandson to the ways of the sea. 161

#chapter 8

Unless Filipinos joined Entrencherado’s effort to refashion insular society, the world would be destroyed on February 4, 1929. On doomsday, the Emperor warned, typhoon gales of 4,000 kilometers per hour would roar over the Islands, and fire storms would erupt in their wake, setting the stage for a deluge of mountain-swallowing dimensions [fn]. 165

True to the miraculous tradition, Kabola also guaranteed invulnerability to villagers who affiliated themselves with the Kapisanan. 177

One of the raiders, Benito Allas, declared, “Many of us, including myself, were formerly owmers of big pieces of land in Tayug and Santa Maria. We have been driven from our lands by the hacenderos, from the lands which our fathers and grandfathers cleared [or] have occupied since time immemorial. Because of this grievance we have long planed ... to drive away the hacenderos and get our lands back” [fn] 189

The Constabulary, for instance, regarded the Tayug incident as an inexplicable event. On the organization’s thirtieth anniversary, an official chronicler revealed his inability to perceive the obvious: “The officers and soldiers ... in this municipality were Filipinos who had been stationed there for years. They met the town folk ... at parties, and the officers stood high ... with the cream of society. They all spoke the ... local dialect. Many of them spoke English and Spanish, and yet one of the most unexpected surprises – a massacre – occured [sic] “ [fn]. 192

Ricarte recommended the substitution of “Rizalines” for “Philippines”. [Fn 2] 196

Total independence, Ramos said, was essential because only national freedom would ensure the maximum development of insular human and natural resources. After

promising to withdraw all Sakdalista officials if full sovereignty were not granted “by the end of 1935,” Ramos outlined new objectives. He called for: [...] (3) teaching of native dialects in the public schools [...] 225

#chapter 9

Among other prophecies, he [Valentin de los Santos] proclaimed the “Second Coming”. [...] In preparation for Judgment Day, LM members were ordered to perform a series of patriotic drills and spiritual exercises. They were advised also to accumulate prescribed paraphernalia guaranteeing invulnerability – sacred bolos, bullet-defying uniforms, anting-anting, and protective oraciónes (spoken or written formulas). By 1966, Valentin de los Santos and his retainers shared a sense of developing omnipotence. 258

#antinganting

The demise of secularism led to an apparent resurgence of supernaturalism. Scores of organizations similar to Lapiang Malaya appeared in the municipalities. Half-forgotten folk cults also took a new lease on life. Priests and priestesses, faith healers and spritualists, prophets and proselytizers crisscrossed the countryside ministering to the rural poor. The revival, however, was not limited to the provinces. Converts carried the message of salvation to relatives and former neighbors in urban working districts. Crude chapels and churches sprouted in barrios and municipalities, materialized along the cluttered streets of Tondo, and in Manila’s burgeoning squatter communities. By 1960 the various movements were firmly established throughout Luzon and the Visayas and were taking root among Christian settlers in Mindanao. [fn]

In many ways the reanimated revitalization efforts were similar to their mystical predecessors. Like the militant sects of the 1920’s and the chiliastic cults at the turn of the century, the new movements [261] attracted support through an ingenious merging of indigenous and Christian religious elements. Like their forerunners also, the proliferating faiths developed around prepossessing figures who claimed divine or semidivine attributes. In one important respect, however, their appeal rested on another foundation. Almost without exception they incorporated patriotic ingredients into their evolving creeds. That emphasis has created a popular religious atmosphere revolving around the worship of national heroes. While sectarian adoration has not been restricted to José Rizal – Andres Bonifacio and Apolinario Mabini, for example, have also attracted numerous disciples – the overriding reverence for the revolutionary martyr has led students of the phenomenon to label it “Rizalism.” [fn] 262

For one thing, the millennial experiences of Filipinos are not unique. In both hemispheres and in every clime people under comparable conditions of stress have responded similarly. The nativistic prophets, social bandits, millenarian saviors, and impractical secular leaders who crowd Philippine history have materialized regularly in other cultures undergoing fundamental dislocations. 263


The ubiquitous phenomena also reflect – no matter how unrealistic they might appear to pragmatic urban or Western observers – creative [263] efforts to cope with a hostile world. What Eric Hobsbawm labeled the “extraordinary impracticality” of many abortive mass movements has camouflaged their significance [fn]. 264


Even when that improbability occurs, unfortunately, the village victors are destined to lose more than they gain. Caught between tradition and modernity, peasant revolutionaries are anachronisms. Their actual enemy is the depersonalized and incomprehensible world that had emerged around them. They long to destroy it. But they also yearn to build a social universe which is basically anarchistic in style and content. Such milieu, of course, has no place in the contemporary world. “The peasant’s role,” as Wolf again observed, “is thus essentially tragic: his efforts to undo a grievous present only usher in [264] a vaster more uncertain future.” [fn]. 265

Since 1896, their atavistic struggles have been couched increasingly in patriotic terms. Before 1946, they fought for “independence.” After Magsaysay’s death, they deified Filipino heroes and sought spiritual answers to the burdens of chronic stress. Within the narrow conceptual confines of the barrio, they regard themselves as earnest “nationalists.” But most hamlet dwellers believe that “nation” and “justice” are, or should be, synonyms. Sovereignty, lamentably, has not brought about that blissful state.

Until now, nationalism in its larger ideological sense has been a near monopoly of the elite and the politically conscious middle class. All too frequently, they have manipulated the abstraction to serve [265] their own ends. 266

If there were so many people then why did Guardia de Honor disappear? It did not disappear. It became part of the Aglipayan Church.

#aglipay

Love, Robert S. 1977. The samahan of Papa God: Tradition and conversion in a Tagalog peasant religious movement. Ithaca: Cornell University PhD thesis.

Investigation into the religious thought and practice of those who live on the peripheries of the town and in the villages of Majayjay, Laguna led quickly away from the town church (something which would not have happened if the focus had been on the elite who occupied the center of the town or if one had assumed that religion is essentially a matter of institutinal expression). It led instead to villagers who practiced what they called, variously, “my own” or “the true” or “our ancestors’” or simply “Tagalog” religion. In another word, “true Christianity”. xi

#chapter 8

lt is argued that the myth and the samahán are functionally the same: they are power-objects or sources/reminders of power which are taken to be useful for the past available and powerful once again for men. xiv

#chapter 4

Escobéar’s work (ca. 1930), entitled Kasaysayan ng Bayan ng Majayjay (History of the Town of Majayjay) asserts that Miguel de Legazpi sent Juan de Salcedo to conquer the area and found the town in 1576. There had been, the history says, a confederation of baranggáys (basic kin groups) which had banded together to fight off the Spanish but which would immediately disperse and retreat to the mountain whenever attacked. This account, like any historical account, may well read present experience back into the past. 9

#chapter 4

The friar had been saying masses for the Confradia without ever suspecting that they were schismatics, something Confradia members never suspected themselves of being. 11

#chapter 8

Indeed the adult men who call themselves Romano but who avoid contact with the priests frequently refer to priests as friars (priales) as though the Spanish were still around. 36

The point of this is that there are activities that sometimes go on within the church that the hierarchy, when it is aware of them, finds antithetical. The poor and ignorant who are engaged in these devotional activities, however, are in no way that they can see reacting to the church or against the church. What they are doing is Romano whether inside or outside the church. It takes form as sectarian activity only at those times when the church actively begins to define or re-define itself vis-a-vis its parishioners, as is presently the case.[fn:20] 46

#chapter 8

It is claimed by its detractors that the INC’s [Iglesia Ni Cristo] appeal is to the poor and the ignorant, but in fact a high degree of literacy is required. Intensive study groups which involve detailed questioning by the instructor are required of new converts. The bible and only the bible is discussed and the instructor attempts to bring the novices to see that only the interpretations determined by the central headquarters of the INC in Quezon City are legitimate. Doctrinal unity is paramount as is the unity of the church vis-a-vis its many enemies. [fn:21]

The Iglesia ni Cristo is the true church of God founded in 1914 by Felix Manalo in fulfillment of biblical prophecy which says that the [47] true church will arise somewhere in the East. 48

#chapter 9 [PK: the golden church motif]

Most village men, and even many women would thus appear to be unattached. They take pride in this and insist that the search for the truth cannot be confined to any sect, of which their own Roman Catholic church is one. 58

The discussion of such “incidents” usually comes down to a disagreement between the liberal, pre-martial law press and scholars, on the one hand, and government authorities on the other. The former look for causes and speak in terms of objectives and end up blaming [60] the government or the economic system or rapid social change for giving rise to such incidents. The latter see them as potentially “political” and therefore threatening to the established order and end up blaming “the masses” for being ignorant and easily deluded by fanatics and charlatans. In other words, both “sides” take the present “political” order for granted and feel that it is these “incidents” that must be explained and thus focus on objectives and causes. 61

More typical are the samahán which are to be found grouped together on the slopes of Mount Banahaw, not far from Majayjay, in the several contiguous barrios outside the town of Dolores, province of Quezon. Gathered together in a small area on what is considered holy ground (tierra santa) are several small samahán which have little to do with one another. The largest and oldest of these is a branch of Bathalismo, Ináng Mahiwaga (God-ism, Enchanted/Mysterious Mother) called Tres Personas, Solo Diós,

which is thought by some historians, notably Alip (1937), to be a direct descendant of the Confradia de San Jose of 1840 and which certainly dates back to the Philippine Revolution. However, that may be, the living members do not remember Manong Pule. They say only that there have “always” been Filipinos in this holy land because this is the New Jerusalem, the place where Jesus suffered the Passion and died, where he was buried and where he rose again.” (R. Rodriguez.) 62

#chapter 7

One such samahán, which is [63] properly called the Church of Moutain of Holiness (Iglesia Bundox ng Kabanalan) is also affectionately referred to by its members as the samahán of Papa God. 64

MYSTICAL TRANSFER OF THE HOLY LAND TO MT. BANAHAW by Venancio P. Wagan, Supremo Obisbo of Bathalismo, Inc. (Ináng Mahiwaga), San Leonardo, N.E.

[…]

When the fullness of his ministry was complete Christ Jesus wandered from country to country in order to preach and to teach the full TRUTH and RIGHTEOUSNESS to all those who listened to him and followed after him.

The year 1861 was the very year of his reincarnation or replacement into the Spirit of a babe who was born. In those days it was none other than our great martyr Dr. Jose Rizal of the Brown Race and of the Motherland, Filipinas. Now it was because of this birth that the power and history of Jerusalem in/under Rome was transferred here to the Philippines, to the holy place, Mt. Banahaw of Dolores, Tayabas (Quezon). And so it is that thousands and thousands of Filipinos, the children of Bansang Filipinas, have witnessed this thing (p. 56) and they have been informed also by the (good) News of the Way or of the Map of this [68] Jerusalem here in Bansang Filipinas. According to a doctor and lawyer Mr. Alejandro Fojas of Tanza, Cavite, who had the good fortune to travel to the Jerusalem in Bansang Asia or Rome three times in the company of millionnaires or rich Bisayans, he said of the Jerusalem here in the Philippines that this is the LIVING JERUSALEM. Because here is the MANNA. And also according to him, the Jerusalem which he saw in another land, that is in Rome, there was no Manna. And also according to him it is written in Holy Scripture that wheresoever is the mountain that has the traces/prints of the Ministry that was written of in the age of Christ Jesus, that place has MANNA, there is the living Jerusalem to which has gone the knowledge and magical power of the Great God (Bathala). 69

#chapter 7

This chapter steps away from the samahán and attempts to look at the kinds of secret knowledge these seekers consider worth pursuing. It does so among those sources which are the most secret of all: among [215] books of curing that are full of legends, bits of re-worked bible stories, prescriptions, instructions, prayers, oraciones, and among those seekers who use such books, speak a great deal about them, but who will not ordinarily allow others to look at them.

The books, often hand-written in pencil in small notebooks but sometimes published with illustrations as well,[fn:2] are in the hands of only a few of the seekers and even some of these do not know what to make of them. But the dominant symbols they employ, the very way in which both the meaning and the form of the stories are

presented, are the same symbols and project the same style that the seekers themselves do in their everyday lives and are therefore, albeit on a far less articulate level, “known” or available to all.

The most accessible parts of these secret books and notebooks are the fragments of stories that are usually interspersed between a prescription or an oración (which may be one and the same). That is what is most remarkable about them: they are only bits and pieces. They often break off completely in mid-sentence. If they do take up again, it is only after several pages of “Latin” which the seekers say no one (except the priests) understands any more.[fn:3] If the Latin is said to be [216] a prayer, only sometimes is its use mentioned and if this takes the form of a prescription, it may or may not be complete. The scattered quality of these sources is not lost sight of by the seekers themselves: the point of the seeking, they say, is to try to put it all back together. That is, it comes as no surprise at all to the seekers that what they find in the curing books is scattered and incomplete and only partly comprehensible. The lesson to them, here as elsewhere, is that one should take these bits of secret knowledge, however acquired, and try to get at their deeper meanings elsewhere. 217

#chapter 4

[fn:2:] Such books should not be published; they should be handed on or destroyed. Seekers, even those who own copies of published books all seem to believe that to publish them is to incur certain death. 216

[fn:3:] These words, called by the seekers “Latin” or “Lating Burnei” (clearly from the word Brunei [PK: actually ‘Borneo’ or ‘Burney’]) are based, I presume, upon Tagalogs having heard the mass recited for so many years in Latin. The most conmonly used, easily recognisable Latin is the phrase egosum (almost always written as one word). About half the words arc recognizeable Latin words strung haphazardly together (nunquam [sic.] suade mihi) and about half are Tagalog-_or Latin-_sounding (narap, bakatam, vertatim, salvatom). The [216] protestation of the priests that they can make no sense of these words and phrases is proof of the wiliness of priests and of the extreme secrecy and therefore efficacy of these words. That they cannot be understood is part of the point, but every attempt is made to find out what they do mean. As an educated person, I was constantly asked to translate them into Tagalog. 217

#urasyun

This four-line section has to do with the kapangyarihan involved in the act of naming or, in another word, baptizing. The sign of Jesus’ kapangyarihan on earth was that he was given by God the right to name all that he saw when he came down to [222] earth. Baptizing and “creating by means of words, as in g) above, are the same thing. All the things Jesus saw were, thus, already there, just as Impinito Dios was. 223

#chapter 4

There are six parts given here. They are divided by long passages in indecipherable “Latin”—this “Latin” being the actual words spoken by the actors in the myths. These passages of course, the most secret at least partly because they remain indecipherable and their use has to do with the acquisition of the “power” the myths are talking about. The kind of meaning that is important is the use that can be made. of it and only infrequently do some seekers hope to find out what it might mean as a translation into Tagalog.[fn:6] Therefore, it will only be necessary to present a few examples so as to show a bit of what it looks and sounds [231] like. Its sources, as will be obvious, are

Latin and Spanish prayers and the transmutation of these into Tagalog-sounding “words,” anagrams, alliterations, etc.

[fn6:] Not that there is no interest in ts translational meaning. Seekers invariably say that priests, when they insist that it is not true Latin and thus has no meaning, are simply trying to keep the Latin’s usefulness for themselves, just as the friars did for so long with the bible. It is also assumed that their predecessors knew the meanings and even spoke Latin. These words are not without efficacy when one does not know what they mean, but they would be more helpful to the one who uses them if he did. 231

#urasyun #chapter 4

Piding’s Notebook (Sections 1-6 to 2-15)[fn:7]

1-6: When there was not yet a world.

God thought that before he began to create anything he would come to have a consultant who would be able to help in his thinking. There then appeared from his head five letters that had rays of light and glistened and were in the form of five petals. It became a lovely flower. This flower is called gumamela celis, which means a flower of heaven or a flower of the world (rosa mundi). And the five lettters mentioned are none other than the sweet name MARIA, which in the Syrian language is Miriam and whose meaning is “most high.” When God had not yet created, the name Maria was not yet used. Bulaklák (Flower) is all that God called that which became the very first fruit of his thinking.

In the beginning of his creation the first thing God cteated was Empierno (the infernal region) or averni, which is in the lower part and in the dark region.

This is what he said to Bulaklák: “I am going to leave you for a while here. Keep watch over my ark of the covenant and do not dare to open it. And if you do not follow these instructions which I have left with you, you will descend to the earth/[232] land (lupa) which I am about to make and you will endure hardship in order to bring (ie.e., in the task of bringing together those things which have beeeen scattered (ang mga sumagob) and those which have lost potency (mga nangawalang virtud).”

When God said that, he went down to the lower part to prepare a dwelling of sadness for his chosen archangles whom he would create and who would turn against him.

When God had left, Bulaklák opened the ark of the covenent God had spoken about with the intention (hangad) of becoming acquainted with the truth and with the promises/accomplishments (katuparan) which had been told to her. When the ark was opened, three letter B’s suddenly flew out, which had wings and which flew. The three letters mentioned are BAM BAU BIM—thrce words, which is to say three powers (tres virtudes) which are most miraculous and wonderful. When that happened, Bulaklák immediately closed the ark. However, the three B’s had gotten out and she didn’t see them any more.

233

#chapter 4

[2-9:] […]while they weie seated, they saw from a distance three sources of light which began frombelow and rose up till they stopped one before each of them. When each gazed upon the one in front of him, there appeared before them three letters, S T M, which shone and glistened—blinding if looked at for long. The three were most amazed at the miraculous thing which they saw and when they looked again each saw three words which were written:

SELIAN TALUGOAN MAGUGAN. SUMITAN TUCSAN MEELIAN. SELITAN TIMITAN MACAN.

With this, the three continued their discussion, The first Person spoke and what he said was

PATE VELUM MANUMBAO TUNITUPTIM AMPILAM GUAM EDEUS GEDEUS DEDEUS DEUS DEUS DEUS EGO SUM GABINIT DEUS CUATNE SICUT DEUN ENON SICUT DEUS EX NIHILO

Then the second Person said

FILII EGRDIVAN ELIDU RABAN EMBERTI EGUSUM SUPER OMNIA SANCTISSIMA DEI.

2-10: NOMINA DEUS SEMPITERNO DEUS JESUS NAZARENO REX JUDIORUM PORTU OMNIA POTENCIA REDEMTOR ET DERENTOR. What the third Person said was the following

SPIRITO SANCTO TALPALA PASCALA PASCABALA PAMULURUM MANIPICAT ANIMA MEA CONTRIBULARER RETRIBUE CERVO TUO VIVICAME EGUM BERTIENDUM ATULABABIT ALELUYA ALELUYA ALELUYA.

234

#chapter 4 #urasyun

[fn:8:] […]It is clear from the text that the lines above the line “Said the beloved Jesus” are spoken by Jesus, but it is not clear when he starts to speak. “Now I shall baptize you,” is also said by Jesus. 238

#chapter 4

[…]the set of myths I am calling the Impinito Dios myth. 242

Tronco del Mundo

[…] 244

The condition nnd appearance / of God the Lord Father / was that he had no body, / nothing that could be seen. / He was like unto a triangle (trespico).

This being-a-triangle / three corners ng eskuala, / so it is related, / had one eye in the middle / each with one ray.

Three beautiful rays / and here it is said / there are three letters. / The first is the letter A, / the letter O is the second.

The third is the letter B, / So-called consonants, / all have a meaning, it is said. / It is not possible to take (one) away / for it is expressly forbidden.

I will bypass for the moment / the three letters related / because these are names / the promulgation of which is forbidden / because there is something in them which is secret.[fn:10]

245

#chapter 4

[fn:10:] “…for the moment” is a polite way of saying that this subject will be by-passed altogether. A and O would suggest the alpha and omega, common symbols on Roman Catholic altars. 245

There on the beautiful stone / upon which sat / the illustrious three persons / there are four letters. / P is the first, F is the second.

The third letter is E, / the fourth is S. / It is said that like this God the Father / spoke his words: /[(Let us) think well (upon them) . ]

247

That which was placed / on the most honored stone / —the four letters, it is told— / were later blessed / by the three beloved persons.

247

There was as well a beautiful / tabernacle which flies. / This is like a bird with wings / of unrivalled speed / that came before the conference.

Upon this famed tabernacle, / on its cupola, there is a rose / and it contains within it writing/ of unrivalled beauty / which says Rosa Misticas.

249

God the Son was on the right; / on his breast was placed / a lamb, white in color, / and his sacred heart /was there in front.[fn:23]

And that which he was holding / was the condition (lagáy) of the whole world,[fn:24] Of incomparable loveliness / was the illustrious Divine Word.

250

Put within a time frame: there once was kapangyarihan and nothing but; now it is shared or dispersed or scattered among created things; but amidst this creation there appears Impinito Dios who acts as a permanent, if evanescent, reminder of what once was and of what ought to be. 259

This can be done by returning to the myth of Impinito Dios and saying what I think that myth is about. What does it mean to the people of Majayjay and Magdalena who call themselves uneducated and oppressed? This myth and the things it has to say about kapangyarihan, kalooban, and panahón, may be taken as an idea or as a set of interrelated ideas [334] which are available to the uneducated and oppressed. They are ideas which might be said to be floating or at large in Tagalog society, ones which can be made use of—at least by some—when the time comes. For the poorest sector of Tagalog society, that time has now come. For those more solid and pragmatic peasants who now feel themselves increasingly threatened by social, economic, and political events, these ideas are also available as one alternative, albeit the most traditional and conservative one.

At the time that field research was carried out in Laguna province, certain changes were taking place in sectors of Tagalog, and even Philipine, society over which the people just mentioned had little control. As a result, there was at the time of the declaration of martial law a profound feeling of unease: a feeling of disgust with the immediate past and of apprehension or even fear about the future. Uncertainty on the national level which was felt on the local level provided an opportunity for the oppressed and uneducated to think about their own condition. The myth of Impinito Dios and samahán like that of Papa God and many others are the means by which and framework within which such thinking took place. And this for an increasing number of people.

What they were seeking for was their words, words with which to comprehend what was happening, words with which to take responsibility for what was happening to them. Whether or not these words will prove adequate—and it is my opinion that they will not—they are at least their words, not someone else’s. Inevitably, I would think, when a people are allowed to embrace their own words for things, the result [335] is action. And the consequences of this, again inevitably, will be considered threatening by the holders of state power. 336

Tinampay, Miriam Rocha. 1977. Dialectology of Bohol Cebuano and its implications to teaching English phonology. MA submitted to Ateneo de Manila.

[Description: phonology only, there is no lexical or syntactic comparisons. All informants were non mobile and over 60]

[PK: There are two dialects of Cebuano in Bohol: the Eastern Bohol dialect (EB) and Western Bohol dialect (WB). The former (sic) is bounded by Lila, Dimiao, Valencia, Garcia-Hernandez, Jagna, Duero, Guindulman, Anda and Mabini. The latter is bounded by the towns of Panglao, Loon, Calape, Tubigon, Clarin, Inabanga, Buenavista and Jetafe.]

/y/ becomes /j/ if this sound is found in initial or medial positions

WB EB

yabág jabag

yabú jabu

yagaqyagaq jagjag

puyúq pujúq

túyug tújug

-consonant sound /k/ becomes /q/ in initial position

WB EB

/kanúsqa/ /qanúsqa/

/karún/ /qarún/

-consonant /k/ becomes /h/ in medial position

WB EB

/qákub/ /qáhug/?

/nákug/ /náhuq/

-consonant sound /l/ becomes /r/ in medial position

WB EB

/qablíhi/ /qabrihi/ ‘open’

/pultahán/ /purtahán/

-the vowel /u/ becomes schwa in unstressed syllables

WB EB

nátuq nátəq

nákuq nákəq ‘me’

-/a/ becomes /ə/ in unstressed position

WB EB

magpuyúq məgpəjúk ‘will stay’

nagkúhaq nəgkúhaq ‘got’ [last vowel is not schwa: mistake?]

The Butuan City Historical Committee. 1977. The Controversial First Mass: Limasawa, Leyte or Masao, Butuan. Butuan City: The Butuan Historical Committee.

“How can we train the younger generation to assume the reins of power in the future if they do not know any history, if history is not given importance that must be alloted to it…

With the study of the history of the country, we can utilize the past in order to fortify the present and secure the future…”

President Marcos Speech on November 30, 1976 before the members of the National Historical Institute)…

Long before the challenge was made by President Ferdinand E. Marcos to correct in Philippine History what he called distortions written by others, many civic-minded citizens and lovers of history among the residents of Butuan City researched and wrote articles to correct what they felt was a serious historical error regarding the recognition of Limasawa as the site of the celebration of the first known Christian holy sacrifice of the mass on Philippine soil, a distinct historical honor that rightfully belongs to MASAO, BUTUAN. But their efforts were of no avail. They were like voices in the wilderness. Nevertheless, these Butuanons kept plodding on their painstaking research on the subject. They were undaunted. The challenge by President Marcos came as a gentle breeze that fanned the glowing embers of their enthusiasm into a new fire of hope!

[n.p. Chapter 1, The Problem, A. Introduction]

#localised history

The following pertinent portions are here under quoted verbatim, to prove once again the degree of civilization in Butuan, long before Magellan ordered the celebration of the First Mass on land in the Philippines on March 31, 1521, and which we honestly believe that the reason why Magellan had set out his plans to circumnavigate the world was the knowledge and information he received from his slave interpreter Enrique de Malacca that the place where he came from was in Mazaua, Butuan.

Dr Peralta says: –

[…]

The Butuan Paleograph

In another pothunted site with the coffin burials and its associated materials described above, a strip of metal tentatively identified as silver was found. The strip measures 17.8 cms long and varying about 1.3 cms in width. One side of the strip is inscribed with what appear to be twenty-two units of writing. The characters are scratched into the metal with a point that show characteristics of the point of a small knife, held with the cutting edge upwards. The sharp edges of the lines resulting from the process of inscribing are then hammered back. The characters are oriented from left to right.

Comparisons with ancient script (sic) in Southeast Asia resulted in establishing an affinity of this writing with Javanese script of the 14th-15th century. A copy of the script has been sent for study and verification by a Southeast Asian paleographer in Indonesia. The implications of this form of writing found in Butuan is far reaching considering the finding in 1917 of the Agusan gold image which is now in Chicago, and its identification lately as Javanese in influence.

The foregoing quoted portions of the reports prepared by Archeologist Linda Burton of Xavier University and Dr. Jesus T. Peralta, Anthropologist of the National Museum, with their respective findings on the various artifacts recovered within the periphery of the Butuan diggings fully justify the claim of the Butuanons that Butuan, being then admittedly an old settlement evidencing likewise of a flourishing trade center in the days of old.

With these facts and evidence adduced, the burden is now shifted on the part of the defenders of the Limasawa theory – to produce similar if not any artifacts whatsoever – to downgrade Butuan’s claim as the venue of the First Mass said on land in the Philippines on March 31, 1521.

[n.p. IV. B. ‘Archeological Finds’]

The people of Butuan City and their government appeal for historical justice. They appeal to the Honorable Members of the Philippine Historical Institute to give due recognition and distinction to MASAW, Butuan City as the site of the first mass in the Philippines. This distinct honor which rightfully belongs to Masaw has long ben overdue.

It’s time, therefore, to give honor to whom honor is due so that justice be done.

This is our clamor. This is our appeal.

We do home this clamor, this appeal will find a responsive chord from the government and its instrumentalities.

[n.p. V. B. ‘Recommendations]

#contested histories #symmetrical schismogenesis

Meñez, Herminia Q. 1978, Encounters with spirits: Mythology and the Ingkanto syndrome in the Philippines. Western Folklore (37) 4: 249-265.

The Spanish chroniclers during the period of colonization referred to these spirits as nono, diwata, anito or tumao.

[Footnote: See, for example, Francisco Colin, “Native Races and Their Customs,” in The Philippine Islands, eds. Emma Blair and James Robertson XL:71-71; Tomas Ortiz, “Superstitions and Beliefs of the Filipinos in Bliar and Robertson XLIII:104-105; Jose Maria Pavon, The Robertson Translations of the Pavon Manuscripts of 1838-1839. Transcript No. 5-A, 50-51] 252

#chapter 4

They say that in the old days, people borrowed plates and wedding clothes from the ingkanto in that cave in —. There’s an altar, it’s a rock shaped like an altar. When I was a little boy, we used to go to the cave to get the money left there by the people. People wold leave coins on the altar—five, ten, twenty centavos. I guess they were offerings. They say that the ingkanto there were very good to the people. When there was a wedding, the family of the groom borrowed the things they needed, but they had to return them. Everything was beautiful—the plates, spoons, and other things sparkled like gold. But one day, a couple got married and borrowed those things. They were so beautiful that they hid them in their trunk. The ingkanto got angry. When the couple opened their trun, the plates, the traje de boda [wedding gown] had all turned black [F3480.1]. From that time on, the ingkango did not lend the people anything.

[Fn:] Recorded from Federico F. age 50, 30 July 1974. 257


They say that in the old days, people borrowed plates and wedding clothes from the ingkanto in that cave in— .There’s an altar, it’s a rock shaped like an altar. When I was a little boy, we used to go to the cave to get the money left there by the people. People would leave coins on the altar–five, ten, twenty centavos. I guess they were offerings. They say that the ingkanto there were very good to the people. When there was a wedding, the family of the groom borrowed the things they needed, but they had to return them. Everythingwas beautiful–the plates, spoons, and other things sparkled like gold. But one day, a couple got married and borrowed those things.They were so beautiful that they hid them in their trunk.The ingkanto got angry. When the couple opened their trunk, the plates, the traje de boda [wedding gown] had all turned black [F348.0.1].From that time on, the ingkanto did not lend thepeople anything.[fn: Recorded from Federico F., age 50, 30 July 1974.]

257

#lost treasure

Beyer, Otley H. 1979. The Philippines before Magellan. In Garcia, Mauro (ed.). Readings in Philippine prehistory. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild.

Spanish colonization in both the Americas and the Philippines was characterized by one feature calculated to drive the historian to despair. The fanatic zeal of the Spaniards for the Christian faith and corresponding hatred for all other forms of belief led them to regard the native writings and arts as works of the devil — to be destroyed wherever found. In Mexico and Peru many old records were preserved in more or less modified form in the writings of early native Christians and Spanish half-castes, but in the Philippines the destruction was more ruthlessly thorough and only a few fragments have survived. It cannot be said that such writings did not exist, since the early Filipinos were even more literate than the Mexicans; they used syllabaries of Indian origin. One Spanish priest in southern Luzon boasted of having destroyed more than three hundred scrolls written in the native character. How valuable these old records might

have been had they come down to us, we have of course no means of knowing. But the result is that for the great part of [8] Philippine pre-Spanish history we have no trustworthy native material and the past can be recovered only by painstaking research in the records of neighboring countries. 9


However, it was probably in the time of the great warrior-statesman Chrandragupta (316-292 B.C.) that Hindus first began to found settlements in Java, Siam and Cambodia, and to introduce Brahmanism into those [9] countries. Less than a hundred years later, in the time of the equally famous Asoka, a small Buddhist colony, which was later to develop into a well-organized state with great influence and power, was founded in Sumatra. [...]

From other sources we gather that the early Brahman colonies established themselves most firmly in eastern Java, which remained their stronghold from the time of the earliest settlements down to the Mahommedan conquest and beginning of the modern period. Their activities, until the foundation of Madjapahit in the thirteenth century, seem to have been confined largely to the eastern two-thirds of Java itself, and not to have extended toother islands — except possibly Bali and Madura. On the other hand, Buddhist influence appears to have established itself strongest in southeastern Sumatra, the seat of its power being the kingdom of Sri-Vishaya (or Sri-Vijaya) in the district now known as Palembang. From this center its influence was extended widely throughout the Archipelago, and until about the thirteenth century it was stronger than the Brahman power. 10

#chapter 3 #etymology of visayas

Makassar, in Celebes, was probably also first colonized from Sri Vishaya; ane even in distant Formosa and on the island of Hainan there are evidences of settlements from this source. These wandering colonists appear to have carried everywhere the name Visaya, or Bisaya, and to have left traces of it scattered over a wide area. Large groups of people bearing this name still exist in Borneo and in the southern and central Philippines; while in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it was known also in southern Formosa, and about the same period other peoples of that name made several piratical raids on parts of the China coast. It seems likely that both the colonizing and the pirate Visayans originally emanated from Sri-Vishaya, though we have as yet but little direct evidence to support such a conclusion. 12


It is not known just how large an area of the central Philippines was peopled from Brunei in pre-Mahommedan days. Such records as we have related only to Panay, Palawan, Mindoro, and southern Luzon. At the present time all of the islands between Luzon and Mindanao, except Mindoro and Palawan are called the Visayas. An examination of the earliest Spanish records, however, shows that the name was first applied bythem only to the people of Panay; but later was extended to the people and region of the other islands, apparently because of the similarity in language. 13


There has been preserved in the island of Panay an ancient manuscript giving a circumstantial account of the settlement of that island by natives of Borneo at least several centuries before Magellan’s discovery. The major facts of this account are as

follows: Under the leadership of one Datu Puti, a little fleet of ten vessels, each commanded by a datu [...] 13

#chapter 3

The people [in this ancient manuscript] possessed a form of syllabic writing, a well-developed code of laws, weights and measures, and other appurtenances of civilization, including metal-working and numerous industrial arts. 14

#chapter 3 #writing system

At the time of the Spanish discovery, not only were the more civilized Filipinos using the Indian syllabaries for writing, but their native mythology, folklore and written literature all had a distinct Indian cast. The same was true of their codes of laws and their names for all sorts of political positions and procedure. The more cultured Philippine languages contain many Sanskrit words, and the native art a noticeable sprinkling of Indian design. 20

#chapter 3 #chapter 10 #writing system

[the account of Chau Ju-Kua, written about 1225:]

In the remotest valleys there lives another tribe called Hai-tan (Negritos, Ai-ta). They are smal in stature and their eyes are round and yellow; they have curly hair and their teeth show between their lips. 28

#little people

Fox, Robert B. 1979. The Philippines in prehistoric times. In Garcia, Mauro (ed.). Readings in Philippine prehistory. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild.

The fundamental characteristics of pre-Spanish social and political organization do not justify the use of such terms as “king,” “noble,” “slaves,” “baranganic confederations,” and so forth. To give the meaningful expressions usually assigned to these terms is to contribute to a myth-building not consistent with analytic scholarship. The problem lies in that many of the descriptions of the early Spanish historians are of the few large communities which had just developed into trading centers with an atypical political structure due primarily to [56] relatively late Bornean and Muslim influences. The Kalantiaw Code appears to be a “colonial” document, for it certainly does not reflect the social and cultural characteristics of the pre-Spanish Filipino, even in the late prothistoric period. 57 [PK: Fox sussed this out before Scott?]

#chapter 4 #chapter 7 #chapter 10 #mimicry and rejection

The size and range of the bilaterally extended family was of great importance as it provided strength and security. Blood pacts and [57] ritually sanctioned “kinship agreements” were employed to extend lateral relationships, as is the “compadre system” today. 58

#chapter 8 #article: dagohoy

No community structures, such as buildings for religious and political purposes, were built of nonpershable materials, a further testimony of the absence ofhigher levels of

political and social organizations, and an evidence of the widespread practice of shifting-cultivation. 58

#chapter 4 #chapter 7 #chapter 10 #mimicry and rejection

While trading in distant communities, they wer protected by blood pacts such as was described by Pigafetta. Thus, the blood pacts acted as “trading pacts” in addition to being a means of ritually extending kinship. 58

#article: dagohoy

The use of charms to protect the wearer from illness, from malign spirits, to secure good luck in hunting and fishing, as well as to influence and control the behavior of other persons was widespread; and intrinsic power being attributed to unusual and rare objects which were used as charms. 60

#antinganting

The languages of the Philippines, as noted, do have final consonants; and if the syllabary was introduced by the Javanese or another group in Indonesia who write final consonants, why did not the ancient Filipinos employ a similar feature? It would appear that the actual mediators of the type of syllabary found in the Philippines were the Buginese traders, and that the syllabary was introduced relatively late, probably not more than seven or eight hundred years ago. 61

#writing system

Ileto, Reynaldo C. 1979. Tagalog poetry and image of the past during the war against Spain. In Perceptions of the past in Southeast Asia, edited by A. Reid and D. Marr. Singapore: Heinmann Educational Books.

The indigenous literature that the Spanish priests destroyed soon after the conquest was replaced by awit and other related forms. 380

#destruction myths

Ileto, Reynaldo Clemeña. 1979. Payson and revolution: Popular movements in the Philippines, 1840-1910. Quezon City, Metro Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Eventually, the problem we face is how to categorize the activities of post-1902 Katipunans, religiopolitical societies and other peasant-based groups that waved the banner of independence and plagued the new colonial order up to the 1930s. 6

During the Spanish and American colonial eras, these images [of the life of Christ dramatised in the Pasyon Pilipil] nurtured an undercurrent of millennial beliefs which, in times of economic and political crisis, enabled the peasantry to take action under the leadership of individuals or groups promising deliverance from oppression. 19

Before the candles burned out, the food and drink would have been consumed by spirits who would leave a white stone in one of the empty vessels. A struggle for

possession of this anting-anting would then ensue between the aspirant and earth-spirit called lamang lupa [fn: Gonzales, “Anting-Anting”; Bento Reyes, “lenten Fiestas in Manila and Neighboring Towns” (1937) BCTE, vol. 4, no 183.] 29

#antinganting

On the other hand, those [in the pasyon narratives] whose loób are pure, serene, and controlled have “special powers” granted to them by Christ. They can control the elements, cure the sick, speak in different tongues, interpret signs and foretell the future. These are are precisely some of the powers one hopes to obtain through anting-anting. 33

#antinganting #chapter 8 (re: ‘speaking in tongues’: “these are the kinds of powers widely associated with amulets”)

[PK: Ileto does not distinguish the Katipunan categorically from other mystical peasant-based movements, and sets them in opposition to the ilustrado-led reform-based movement of educated Tagalog elites.]

[From Ileto’s translation of Bonifacio’s manifesto ‘Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalot’ (‘What the Tagalogs Should Know)]:

In the early days, before the Spaniards set foot on our soil which was governed by our compatriots [...] young and old, women included, could read and write using their own alphabet. 103

#chapter 1

He [the protagonist of a popular awit Bernado Carpio] is alive, a potential of power, but only the completion of a redemptive event will bring about his freedom. 125

#chapter 4 #article: literature #chapter 10

PK: The New Katipunan (in Ileto’s term) revived by Macario Sakay after the surrender of Aguinaldo, ended with their capitulation in July 1906

The belief that independence, or kalayaan, would jump out of a box is consistent with Katipunan images of kalayaan as a personified condition: Mother Filipinas or Bernardo Carpio lying in a state of limbo or sleep, awaiting the day of final liberation that would bring about prosperity, comfort and knowledge. 234

#chapter 4 #article: literature #chapter 10

Schumacher, John. 1979. The ‘Propagandists’ reconstruction of the Philippine past. In Perceptions of the past in Southeast Asia, edited by A. Reid and D. Marr. Singapore: Heinmann Educational Books.

[...] among the five religious orders, which undertook the Christianization of the Philippines. 264

#chapter 1

Rather, Paterno accepted Spanish culture as the norm — only to claim that it had all really existed in the Philippines before the coming of the Spaniards. The burden of his message is that the Filipinos are Spaniards no less than those born in the Peninsula and,

one might almost say, had been Spaniards at heart even before the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines. 268


It was not then surprising for Paterno that Spanish missionaries had found evangelization so easy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries—Christianity was already there in substance! 268


For many conservative Propagandists, the ideal was not a separation from Spain, but Spanish recognition of Filipino capacity to participate freely in the running of their own affairs, and to share according to ability, not race, in the government of that part of Spain in the Pacific called the Philippines. 269

#chapter 1

Indeed the blacker the [280] picture that could be painted of the Spanish colonial experience [by the ilustrado Propagandists] and its evil effect on a flourishing pre-Hsipanic Filipino culture, the more neatly it all fitted into the American-sponsored ideology—that the Filipino people, stunted abruptly in in its development by Spanish misrule, could eventually become a real nation under American tutelage, if only they embraced American ideals, values, and practices. 280


#chapter 1 [PK: Maybe footnote this remark to American era section of Chapter 1, regarding the ‘duty’ of Americans to provide education for Filipinos.]

1980-1989 Alburo, Erlinda Kintanar. 1980. A study of two Cebuano

legends: The lost lender and Maria Cacao. Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 8 (1):44-59.

The Lost Lender

There once lived a spirit in a mountain cave far from the town. This spirit was so kindhearted that he would lend clothes, plates, spoons and forks, and whatever was needed by the poor townsfolk for their weddings, baptisms, and other celebrations. The borrower simply went up the mountain and stated his wishes at the mouth of the cave, and soon the needed articles would appear in his household. The time came, however, when a borrower forgot to return the things and another returned them without washing them first. Still another returned some plates already broken. Then one day, the people found out that their requests were no longer answered. Nobody knew what had happened to the spirit, but the folk thought that he left the cave because of the ingratitude and thoughtlessness of the borrowers.

The Legend of Maria Cacao

Once there was a beautiful engkanto [Fn: Although some Cebuanos identify the engkanto or the engkantada as a fairy, Wolff’s dictionary defines engkanto as “supernatural beigns that may show themselves in human form, usually handsome,

European in appearance.”] living in the mountain. She owned a golden boat which used to sail down the river, but every once in a while, it collapsed and whenever that happened, the people said that it was because the boat got snagged on the bridge. When the Americans came, they built a concrete bridge. This bridge has stood unharmed. People today think that Maria Cacao is no longer living in the mountain and that she has probably moved to another place. 44

[Maria Cacao occasionaly conceived of as] a business woman who sometimes plies her cacao trade in America where she buys the silverware and chinaware to be leant to the townsfolk [thus articulating with ‘Lost Lender’ story] 49


Ferandos, Pio B. 1981. Irksome relationships with other guerrilla forces. Cebu City: Our Press. 83-85

In January, 1943, another group of around 25 soldiers from Cebu under a certain Lt. Quimpo came to Tubigon and, luckily for them, did not make any trouble and recognized immediately the authority of Major Ismael P. Ingeniero, the Commanding Officer of the Bohol Guerrilla Force.

On March 12, 1943, a party of 225 armed soldiers under a certain Colonel McClish, a Capt. Knortz, and a Lt. Jaradic arrived at Duero from Butuan, Agusan, and picked Auditor Roman T. del Bando and Mariano Datahan and took away 7,5000 rounds of ammunition. 84

#chapter 8

22 May 1942. Japanese “peaceful invasion” of Bohol. 167

#chapter 8

1942 September [timeline]

The “Biabas Force” at Biabas, Guindulman under an officer mainly supported by civilian old man Mariano Datahan, had acquired a non-too-desirable (sic) reputation due to abuses of the soldiers. After its crushing defeat at the hands of the Japanese resulting in the capture of several rifles, one machine-gun (complete) and one machine-gun (tripod), the Biabas Force was disbanded in the later part of September, 1942. 169

#chapter 8

25 May 1945 Bohol province formally declaried liberated from the enemy by Major-General W. H. Arnold, head of the American Division. 195

#chapter 8

Reid, Lawrence A. 1981. Philippine linguistics: The state of the art 1970–1980. In Philippine studies : political science, economics, and linguistics, edited by D. V. Hart. Detroit, Mich. : Northern Illinois University.

The primary goal of SIL is translation of the New Testament, but a necessary subsidiary goal is a detalied linguistic analysis of the speech variety under study. The continuing

volume of SIL’s published research provides a highly reliable and therefore invaluable data base for others whose interests are purely theoretical.

Prior to 1970, linguistic research by SIL members was tagmemically oriented, stimulated by Kenneth L. Pike and Robert Longacre. It was directed towards the analysis of phonemic systems and “lower” levels of the grammatical hierarchy – word, phrase and clause. This decade has seen a move away from preoccupation with tagmemics to a more heterogeneous theoretical approach with papers appearing using the transformational-generative framework, generative semantics, and case grammar of one sort or another.

This change in theoretical orientation probably can be traced to the influence of Austin Hale whose substantial help in the preparation of SIL’s research papers in recent years is reflected in the considerable number in which he appears as co-author. The cross-fertilization of ideas from theoretical positions other than tagmemics has been valuable, and will be discussed in the following sections of this chapter.

Basic linguistic research continues to be done on word, phrase and clause structures by SIL members. However, there has been a change in emphasis, begun in the late sixties and continuing into the seventies, to the analysis and description of “higher” levels of the grammatical hierarchy – sentence, paragraph and discourse.

For people involved in the translation of the New Testament – one of the most difficult of translation tasks – there can be no question regarding the relevance of the study of discourse. It is essential. To some linguists, the study of discourse is outside the pale; to SIL linguists, it is a prerequisite to effective translation. 214

#history: language documentation (post-war)

About ten years ago, linguists from the Ateneo de Manila University and the Philippine Normal College, decided to pool their resources. They developed a consortium program which offered a Ph.D. in Linguistics. To attract quality students, a number of full scholarships were made available by The Asia Foundation. The Ford Foundation and SIL each supported one scholar. Nine Ph.D.s have been earned since the inception of the program. Three more candidates are currently writing their dissertations.

Because of the small demand for Ph.D.s in Linguistics in the Philippine job market, the drying up of scholarship money, and the general change in emphasis in Philippine linguistics in recent years, the Ph.D. in Linguistics consortium is now officially terminated and a new consortium has been developed. This is for a Ph.D. in Bilingual Education with the Philippine Normal College as the home institution and Ateneo de Manila and De La Salle University as cooperating institutions.

The value of the Ateneo-PNC linguistics consortium cannot be overestimated. The students were generally of [215] a very high caliber and are now the emerging leaders in the field in the Philippines. Dr. Gloria Chan, the first graduate, [etc etc]

Some of the dissertations written by Ateneo-PNC consortium graduates were on pure linguistic topics, such as a case analysis of Cebuano verb morphology, and a study of the subcategorizational and selectional restrictions on English verbs. Other dissertations were on more applied linguistic topics, such as an analysis of Hokkien Chinese borrowings in Tagalog, a sociolinguistic study of Bahasa Indonesia, the elaboration of a technical lexicon for Pilipino, a composite diction of Philippine Creole Spanish, and

the developing of a model of a Filipino’s bilingual competence based on Tagalog-English code switching. 216


The LSP was formed in 1969. 216


Current information on the research of Professors Ernesto Constantino and Ernesto Cubar, two prominent linguists at UP, is unavailable. To them passed the cloak of Cecilio Lopez, the first great Filipino linguist, who at the time of his passing in September 1979, was Professor Emeritus in the Linguistics Department at the University of the Philippines. 217


Probably the most important [work of grammar to have appeared in the last decade], in terms of its quality and impact on scholars outside the field, is Schachter and Otanes’ grammar of Tagalog (1972). Since this book is a reference source, not a polemic for a theoretical position, it has been widely used and often quoted in the literature. 219


The PALI Series of grammars and dictionaries appeared in 1971. These were commissioned originally by the Peace Corps to accompany sets of teaching materials for each of the major languages. 219


Mirikitani (1972) and Gonzalez (1972) both describe the syntax of Kapamgan. Mirikitani’s book is a transformational-generative treatment, with notions of case introduced as prepositional phrases. Gonzalez’s publication exemplifies Chafe’s version of generative semantics. 219


Comparative lexical material is now available in several published soures, including Reid (1971), Lopez (1974), Yamada (1975), Yap (1977), and Barbian (1977b) for Manyan languages. McFarland (1977) is also an excellent source for lexical and grammatical material from the Northern Philippine languages. 220


Most, if not all, of the above works are structuralist in their orientation. [PK: These are “traditional phonemic and morphopholnemic statements” published between 1970-1979] 221


The Lexicase model (Starosta 1978), adopted by De Guzman (1978a), uses a restricted and possibly universal set of case relations, established on the basis of meaning and morpho-syntactic consequences. The Lexicase model is a highly restrained, empircally based and falsifiable generative model which does not appeal to abstract deep structures or to transformational rules. Lexicase therefore has the potential for providing Philippine linguists with a suitable model for the systematic comparison of Philippine grammatical systems. 229


In 1967 and 1968, Robert Longacre of the Summer Institute of Linguistics conducted a series of worskhops where he introduced the members of SIL, Philippines, to his theory of the structure of the hierarchical units larger than the single clause. This theory, articulated within the general framework of tagmemics, was the starting point for the systematic analysis of 25 languages by some 32 SIL participants in the workshops. 231


The first issue of the Philippine Journal of Linguistics contained an article by Dyen (1970) demonstrating the value of using qualitative evidence (innovations in phonology, morhpology and syntax) to substantiate a subgrouping hypothesis formulated on the basis of quantitative evidence such as lexicostatistical percentages. Prior to 1970, a number of studies had been done relying solely on lexicostatistics. 234


The most extensive study of a comparative-historical nature that has been done for any group of Philippine languages is Zorc (1977). His thorough examination of the phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon of 36 speech varieties spoken in the central and southern Philippines establishes them as belonging to the Bisayan subgroup of Central Philippine languages. Rafael (1976) provides us with a diachronic study of the development of negatives within this subgroup. Zorc postulates five branches within the Bisayan group: West, Banton, Central, Cebuan, and South Bisayan. The constituency of the last group has been challenged by Pallesen (1977, 1978). He believes that southern Bisayan also includes the languages of the east coast of Mindanao. These are languages Zorc believes are coordinate with the Bisayan group, as are Tagalog and Bikol. 239


In the preceeding sections, the discussion has been restricted to various core areas of linguistics. This chapter would leave a false impression of the state of Philippine linguistics were no mention made of the great bulk of work done in some of the more peripheral areas of linguistics. It is in these areas that most Filipino linguists are doing their research. They are working not on the structure of Philippine languges, but in areas such as dialectology (Pelaez-Soberano 1977), bilingualism (Pascasio 1977, Butista 1974, 1977), first and second language acquisition (Segalowitz and Galang 1978, Castillo 1972), and language planning and language use (Constantino, Sikat and Cruz 1974), Sibayan and Gonzalez 1977, Gonzalez 1980).

Reference is made to ongoing research in some of these areas in Rafael (1978b). The leadership of Bonafacio Sibayan and Bro. Andrew Gonzalez in the fields of language planning and language use is internationally recognized. To discuss their published research in each of these areas would require another lengthy bibliography and a second lengthy chapter.

[…]

Most Filipino linguists today are occupied with other than “pure” linguistic research. To a great [241] extent this emphasis is a function of their society. The dictates of the New Constitution [of 1973] require that a new national language called Filipino (as distinct from Pilipino) be developed. Furthermore the radical changes which resulted from the

1974 decision to institute a blingual policy (English and Pilipino) from the primary through the tertiary educational system have required a commitment from linguists to meet the problems that thee changes have brought. There are few rewards for a Filipino linguist who wants only to teach linguistics and to do descriptive and theoretical linguistics.

As a result the number of Filipino linguists who have published descriptive material on some language other than their mother tongue within the last decade is extremely small. One wonders whether having a small cadre of practicing native linguists is a luxury that a developing nation cannot afford. Yet considering the exigencies of the present situation in the Philipppines, with the new national language (Filipino) required by the Constitution to be based on some unspecified number of Philppine languages, it would seem that the nation must have a group of highly skilled linguists involved ina systematic comparison of Philippine languages. This comparison should be concerned not only with the lexicons of Philippine languages, a task which is not particularly difficult, but with the far more difficult task of systematic syntactic comparison.

The purpose of this comparison should not be the discovery of a “universal abstract base” which would then somehow become the base of the proposed language. Its purpose would be to discover to what extent surface structures are comparable from language to language. When a speaker of one language makes a linguistic reaction to another language, he is not comparing his intuitions against the intuitions of the other person, he is reacting ona more surface level. He reacts to the parole, not to the langue. He reacts to intonations, to pronuncaitions, to choice of affixes for particular verbys, and so on. 242


[…] there has been relatively little sophisticated cross-linguistic description of the kind that Zorc (1977) has done for the Bisayan languages. He used his comparison primarily for genetic subgrouping and reconstruction. But the data will be of immense value when decisions need to be made about the form of Filipino. Admittedly these decisions, if and when they are made, will primarily be political decisions. Yet the country must make certain that such decisions are made on the basis of solid linguistic research. They cannot be made on the whims of linguistically unsophisticated politicians. 243


Linguists are moving into a period when the historical study of Philippine languages will undergo substantial changes. The major phonological developments are known. What is not known is the extent to which the languages of the Philippines have been influenced by secondary migrations. 246


Footnote 2: Pilipino, the present national language, is based on Tagalog. The 1973 constitution requires a new national language, one that would be based on a number of Philippine languages and which will be called “Filipino.” 247


Eugenio, Damiana L, ed. 1982. Philippine folk literature: An anthology. Quezon City: Folklore Studies Program College of Arts & Sciences, University of the Philippines Diliman and the U.P. Folklorists Inc.

The ruins of the Guadalupe monastery in Rizal province, on the other hand, fairly seem to invite ghosts. The eerie look of the place alone would account for its reputation. People say that a giant serpent dwells in the monastery well. It is believed there’s treasure hidden somewhere in the ruins but few dare to dig it. A foreigner did tell the villagers that he had been scared away by a bearded friar in black. So great is the terror inspired by the ruins that an old village woman swears she has never once set foot in the place. “Encantado iyan!” (That place is enchanted) she cried, rolling her eyes. 262

#lost treasure

Ileto, Reynaldo C. 1982. Rizal and the underside of Philippine history. In Moral order and the question of change: Essays on Southeast Asian thought, edited by D. K. Wyatt and A. Woodside. New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies.

When the Katipunan is superseded by Emilio Aguinaldo’s Republican government, the Filipino people are finally released not only from the colonial Mother Country but from a dark past. 278

Some of the movements that challenged the Republic, notably the Katipunan ni San Cristobal and the Santa Igelsia, were just like the “failed” Cofradia of 1841. 279

In 1704, the first Tagalog rendition of the [pasyon] story in verse form saw print. 293

Ego sum, by itself or together with a string of Latin, Spanish or indigenous words, is commonly [305] inscribed in oraciones, efficacious prayers pronounced at the point at which anting-anting powers are activated by their possessors. Present-day practitioners of invulnerability magic are even referred to at times as nag-eegosum [sic] (persons engaging in egosum) [fn]. In reference to the nineteenth century, one cannot draw the line between “Christian” and “animistic” features of Holy Week rituals. Concomitant with the chanting of the Pasyon and performance of the sinakulo, various kinds of magical powers – ranging from invulnerability to bullets to charms for attracting women – were acquired and tested. Men sipped potions concocted from unbaptized fetuses and oil on a series of Fridays culminating on Good Friday. Men and women placed objects inside the glass case housing the image of the dead Christ, or scrambled for the candle drippings, parts of crucifixes and other objects used in Church rituals, or carried wooden crosses and rocks to the tops of sacred hills or through the streets of towns, to be like Christ not only in the sense of purifying themselves but also of concentrating power in objects or in themselves. 306

#antinganting

The story goes that on one occasion when Rizal had to leave his clinic to attend to a very sick man, he instructed his servant Isidro [Antazo] to attend to other patients who

might come in. Knowing neither medicine nor the dialect of Dapitan, Isidro protested, upon which Rizal got a notebook and wrote things in it which the servant could not even read. This would take care of any problems, according to Rizal. True enough, when some patients came in and “consulted” Isidro, he turned to the notebook:

It moved slightly, then the writings of Dr. Rizal on it became his image, and it spoke to him clearly. At first, it frightened him with wonder, but its eyes restored his confidence and he followed carefully what it dictated for him to do. The patients submitted themselves obediently for treatment, though they too were surprised almost to the brink of fear, but their faith in the voice and image of Dr. Rizal on the notebook held them steady. After all the patients had been treated, the image and the voice became writings again ... [Fn: “The Notebook of Dr. Rizal,” in Santos, Rizal miracle tales, pp. 80-82] 311

#chapter 10 #unintelligibility #folk literacy

In the story of Isidro and the notebook, the distinction between author and work, writing and curing, collapses. Rizal’s writing does not refer to some knowledge external to it. What Rizal knows cannot be “learned” by Isidro because it is unintelligible and proper only to a person of Rizal’s stature. This knowledge is power itself and the writing on the notebook is, like the Ego sum in the Pasyon and the inscriptions of anting-anting, an illustration of that power, equivalent to Rizal’s presence and convertible to image and sound. [Fn: For stories of the appearance, disappearance, and survival in fires of the writings of Bonifacio and Jacinto, see Nepe (pseud.), “The Thirteen Miraculous Escapes of the Bonifacio Document,” clippings in Pedro Cortes, Mga kasulatan Ukol sa Himagsikan [Documents on the Revolution], 1927, compilation in the Philippine National Library. Analogies with anting-anting stories, such as the following, are obvious: “A certain Cabesang Juan Vicente used a triangular book which he used to take care and light every Holy Thursday and Good Friday. By doing so, this book would have letters on the printless pages and that was just for a short time. The spell about any desired thing was taken from this book with reference to an old text, the ‘Libro Primera Tomo’ ... Many an old man possessed such talisman, inherited from father to son and son on” (Historical Data Papers, Paete, Laguna Province). 312

#folk literacy #antinganting

Rizal’s sojourn in Europe from 1888-92 [...] [312] This period of Rizal’s life tends to belong to the history of the nationalist awakening and its reformist phase. The next phase (armed struggle) was initiated by Bonifacio in 1892 with the founding of the Katipunan. 313

[...] Everywhere, too, he [Rizal upon his return to Manila in 1892] found his tricks of sleight-of-hand recalled, people averring that he had supernatural powers” [Coates, Rizal, 233] 314


When, less than three weeks after his return [to Manila in 1892], Rizal was deported to Dapitan on the island of Mindanao, Bonifacio began to reorganize segments of the the Liga [La Liga Filipina] into the revolutionary katipunan. Efforts by Katipunan agents to harness the exile’s support failed. The year 1892 thus marks the end of Rizal’s effective involvement in the anticolonial struggle. It was only after [314] hostilities had broken out against Spain in 1896 that Rizal was brought back to Manila, tried and convicted of sedition. 315

In a pamphlet published on the second anniversary of his death in December 1898, with the words Mahalagang Kasulatan (lit. “Highly Important Writings”) splashed on its cover, the national hero is referred to as

... VERBONG nagngalang Jose Rizal, na inihulog nang langit sa lupang Filipinas, na gugulin ang boong buhay mula sa pagkabata, sa pagsulsumikap na kumalat sa nilapadlapad nitong Sangkapuloan ang wagas na pagtangol ng katowiran ...

...The WORD named Jose Rizal, sent down by heaven to the land of Filipinas, in order to spend his whole life, from childhood, striving to spread throughout this vast archipelago, the notion that righteousness must be fought for wholeheartedly ... [Fn: Pamphlet in SD 919, Philippine Rvolutionary Papers, reel 54.] 320

#chapter 8 [Perhaps under ‘pulahanism and colorumism’]

The veterans of the Katipunan were known to at least a generation after the event [Rizal’s execution] as “men of anting-anting” [Fn]. 321

#antinganting

Even their recognition today in the works of such writers as Sturtevant and Constantino fails to liberate them from the categories “irrational,” “fanatical” and “failure” to which ilustrado and colonial writing initially condemned them. Indeed, so much of what undergirds present historical writing will have to be brought to light and challenged before it can even be imagined that these peasant leaders were Jose Rizal, just as Rizal was Bernardo Carpio and Jesus Christ. 323

#chaper 9 [discussion or reincarnation]

Scott, William Henry. 1982. Sixteenth-century Tagalog technology from the Vocabulario de la lengua Tagalo of Pedro de San Beuanventura, O.F.M. In Gava’: Studies in Austronesian languages and cultures: Studien zu austronesischen Sprachen und Kulturen, edited by R. Carle, M. Heinschke, P. W. Pink, C. Rost and K. Stadtlander. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

A serious shortcoming of the Spanish colonial documents which form the basis for 16th-century Philippine historiography is that they do not describe the technology by which Filipinos exploited the resources of their archipelago. Administrative and missionary correspondence, as well as occasional treatises on Filipino culture, refer frequently enough to commodities like rice and textiles as objects of tribute, but do not reveal the methods by which they were produced. 523

#lexical archeology

Fortunately, he early Spanish dictionaries of Philippine languages make it possible to answer this question [of what technology supported an economy which could participate so vigorously in the international commerce of Asia, and attract imperialist invation from the other side of the globe]. For the lexicographer, unlike the colonial office-holder or friar proselytizer, has to define all the terms he collects whether he is personally interested in the subject to which they pertain or not. Thus, the names he records for the individual parts of the loom enable us to reconstruct the Filipino

weaving technique, while the absence of indigenous terms for potter’s wheels or plows strongly suggests that these items were either completely wanting or introduced too recently to have influenced native nomenclature. Moreover, since the dictionaries were produced by missionaries for the use of other missionaries, they are free of the deliberate distortions to which official correspondents were frequently tempted for purposes of their own interests, though of course, they may contain errors due to the ignorance or misunderstanding of the lexicographer himself. 523

#lexical archeology

[…] enabled him [Buenaventura] to assign geographic limitations to certain words with annotations like “M” for Manila or “T” for the hill folk of the “tingues”. 524


It has long been a commonplace of Philippine historiography that the so-called cultural minorities in the interior mountain ranges were driven there from the coastal plains by later migrants with a more advanced technology. The present study of the 16th-century Tagalog vocabulary, however, lends little support to such a theory. Rather, it suggests an alternate theory – namely that the 16th-century coastal civilizations developed where they did not because of any technical superiority but because of their access to the sea, sea-lanes, overseas markets, and foreign ideas. Such civilizations would therefore have been produced by Filipinos within the archipelago, not imported by civilized migrants from abroad. Thus, the Taglogs would not have occupied the seacoasts because they had an advanced culture; they would have had an advanced culture because they occupied the seacoasts. 535


Suarez, Jorge A. 1983. The study of Mesoamerican Indian languges. The Mesoamerican Indian languages. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press.

The preparation of descriptions of the [Mesoamerican Indian] languages, on the other hand, was prompted by motivations of religious indoctrination. The conversion of the native population to the Catholic religion was one of the aims of the Spaniards, and it was at the request of the conqueror of Mexico, Hernán Cortez, that the first contingent of Franciscan friars arrived in 1524 to start the task of conversion; they were followed by Dominicans, Augustinians and Jesuits. These regular orders very soon adopted the policy that the conversion effort should be conducted in the native language (cf. chapter 11). To fulfil their tasks the orders needed a much more intimate knowledge of the languages than the rudimentary one sufficient for use as a contact or for trade purposes. They had to teach, preach and take confession in the native languages, and assist the friars to do the same without having to start from scratch. This resulted in an amazing number of Doctrinas (‘catechisms’), Confesionarios (‘manuals for confession’), Sermonarios (‘collections of sermons’), Artes (‘grammars’) and Vocabularios (‘vocabularies’). In the period from 1524 to 1572 over a hundred were written for ten languages spoken in the Viceroyalty of New Spain (which included only part of present-day Mexico). Many of these works were never printed, circulating only in manuscript; those that were, were printed in New Spain. The friars, especially the Franciscans, were imbued with a humanistic spirit which, among other things, is reflected in the fact that the first bishop of Mexico, Francisco de Zumárraga, introduced the printing press to

the New World in 1534, and that the first printed book (1539) was a bilingual catechism in Spanish and Nahuatl. This humanistic spirit was also reflected in the founding of schools for sons of Indian nobility, where Spanish and Latin were taught and religious works were translated into the native languages. The friars were also anxious to familiarize themselves with native cultures, chiefly as a means of preventing the introduction of native beliefs into Catholic religion, and they they therefore asked their Indian pupils to write about their cultures. The result was the preservation of a corpus of the language about subjects not related to the Catholic faith (cf. chapter 9). 3

#lexical archeology

The grammars written within this period are generally valued only to the extent that they offer raw materials on the respective languages, and are usually lumped together and dimissed as merely latinized descriptions. One should not, however overlook the fact that they do represent the earliest attempts within the European linguistic tradition at coping with exotic languages. [...] Of course, the Spaniards were in some ways prepared for their new situation, because of their experience with Arabs and Jews and the problems of conversion they had to face recovering the southern region of Spain from the Arabs. At the time of the conquest of America, Spaniards were very language conscious both about [2] foreign languages and about the assumed superiority of their own. It is important that in 1492 Antonio de Nebrija wrote a Spanish grammar and, when asked by the Queen what use it would be, replied that it would be valuable for teaching Spanish to her new vassals in the same way she had learned Latin by means of the Latin grammar that he had written years before. It is natural, then, that Nebrija’s grammars were taken as a model for writing grammars of unknown languages; indeed, there was hardly any other model, and, as it is repeatedly stated, it is better to have a bad model than no model at all. 3


Also, a frequent error to be found in the literature is the assumption that the Indian language has the same parts of speech as Latin. On the other hand, the statement that the language lacked syntax (Carochi (1892 [1645]: 400) is not a unique example), while obviously wrong in absolute terms, is understandable in that the authors were considering as syntax the use of cases and features of agreement proper to Latin, and these patterns were not found in most Indian languages.

However, these grammars were intended as practical aids for learning the language so that in most cases the references to Latin or Spanish were by way of comparison. The practice of inventing declensions for languages not having them was not the most common procedure, but rather the explicit statement that the language lacked declension, or plural, or an article, and so on (cf. Córdova 1886 [1578]: 12). Even in the presentation of verbal paradigms closely matching those of Spanish it is clear that, although they were described as equivalents, the authors were well aware of the differences in structure; [...]3


Were friars merely copying Latin structure they could scarcely have described, as they did from the very beginning, the morphological mechanism for transitivity in Nahuatl, for which even a new terminology was coined [...] 3


‘Notwithstanding the imperfection of this Mixtec language and the defects that may be noted in it chartacteristic of a barbarous language, most parts of it can be reduced to rules and ordered as an arte (Reyes, Antonio 1890 [1593]: 4) 4


Alburo, Erlinda K. 1986. Literary apologetics: The case of pre-war Cebuano historical fiction. Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 14 (117-127).

In Daylinda […] a brief discussion of the difference between Yutang Natawhan (land of birth) and Inahang Yuta (motherland) which is central to the intention of inspiring patriotic feeling. 121

#chapter 4

Gonzalez, Andrew. 1986. SIL and Philippine linguistics. In Language in global perspective : papers in honor of the 50th anniversary of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1935-1985, edited by B. F. Elson. Dallas, Texas: Summer Institute of Linguistics.

For the discipline of linguistics or the scientific study of language, one can look upon Jose P. Rizal, the national hero, as our first linguist, with his seminal work on the grammar of Tagalog […] 79


Linguists there were in the Philippines, all missionary linguists who through their Artes (grammars) and Vocabularios (word lists), sought to help other missionaries attain an active, productive use of the local languages for preaching and for religious activities, but the discipline itself had not attained official recongition in the country. 80


When the Americans came in 1898, there were scholars interested in Philippine languages (Luther Parker, David Doherty) as a dimension of the larger investigation of anthropology and ethnic studies then, but there was no institutionalization of the discipline until Otto Scheerer founded the Department of Linguistics at the University of the Philippines in 1924. Otto Scheerer was an extraordinary man, for he came to the Philippines in the 1880’s and founded La Minerva Cigar Company in Manila and later moved to the Mountain Province and planted coffee. In the Mountain Province, he developed a life-long interest in the languages of the Philippines, especially the Northern languages, and went on to settle as an academician at the University of the Philippines, teaching German and linguistics. His interests were wide, writing one of the best analyses of the development of a national language for the Philippines (1914, 1920), and it was Scheerer who introduced to the discipline the first indigenous linguist of the Philippines, Cecilio P. Lopez, initially trained as a taxonomic zoologist. He was instrumental in sending Lopez to the best known center of Austronesian linguistics at the time, to the University of Hamburg to study under Otto Dempwolff. Lopez finished his Ph.D. in 1928, writing a contrastive analysis of Ilocano and Tagalog, and returned to the Philippines to continue the work of Scheerer at the University of the Philippines. 80

#history: language documentation (American era)

Cecilio Lopez joined an untrained but self-taught and competent linguist, Otto Scheerer, at the University of the Philippines; outside of academia, there was also an avocational linguist in the person of H. Costenoble, a French sugar chemist who had worked in the sugar mills of Pampanga and Negros and who had made a start at comparative Philippine linguistics as a side interest. There was no Department of Linguistics anywhere at that time, although there was a Department of Oriental Languages at the University of the Philippines. There were also isolated missionaries, Catholics and Protestants, working on individual languages in the areas where they were assigned.

Linguistics as a discipline was a post-war phenomenon, begun unofficially in the early fifties through applied linguistics and the teaching of English as a second language and institutionalized as a discipline through the establishment in 1969 of the Linguistic Society of the Philippines, with its journal the Philippine Journal of Linguistics, and of the Diliman Linguistics Circle through it spublication Archive. Eventually the linguists at the Ateneo de Manila University, Philippine Normal College, University of the Philippines, subsequently De La Salle University, the University of Santo Tomas and Saint Louis University began offering graduate programs in linguistics, hence, providing for the training and continuity component in the institutionalization of the discipline. Earlier, under its anthropology offerings, one could do a linguistic thesis at the University of San Carlos in Cebu. 81

#history: language documentation (american era) #history: language documentation (post-war era)

During the Post-war Period, linguistics continued at the University of the Philippines under Cecilio Lopez, who, however, was occupied as an administrator and for one year (1954) as Acting Director of the Institute of National Language during the Magsaysay Administration. He continued directing MA theses in linguistics; outside these activities, however, there was no real public for linguistics until the TESOL movement in Philippine education.

Coming as a Fulbright Exchange Scholar, Clifford Prator of the University of California in Los Angeles spent a year in the Philippines (1949-1950) and at the end of the period published his by-now classic work Language Teaching in the Philippines, which assessed the state of the art (the dominant mode or approach was the grammar-analysis approach) and suggested (based on the newly popularized approach, the aural-oral approach, later the audio-lingual method, developed from the language learning experience of the United States during the war and transferred to academia as a new and promising method after the war) a reorientation of English teaching in the Philippines along new lines as well as the use of the vernaculars as the languages of instruction the first two years, based on the Iloilo Experiment (Davis 1967). Later these recommendations were enacted into policy under the New Elementary Curriculum which prevailed from 1958 to 1974 (when the Bilingual Education Policy was enacted) and its agency of implementation institutionalized through the Philippine Center for Language Study (1957-1965) which eventually moved to the Philippine Normal College Language Study Center in 1965. 81

#history: language documentation (post-war era)

In the meantime, independently of this movement but ultimately stemming from the same intellectual period, the Summer Institute of Linguistics arrived in the Philippines in 1953 during the Magsaysay Administration and set up its initial headquarters at the Institute of National Language at the Department of Education to help in the study of minority languages and in literacy programs. The TESOL movement was propagated through the efficient delivery system of the Bureau of Elementary Education. On the other hand, SIL had as its main purpose the study of languages with a view to developing their writing systems and recording folk literature for literacy and ultimately Bible translation. These separate objectives, from the point of view of linguistics as a discipline, had this in common: both arose from the same intellectual climate and dominant linguistic paradigm of the 1940’s and 1950s, namely, Neo-Bloomfieldian Linguistics or what is now known as American Structuralist Linguistics. 82

#history: language documentation (post-war era) #national language

From the confluence of these two movements, American Structuralist Grammar or Neo-Bloomfieldian Linguistics arrived in the Philippines; a new chapter in the history of linguistics in this country was then to be written. For while Cecilio Lopez was himself trained in classical comparative linguistics and nineteenth century traditional grammar, on his own, he learned much from the early Bloomfield of 1933 and from Bloomfield’s 1917 Tagalog grammar and text and based the first grammar of the National Language in English (published in 1940) largely on Bloomfield. However, Lopez’s activiety was directed largely at his University of the Philippines clientele so that in the international world of linguistics his impact on applied linguistics and the teaching of English and Filipino in the public schools was nonexistent. Neither, strictly speaking, was Lopez trained in the American Structuralist linguistic mode, and at least not in Immediate Constituent analysis nor its later devlopments (perhaps best ‘codified’ in Joos (1957)). 82


Subsequently, as the post-1957 linguists arrived [from the US], teachers of English were introduced to the mystifying trees of Chomsky (1957). 83


One exception to the focus on minority languages was the influential Restatement of Tagalog Grammar (1961) by Elmer Wolfenden, which was cited as an excellent example of American Strucutralist analysis and used in syntax-grammar courses. The fact that Wolfenden wisely appended the grammar of Rizal, based on Lopez’s critical edition of this short work, was not only an excellent device for acceptance but provided continuity in scholarship with an earlier generation.

Moreover, through their early teaching manuals (e.g. the book on Ilocano by McKaughan and Forster 1957), the teaching of a foreign or second language, using the new approaches (audio-lingual method, pattern drilling, etc.) found exemplification and provided clues as to how the national language, Tagalog (renamed Pilipino in 1959), could be taught to non-Tagalogs. 83


Subsequently [after 1974, say mid 1970s], a consortium for the teaching of linguistics was formed by Ateneo de Manila University and Philippine Normal College, later joined by De La Salle University. Initially, the fields of specialization were in applied

linguistics, theoretical linguistics, and descriptive linguistics. Subsequently the program was modified to lead to a doctorate in bilingual education , an interdisciplinary topic in the field of applied linguistics. Descriptive and general linguists continue to be taught at the University of the Philippines, applied linguistics at the Institute of Language Teaching. 84


Thus, in the 1970’s and continuing in the 1980’s, linguistics became a professionalized discipline[…] 85


For the rest of the decade of the 1950’s up to the 1970’s, however, the dominant paradigm, in effect the scientific model of SIL, at least for the Philippines, was Kenneth Pike’s tagmemic model; p…] 86

#history: language documentation (post-war period)

In the 1970s, as linguistics progressed and as some SIL linguists finished training at various centers of linguistics in the United States, in Britain and in Australia, other competing models began to be used: Newell used stratificational grammar for his analysis of an English text (1966), Hohulin and Hale (1977) used relational grammar for Keley-I, Ashley (1964) used case arrays patterned after Fillmore for his study of Tausug, network grammar was used by Errington (1979) as a transitional device in translation.

Lawrence Allen (1975) used the model of generative phonology and distributive feature analysis for his study of Kankanay. 86


In turn, Fillmore’s [1968] analysis of subjectivalization made post-Chomskyan linguists aware of the penury of transformational generative grammar in attempting to account for these semantic-bound phenomena and in my opinion contributed in no small way to the gradual erosion of the theory in spite of attempts to ‘extend’ it through what seems to me no more than ad hoc measures 87


The rediscovery in post-Chomskyan linguistics that there are aspects of grammar that are impossible to account for if one confines oneself only to the sentence level of languages dovetailed neatly with the independent development in SIL linguistics of grammar beyond the sentence to the paragraph and the discourse, inspired undoubtedly by Pike’s tagmemics but going beyond Pike’s tagmemics into Longacre’s and Grimes’ and a host of other discourse analysis analystic innovations that now continue to enrich the field. 88


In the area of historical linguistics the [SIL] output has likewise been relatively small though no les significant. Undoubtedly, in terms of the social mission of SIL, synchronic linguistics is of far more significance and relevance than diachronic linguistics. Nevertheless, given the extent of work among the Philippine languages, it is a pity that not more SIL linguists have gone into this area of investigation. However, the output, though relatively small is nonetheless impressive. Thomas and Healey (1973)

worked on lexicostatistics to look at distance and time depths among the Philippine languages. Healey (1973) alos worked on laryngeal reflexes of Austronesian in the Philippine languages. Walton (1979), on the basis of lexicostatistics, contructed a ‘Philippine languge tree’. Individual linguists have workd on proto-languages within their own groups: Gallman, ProtoMansakan [etc, etc, etc] 89


In the field of sociolinguistics, Pittman (1952) produce the first linguistic atlas of the Philippines, which though limited in data and a very preliminary work, set the stage for this type of work, until McFarland (1982), a non-SIL linguist, came out with an enriched atlas based partly on the more than twenty-five years of filed work of the SIL linguists, fo the atlas relied heavily on the extensive surveys and field work and information found in the data files of SIL, [89] which were made available to him.

Perhaps the most interesting work of the SIL linguists in the area of sociolinguistics is their survey work in different areas to find out which languges are spoken and their mutual intelligibility testing to discover linguistic distances and degree of mutual understanding among neighboring languages, thus using a behavioral task to measure language distance and a viable measure based on this instrument to distinguish between dialect and language, a problem as yet not solved by other dialectologists. Walrod (1978) worked on dialect boundaries, Philippine surveys are reported in the bibliography (Kilgour 1978: 8) while Flesichmann (1981) has reported on the Danao languages. 90


Arora, Shirley. 1987. Memorate as metaphor: Some Mexican treasure narratives and their narrators. Perspectives on contemporary legend II, edited by Gillian Bennet, Paul Smith and J.D.A. Widdowson. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.

#lost treasure #mexican-filipino encounters

Such tales function, in Foster’s view, as a necessary means of explaining prosperity that cannot be accounted for in any other way within the economic world view of the narrators. 81

Rather, they imply, as we shall see, that while ‘good’ itself may be abundant, access to that good is subject to severe, though not necessarily insurmountable restrictions, not least of which is the overriding concept of suerte—luck or fate. This is not ‘luck’ merely in the sense of ‘chance’, as in many lost mine or treasure stories associated with the western United States, but in the sense of a predetermining factor that governs the opportunity to locate a treasure but not necessarily success in recovering it. In their constant emphasis on the role of suerte and on the evil often associated with treasure, these Mexican narratives are similar to some of the treasure stories recorded by Patrick Mullen among English-speaking fishermen on the Texas coast and used by him as the basis for certain qualifications of Dundes’s ‘Unlimited Good’ concept [fn]. At the same time, of course, these stories tend to support Foster’s observation that in a static eonomy, ‘luck and fate—points of contact with an open system—are viewed as the only

socially acceptable ways in which an individual can acquire more “good” than he previously has had’ [fn]. 81

Although Foster, as an anthropologist, considers his ‘treasure tales’ to be ‘neither myth nor legend’, most folklorists would not hesitate to assign them to the latter category. It is of course the truth or presumed truth of the treasure story that gives it meaning. The narratives told by [81] my Mexican informants were without exception presented as accounts of real events, usually involving named individuals and localities. They are primarily stories of unrecovered treasure, or of discoveries of treasure that nevertheless end in ultimate tragedy. They may be considered fairly representative of Mexican treasure narratives as a whole, and they include numerous motifs that are traditional throughout the Spanish-speaking world or are of even broader European distribution. They concern treasure of two general types that we may term ‘natural’ and ‘supernatural’, although I should stress that these are purely analytical categories and are not used by the informants themselves, either in reference to treasure or in a more general context. Indeed, the line between what we might term ‘natural’ and ‘supernatural’ events is not at all distinct; both are simply part of a continuum of human experience.

‘Natural treasure, as I shall use the term here, includes wealth in tangible form, usually coins of gold or silver, that has been hidden by persons whose identity may or may not be known, sometimes in response to conditions of social or political upheaval—in Mexico it is usually the Revolution of the early third of this century—, sometimes imply as the normal means of safekeeping. ‘Natural’ treasure is often revealed by or associated with supranormal phenomena, but its origins are clearly human. It is by far the predominant type. Moreover, ‘natural’ treasure unquestionably does exist, though presumably not with the prevalence suggested by the body of legends in circulation. ‘Supernatural’ treasure, on the other hand, owes its existence or availability to forces other than human. The sudden wealth acquired by empautados—those who enter a pact with the devil—would fit into this category. So too would encantos, enchanged caves containing untold wealth that open briefly at specific times, such as midnight on New Year’s Eve; and also the money that can be generated by means of certain magrical procedures or with the aid of magical objects. 82

Treasure, particularly ‘natural’ treasure, is frequently envisioned as [82] ‘labelled’, so to speak, with the name of a particular individual and destined to be found by him or her. Other persons may pass by the spot where the treasure is hidden but will have no inking of its presence; if they actually uncover it they will either see it as something else—as charcoal instead of gold, for example—or will not be able to remove it from its hiding place. ‘No era para ellos’—it was not meant for them—is a consistent refrain. If the individual for whom the treasure is intended fails for some reason to take possession of it, someone else my perhaps do so, but often at severe risk to himself. The role of suerte in the finding of treasure is obviously a crucial one—again, not so much luck in the sense of mere chance as a king of once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that the individual must be able to recognise and take advantage of. Should he fail to do so, whether because of ignorance, inexperience, foolishness, laziness or timidity, he will then in effect have only himself to blame. 83

Much of this information is presented in the form of experiences attributed to individuals known to the narrator—as memorates, in the broad sense that includes second-_or even third-hand accounts. [fn] Of particular interest, however, ar the sizable number of narratives that are first-person experiences or that involve members of the

narrator’s immediate family and have therefore touched the narrator’s own life in some way. 84

Ricarda Ramírez, now in her early forties and the mother of three married childresn and two younger ones still at home, recalls ‘como entre sueños’—as though in a dream—a childhood experience with an [87] encanto, which she describes as an enormous cave filled with an infinite variety of goods for sale, ‘something like a cantina or a market’. Ricarda was with her mother, and she remembers her mother’s repeated warnings not to touch anything she saw, as well as the urgency with which her mother pulled her along, telling her to hurry because the door would soon close. They wanted to bring something back withthem, but everyone was in a hurry; and finally they had to leave for fear that they would be trapped inside. The description, suggestive of a hazy memory of a childhood visit to Harrod’s at closing time, is nevertheless a traditional picture of what an encanto is like, at least as conceived by the informants with whom I talked. 88

In a sense the memorate serves, in a limited fasion, to mediate the disparity between aspirations and achievement, between what might have been and what actually is. Scaled down to a single incident—a treasure, dinero, not obtained—the memorate encapsulates a much broader spectrum of disappointments and frustrations, examining them metaphorically and ultimately helping to make them understandable, tolerable, even acceptable, to the narrator as well as to the audience. 91

Eugenio, Damiana L. 1987. Philippine folk literature: The legends. Vol. 3, Philippine Folk Literature Series. Quezon City: The U.P. Folklorists Inc, Folklore Studies Program, U.P. Diliman.

In Laguna, a six-year old child was befriended by the King of Duendes. The duende took the child to his luxurious underground home. During the period of friendship, the child’s father became very lucky in his fishing,. The parents also sometimes found money and gold nuggets in the child’s bed. But then the father refused to give the child to the duende, the·favors stopped, the King of Duendes stopped visiting the boy, and worst of all, the money given by the duende disapeared. xxxi [PK: more detailed narrative on page 229]

#lost treasure

LEGENDS ABOUT BURIED TREASURE. The search for buried treasure HAS always excited man. Legends express certain folk beliefs concerning buried treasure. One of these is that there are indicators, or signs, that show the location of buried treasure, In “A Bikol Legend,” one such indicator is said to be white mice. A white mouse can lead one to the location of buried treasure. The narrator in the legend caught a white mouse and kept it in a cage as a pet. An old man in the neighborhood told him that by doing so he lost the opportunity to own five or six tapayans (jars) of treasure. What he should have done was to tie the mouse with a string and let it roam. It would have led him to the buried treasure.

(Duran 1946: 154-156). In a Tagalog legend, a chicken was the indicator of buried treasure. The spot on the mountain side in which a golden-feathered chicken laid eggs yielded treasure (239), A mysterious voice. was the one that told a woman where a treasure was buried, in a Bikol legend. The voice told her to get it and use it but not reveal it to anyone, not even to her husband. Like a typical woman, however, the wife

found it impossible to keep a secret and revealed it to her husband. The treasure vanished (242).

Another belief is that fairies sometimes claim treasure buried in the ground by mortals. A legend tells of a rich man who buried his treasure and afterwards died without leaving any map to his heirs. With the help of a diviner, the heirs were able to pinpoint·the locatlon of the treasure so they hired men to dig for it. In the course of the digging, however, the laborers began to covet the treasure and decided to keep it for themselves. They were never able to raise the treasure, however, for on the third day, they were terrified by a slush-slushing sound as of flowing water underground. The diviner interpreted that to mean that the faires had claimed the treasure. The sound they heard, he said was that of the treasure flowing into the underground. river. The moral of the story is summped up in the diveiner’s concluding remark: “I have seen much evil wrought by too much gold. [xlv] Perhaps the loss is for the best” (240). [PK: see actual stories within the body of the volume for more detail] xlvi

#lost treasure

The man said to her, “Oh woman, do not be afraid of me, I am a “cafre,” I came here just to tell you a very important matter. The people who died in this house asked me to come and say that you must get the box of gold which they left in their garden, and give it to their children,” The woman answered, “Yes, yes, I will do it, but go away, I cannot look at you.” The “cafre” did not go away. His body separated again into many parts and were scattered over the floor. They were changed into long cigars. When the woman saw these cigars she ran away from the house to a forest. After three days she wen-t to the garden and took the box of gold, and gave it to the children. But she did not return to the house any more because she was afraid of the “cafre.” 209

#lost treasure

The boy and the mermaids

It happened once that a boy, while at play on the bank of the river saw a ?eautiful woman bathing in the water. [244] [...]

“My father and mother will be looking for me!” said the boy. Please let me go!”

“You wiU forget them when you see my wonderful home, replied she, stm;ting to dive into the river. Then the boy saw from the waist down the woman’s body was covered with fish scales, and like the body of a fish. her body was smaller at the end. Her tail fins flipped from side to side as they went through the water. [245] [...]

“Forget about home,” she replied. “This is your home now. Let me show the house to you,” she added.

She took him by the hand and showed him the rooms. In the first were seats made of silver. In the second room there stood a bed of solid gold. In the third were golden plates, bowls and spoons. All the other rooms contamed similar treasures.

By and by the mermaid turned to the boy and said, “You have seen new home. Everything in it is yours. I shall leave you here for a while, and I hope that you will try to make this your home.” [246] [...]

The following morning, as soon as she was gone, the boy opened the secret door. He entered and found himself inside the room containing a large jar of shining gold. The

lid of the jar was gold too, and opening the lid, he found a golden bowl floating in a golden liquid. Then the boy remembered that since he came into the mermaid’s house he had not taken a bath. He dipped the bowl and poured the golden liquid over his body.

No sooner had he done so than a trap-door opened beneath his feet. He ran down and followed a sandy path that was bright with sunlight and loud with the singing of birds. Soon he found himself at the bank of the river where the mermaid had caught him.

His father and mother and friends, when he reached home and had told them everything that happened, were overjoyed and they wondered greatly at his story. The whole village feasted over his return.

For many nights after that, the villagers heard the voice of a woman crying in the river. “That’s the mermaid,” said the mothers to their children. “She is trying to call another child so that she may carry him off.” 247

#lost treasure

People say that long ago, Mt. Arayat was the abode of a young and beautiful enchantress named Maria, popularly known as Mariang Sinukuan. But she was noted not so much for her light and graceful figure but for her kind and generous heart, Her palace which no one was allowed to enter, was said to be of pure gold. During fiestas and extraordinary occasions she used to lend earrings, rings and other ornaments of gold to some poor deserving maidens.

How she withdrew this privilege and other tokens of her favor is explained by this story. At the foot of this mountain, is the town of Arayat. Every day she used to send her negrito slaves to barter for some fodder for her numerous litters of pigs. For every ganta of bran she exchanged one ganta of gold dust and nuggets of gold. In fact she was so rich that even the measure was made of gold. Time came when the people of Arayat became so interested in “all that glitters” that they did not want the gold dust only but they wanted the gold measure also. In order to do this, they killed the negrito slaves.

From that time, Mariang Sinulman sent her slaves no more and the supply of gold came to an end. The people were punished for their greediness. In their effort to get more, they lost all! 251

#lost treasure

The ruins of the Guadalupe monastery in Rizal province, on the other hand, fairly seem to invite ghosts. The eerie look of the place alone would account for its reputation. People say that a giant serpent dwells in the monastery well. It is believed there’s treasure hidden somewhere in the ruins but few dare to dig it. A foreigner did tell the villagers that he had been scared away by a bearded friar in black. So great is the terror inspired by the ruins that an old village woman swears she has never once set foot in the place. “Encantado iyan!” (That place is enchanted) she cried, rolling her eyes.

Haunted places always seem to be associated with treasures, though not always in the literal sense. Haunted houses, especially are believed to be lucky. Manilans know of three houses, one in Sta. Ana, the other two in Pasay—which were famed as being “haunted” before the war and which have all survived the Liberation, though their respective neighborhoods perished completely. All three houses have not only become “livable” since the war but are said to confer good fortune on their occupants. 262

#lost treasure

240. THE BURIED TREASURE OF BAGBAG*

There are fairies ... the grandmother said, that claim treasures hidden by mortals in the deep waters. There are fairies again that appropriate to themselves treasures buried in the ground by mortals,

In the barrio of Bagbag once lived a rich miser who it is said caused a deep pit to be ‘dug in the wilds where he buried his treasure, Soon after he died, For many years his heirs tried to discover the hidden treasure but they could not find it asno map .had been drawn to indicate the site where it had been buried.

Finally they found a holy man to lead in the treasure hunt. The holy man started before sun-up holding.in his hand a wand that he claimed was a divination rod to pourt the way to the treasure spot. Between noon and sunset they came upon a plain where stood a tall alibangbang tree.

When the sun was lowest the diviner stuck his wand into the ground at the tip of the lenghtened shadow of the alibangbang tree.

Here we shall camp for the night said the holy man. And tomorrow we shall dig.

On the first day they dug the pit one man deep. That night after their labors the men talked among themselves why should we dig for this treasure and get only a small amount for our pains? Without us there would be no treasure for the rich man’s heirs. Let us give half to the heirs and divide half among ourselves.

On the second day they dug downn two men deep. When the night came and the men were resting from their day’s work they said why should we give any share to those who have not dug for the treasure’? Let us divide everything among ourselves. Then they began to quarrel as to who among them was to get the bigger share.

On the third day after digging for some time each man felt cold sweat upon him and his hair stand on end for no obvious reason.

Finally one of the men cried haul me up. I shall dig no more. All the others came up with him.

The devil himself is down there said the men. For the earth sounded hollow under our feet. And a shush-shushing sound flowed under the earth beneath us.

Alas the fairies have claimed the treasure said the diviner. The sound you heard is of the treasure flowing into the underground river. No man see it again. No man. I have seen much evil wrought by too much gold. Perhaps the loss is for the best. 429

#lost treasure

2 4 1 . A GOLDEN PESTLE*

Away up in the source of the Santo Domingo River in Tabaco, Albay was a place said to be enchanted. Many years ago three hunters came to the bank, cehey looked down and saw that the water was very clear,

“Look at the rainbow in the water,” said the first man, “The rainbow must be drinking water, “

“No, it is not a rainbow,” replied the second man. Something at the bottom of the water is shining,”

“That must be the rays of the sun,” continued the third man “shining in the son”

“Look, I can see something at the bottom,” exclaimed the second man, “It must be gold.”

They began to dispute over the matter each claiming to be right. At last the first man suggested that they should dive in order to know which of them was right. They agreed and so they all jumped into the water. They swam to the bottom whence the brightness came, All came out at once, assuring one another that it was gold. They climbed to the bank of the river and talked about the means by which they could get it. They agreed that the two of them should dive and tie the gold to one end of a piece of rattan while the other man should hold the other end of the rattan.

As the two men were tying the piece of gold to the end of the rattan, the other man was pulling the other end, When the two men came out of the surface of the water both remarked that “the gold was in the form of a mortar and beside it, was a piece of gold in the form of a pestle. They tied both the mortar and the pestle and then went to help their companion pull the rattan. When they had almost pulled both the mortar and the pestle to the bank of the river, they were so excited that they shouted. No sooner had they shouterl than a huge wave rolled down the river, which, because of the strong current, untied the mortar and pestle from the rattan. The three were so terrified that they ran up to the mountain to save their lives. From that time on the people of the neighboring villages have tried to search for the gold. Many have seen it, but their efforts to obtain it have been fruitless because the river always swelled to its bank every time they almost succeeded in getting it. 430

#lost treasure

242. THE BURIED TREASURE* (Bikol)

When the world was young, there lived a couple near Mayon Volcano. Their sole means of livelihood was planting camotes.

One day the husband left for the forest to hunt wild boar. After he had left, the wife started cleaning the house, she cooked rice. While tending her pot of rice, she heard a voice saying: “Clara, Clara, fix your gaze at the boiling pot of rice and listen to what I have to say to you.” the voice semmed to come from the pot. Again the voice spoke: “Clara, its almost time you and your husband’s life improved. Undewr your house, under the stairs, a treasure is buried. Get it and use it for good. But I warn you strongly, never reveal this to anyone, not even to your husband. The moment you reveal this secret, the treasure whill vanish like foam.” [431] [...]

Days passed and the good fortune of the couple continued. The husband always had a good catch of wild pigs and the wife continued planting camotes. the neighbors soon noticed that the couple were no longer suffering from poverty. They could be observed buying rice and household furniture.

Every night, before sleeping, the wife felt restless, for she would like to tell her husband the truth. She lost weight debating whether or not she should tell him about the buried treasure under their house.

One night, the wife could no longer endure her anxiety. She told her husband the whole secret. After her revelation, she brought her husband with her under the house. When they dug the earth, however, they did not find anything. The wife then recalled the prohibition laid down by the mysterious voice against telling anybody about the buried treasure. The wife collapsed in sheer regret and frustration, but it was too late. [432]

After that night, the neighbors were surprised to see that the husband was no longer lucky in his hunting of wild boar and the camotes that the wife planted were suddently infested with worms and rats.

The couple became poor again. 433

#lost treasure

247. BANAHAW* (Tagalog)

Long before the mountain in the center of Luzon came to be known as Banahaw, many places, especially those near the river, were already inhabited.

Among the many families living there·were the couple Lukban and Bayabas. They had an only son, Limbas, of unusual strength, bravery, and swiftness. Rare was the deer, boar, monkey or bird that could elude his arrow, so that in no time at all, the name Limbas became known in the area surrounding the big mountain. He was the center of admiration fer all, and news of’ bravery reached even distant places.

One day, Limbas disappeared, to the great anxiety of his parents who could not eat and sleep from worrying about him. After seven long days of anxious waiting, however, Limbas suddenly came home. He brought with him a bundle containing different kinds of clothes and delicious food. This was his story:

He had been befriended by a bearded gentleman, an “encantado,” who brought him to his magnificent house located at the top of the mountain.

There, all the animals—deer, fowls, etc, —were white. There was a vast cacao plantation, its trees heavy with fruit. A carriage drawn by two white horses served as means of transport in travelling all over Luzon. Every time Limbas would consent to go on this trip, he would be given gifts. The bundle of food and clothes he brought was the first gift given by the gentleman. He however instructed Limbas to kiss the hands of his parents first before giving them the gift. Failure to do this would change the contents of the bundle.

Several times. after that, Limbas disappeared for seven-day periods and each time he came home with a variety of clothes and food, which pleased his parents very much.

One time, Lukban arrived bringing a bundle of little gold balls as the gift of the gentleman. In his great joy and eagerness to show them to his parents, he forgot to kiss their hands. he immediately opened the bundles saying: “here are riches for us, small golden balls!”

But when the bundle was opened, it contained, not golden balls, but only the fruits of the Anahaw.

In his grief and disappointment, Limbas shouted “Ba! Anahaw!, “Ba! Anahaw!” “Ba! Anahaw!”

Since then that mountain in the center of Luzon has been named Banahaw. Similarly, the present towns of Lukcban and Tayabas were named after Baybas and Lukban, the parents of Limbas. 438

#lost treasure [PK: compare with kidnapped-by-fairies stories] #folk etymology

G.P.D. 1987. “Treasure-hunting in Southeast Asia.” Economic and Political Weekly 22 (13):532-533.

What gives his [retired Maj General, John K Singlaub’s] arrival a Robert Louis Stevenson novelcharacter is that by his own confession he has travelled to the Treasure Islands of the Philippines in search of several million dollars worth of treasure and loot that the Japanese General Yamashita had buried in as many as 172 different places in the island. Gen Yamashita was executed by the allies in 1946. Ever since his execution the storiesof the treasure he is supposed to have buried in the Philippines seem to surface from time to time. Recently the stories were in circulation again. Gen Singlaub is back here to look for that treasure. [532]

But there is no gold more shining than the blood of communists, Gen Singlaub might say! 533

#lost treasure

Rafael, Vicente L. 1988. Contracting colonialism: Translation and Christian conversion in Tagalog society under early Spanish rule. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.

It appears that the natives [in Noli me tangere] are compelled to submit to the priest’s authority despite, indeed because of, the fact that his sermon is almost incomprehensible. 2

#unintelligibility

Concomitantly, he [Phelan in Hispanization of the Philippines] commends the natives’ “capacity ... for creative social adjustment” to the colonial regime. 5

#accommodation and resistance

Wolters sums them up as follows: “Cognatic kinship, an indifference towards lineage descent, and a preoccupation with the present that came from the need to identify in one’s own generation those with abnormal spiritual qualities are, in my opinion, three widely represented cultural features in many parts of early Southeast Asia” [O.W. Walters, History, culture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspective].

In traditional Southeast Asia, kinship—determining the construction of descent and genealogy—was crucial in the development of authority and hierarchy. Cognatic kinship involving the recognition of bilateral descent resulted in, among other things, the “downgrading of the importance of lineage based on claims to status through descent from a particular male or female.” Thus kinship networks in the region have been characteristically arbitrary, tending to extend far beyond the nuclear family. In addition, the marginalization of lineage descent made genealogy shallow. Wolters points out that ancient Cambodian genealogies, for example, “were important not to justify a ruler’s

legitimacy but to distinguish those among his contemporaries—probably distant kinsfolk identifiable through their forebears—whom he could regard as his supporters.” Similarly, in Bali and in the Philippine archipleago, “the achievement of founding a line of descent is emphasized rather than that of perpetuating an old one” [Wolters, 9] [13]

Genealogy thus acted as a provisional, revisable marker rather than as an unassailable organizing principle of authority. It was a means of differentiating and reckoning kinship alliances and thereby accentuating the ruler’s current status vis-à-vis those he ruled, not an immutable basis for the establishment of dynastic states and feudal prerogatives. There was far less interest in maintaining old and distant ties that went back in time than in cultivating new kinship networks that would spread out in space. This practice has had an important effect in structuring leadership in traditional societies where wealth was measured on the basis not of private property but of ever-shifting popular support.

In effect, anyone who displayed an inordinate ability to attract and mobilize a network of loyal followers for ritual, agricultural, commercial, or military purposes could claim to be what Wolters calls a “man of prowess”. As such, he gained the status of the community’s “Ancestor,” displacing or incorporating previous ancestors into his lineage. These leaders were able to attract followers and extend their networks of dependents because others perceived them to have a surplus of spiritual energy, as evidenced by their ability to promote a series of beneficial reciprocal exchanges between the earth and the cosmos—the known and unknown realms of society—as well as among that society’s various members. Conversely, the breakdown of such exchanges, leading to chaos and the disruption of social life, was attributed to the ebbing of the ruler’s spiritual energy, and the people then attached themselves to a new authority figure. Power and reciprocity were thus seen to originate in discrete and substitutable centers of authority. 14

[Footnote 13:] In this connection see the highly influential essay of Benedict Anderson, “The idea of Power in Javanese Culture” in Culture and Politics in Indonesia ...]

#messianism #chapter 8 [PK: for discussion of cultural routinisation of cult leaders]

It is not until Spanish conquest that distinct ethnolinguistic groups are designated, most of them in terms that are still in current use. It is as if “Tagalog,” along with “Ilocano,” “Visayan,” and so forth, did not exist as historical and linguistic categories before Spanish writers classified and categorized them as such. Thus one cannot write about Tagalog local history without taking into account the presence of alien colonizers who recorded and so lent documentary density to the reality of “Tagalog” as a distinct ethnolinguistic group among numerous others in the archipelago. People who spoke Tagalog certainly existed before the Spaniards took note of them; yet our ability to speak of them as a group qualitatively distinct from other groups is directly dependent on their having been previously objectified—through the translation of their language, the descriptions of their customs and politics, and the recording of their responses to colonial authority—in Spanish accounts. 16

#construction of indigeneity #article: virgin birth

But as I noted in the Introduction, certain key terms retained their Latin or Castilian forms—Dios, Virgen, Espíritu Santo, Cruz, Doctrina Cristiana, and the like. In order to maintain the “purity” of the concepts that these words conveyed, the missionaries left them untranslated, convinced that they had no exact equivalents in Tagalog. 29

#unintelligibility [PK: See also Zuckerman on ‘Amen’ and “Hallelujah”]

The possibility of resituating the vernacular within a hierarchy of languages hinges on establishing a continuity between translation and the ritual commemoration of the central tenet of Christianity: the death and resurrection of Christ. Such is conceivable if one thinks of rituals, first of all, as forms of linguistic events. An essential feature of a ritual is that, like language, it is reiterable. But unlike other forms of speech, rituals are believed by their practitioners not only to reflect an event that has already occurred but to cause that event to happen again. In the Catholic mass, for example, the death and resurrection of Christ is not merely recounted but reenacted as well. 33

#ritual language

In converting the Tagalog language to the terms of Latin grammar, on the one hand, and Spanish-Catholic concepts into Tagalog words, on the other, the missionaries ensured the position of Castilian as an indispensable mediator of linguistic transfers analogous to the Spanish priest as the exalted broker in the transactions between God and his converts. 35

#chapter 1

The 1745 arte of Sebastián Totanes is symptomatic of the Spanish wishfulness with regard to the question of Tagalog writing. The first section of the work, titled “The Tagalog Alphabet in Our Castilian Characters,” states that he no longer finds it necessary to illustrate babayin characters becase “rare is the indio who still knows how to read them, much less write them. All of them read and write our Castlian letters now.” [Totanes, Sebastián P. Arte de la lengua tagala y manual para la administración de los santos sacramentos. Manila: Convento de Nuestra Señora de Loreto, 1745, p1.] 51

#chapter 1

Totanes:

They have no F but they supplement it with a P so that to say confesar, they say compisal. Nor LL to say cavallo, they say cabayo, because they substitute for it a Y. Nor do they have X, or Z, or J, substituting for them S...

Neither do they have a strong R, so that to say ramo they say damo, because they supplement it with a D... Neither do they have Ce or i as we do when we pronounce the name Cicerón... Neither do they have a Ge as in general or Gi like gines ... [Totanes, p2]

52

#phonotactics

Totanes:

There are only three vowels: because E and I are commonly mistaken for each other and are used almost indifferently, now one, now the other, especially in writing; though in speaking they use the I more. At the beginning of the sentence, there is no need to look for E, owing to the barbarity of the Tagalogs. The same occurs with O and U, which are mistaken in speaking as they almost always are in writing, and they often convert one into the other, especially when forming the passive. For example, arao, day, they sa arauan [to expose something in the daylight]; ligao, to appear, linilitauan ang catauan &c [the body is

appearing]. E and O they call malata, i.e., soft [blanda]. I and U they call matigas, i.e., hard [dura]. Such is the explanation of the indios for violating our five vowels. (p.1) 52

#phonotactics #chapter 5 #chapter 7 [is there an Eskayan word ‘malata’?]

At the close of the Spanish regime, only about 10 percent of the population could actually understand [Spanish[ [footnote: Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, 3 vols (Washington, US Government printing office, 1905) 56

Hearing Castillian [in the macaronic poem of Tomas Pinpin in Librong Pagaaralan nagn manga Tagalog nang uicang Castilla. In La primera imprenta en Fiipinas, ed. Manual Artigas y Cuerva, pp. 235-359. Manila: Germania, 1910], one is thus reminded of that which does not belong and is alien to Tagalog but nonetheless insists on lodging itself there. 64

#unintelligibility

In a colonial context, Tagalog infused with untranslatable Latin and Castilian words now seemed not alien, exactly, yet not quite one’s own language, either. The untranslated Latin and Castilian terms were the traces of an outside force breaking into the fabric of the convert’s language. They made it necessary to translate within one’s own language, that is, to distinguish between terms that had indigenous referents and terms whose meanings lay outside of what could be said in Tagalog. Thus the presence of Latin and Castilian terms in Tagalog opened up for the natives the possibility of finding in their language something that resisted translation. Their way of coming to terms with this resistance, however, differed from that of the Spaniards. It is on this difference in approach to the untranslateable—in ways of domesticating one’s discourse—that I wish to focus. 111

#unintelligibility

Father Murillo Velarde:

“The marvel is that many indios and a great many Indian women, at the mere sound of the preaching in the mission and without understanding what they hear, are stricken with contrition, confess themselves, and receive communion in order to gain indulgences—to their own great advantage and to the unspeakable consolation of their confessors at seeing the wonderfully loving providence of God for these souls.” [Blair and Robertson (?) ww:33-34)

#unintelligibility

The fact that translation lends itself to either affirmation or evasion of the social order is what gives it its political dimension. It draws boundaries between what can and cannot be admitted into social discourse even as it misdirects the construction of its conventions. Translation, in whatever mode, leads to the emergence of hierarchy, however conceived. This tendency raises another possibility that haunts every communicative act: that at some point translation may fail and the social order then may crumble. As Siegel points out, a risk is involved in any attempt to traverse the gap that separates one from others. 211

#translation

Dumont, Jean-Paul. 1988. The Tasaday, Which and Whose? Toward the political economy of an ethnographic sign. Cultural Anthropology 3:3, 261-275

It could be said, however, that [the Tasaday] were born to history on June 7, 1971 […] 262

#chapter 10 #article: lumina

From this standpoint, there are no Tasaday per se, but only a social and symbolic relationship, and it is the only analysable reality here. 263


Certainly, the Filipino peasants who fed their large families on a handful of rice seasoned with a small morsel of dried fish and on whom fell, intermittently and reluctantly, the pitying and condescending gaze of the presidential family, offered all the elements required of a prefabricated symbol of the Philippines. But the very peasants also belonged, and with reason, to a dangerous class, to a rural proletariat prone—they have shown it clearly throughout history—to rebellion. 264


The symbolic value of other Philippine tribal groups and of an array of different Filipino peasants paled before that of the primitive Tasaday, who appeared so peaceful, so simple, so humble, so satisfied with their lot, and who spoke—wonder of wonders—in a vernacular so marvellously deprived of a word for “war.” Here they were the perfect embodiment of the wildest aspirations of the Marcos regime. 264


PK: Eskaya are in some sense the anti-Tasaday, embodying rebellion and with multiple words associated with war, and a mythic tradition of belligerence. Contra emphasis on Tasaday’s fragility (see House Resolution bill for Eskaya)


Immediately upon their discovery, the Tasaday had become useful objects, little meaning-making machines. Because they gave, in the open air theatre of nature, the permanent performance of a living and eternal Filipino folklore, the State could dream of harmonies. 265


In the United States, just as in the Philippines, it was not the Tasaday per se, with their ridiculously minuscule number, who were relevant to the public, but rather it was the sign they were supposed to make. If it was a relatively arbitrary sign, which I am ready to concede, it was also a relatively determined one since history enclosed and contained it in its network of significations. 267


[…] the semiotic conditions that lead to the inevitability of such a “discovery”. 267

#prologue #chapter 10 #article: lumina

[MacLeish, Kenneth and John Launois. 1972. Stone Age Men of the Philippines. National Geographic 142(3):219-250]:

“Nothing is more gentle than man in his primitive state,” wrote French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau two centuries ago. His theory about the human condition seems borne out by this Tasaday child [photographed] and his defenseless kin, who must now depend on the protection of 20th-century man for their very survival as a people [1972:248] 270


As a result, one can begin to see, through the publication—and in the popularity—of anthropological texts, how a social science functions as ideology that, in its imaginary apprehension, does not “discover” any truth, but invents—or constructs—a reality. 272

#methodology: anthropology

In its bone-dry form, when even in its metaphors, positivistic and scientistic, anthropology takes itself seriously. It postures within a genre, “le genre sérieux,” to use Diderot’s expression, recently resurrected by Clifford Geertz (1983). But here, as elsewhere, all is in flux, and the most serious risk of this seriousness is that it might degenerate all too quickly into the ridiculousness of an austere and pedantic tone, into boredome and obsolescence—in other words, into the pretense of having reached the truth of Tasadayity. 273

#methodology: anthropology #chapter 10 #article: lumina

Mignolo, Walter D. 1989. “Literacy and colonization: The new world experience.” In 1492/1992: Re/Discovering Colonial Writing, edited by R Jara and N Sapadaccini, 51-96. Minneapolis: Prisma Institute.

The second example, also very well known, is an early version of the mnemonic technique for learning the alphabet assembled by Diego de Valades (1575). In the chapter devoted to different forms of exercising memory (a common preoccupation among rhetoricians [Yates 1966; Spence 1984]), Valades developed a theory about the images of the “letter” based on the images of the sound and the graphic image. In the first mode, the images of the letters are formed by the sound of the voice and are illus- trated with proper names: A, Antonio; B, Bartolome, etc. This is most interesting, because the obvious graphic nature of any writing system is the image of the letter according to the figure it resembles. Valades came up with a “translation” of the graphic images of the letters, in Lu- dovico Dolce's mnemonic alphabet, into figures common to the Aztec world (Figures 2 and 3). 55

PK: See the two figures in the style of “this is my hat and my heart”. For source read Lodovico, Dolce. 1562. Dialogo di m. Lodovico Dolce, nel quale si ragiona del modo di accrescere e conservar la memoria. Venice: Gio. Battista & Marchio Sessa. [in Endnote] and Valadés, Diego. 1579. Rhetorica christiana. Perugia: Apud Petrumiacobum Petrutium. [in Endnote]. In Lodovico, and note that the X is really a pair of scissors on digital page 129 (but not in similar diagram on earlier page).

#chapter 9 new

1990-1999 Agbayani, Pacita R. 1990. Duero: yesterday, today,

tomorrow. Tagbilaran: Department of Education, Culture and Sports.

The terrain of Taytay is mountainous with thick forest. It has loam and clay soil. The inhabitants make use of their cool place, a haven for vegetable track gardening and coffee plantations. Due to the presence of abundant abaca, they also engage in rope making. They earn their living by marketing various vegetables to Jagna and Duero. Taytay has a communal farm and garden whose proceeds are for their visitors and barangay expenses. The Gulayan ng Bayan of the province of Bohol is in Taytay.

Taytay constructed its house of prayer in the center of the place. Their religion is (Aglipayan) Pilipinista. They celebrate their feast every May 1, with its patron saint Our Lady of Perpetual Succor.

[...]

At present this minority barangay of Bohol enjoys privileges from the government. Every Sunday they have an Eskaya class whose teachers are the old people. They teach without any compensation because they want the Eskaya to be handed down to the next generation. This group of people have their own culture. When visitors are around they will entertain them with their own songs and dances. Despite being in the hinterland, unity is beyond compare. One of the very important personalities of this place is an ex-army, by the name of Fabian Baja, the founder of the barangay, during the tenure of Ex-Mayor Loreto Achacoso, and the ESKAYA.

The early setters used to pass the place by walking at the top of the mountain. This mountain trail is used in going to neighboring barangays like Bangwalog or Abakhanan. The people passed the place and said “wanay tay kami”. They prepared the trail on the mountain top for they were afraid of the wild animals in the forest. So they called the place “Taytay”. This barangay was created in 1945. 17

#history of taytay, #folk etymology #chapter 10 (Abakano)

They are a close-knit group under a fatherly leader whom they hold in high esteem. They affectionately call him Nong Bian nee Fabian Baja. His words are law to them which they obey willingly.

A day is set every week for group work in which everbybody reports for work, be it farm, beautication (sic), or community work. Their barangay is a very clean place, neatly swept and beautification and sanitation are meticulously kept. Stray animals are nowhere to be found. Their public buildings are free of vandalism as are common in most public buildings elsewhere. [...]

They are presently enjoying the benefits of DELSI-LIFE. The acronym stands for Development of an Effective Learning System for the Improvement of Life. A project undertaken by the Bureau of Non-Formal Education. 18

#history of taytay

Aparece, Rolando B and Doria Abundia. 1990. The history of Sierra Bullones. Tagbilaran: Department of Education, Culture and Sports. Cantaub:

Cantaub was the last defense made during the Second World War. The Sixth [3] Army which had its Mobilization Center at Dat-an, Carmen notified the townspeople of impending danger of Japanese invasion. so the people went to Cantaub and established a fortification but the war did not occur because there was already an order to surrender. 4

#history of biabas

Cadavez, Bartolome R. 1990. Guindulman: It’s historical data and facts. Tagbilaran: Department of Education, Culture and Sports.

Biabas:

Long ago, this barangay was considered as a forest zone. The people of Ubay and Mabini used to pass through this place for their shortcut passage in going to Pilar and Candagas presently known as Sierra Bullones. They used to eat their meals under the shade of a big guava tree where a cold spring was found at the foot of said tree. As time rolled on people come to live in this place. But some people from other places still continued to pass through this place. Once asked where they would eat their meals, they used to answer “In Biabas.” Hence the present name Biabas.

The barangay Biabas has total land area of 1,478 square meters [5] and is composed of three sitios.

It is bounded by mountains and rolling hills with several creeks. It has a population of 983 people more or less. Most of them are farmers and few are professionals. The important products that abound in said place are rice, corn, coconuts, bananas, coffee, camote, cassava, and abaca plants. 6

#history of biabas #chapter 8 [PK: for discussion of what Biabas was like before Eskaya, and perhaps etymology of Biabas]

Chapter IV, ‘Folklore’ (Guindulman):

Upon arrival at the house where the reception is to be held, rice grains are showered unto (sic) the couple at the doorway to wish them a life of plenty. This is followed by the combing of the hair of both parties, the bride and the groom, to signify peace and harmony. Then the couple are made to drink water from the same glass with the belief that they will remain cool whenever disagreements arise. 55


Building a House –

a) The first post is to be planted at early dawn to insure peace among the members of the household.

b) Pieces of coins are buried underneat the posts to insure a life of plenty.

c)When a family transfers to a new house, it is done at early dawn to have peace in the house all the time. 56


1. People in this town are generally helpful. When a member of a family dies, the people in the nighborhood readily give their assistance in the form of “tampuhay” the local term for contribution in order to help, a little if not much, the financial problems of the bereaved family 56


Camacho, Dulceña. 1990. This is our town: Loon South District. Tagbilaran: Department of Education, Culture and Sports.

The early 1900 marked the beginning of the American period. But the records whether oral or documented are not clear. Contemporaries tell that the first two decades of the 1900’s was characterized by skirmishes between the occupying American forces and the Filipino rebles notoriously caled “insurrectos”. Many of the town ilustrados left the municipality to neighboring municipalities like Calape and Maribojok and even to other provinces like Camotes Islands in Cebu and in Leyte. Progress was plodding slowly while in the period of transition. The only major development during the time was the establishment of Loon Central School in 1915. 4

Parish priests:

Martin Torrillos Mariano 1850

Antonio beda 1850

Antonio de la Satnisima Trinidad 1851

Sivestre Hernando 1852

Jose Garcia 1854

Pablo Navarro 1890

Francisco Araya 1892

Abrosio Alade 1893

Felix Guillen: 23 August, 1893

Filomena Orbeta: 6 November, 1898

106

#history of loon #chapter 8

Luengo, Josemaria Salutan. 1991. A history of the Philippines: A focus on the Christianization of Bohol (1521–1991). Tubigon, Bohol: Mater Dei Publications.

The author presents the microhistory focusing on Bohol and ushers the readers with a sense of history and truth to the cogent discovery and acceptance of the following:

1. That the genesis of the Ancient Boholanos is traced back to the Semitico-Phoenicians, Expert Seamen, sent by King Solomon and King Hiram in 621 B.C., whose remnants were the Eskayas of 726 A.D. still surviving during the Dagohoy Revolution. The Spaniards respectively called them “Los Tingianes, or Monteses Serranos or Rebeldes Pulahanes”, and are still living in Bohol as the “Mabansagon ug Hamiling mga Lumadnong Tomindok sa Blangay sa...” i

#definition: indigenous #pulahanes

That the Royal Educational Decree of 1836 providing obligatory elementary education originally for Bohol paved the way to the issuance of the Educational Decree of 1862 by Queen Isabela II for the whole Philippines. Such Educational Decree brought about the educational system of the Philippines and is held as the Philippine Bible of Education. i

The 9 justifications are few indices to point out cogent and important facts Filipino historians-researchers wittingly or unwittingly have left out. It is the author’s hope they could open the minds of the Filipino academicians and researchers, who seek the truth that will make them FREE AT LAST!

It is expected that there will be shrill hollers of protests against this work. However, such protests should occasion in-depth investigations and written documentary exhibits of errata correcta to the errata corrigenda.

It is then imperative for research-oriented Filipinos to shed off the uncomfortable straightjacket of the colonial-minded historians and historiographers. Such have no place in this time of digital precision and laserbeam. i

#funny #crackpots #chapter 10

[Acknowledgements:] Judge Simplicio Apalisok for helping to straighten up some impressions that form part of this work;

Engr. Jess B. Tirol for presenting a paper corrobarative of the author’s errata corrigenda; iii

Were Magellan and the Spaniards really the discoverer of this archipelago? Much earlier than 1521-326 B.C., the archipelago already was discovered by the Pacific Armenoids who originally came from Mesopotamia (later called Babylonia, and still later named Baghdad) long after the Babel diaspora. It was they who came earlier and became our ancestors. [1]

There were two kinds of Armenoids (Aryans), according to the direction they travelled long after the Babel diaspora, namely, the atlantic Armenoids, who rode in a payrus boat, the Rah ( in honor of the sun god), and drifted to the Carribean islands and to South America. They became the ancestors of the Incas of Peru, Mayas of Guetemala, Aztecs of Mexico and other ancient tribes in the Americas.

The Pacific Armenoids, who first settled in the Indus, became the ancestors of the Indo-Europeans, with their Sanskrit language. They were pushed down to Southwest India and Southeast Asia during the conquest of Alexander the Great. Some of them, riding in reed boats, drifted to the islands of Polynesia (Hawaii, Tahiti, Pagopago, Borabora, etc.), Micronesia and Indonesia during the Thessalocracy of Phoenecia, the voyagers of Solomon and Hiram. 2

#lost tribes of Israel #chapter 1 [Add after the sentence: “…Boholano values of social unity and piety had been successfully passed forward from their Eskaya forebears.” Note: also links to theory of Alexander the Great and a supposed migration of ‘Pacific Armenoids’]

The Armeno-Medan-Persian-Aryan Pacific Armenoids came in 326-100 B.C. Alexander the Great, son of Philip of Macedonia and Olympias, daugher of Neoptolemeus of Epirus, had ascended the throne in 336 B.C. In 327 B.C. great conquests were secured.

Alexander the Great then returned to Afghanistan and prepared to invade India, which he later reached through the Khyber Pass. In 326, he crossed the Indus. In 12 years he made himself king and master of Asia.

“The first inhabitants of Sulu, the Cotabato (Pulangi) was a couple named Jamiyun Kulisa and Indira Suga. They were sent over by Alexander the Great. The Suluans believe that Alexander the Great himself came to Sulu and that their ancient rulers were descended from him” [fn]

Zaide called this exodus of the Pacific Armenoids: Malays, who acquired the skill of navigation from Aryans and Phoenicians, who constructed the Rice Terraces of Banaue, the Giant Statues in the Easter Island, the Temple of Burobodur, while the Atlantic Armenoids built the Temple City of Michupichu (sic), Peru, the Pyramids of Mexico, the Mayan Temple of Guatemala, etc. These are the Zigurats or heaven-shooting structures scattered all over the earth.

This exodus of Malays to the Pacific World, navigating the vast stretches of the unchartered Pacific resulted in the discovery and colonization of new lands and islands as far as Korea, Southern Japan, Polynesia, Micronesia and even as far as Madagascar and South Africa. These Malay (Pacific Armenoids) including the Filipinos, were the first discoverers of the Pacific world long before Columbus and Magellan. [5]

#chapter 10 [might fit in somewhere around discussion of cultural calquing or the ‘Prince of Manila]

The second wave of Malay-Armenoids migrated to this archipelago in 621 B.C. -1276 A.D. This wave of migrants used the alphabet they had derived from the Sumerian cueniform, Egyptian heiroglyphics or Phoenician scriptology.

These became the ancestors of the Subanons Bisayan, Tagalog, Ilokanos, Bikolanos, Pampangos and other Chrisian Filipinos of animistic creed converted to the Christian Faith at the advent of Fr. Pedro Valderrama.

From the Sri-Vidjayas Dynasty at Palembang to the Madjapahit Dynasty at Menangkabao came in 1276-1389 A.D. the ten Datus. Because both dynasties were animistic with Hinduistic colorations, they were opposed and subsequently conquered by the Malaccan dynasty which was Islamic and tyrannical to the Gentiles. It was in this period, when many freedom-loving Malay-Armenoids opposed the tyrant Sultan of

Borneo. So the ten Datus under the leadership of Datu Puti, the Sultan’s chief minister decided to leave Borneo and to seek their freedom and new homes beyond the Bornean seas, in their binidays (balanghai) guided only by the stars. They were: Datu Puti, the leader; Datu Sumakwel, Datu Bankaya, Datu Paiburong, Datu Dumangsil, Datu Balkasusa, Datu Dumangsul, Datu Dumalogdog, Datu Lubay and Datu Paduhinog. 6

#lost tribes of Israel

#article: literature #boholano-eskaya traditions

Extramesopotamian Civilization. Civilization is the art of living together. The Mesopotamians who were disperesed all over the vast earth continued to build their own cities, kingdoms, and civilization. The stupefying engineering and architecture of those ancient massive structures they started in the multi-aeonic Babylon were carried over as a pattern for all the colossal constructions which modern science cannot explain, such as, the pyramids of Egypt, Michu Pichu (sic), Peru and Mexico; the gigantic statues in England and in the Easter Islands of the Pacific; the pcituresque rice terraces of Banaue, Ifugao, Philippines; the Great Walls of China, etcetera. 8

“There were four brothers and one sister who were warriors living in Solud-Banua, now Cotabato, along the bank of the Pulangi River, now Mindanao River of Rio Grande. The four brothers, from the eldest were, Tabunaway, Menelered, Dumalan-dalan and Bumabongabon. They had a sister calld Dahumpalay whom the Sultan of Sulu abducted and made his wife thereby becoming the mother of the Tausugs of Sulu. [Timuay Imbing, Unpublished Manuscript (Western Mindanao State University, Zamboanga City, Philippines) and lecture to graduate students of St Colombun College Pagadian, consortium with WMSU, January 18, 1979. “Historical Notes on the Subanon Tribe of Lapuyan, Zambonga del Sur”].14

The Aryans, the first inhabitants of Mesopotamia, orginally had an orthodox doctrine about God but, in the course of time, this doctrine was prostituted by Balaamistic Hinduistic practices. However, the baseline belief was Semitic, that is, God will come in the form of a child born of a woman and this Son of God (Messiah) will liberate man from the slavery of sin. The Boholanos had a great predisposition to Christianity due to the bottom-line animistico-SEMITIC belief in BATHALA-DIWATA 17

#lost tribes of Israel #chapter 10 [around ‘Prince of Manila’?]

But it is noteworthy that those ghomatans (kings, not rajahs) and their tribes had been open to the new Faith not because of political convenience or fear, nor because of Spanish power or ploys, but because the Spaniards came with the child God whose coming they had long awaited in their animistic hearts, where the concepts of spirit and divinity lurked waiting to be fine-tuned by cathechism and theology, the evangelization. 20

#chapter 10 [around ‘Prince of Manila’?] #commensuration

Later, those Concepcion Christians would meet the Jesuit missionaries and give the latter the pleasant surprise of learning that in that land there were already Christians. Thus, the Gospel Values were first preached by the Lay crewmen escapees from the gory massacre in Cebu in 1521. 32

...in their belief in Bata-Alah through Diwa-Bata: the child-God: God-Child. 77

#folk etymology #chapter 7

In the letter of Fr. Domingo Ynsausti, Rector of Cebu to the Fr. Provincial Bernardo Pazuengos on June 25, 1759, Fr. Ynsausti made him aware that the rebels of Bohol had attacked Loon, burning houses, wounding and killing some who refused to follow them. The captain accompanied by three soldiers and people with weapons caused them to withdraw with a threat to go back so as to destroy the town. [fn]

#history of loon #article: dagohoy

A Royal Decree of 1836 (sic?) mandated that in all the towns of Bohol, no matter how small primary schools must be established at the cost of the Comunidad de Indios Fund. The children were obliged to attend and learn the christian doctrine, reading, writing, counting and singing. Parents found to be negligent in complying with this decree should be penalized with eight-day imprisonment to be policed and imposed by the gobernadorcillo through previous agreement with the parish priest: [fn]

Asi que en el ano 1836, un real decreto nos informo que en todos los pueblos de la isla de Bohol, aunque fueran pequenos, debian tener una escuela de primera letras contadas todas del fondo llamado de Comunidad de Yndios. A ella deberian asistir todos los varones y au las mujeres para aprender leer y escribir. A los padres, que no [144] hicienro caso o descuidaran la educacion de sus hijos recibirian un castigo de 8 dias de carcel ... se les impone por el governadorcillon con previo acuerdo del cura parroco. 145

Before the Educational Decree of Isabel II, education in the Philippines was carried out in the parishes. There was no systematic national policy and ministry of education under the auspices of the Government. It was only first in 1836 in Bohol, then in 1862 in the whole archipelago, that the goverment took interest in obligatory elementary education. Contemporary Philippine Education calls this decree the Bible of Philippine education:

Education in the Philippines has always been traced back to the early Spanish regime with the Lancasterian method introduced by Fray Juan de la Pasencia in 1575 until the Educational Decree of Isabel II in 1862, in which the official systematization of public school teacing was established. 145

Thus, Fr. Juan Nuñez Crespo became the First Filipino diocesan Priest in 1621, the very year when Tamblot rebelled against Spain. 150

La palabra Bahala es derivada de Bata y Ala-Hijo de Dios. Bathala se confirma con el Divata de los Visayaos: Diwa y Bata. No sin misterio quiso la providencia de Dios que el primer hllazgo de los primitivos españoles, como verdadero creador de cielo y de tierra y Redentor de linaje humano. [Fn: Chirino via Luengo, Rosales] 167

#folk etymology

It was during the time of Marco Polo and Kublai Khan that Franciscan missionaries were sent to Peking, and many nobles and merchants were converted to the Faith. The Christian population spread exponentially so that after the Sung Dynasty the subsequent emperors were inimical to the Christians. Persecution ensued and the Christians were compelled to live incognito. Many of them fled to the coastal regions. A great many of them riding in sampans came to the Philippines in the guise of merchants and traders. They practised the Faith of their forebears by living the gospel value of honesty in barter trade and honor in their commercial transactions. [...]

It was during the exodus of the latent Chinese christians that many of them came to the Philippines. Especially in the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries, these latent christians came to Bohol. They took native wives and taught their children the Chinese skills, trades, [168] recreational pastimes such as paguingi chungka, the use of iron, tin copper, silverwares, jars, wares and wears. But what was implicitly taught were the Christian virtues of love and respect for parents and elders, patience, industriousness and many gospel values that are still even upheld and practiced today 169

#commensuration

Fr. Torres was so surprised to be informed that a ready made church has been built and is given to the missionary as a gift:

Me parti a una parte de la isla hacia el Oriente que llaman las Minas de Talibon, la tierra adentro como cinco o seis dias de la playa, base por unas fescas hesa hasta llegar a unos montes que son los que tenian las minas. Habia mucha gente de todas partes que concurria a los lavadores del oro; llegando , alli, un buen Espanol me recipio y regalo el qual tenia ya hecha una Iglesia, para que se recogiessen los cristianos y oyessen misma confesion. [fn: Colin, Pstells, Lavor Evangelica etc, via Rosales] 170

Karyapa lamented the ruin of the Diwata upon the arrival of those people who would possess this island of Bohol:

Baibai co sa nagbanua

Bulong co sa nagcubayon

Cai magdalibaliba ra anb banua

Magcapuera ra ang cubayon

Mabulag ra quining lungsond

Matumpang ra quining cubayon

[fn: rosales] 174

The Boholanos, tracing their roots from the Pacific Armenoids and the Eskaya immigrants to the island 3,000 B.C. and across centuries, have interwoven their cultural values and religious ideals and convictions underlying their commitment to Christ translated them into the language of daily living of the Gospel. In the local ecclesial community, the Dioces of Tagbilaran, the Boholano People (ever Boholano) is a walking public document of the Mission of the Church. 215

#chapter 10 [around ‘Prince of Manila’]

Anderson, Benedict. [1991] 2003. Imagined communities: reflections on the origins and spread of nationalism. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing.

With a certain ferocity Gellner [Ernest Gellner, Thought and Change, p169, emphasis added] makes a comparable point when he rules that ‘Nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness: it invents nations where they do not exist.’ The drawback to this formulation, however, is that Gellner is so anxious to show that nationalism masquerades under false pretences that he assimilates ‘invention’ to ‘fabrication’ and ‘falsity’, rather than to ‘imagining’ and ‘creation’. In this way he implies

that ‘true’ communities exist which can be advantageously juxtaposed to nations. In fact, all communities larger than primordial villages of face-to-face contact (and perhaps even these) are imagined. 7


But Christendom, the Isalmic Ummah, and even the Middle Kingdom – which, though we think of it today as Chinese, imagined itself not as Chinese, but as [12] central – were imagineable largely through the medium of a sacred language and written script. 13

#imagined communities #writing systems

All the great classical communities conceived of themselves as cosmically central, through the medium of a sacred language linked to a superterrestrial order of power. Accordingly, the stretch of written Latin, Pali, Arabic, or Chinese was, in theory, unlimited. (In fact, the deader the written language – the farther it was from speech – the better: in principle everyone has access to a pure world of signs.) 13


Yet if the sacred silent languages were the media through which the great global communities of the past were imagined, the reality of such apparitions depended on an idea largely foreign to the contemporary Western mind: the non-arbitrariness of the sign. The ideograms of Chinese, Latin, or Arabic were emanations of reality not randomly fabricated representations of it. [...] There is no idea here of a world so separated from language that all languages are equidistant (and thus interchangeable) signs for it. In effect, ontological reality is apprehensible only through a single, privileged system of re-presentation: the truth-language of Church Latin, Qur’anic Arabic, or Examination Chinese. 14

#imagined communities #primacy of writing

Today, the Thai government actively discourages attempts by foreign missionaries to provide its hill-tribe minorities with their own transcription-systems and to develop publications in their own languages: the same government is largely indifferent to what these minorities speak. 45

#primacy of writing

It is always a mistake to treat languages in the way that certain nationalist ideologues treat them – as emblems of nation-ness, like flags, costumes, folk-dances, and the rest. Much the most important thing about language is its capacity for generating imagined communities, building in effect particular solidarities. 133


As we have seen earlier, in everything ‘natural’ there is always something unchosen. In this way, nation-ness is assimilated to skin-colour, gender, parentage and birth-era – all those things one can not help. And in these ‘natural ties’ one senses what one might call ‘the beauty of Gemeinschaft’. To put it another way, precisely because such ties are not chosen, they have about them a halo of disinterestedness. 143


If nationalness has about it an aura of fatality, it is nonetheless a fatality embedded in history. Here San Martín’s edict baptizing Quechua-speaking Indians as ‘Peruvians’ – a movement that has affinities with religious conversion – is exemplary. For it shows that from the start the nation was conceived in language, not in blood, and that one could be ‘invited into’ the imagined community. Thus today, even the most insular nations accept the principle of naturalization (wonderful word!), no matter how difficult in practice they may make it. 145


What the eye is to the lover – that particular, ordinary eye he or she is born with – language – whatever language history has made his or her mother-tongue – is to the patriot. Through that language, encountered at mother’s knee and parted with only at the grave, pasts are restored, fellowships are imagined, and futures dreamed. 154


In an important recent book [Cracks in the parchment curtain], William Henry Scott has attempted meticulously to reconstruct the class structue of the pre-Hispanic Philippines, on the basis of the earliest Spanish records. As a professional historian Scott is perfectly aware that the Philippines owes its name to Felipe II of ‘Spain,’ and that, but for mischance or luck, the archipelago might have fallen into Dutch or English hands, become politically segmented, or been recombined with further conquests. It is tempting therefore to attribute his curious choice of topic to his long residence in the Philippines and his strong sympathy whith a Filipino nationalism that has been, for a century now, on the trail of an aboriginal Eden. But the chances are good that the deeper basis for the shaping of his imagination was the sources on which he was [166] compelled to rely. For the fact is that wherever in the islands the earliest clerics and conquistadors ventured they espied, on shore, principales, hidalgos, pecheros, and esclavos (princes, noblemen, commoners and slaves) – quasi-estates adapted from the social classifications of late mediaeval Iberia. The documents they left behind offer plenty of incidental evidence that the ‘hidalgos’ where mostly unaware of one another’s existence in the huge, scattered, and sparsely populated archipelago, and, where aware, usually saw one another not as hidalgos, but as enemies or potential slaves. But the power of the grid is so great that such evidence is marginialized in Scott’s imagination, and therefore it is hard for him to see that the ‘class structure’ of the precolonial period is a ‘census’ imagining created from the poops of Spanish galleons. Wherever they went, hidalgos and esclavos loomed up, who could only be aggregated as such, that is ‘structurally,’ by an incipient colonial state. 167

[PK: I thought Scott critiqued Spanish class categories in Looking for the prehispanic Filipino. Although in his article about textual archeology he seems to take Spanish lexical equivalents of native terms at face value. PK]


In Europe, the new nationalisms almost immediately began to imagine themselves as ‘awakening from sleep,’ a trope wholly foreign to the Americas. Already in 1803 (as we have seen in Chapter 5) the young Greek nationalist Adamantios Doraes was telling a sympatehtic Parisien audience: ‘For the first time the [Greek] nation surveys the hideous spectacle of its ignorance and trembles in measuring with the eye the distance separating it from its ancestors’ glory.’ Here is perfectly exemplified the transition from New Time to Old. ‘For the first time’ still echoes the ruptures of 1776 and 1789, but

Koraes’s sweet eyes are turned, not ahead to San Martín’s future, but back, in trembling, to ancestral glories. It would not take long for this exhilarating doubleness to fade, replaced by a modular ‘continuous’ awakening from a chronologically gauged, A.D.-style slumber: a guaranteed return to an aboriginal essence.

Undoubtedly, many different elements contributed to the astonishing popularity of this trope. For present purposes, I would mention only two. In the first place, the trope took into account the sense of parallelism out of which the American nationalisms had been born and which the success of the America nationalist revolutions had greatly reinforced in Europe. It seemed to explain why nationalist movements had bizarrely cropped up in the civilized Old World so obviously later than in the barbarous New. Read as late awakening, even if an awakening stimulated from afar, it opened up an immense [195] antiquity behind the epochal sleep. [...]

Until late in the eighteenth century no one thought of these languages [French, English, Spanish, German] as belonging to any territorially defined group. But soon thereafter, for reasons sketched out in Chapter 3, ‘uncivilized’ vernaculars began to function politically in the same way as the Atlantic Ocean had earlier done: i.e. to ‘separate’ subjected national communities off from ancient dynastic realms. And since in the vanguard of most European popular nationalist movements were literate people often unaccustomed to using these vernaculars, this anomaly needed explanation. None seemed better than ‘sleep,’ for it permitted those intelligentsias and bourgeoisies who were becoming conscious of themselves as Czechs, Hungarians, or Finns to figure their study of Czech, Magyar, or Finnish languages, folklores, and musics as ‘rediscovering’ something deep-down always known. (Furthermore, once one starts thinking about nationality in terms of continuity, few things seem as historically deep-rooted as languages, for which no dated origins can ever be given.) 196

#imagined communities #chapter 9

Berreman, Gerald D. 1992 The Tasaday: Stone Age survivors or Space Age fakes? In Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association.

‘Rain Forest Watergate’ 31

#article: lumina #chapter 10

Bodley, John H. 1992. The Tasaday debate and indigenous peoples. Headland, Thomas N. (ed). 1992. The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 197-199

Historically, there have been many “first” face to face “contacts” between Europeans and “isolated” indigenous groups. However, referring to such events as “discoveries” and emphasizing the “first” aspect reinforces the image of indigenous people as ignorant, if not “lost.” This sort of terminology masks the fact that they know perfectly

well where they are and they probably have a good idea of what lies beyond them. It masks the possibility that they may be deliberately choosing to avoid contact with threatening outsiders. 198

#chapter 10

The characteristics of indigenous groups that are most significant in the contemporary political context are that they are culturally distinct, territorially based, small-scale communal societies that are self-governing and primarily dependent on local resources. They need be neither “Stone Age” or “isolated” to self-identify as indigenous peoples and to claim their internationally recognized rights. The real issue is political control over territory and resources. 199

#chapter 10

Dumont, Jean-Paul. 1992. Visayan vignettes: Ethnographic traces of a Philippine island. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.

My initial fieldwork on the Philippines that launched this study was conducted on the island of Bohol in 1979 thanks to a summer grant from the Graduate School Research Fund of the University of Washington (Seattle). xi

Headland, Thomas N. (ed). 1992. The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association.

PK: Front cover of the volume has the caption given on imprint page: “Tasaday man Gintuy with one of his wives. Photo by Oswald Iten, March 1986”. However, the chapter by Amelia Rogel-Rara and Ammanuel S. Nabayra ‘The genealogcial evidence’, shows images of real Tasaday versus Tasaday poseurs with convincing separate genealogies for each. From the images provided by these authors it is clear that the front cover image does not show ‘Gintuy with one of his wives’ but Tasaday poseur Fidlo Swing (see Fig 6) with Tasaday poseur Doloy Budul (incorrectly identified elsewhere as Tasaday ‘Dul’).

Sponsel, Leslie E. 1992. Our fascination with the Tasaday: Anthropological images and images of anthropology. Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 200-212

Why are the Tasaday so fascinating? McGrane (1989:95) goes so far as to suggest that “Anthropological discourse isn’t concerned with what the tribes are ‘in themselves’ but with what they represent.” At several levels the Tasaday represent a complex symbol with multiple meanings, regardless of whether or not they are in any sense and to whatever degree authentic. 201

[McGrane. Bernard. 1989. Beyond anthropology: Society and the Other. New York: Columbia University Press. ]

#chapter 10

The Tasaday offered an island of peace in a sea of violence. In the United States the Tasaday became one of the symbols of peace during the last phase of the Vietnam war, especially for the media and public who were saturated with reports of killing. 206

#chapter 10

Headland, Thomas N. 1992 Introduction. In Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 9-17

Some reporters, then, are fighting a straw man by writing treatises arguing that these Tasaday actually do exist. 14

#prologue

Headland, Thomas N. 1992. Conclusion: The Tasaday: A hoax or not? In Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 215-224

I myself have observed Agta foragers hide their shorts or T-shirts and put on G-strings when they knew a government official from Manila was coming. 220


[Footnote 11]: I know of three specific instances of this among the Agta: (1) On May 7, 1964, when the then –Secretary of Education for the Philippines, Alehandro Roces, visited the Agta and had lunch in our home. (2) On July 4, 1977, when the then-Minister of Defence, Juan Ponce Enrile, visited Casiguran, and about 40 Agta men greeted him when his helicopter landed, all dressed in the same-colored G-strings, and no shirts. (3) In 1976, when three farmer women, all one-fourth Agta by blood (but who do not speak Agta) went to Manila, dressed in wrap-around Agta-style skirts and Agta necklaces and arm bands, and reportedly made a call upon the Panamin directors to request help. I personally observed the first two cases. The third case was later described to me by two of the three women. The majority of Agta men normally wear cotton G-strings (usually with shirts); but in the above cases they purposely undressed themselves or, in case 2, were ordered to do so by the local military commander, in order to look exotic in front of outsiders they wanted to impress. 223


Molony, Carol H. 1992. The Tasaday language: Evidence for authenticity? 107-116

It is as if there were some need to view them only in black and white: either they are Stone Age primitives, as the journalists reported 18 years ago, or they are participants in some elaborate hoax, as we are being told today. 116

#chapter 10 #prologue

If the Tasaday are said not to be a distinct, anthropologically unique tribe, there will be no reason to treat them any differently from other natives. They, like others, may have to give up their land to loggers, miners, and developers. 116

PK: Three trained linguists with impeccable credentials in dialectology and historical linguistics: Elkins. Molony and Reid all concur that Tasaday represents a separate dialect.

#chapter 10

Lee, Richard B. 1992. Making sense of the Tasaday: Three discourses. In Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 167-171

The complexities are compounded when we pose the nonquestion: Are the Tasaday “real”? Of course they are real. But the nature of their “reality” depends on which discourse we are engaging. 167

#prologue

What we must resist is the temptation to jump on the debunking bandwagon and wallow in the cynicism and world-weariness that is so characteristic a feature of contemporary consciousness. 171

#prologue

We must not allow the Tasaday case to be used as a vehicle either for delegitimating anthropological studies of hunters and gatherers, or as a vehicle for delegitimating the foragers themselves, by calling into question their cultural autonomy or claims to authenticity—and by implication their rights to survival as cultural entities. 171

#prologue

[Footnote 1]: Note that to document the hoax, it is not necessary to invoke the two lines of evidence that generated the most discussion both at the Zagreb and the Washington meetings: the linguistic data and the genealogical data. 171

#chapter 10

Iten, Oswald, 1992. The “Tasaday” and the press. In Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 40-58

The clothing of the three brothers, especially their shabby T-shirts, differed in no way from those of the other inhabitants of the area. 42


caption: “relatives from the Tboli and Manobo tribes in the cave which provided the locale for the Tasaday fraud in 1972”. NOTE: clothed. [also, front cover of Headland book itself] 45


This time the Tasaday, having been warned by Dafal of the approaching reporters, were wearing leaves. The German reporters observed, however, that some Tasaday were wearing colored underpants beneath their leaf G-strings. In addition, some women had added orchid leaf brassieres to their Stone Age outfit. Finally, 49 Tasaday gathered at the caves—probably everybody living nearby—since gifts could be expected. Among them were the five Tasaday men (and their wives) I had photographed a week earlier . But instead of wearing jeans and T-shirts as in my pictures, they posed for Stern in their cave-man outfits. 50


Nance’s party found the Tasaday just about as the Stern people had found them. “Most were topless, although some … covered their breasts with leaf brassieres and others uneasily crossed their arms over their chest (ibid.:30). Since I had met them only 34 days earlier in quite different apparel (of which Nance was not yet aware at the time of his visit), Asiaweek’s text later accounted for the embarrassing and bizarre photographs by explaining that the pseud0-Stone Age outfit was worn “because they thought it pleased visitors and [would] thereby bring the Tasaday economic benefits” (ibid.). It seems the Tasaday did not want to please me. 52


In an interview with a Philippine newspaper (Malayang 1986), Nance also deprives us quietly of the Stone Age illusion: “They are real people but definitely not Stone Age” (Malayang 1986, p.10 of the fourth article in the series). Nobody had ever claimed they were not real flesh-and-blood human beings. 53

#prologue

Peralta, Jesus T. 1992. The role of the national museum of the Philippines in the Tasaday issue. In Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 157-164

The implication, at least to this author, was that the Tasaday were putting on the leaves for the benefit of outsiders who had come to see and photograph them, having been conditioned to this in the past. The less reticent among them even knew what was wanted of them in terms of action and poses. It appeared that they were conscious of the image that was wanted of them and, in fact, they were putting on a visual and even an auditive performance. There was no indication from any of the dialogue that they had been asked to attempt this seeming deception. It appeared rather to be a spontaneous attempt to maintain an appearance because of the economic benefits that it brought. 162


Reid, Lawrence A. 1992. The Tasaday language: A key to Tasaday prehistory. In Headland, Thomas N. (ed). The Tasaday controversy: Assessing the evidence. Washington, DC: Special Publications of the American Anthropological Association. 180-193

Considerable confusion has surrounded this matter [of language versus dialect], primarily because some of those who have written on the Tasaday lack linguistic sophistication. 187

#chapter 10

Questions of whether Tasaday speak an “older” language than some other group are meaningless, since all languages change from one generation to the next and are therefore only as old as the generation that speaks them. 187

#chapter 10

I think it more likely that differentiation has been taking place for no more than five or six generations at the [189] most, perhaps for 100–150 years. 190

[PK: mention genealogical data]

#chapter 10

Salazar, Zeus A. 1992. Third and final footnote on the Tasaday. 76-85

The question as to whether Tasaday speech is an “independent language” may soon be settled as Dr. Ernesto Constantino is trying his best to have Bidula’s testimony transcribed by somebody from the area and then analysed more properly. 82


Scott, William Henry. 1992. Looking for the prehispanic Filipino : and other essays in Philippine history. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.

#article: virgin birth [PK: from page 4 onwards]

By the 19th century, this whole process of acculturation had been forgotten. Untattoed Filipinos who wore pants and did not decorate their teeth considered themselves a different people from mountain tribes with traditional practices now considered barbaric. College graduates who called themselves Filipinos bitterly resented being lumped together with headtaking Igorots as indios, especially on the streets of Madrid. The final turn of the screw came with the Exposition of the Philippine Islands in the Madrid Zoological Gardens in 1887.

The exhibition of Philippine products and handicrafts had been welcomed by the Filipino community in Madrid as a means of publicizing the colony’s wealth and competence for representation in the metropolitan legislature. But they had not foreseen what was to attract the most attention – an Igorot Village where six Bontoc warriors, battle-scarred and tattooed, were exhibited and their naked musculature measured. 7

#article: virgin birth [PK:second migration theories from page 8 onwards]

The silence [on the wave migration theory] is eloquent: probaby the only place where the theory can be found is in the Philippine school system. 11


The fortunes of the Malacca Filipinos, however, were not based on such petty commerce as the Philippine trade: rather, they came from ship-owning and the underwriting of large-scale export ventures in the China market, even letting out small shares which illiterate Portuguese sailors could afford. The head of this community was Regimo Diraja, who had attracted his fellows from Luzon in the first place, a genuine tycoon who sent junks to Brunei, China, Pasai, Siam and Suna, and whose widow and father-in-law continued his business following his death in 1513. Another Filipino magnate was Surya Diraja who paid the Portuguese 9,000 cruzadas’ worth of gold to retain his plantation and country estate, and annuallly sent 175 tons of pepper to China; one of his junks sailed in the first Portuguese fleet to pay an official visit to the Chinese Empire [fn]. Considering the high visibility of this Filipino community, one wonders if a sharp-minded adventurer like Magellan could have been unaware of the existence and location of the Philippines. Perhaps the “discovery of the Philippines” was made in Malacca. 31

When he [Magellan] came to the equator, he strangely did not veer west in search of the Moluccas he knew to be on that line; rather, he continued on and only changed course when he reached the latitude of Luzon, and then headed direct for the Philipines [fn]. There, instead of carrying out his orders, he spent six weeks merchandising, baptizing and politicking in Cebu, and died trying to force a beachhead in Mactan. Crewman Ginés de Mafra speculated that this unauthorized behavior was motivated by Magellan’s desire to have Cebu as one of two islands to be granted him in perpetuity, “because he had said so many times” [fn]. Perhaps the easiest way to explain this whole scenario is to assume that Magellan knew where he was going and wanted to get there. 32

The Portuguese had been in the Moluccas since 1511, when freebooter Serrão established himself as warlord to the Sultan of Ternate, and started writing letters to Magellan about the location and wealth of the Spice Islands [fn]. [...] Then in 1562, they struck Bohol with eight Ternatan warships in a raid so shocking it was still on everybody’s lips when Legazpi arrived. They killed hundreds and carried off both booty and captives, and then wiped out the Butuanon settlement on Limasawa, though losing four Portuguese in the action. The paramount chief of Bohol moved to Mindanao and established himself as an overlord to Subanons in Dapitan, a strategic point for advance defence against such raids in the future, [fn] [...] 47

#history of bohol

Lost Visayan Literature

It was Chirino who first stated that it was a rare Filipino or Filipina who could not read and write, an opinion repeated by his Jesuit brothers Francisco Colín and Franciso Alcina in the next century. That this is a fond exaggeration is inidcated by a number of Spanish documents containing notarial statements that the litigants did not sign because they did not know how to. 104

#literacy

Literacy came late to the Visayans. Both Colín and Alcina thought in the 1660’s that it had been received from the Tagalogs only a few years before the arrival of the Spaniards. Actually, it seems to have come a little later. Antonio Pigafetta said that Rajah Kolambu of Limawasa was amazed to see writing for the first time in 1521; Miguel Loarca said the “Pintados” had no writing at all in 1582; and when Legazpi’s royal notary took the sworn testimony of a number of Visayans and Borneans in Bohol in 1565 – including the famous Si Katuna – none of them were able to sign their names. As it happens, the only known specimens of Visaya penmanship today are the signatures of Bernadino Dimabasa and Maria Mutia of Bantay Island which appear in their 1647 divorce proceedings. In Alcina’s day it was assumed that Philippine literacy was ultimately derived from non-Filipino Muslims because the first literature Filipinos the Spaniards encountered were the Muslim rulers of Manila. Thus the Visayans referred to the Philippine script as “Moro writing,” perhaps with a smug sense of Christian satisfaction.

But Visayan oral literature was well-developed, sophisticated, and ubiquitous in Visayan life, and it was created and presented by artists rewarded for their skill. This is amply shown by dicitonaries and descriptions from the early 17th century [...] 105

#literacy #writing systems #visayan literature

Part of Father Alcina’s survey of Visayan culture has been published with an English translation in Philippiniana Sacra (1978-1985), including [105] a chapter entitled, “Concerning the alphabet and manner of writing of the Bisayans [and] the various and particular types of poetry in which they take pride.” 106

#visayan literature

But the essence of Visayan poetic skill lay not so much in a command of vocabulary as in the ability to use words figuratively to create subtle images. Father Alcina says:

In their poetry, even if not with the variety of rhyme schemes and meters of ours though they do have their own rhymes [106] somewhat different from ours, they no doubt excel us, for the

language they use in their poems, even most of the words, is very different from what they use in common everyday speech, so much so that there are very few Europeans who understand their poems or rimes when they hear them, even if they are very good linguists and know a lot fo Visayan, because, besides the words and meanings which they use in verse being so different, even when using the ordinary words they sometimes apply to their courtesies what they say in verse is so figurative that everything is the subtlest metaphor, and for one who doesn’t know and understand them, it is impossible to understand them in it.

To this may be added that less sophisticated Visayans were also unable to follow “deep” poetry, and that when lovers sang to each other, their words became mere symbols that were understood by nobody but the two of them. 107

#visayan literature #cryptolects

The bikal was another kind of contest which used the ambahan form, a poetic joust between two men or two women in which they satirized each other’s physical or moral shortcomings, but were expected to harbor no hard feelings afterwards. 108

#visayan literature

[PK: Description of Boholano epic ‘Datung Sumanga and Bugbung Humasanun pp113-17]

#visayan literature

Visayan Religion at the Time of Spanish Advent

And Cebuanos referred to the image of the Holy Child [119] which Magellan gave Humabon’s wife as”the Spaniard’s diwata” and supposedly rendered it homage after Magellan’s death, or took it down to the shore and immersed it in time of drought. 120

#chapter 7

The Tagalog Bathala was well-known in Chirino’s day, but he was the first to mention a Visayan equivalent, though his statement was repeated verbatim by Jesuits of the next generation like Diego de Bobadilla and Francisco Colín. But not by Father Alcina: rather, he devoted one whole chapter to the thesis that Malaon was simply one of many names which Visayans applied to the True Godhead of which they had some hazy knowledge. Thus he equated [120] Malaon – who the Samareños thought was a female – with the Ancient of Days, Makapatag (to level or seize) with the Old testament God of Vengeance, and Makaobus (to finish) with the Alpha and Omega, attributing these coincidences to some long-forgotten contact with Jews in China or India. 121

#lost tribes of israel #commensuration

Mantala were incantations or verbal formulas – e.g., to request crocodiles not to bite or hot iron not to burn. Awug was a spell put on coconut palms to make a thief’s stomach swell up; tiwtiw made fish follow the fisherman to shore or wild boar follow the hunter out of the woods, and oropok caused rats to multiply in somebody’s field. Tagosilangan were persons with a charm which enabled them to see hidden things, and tagarlum was a charmed herb that rendered its owner invisible. 124

#urasyun #antinganting #invisibility

Visayans kept small idols in their homes called taotao, batabata or larawan, guardians of family welfare and the first recourse in the case of sickness or trouble. Taotao meant a manikin or little tao, human being; batabata was a little bata, great grandparent; and

ladaw or larawan was an image, mould or model. Idols of individual diwata with their names and properties, however, did not figure prominently in Visayan worship. Nor were they annointed, perfumed or decked with gold and jewels as they were in the lake regions of Manila. Thus, members of the Legazpi expedition, fresh from Mexico with its monumental Aztec imagery, reported that Cebuanos had neither temples nor idols. But the household idols were common enough and visible enough to attract Magellan’s disapproving attention. Why were they not all burned? he demanded after the mass baptisms he instigated. 127

#eskayan etymology: bultu

In the beginning there was only sea and sky – so says a Visayan myth well known to Spanish chroniclers. The following is the account attributed to Legazpi himself in 1567:

In the beginning of the world there was nothing more than sky and water, and between the two, a hawk was flying, which, getting angry at finding no place to alight or rest, turned the water against the sky, which was offended and so scattered the water with islands and then the hawk had some place to nest. And when it was on one of them along the seashore, the current threw up a piece of bamboo at its feet, which the hawk grabbed and opened by pecking, and from the two sections of [128] the bamboo, a man came out of one and a woman from the other. These, they say, married with the approval of Linog, which is the earthquake, and in time they had many children, who fled when their parents got angry and wanted to drive them out of the house and began to hit them with sticks. Some got in the inner room of the house, and from these the grandees or nobles are descended; others went down the steps and from these the timawa are descended, who are the plebeian people; and from the children who remained hidden in the kitchen, they say the slaves are descended. [fn]

With local variations, the myth was well known all over the Visayas. In a Panay version, the bamboo itself was produced by a marriage between the sea breeze and the land breeze – probably the primordial pair of deities, Kaptan and Magwayan – but in Leyte and Samar, the first man and woman issued from two young coconuts floating on the water and pecked open by the bird. And the highlanders of Panay listed two other categories of fleeing children – those who hid in the kitchen ashbox and became the ancestors of the blacks, and those who fled to the open sea, the progenitors of the Spaniards. The most detailed account was recorded by Loarca from the coastal people of Panay, probably in Oton (Iloilo) where he was operating a Spanish shipyard.

In this version, the man and woman who came for from the bamboo were Si Kalak (i.e., laki, male) and Si Kabai (female), and they had three children – two sons, Sibo and Pandagwan, and a daughter, Samar. Samar and Sibo married and had a daughter named Lupluban, who married her uncle Pandagwan, the inventor of the fishnet, and they, in turn, had a son named Anoranor, whose son Panas was the inventor of war. Pandagwan’s first catch was a shark which died when he took it out of the water, the first death in the world; grieved, he mourned its death and blamed the gods Kaptan and Magwayan, who, angered, killed him with a thunderbolt. But 30 days later they revived him from the underworld and restored him to the land of the living. But during his absence his wife had been won over by Markoyrun with a stolen pig and would not now return to him. So he went back to the land of the dead, setting the pattern of mortality for all mankind.

The Visayan origin myth thus describes the creation of man and woman, accounts for the introduction of war, death, theft, [129] concubinage, and class and race differences into the world, and provides a human genealogy with divine roots. But it does not contain any creator god. Christians, however, called the Creator “the Potter,”

Mamarikpik, from pikpik or pakpak, the slaps the potter gives the clay in the paddle-and-anvil technique. Father Sanchez quoted an educated Cebuano as saying, “Kanino pikpik inin kalibutan, dile kanan Dios? – Who made this world if not God? An (sic) Dios in Mamarappak sinin ngatanan mga yada – God made everything there is” [fn] 130

[PK: Loarca describes this from p121, vol 5 of B&R]

#origin myths #visayan literature #commensuration

[PK: traditional Visayan burial practices pp130-134; consult for #article: dagohoy]

Available swidden land was unlimited: a century after Spanish advent, Father Alcina could still write, “Regarding land, here there is no difference between mine and thine ... because it is so great, so extensive, and in almost all places so good.” [fn] Farmers simply drove a stake, patkal, in the ground or cut some branches off a tree to establish their claim. This claim did not include ownership of the land, however, but only of the crops grown on it: these could be harvested, traded or sold, even a full field of standing grain – e.g., “Iyo ako daganihan sining akun tabataba – Help me harvest this rice I’ve bought.” [fn]. Two farmers might work a field in common, tobong, and all fields were worked by exhange labor, alayon, planting or harvesting each one’s field in turn, the owner feeding them all. 140

[PK: planting and harvesting rituals pp140-142]

Spaniards regularly praised the flavor and variety of Visayan bananas: Juan Martínez rhapsodized over their Latin name, musa, “There can be no doubt that they are the same fruit which Jupiter’s nine sisters [i.e. the Muses] used to eat in their day, because they gave them the name of musas.” [fn: “Una descripción e la vida de los naturales” (Cebu, 25 July 1567), Colección de Documentos inéditos relativos al Descubrimiento, Conquista y Organización de la antiguas Posesiones españoles de Ultramar, Segunda serie, Vol. 3 (Madrid, 1887), p. 456] 144


To file their [the dogs’] teeth slightly was thought to increase their bravery, and so was a crocodile tooth carried by the hunter, or a boar’s tusk grown in a full circle. 147

#antinganting

One of the first things the Spaniards learned about the Visayans was that they were good drinkers. [...] The Spaniards therefore called the Visayan social occasions bacanales, drinkfests. Loarca commented, however, “It’s good they rarely get angry when drunk,” [fn] and Father Chirino left a well-known tribute to the Boholano’s ability to carry their liquor:

It is proverbial among us that none of them who leaves a [152] party completely drunk in the middle of the night fails to find his way home; and if they happen to be buying or selling something, not only do they not become confused in the business but when they have to weigh out gold or silver for the price ... they do it with such delicate touch that neither does their hand tremble nor do they err in accuracy. [fn] 153

#funny

The Bisayan alphabet by Pavón (but dated 1543 and credited to 17th-century Francisco Daza, SJ) is erroneously presented [in the Code of Kalantiaw] as a phonetic alphabet

rather than a genuine Philippine syllabary, and contains a blatant hispanization – “The modulated ‘N’ they supplied by their combined letter ‘NG’ and the guttural sign,” the guttural sign being nothing other than a large tilde. 163

#writing systems

Eugenio, Damiana L, ed. 1993. Philippine folk literature: The myths. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Of many waterfalls in the country, a few have been inunortalized in legend. The famous Hinulugang Taktak in Antipolo was formed, according to legend, because it was dug by the genii in a futile attempt to recover a golden crown given to a princess by the god of the mountain and which had fallen into the water. xxxviii

The gold hidden in the mountains of Mountain Province has also excited the imagination of the folk, causing them to weave legends about its origin. According to one legend, gold came from a tree which grew on the spot where an old person had been covered with a paldyok (large native kettle) during a kanyaw. He had instructed the people not to remove the kettle until the third day of the feast. From the tree that they would see, they were to get only the fruits. When the people lifted the paldyok on the third day, it broke to pieces and from it they saw a gold tree growing very fast. In their excitement, they scrambled for the parts of the tree, forgettingg the old man’s instruction to get only the fruits. At last the tree was completely uprooted. It fell with a great crash. As it fell, it broke into pieces and the pieces were thrown in many different directions. The loud noise made by the tree as it fell struck the people unconscious. When they came to, they heard a voice saying: “You disobeyed me, so the gods will punish you. You want gold? Then work, dig in the soil for it.” This, according to the Igorots, is the origin of the gold mines of Benguet (103). xxxix [PK: more detailed verison told on page 188]

#lost treasure

The origin of the makopa (Iloko)

A small village in the Ilokos was the envy of the surrounding villages many, many years ago. The people kept a little bell, the gift of a kindly anito. Whenever the people needed rain for their crops, they only had to ring the magic bell. They always had abundant harvests even while the other village suffered from drought.

The envious neighbors banded together and plotted to steal the magic bell and if necessary, wage a war for it. The villagers learned of the plot. The keeper of the bell spirited it to the forest and there buried it. the villagers then prepared to resist the planned attack on them.

Many persons were killed in the battle that ensued, among them, the one who buried the bell. It was a futile war. The aggressors did not get the bell, neither did the owners keep it. Nobody could tell where in the forest it was hidden. Then for the first time since the villagers could remember their fields grew parched, their crops wilted. The people prayed hard but vainly for rain.

One day a boy from the village was playing at the edge of the forest. He went deeper among the trees until he lost his way. He ate fruits and berries to keep away his hunger.

When he did find the way home again and reached his village, he told of a marvelous tree he saw deep in the forest. Its branches were thick with juicy red fruits shaped like little bells.

Could this strange tree with bell-shaped fruits be a clue to their missing magic bell? Perhaps the anito who gave it to them wanted that they should find the bell again, and so made the fruits of the tree of that shape.

The villagers asked the boy to show them the tree. On examining the red clusters of fruit, one of them exclaimed, “Makopa!” meaning “many cups.” The shape of the fruit struck him as like that of a cup hanging upside down. The sight of so many cup-like fruits made him exclaim again and again, “Makopa!” “Makopa!”

The men dug around and under the tree carefully, reverently. Intact beside the taproot was their precious bell!

A joyous procession carried bell, tree and all, into their village. Everybody turned out of their houses at the sound of the familiar clear tinkle of their magic bell. Then clouds darkened and a gentle rain fell on the parched earth. Great was the rejoicing! The drought ended at last.

The grateful people planted the strange tree and thereafter called it Makopa. 427

#chapter 4 #article: literature

Long time ago, in a very remote place, there was a church which the people loved very much. They never failed to attend mass and all religious activities in that church. This church was known for its golden bell of which the people took utmost care .[452]

One day the people were shocked by the news that a group of Moro pirates were coming to seize the golden bell. The people lost no time in hiding the bell. They buried it in front of the church.

When the pirates arrived in the place, they went directly inside the church to get the golden bell. The bell could be found nowhere inside the church. They searched for it in the houses and everywhere else in the place but in vain. This enraged the robbers. To punish the people the group beheaded anybody they met or cut their tongue for refusing to tell them where the golden bell was. Some of the people were able to flee to the mountain.

Not long after this incident, a tree was found growing on the spot where the golden bell was buried. The people watched it grow. After a few years, it bore fruits shaped like bells. As the fruit ripened, it became deeper red in color. The people found it very delicious. 453


Tsing, Anna. 1993. In the realm of the diamond queen: Marginality in an out-of-the-way place. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Indeed, these claims forced a debate in which either the Tasaday were completely separate from the imagined “us” of modernity or else they weren’t interesting enough to talk about. ix

Diaz, Marius V. 1994. Aklat sanayan ng Abakadang Rizaleo. Manila: Katipunan Gatrizal.

[PK: Look for Sidney Snoek photographs of Abakadang Rizaleo script from Mt Banahaw]

Si Marius V. Diaz ay pangkalahatang pangulo ng Katipunang Gagrizal na kung saan ay Araw Gatdagat ang kanyang pamagat. Ang kanyang pagkakahirang sa katungkulang ito ay pinagtibay ng Pangalawang Pangulong Josepfh E Estrada noong ika-24 ng Marso, 1993, sa Maynila.

Isinilang siya sa Calapan, Or. Mindoro noong 1942, supling ng angkang Valino at Diaz ng Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija. Kasal kay Cynthia Alberto ng Navotas, Metro Manila, sila ay may dalawang anak na sina Laya Hasmin at Mahar Khali.

Matapos ang kursong pang-maestro ng pilosopia sa seminario ng SVD sa Tagaytay, nagmatrikua siay noong 1966 sa kursong pang-maestro ng Sining Pang-komunikasyon sa pamantasan ng Ateneo de Manila sa pamamahala ni Dr. Josefina Patron.

Noong mga taong 1970-1972 ay nagtungo siya sa mga bansang Israel, Grecia, Italia, Francia at Inglaterra na kung saan ay pinag-aralan niya sa sariling pananaliksik ang mga ginawa at ginawi ng Simbahang Katoliko Romano partikular sa panahon ng Inkisisyon at ng mga krusada laban sa mga Muslim.

Ipinagpatuloy niya ang kanyang pagsasaliksik sa kasaysayan ng Simbahang natukoy sa sariling bansa, hanggang sa humantong siya sa mga aklat at sulat ni Dr. Jose Rizal, at sa mga katutubong pananampalataya at pananaw ng mga “namumwesto” sa Bundok Banahaw. Nagbunga ang pananaliksik niyang ito sa pagbubuo ng magka-akibat n konseptong binansagan niyang “Pamamathala” at “Pamathalaan”na siya namang tinalakay ni Dr. Consolacion Alaras sa kanyang disertasyon sa doktorado ng pilosopia sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, at inilathala sa kanyang aklag noong 1988.

Isa pa sa ibinunga ng kanyang pananaliksik ay ang pagtatatag ng Rizaleo, noon diing taong 1988, bilang isang paaralan, surian at pamantasan nag mga taal na kaalaman at katutubong kabihasnan na nakabalangkas sa diwa’t adhikain ni Rizal. Ang abakadang ipinakikilala ng munting aklat na ito ay proyekto ng Rizaleo sa ilalim ng Katipunang Gatrizal. n.d.

#article: abakano

Paliwanag at Paanyaya

Ang pagbubuo at pagsasa-computer ng abakadang ito ay proyekto ng Rizaleo bilang ambag ng Katipunang Gatrizal tungo sa pagpapayaman ng ating taal at katutubong kabihasnan.

Ibinatay po ang abakadang ito sa sinaunang pagsulat ng ating mga ninuno, at minarapat po naming lakipan ito ng ilang pagbabago upang ito’y maging ganap na kasangkapan sa ating kasalukuyang pangangailangan sa pagsusuri at pag-aaral, hindi lang ng panitikan, kundi na rin ng mga teknikal na kaalaman sa larangan ng agham at pangkabuhayan.

Salamat po sa inyong pagkalinga sa ating katutubong kalinangan, at sana’y masiyahan po kayo sa pagsasanay sa abakadang Rizaleo. Nawa’y makasanayan din ninyong ipagmalaki na tayo’y may tunay na sariling panitik ng panitikan, tulad ng iban gdakilang kabihasnan.

Ang proyektong ito’y isang maliit na simula lamang ng isang napakalawak na likhain na kung saan ay inaanyayahan po namin kayong maki-isa tungo sa dangal at puri ng ating lahi at kultura. —Marius V Diaz, 1993. 1

#article: abakano

Ileto, Reynaldo C. 1995. Cholera and the origins of the American sanitary order in the Philippines. In Discrepant histories: Translocal essays on Filipino cultures, edited by V. L. Rafael. Anvil Publishing: Manila.

What is missing in American accounts of local bungling or intransigence is precisely the war context or, to put it another way, the local interpretations—shaped by recent memories—of the colonial enterprise of saving human lives from disease. 68

After Malvar’s surrender, all forms of armed resistance to the regime were labeled “ladronism” (from the Spanish word ladron “bandit” or “highwayman”). 71

#chapter 8

[...] the quarantine was preventing peasants from tilling their fields. Yet tenants were being forced to pay their annual rent, “crop or no crop.” As a result “many of them , and many of the field labors [were’ taking to the mountains and joining the ladrones as a means of earning a living. Were these “bandits” among those who joined up with the revived Katipunan revolutionary government which began to appear in parts of Cavite, Laguna, Tayabas, and Rizal provinces beginning, not surprisingly, in mid-1902? 71

#chapter 8

Cholera epidemics clearly offered ideal conditions for the appearance of healers who attracted villagers away from town-centers and to their fold. 72

#chapter 8

But in 1902 their [cholera prevential measures] actual role was to close a chapter of the Philippine–American war. 73

Danguilan Vitug, Marites. 1995. Faith, hope and politics. In Boss: 5 case studies of local politics in the Philippines, edited by J. F. Lacaba. Pasig, Metro Manila: Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism.

Both Glenda and Reyneria will ride on the popularity of a dead man, the man they once shared in their lives. Glenda was accepted as the wife of the late Ruben Sr. and was known as his “material wife.” But he had relationships with other women, and these women, Borja included, were known as the “spiritual wives.” 37

#chapter 8 [maybe added already]

To them [PBMA members], Ruben Ecleo Sr. was the Divine Master, the redeemer, the reincarnation of Jesus Christ as well as of Jose Rizal. 41

Ruben journeyed through parts of Mindanao and the Visayas, Somewhere along the way, he is said to have discovered that he had faith-healing powers. By most accounts,

he founded the PBMA in the 1960s, in the town of Aloran, Misamis Occidental, where he started with 12 apostles. 41

Local historian Fernando Almeda Jr. sees similarities between the PBMA and the Colorums of the 1920s because of the character of the membership, mostly from the peasantry. However, the similarity ends there. 43

#chapter 8 [maybe added already]

In various records of the PBMA, Ecleo claimed he was a two-star American general before his rebirth in 1933 to Aglipayan parents. But in later stories, Ecleo maintained that, like Christ, he was conceived by the Holy Spirit in the womb of his mother. He claimed other similarities to Christ, saying that he taught at the age of 12 and that he cured people and instructed them to lead moral lives. 47

He disallowed smoking, womanizing, drinking of alcohol. But he did not practice what he preached. He smoked, drank imported whisky, and had relationships with women other than his wife Glenda. PBMA members accepted their Divine Master’s errant behavior, justifying this as a privilege granted to their leader. Besides, they also thought that it was their leader’s way of testing his followers’ steadfastness. 47

The PBMA gives no details on who Hugh Tovar and Caple Jury are [claimed Spirit guides]. Gen. Adriano de la Concepcion, said to be one of the “spirit guides,” is regarded as the leader of a group that fought the Americans with a nativistic and nationalist orientation. At the beginning of the century (1902-03), Concepcion led the local resistance in Surigao against American rule. The uprising was crushed by the new colonial powers. Concepcion was captured and executed. 48

Just like their Divine Master, members of the PBMA believe they, too, can heal. This divine power is their source of empowerment. They wear rings, follow their libritos, or manuals for curing, and use “operating needles” said to have magical powers to cure diseases. In an essay in the book Filipino Religious Psychology (1977), Father Falcon gives the following eyewitness account:

“The needles are small and bent like a number 7, hence the password for the initiated: ‘Have you a number seven?’ During rituals for curing, members mumble cryptic words, believed to have healing powers. The language is mysterious, unrecognizable, but it appeals to the simple folk as a means of communicating a mysterious reality.” 49

#unintelligibility

Apart from shares of stock, members are required to buy rings and reading materials and to pay annual membership fees. 50

Free labor is another form of service PBMA members traditionally provide to their Divine Master. They observe a weekly practice — every Sunday — of pahina, a kind of bayanihan or mutual-help arrangement whereby they clean the streets, plant trees, carry stones for a building construction, among others. 50

Juan, Cristina. 1995. Eskaya: Letters, language and the fourth war [documentary]

Narrator: 7.05: “According to Philippine folklore, a person surviving three near-death experiences is rendered invulnerable”

#chapter 8

Guy in white hat at minute: 8.55: “Dagohoy and Anoy were the same person. Dagohoy in Spanish is Amoy – Amoy, Anoy – the same.”

#chapter 8

11.16 decipher the sign

12.47: “There were three scribes, the first was designated One, the second Two, and the third Three. When the old man called out ‘One’, the first person would write down what Anoy dictated. When he said Two, he dictated and the second one wrote down what he said. The same with the third.

#chapter 4

22.47 (guy in white hat): “Unlike other countries, the Philippines remains undeveloped. Because we have too many languages. Unlike the Americans, they have only one. The Japanese, the Russians – only have one language. But us, we have too many and this is why we are very confused. When someone tells to speak in reverse we obey and speak in reverse. Unlike the Americans who have one language, we have many.


23.23 (unknown): “It is said that this language will become the superior one, over Tagalog or English. The ancient language of Bohol will be revived.”


24.14 (Dionisio Galan, speaking in English and quoting from Rizal’s El Filibusterismo) “One and all, you forget that so long as a people conserves its language, it also preserves the guarantee of its liberty [...]”


Swain, Tony, and Garry Trompf. 1995. The religions of Oceania. London & New York: Routledge.

[…] a great many Austronesian traditions speak of diminutive occupants of the islands before the ancestors of the present inhabitants arrived (in Polynesia usually menehune, in Fiji leka, in Rennell hitihiti, etc.). 5

#little people

Dizon, Eusebio Z. 1996. “The anthropomorphic pottery from Ayub Cave, Pinol, Maitum South Cotabato, Mindanao, Philippines.” Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 14:186-196.

#lost treasure

On 3 June 1991, I received a telephone call from Mr. Michael Spadafora, a consulting geologist who reported to me the existence of pottery in human form discoveredin a cave while treasure-hunting for Japanese World War II gold bars somewhere in Maitum, South Cotabato. According to him the cave is approximately a 4-hour drive on

a rough coastal road to the west of General Santos City. It is under the control of Hadji Ayub Mindug, Chairman of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in South Cotabato. 186

The site lies in the coastal area of Pinol, Maitum, South Cotabato where the majority of the population are Muslim Maguindanaos. The cultural materials were recovered from a Miocene limestone cave approximately 1 krn inland and about 6 m above mean sea level (Figures 1, 2). The cave has been called Ayub Cave in recognition of Hadji Ayub Mindug. It is approximately 5 m wide and 3

m high and slopes down inwards at about 30° for some 8 meters from the mouth (Figures 3, 4). The digging for “Japanese gold” had mainly been carried out in front of the cave, with some in the center and back portions.

Sometime in May 1991 a Japanese visited Hadji Ayub and claimed he could locate buried treasure. He successfully convinced Hadji Ayub that gold bars had

been buried in or near the cave and some digging was undertaken. Ancient artifacts, but no gold bars, were recovered. Some pottery decorated with haematite and incised designs was even interpreted as a sign of the existence of treasure on the basis of a mimeographed “dictionary of signs for treasure hunting” sold by the Japanese to Hadji Ayub.

Thus, the deposits in Ayub Cave had been severely disturbed and artifacts haphazardly collected from on and below the cave floor. The entrance of the cave had been bulldozed (Figure 4). There is evidence that portions of the cave wall near the mouth had collapsed. Remains of earthenware sherds and fragments of anthropomorphic pots were visible in the cave deposits at the time of my visit. All the cultural materials found were in the possession of Hadji Ayub, according to whom about 300 pottery heads had been recovered together with human bones. The human bones, except for two long bone fragments, were re-buried.

There were at least 25 pieces of restorable anthropomorphic pottery in the Hadji Ayub’s collection, some being life-sized human heads. 187

Kajiwara, Kageaki. 1996. “The myth of Yamashita treasure: Its role in mutual perceptions.” In Towards a shared future through mutual understanding: Proceedings of the First International Conference on Philippines-Japan Relations 28-29 July, 1995., edited by Wilfrido V Villacorte and Ma. Reinrauth D Carlos. Manila: De La Salle University.

#lost treasure

The legend of the Yamashita treasure is not a fleeting anecdote, but rather, a haunting and lingering tale capable of mobilizing people even to this day. From time to time, the ubiquitous legend resurfaces in any given location in the Philippines. 161

A few years back when I visited Baguio City, for example, rumors were afloat that ongoing sewage repairs in that city were merely a front for a Japanese government-funded treasure hunt being undertaken by a contracted Japanese firm. More than a few

residents of that resort city believed in the veracity of that theory. In the Cordillera Region alone, the site of Japanese concentration during the final stages of the Occupation, a plethora of legends persists with a vengeance. According to one version I wrote down, a Japanese war veteran arrived at avillage in the Mountain Province one day and offered village elders some rice wine to enjoy. The elders and their guest amused themselves late into the night with wine and song. The next morning after sleeping later than usual, the elders awoke only to discover that a huge crater had been dug in the nearby field. Stories such as this one accentuate the suspicion many Filipinos harbor, namely that all Japanese have a hidden agenda. Any former Japanese installation site, i.e. hospital, cemetery, or garrison, attracts the interest and fantasy of the public and becomes a potential excavation site.

Even caves housing the sacred ancestral remains of ethnic minorities are not spared the treasure hunter’s pick and shovel. During the construction of the Baguio Convention Center, for instance, word spread that the digging of the building’s foundations was unusually deep. A similar rumor was heard in connection with the Aguinaldo Museum. Many a powerful figure, the late President Ferdinand Marcos topping the list, have somehow been associated with the legend as an explanation for sudden wealth. Considering the whole picture and the many colorful personalities involved, these stories offer us a glimpse into the socio-cultural and socio-political heritage of the Philippines over the past half century. 162

The Filipino perception of the Japanese is clearly shown in some versions of the tale as earlier outlined. The inherent distrust and suspicion of the Filipino toward the Japanese is condensed into what I call the “hidden agenda” syndrome. 163

The act of digging to unearth treasure, in itself appears to be symbolic of the retrieval of past memories. The never-ending search for treasure prevents any fading of the memories of war. It rather reproduces the memories in the subconscious. 163

In this context, I would venture to say that the Philippines was in no clear terms a winner in that war. I can well imagine how easy it would be for a Filipino to convince himself that after all the barbarity, something in the way of compensation was left in Philippine soil. That hidden treasure, in my view, is now the birthright of the Filipino people. The discovery of even a portion of that buried wealth would function as a compensatory means in light of all the devastation the war caused in this land. In a twist of irony, the economic expansion of postwar Japan may somehow lend some credibility to the believed enormity of the hidden treasure.

Judging from circumstantial evidence, the legend does not seem too plausible especially where its magnitude is concerned. General Yamashita himself was assigned as supreme commander of the Philippine Islands only towards the latter part of 1944, when the Imperial Army had lost its command of both air and sea, having fallen into the hands of the US Forces. General Yamashita and his staff made a clandestine entry into the country via a small transport plane under immediate threat of US interception. The General’s overwhelming victories in both Malaya and Singapore behind him, Yamashita was next transferred to Manchuria by order of then Prime Minister Tojo who was enraged by Yamashita’s surge in popularity. Against this backdrop, it is quite unlikely that Yamashita was charged with the transport of so much booty to Japan, much less to the Philippines. 164

First, the legend is well known in one country while obscure in the other [Japan]. Second, tales of treasure in themselves are divisive. Such stories disclose a gap between

the haves and the have-nots. According to the stories in circulation, the few colorful characters who purportedly discovered part of the treasure have attained wealth and influence, while the vast majorities who have unearthed nothing continue to grovel in poverty, never to have access to the loot. 164

Treasure tales, as inspiring as they are by offering hope to the impoverished masses, serve to fixate the gap in the politico-economic structure of society. Thus in short, as long as the treasure remains hidden, it shall never be reproduced --even if it were to be retrieved, it will eventually be sequestered by the powerful minority --hence, the treasure will always be barren for the masses. 165

This legend also reflects the Filipino mentality that greener pastures are found abroad. The prevalence of such a notion continues to linger in an era of transnational migration. Going abroad is in the pursuit of economic gains. Nevertheless, it involves going beyond. In this case, one detects a certain degree of cosmological rationale. The legend can be an archetype of the notion of external prosperity.

In closing, I wish to stress that the constitution and reactions of Filipinos towards this legend is in no way passive. A celebrated Filipino tendency to reinterpret often externally imposed institutions or understanding for their own needs rather eloquently tells of their initiative and resistance [165] against those who impose. The legend is not a mere fantasy, but a philosophy of folk narratives. On the occasion of the fiftth anniversary of the war’s end, let us really listen to these faint voices. 166

Meñez, Herminia. 1996. Explorations in Philippine folklore. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Juan Sadut, extremely poor and lazy, wants to marry a rich man’s daughter. He marries Ines by making her father believe that he is rich; but he remains too lazy to support a wife. The couple are disinherited by the girl’s parents. One day, because of his laziness he throws Ines’ gold hairpin at the birds feeding on the rice which was left to dry in the sun. Ines scolds him severely and he weeps bitterly. But when he looks for the gold hairpin, he finds a gold bush and under it ajar full of gold and silver money. He regains the love of Ines. Thus, Juan is reinstated in her father’s household, and the storyteller ends the story with “Juan became a rich man without any effort. Fortune favors the lazy—sometimes. (Fansler 1965, 351)

45

#lost treasure

Office of Southern Cultural Communities. ca. 1996. Ancestral Domain Management Plan.

8. Specific objectives:

b. To construct new roads approximately 40 kms, to connect Biabas in Guindulman, Taytay in Duero, Canta-ub in Sierra Bullones and Lundag in Pilar all in Bohol. 2

#chapter 3

The economic status of indigenous cultural communities in terms of per capital income is in absolute poverty level. Poverty is the real cause of environmental destruction among ICC who makes kaingin [swidden] because of food requirements of an ever

increasing population. In contrast available lands are degrading under the pressure of human population. 4


Pursuant to the Indigenous Political Structure the four existing tribal council organizations were accredited by the office of Southern Cultural Communities in 1986 except that of barangay Lundag which was recently been organized by the DENR in coordination with OSCC.

Barangay Biabas which has an approximate area of 888 hectares represent 28 % of the entire domain and has a population of 1,090 headed by Chieftain Juan Datahan. Barangay Taytay which has an approximate area of 793 hectares, represent 25 % of the domain and has a [14] population of 440 headed by Chieftain Fabian Baja. Barangay Canta-ub with an area of approximately 728 hectares, and with a population of 272 is headed by Chieftain Julio Sahul. Barangay Lundag with an approximate area of 764 hectares, represent 24 % of the entire Domain and his headed by Chieftain Justiniano Lloren. 15


The subject areas have 597 households with a population of 2,852 and with an average family density of 5 members per family. Out of the 2,852 total population only 2,394 belong to the Eskaya tribe by bloodline/cultural affinity. This population is distributed in four barangays: 1,084 in barangay Biabas, 433 in Taytay; 330 in Canta-ub and 1,005 in barangay Lundag.

Table 11 shows the population distribution per barangay within CADC.

Table 11. Population distribution

Location Population (1996) Actual Eskaya population

1. Biabas, Guindulman 1,084 1,056

2. Taytay, Duero 433 433

3. Canta-ub, Sierra Bullones

330 268

4. Lundag, Pilar 1,005 637

[total] 2,852 2,394

Based on actual census conducted by DENR C.O.

3.1.2 Population Growth and Density

The population of the Eskaya Tribe in 1990 was 2,625 and rose to 2,811; the present count. The female population is less than male population with a ratio of 1,452 or 51% for male and 1,400 or 49% for female. 20


The projected population by year 2,000 is 2,904 people 21


3.1.5 Sociological Aspect

a. Household structure. Income Profile – Out of 597 households only 24 families or 4% have an [21] income of P4,000 and above per month and so belong to the poverty line, while the rest or 573 families or 96% have an income below P3,000 and so belong to absolute poverty. 21

#chapter 3

The primary causes of poverty are: usary or exploitation by businessman, lack of capital, outmoded agricultural tools and lack of courage. Unfortunately, they lost their initiative to improve their living. 23

#chapter 2 [commentary on neoliberal development policies]

In 1937, President Quezon through Secretary Vargas approved the request of the tribe to teach its alphabet and language within the area. The approval of Malacañang dated October 1937 was engraved by the tribe on the old molave tablets displayed on the Biabas Public Plaza. 25

#chapter 2

The Visayan Eskaya Tribe communities in barangay Biabas and Taytay have existing Tribal Council Organizations headed by Tribal Chieftains. Said councils were accredited by the office of Southern Cultural Communities in 1982. 28

#chapter 2

They really believe that Tumod Babaylan or Tamblot, Francisco Dagohoy, Amoy and currently Mariano Datahan is only a one person through re-incarnation. 30

#chapter 4

Before the Eskaya Tribe was very active in kaingin [swidden] making as they had no other source of livelihood. However, concerned authorities were able to control the rampant kaingin making with the implementation of LOI 1260 known as Social Forestry. The livelihood activities per barangay are discuss below:

3.8.1 Biabas – Approximately 98% of the population engage in upland and lowland farming planting of rice, corn and rootcrops. Rice is the principal source of food in barangay Biabas supplemented with corn, bananas and root crops. The source of income is the selling of vegetables, abaca fiber and coconut.

3.8.2 Taytay – All famers engaged in upland farming plant root crops, spices, vegetables and commercial flowers. Root crops are the principal source of food. Riceland is very limited in the area. The source of income is selling vegetables, spices, root crops, bananas and coconuts.

3.8.3 Canta-ub – About 90% of the farmers engage in riceland and cornland farming. Rice is the principal source of food supplemented with bananas and root crops. The source of income is selling spices, vegetables, root crops and others. [35]

3.8.4 Lundag – The residents are engaged in upland farming and planting root crops, vegetables and spices. The source of income is selling vegetables, spices, root crops and abaca fiber. 36

#chapter 3

The history of the Visayan Eskaya tribe is traced to two cultures of two tribes of different races and different origin.

The first tribe was led by Datu Dangko and his wife Lumira and 12 children who fled from Mansilis Sumatra Malaysia, and arrived in the Province of Bohol possibly in year 677 AD. The other was headed by the couple PINAY AND SEROY from Pergamo, Israel who arrived in Maribilis, Dauis, posssibly in year 500 AD.

Datu Dangko, his wife Lumira and their 12 children and 12 followers first landed in Hinandangan, Lanao but later transferred to Tambo Island of Bohol and finally settled in Pulang Lupa, now San Francisto, Talibon Bohol. His only daughter got married to the Chieftain of Butuan, Agusan, and his 11 sons married natives of Bohol tribe called Bintig.

The descendants of Dangko scattered throughout the Province of Bohol and their tribe was called Visayan. Most of Dangko’s sons and grandchildren ruled as Datus in different places in Bohol. [36]

The least known historical fact is the flight of Pinay and Seroy from Pergamo, Israel to Maribilis, Dauis possibly in year 500 AD. They arrived in Maribilis, Dauis by way of Alacorneho and Salimaong according to Eskaya History. On arrival they met a cave man, named, “Ho” and his wife “Hag” on small trail “Dan” near a cave. At present the cave is renamed Hinagdanan Cave in honor of Ho and Hag. Pinay introduced the Eskaya culture he brought from Pergamo first in Loon then to Antequera, Cortes and other towns.

The first ruler in Pongao Lawis now Panglao and Dauis towns was Serol. He ruled the place from year 500 to 600 AD with his wife, Corang, long before Datu Sitakutna ruled the Province of Bohol in year 1272. The next known settlement of this tribe was in Wadji now Cortes, Bohol, ruled by HARING HUMABAN, a king and a cardinal priest of VISAYAN/ESKAYA tribe. Haring Humbad was baptized to Christianity in 1521 in Cebu by the missionary priest of Ferdinand Magellan. Datu Umanad the right hand of King Humabad opposed Christianity and with the assistance of Iriwan, he killed King Humbad. Iriwan was a trusted soldier of King Lapulapu. Datu Umabad was seriously wounded but was able to return to Bohol and later died.

The next known leader in Wadji was Tomod Babaylan, a head priest of the Visayan/Eskaya Tribe. During the Spanish occupation the Boholanos were forced to embrace Christianity. Tomod Babaylan organized brave Visayan warriors and fought against the Spaniard. Thousands of [37] brave warriors from Cebu, Negros, Samar and Siquijor were recruited by the Spaniards to cursh the Tumod Babaylan or Tamblot revolution in the Provinces of Bohol. finally Tumobd Babayland died because of the treacherous plan of the priest of Loboc.

In the year 1744 to 1829 Francisco Dagohoy revolted against Spain. His forces ere concentrated in Danao, Inabangan and Carmen. After his disappearance his son Hantod or Katugpa continued the revolution but the later died inside the cave of Inaghuban, Pilar.

The last Eskaya great leader was the late Mariano Datahan. Before the American occupation he gathered all of his descendants/relatives from different places of Bohol particularly Loon and resettled in Biabas, Can-taub, Taytay and Lundag, the Eskaya Ancestral Domain. They were considered Insurektos or insurgents. They fought against the American soldiers. During World War II, Mariano Datahan organized the first

guerilla group and fired the first shot against the Japanese army in the Province. Presently, the families of the Eskaya Tribe have finally settled in the barangays they consider their ancestral domain. They are still intact. 38

#chapter 4

4.2 Laws of the Visayan Eskaya tribe

1. Gambling in whatever form is prohibited. Cock fighting, hantak, said games and other kinds of gambling for it leads or causes stealing [38]

2. Drunkenness is prohibited for drunk people are the source of trouble in the community, disagreement and quarrels in the family.

3. Lewdness of dancing is prohibited as well as other forms of dancing that may appear good in the eyes of people but are objectionable in the eyes of God since indecency will turn the soul and body into ashes of which there is no revival. [#article: feature]

4. Stealing of anything that does not belong to you is prohibited, let discipline be instilled in you and live in peace in the community.

5. Playing around, vagrancy, idle associations during working days are prohibited, for strong people work is needed and required and or the law of the Philippine Government. [#chapter 8]

6. To bathe, wash clothes and cut firewood during days of rest are prohibited.

7. To speak of lewd or indecent things to others is prohibited that you may avoid censure by the people or society who will be scandalized to hear your talk.

8. Don’t deprecate and demean others for many cannot bear to hear such remarks, so that you will not be subject to hate by your fellowmen and avoid quarrelling by your neighbours and brethren. [#article: feature for commentary on beautiful Philippine English]

9. Don’t behave in excessive manner since this will incite or awaken evil traits that lead to evil deeds in [39] violation of the laws of the government and commandments of our all mighty God.

10. Respect your parents, father and mother, your uncles, grandfathers, brethren all that you show respect to elders, be respectful to them especially inside the house and anwhere else for it is a rule of good conduct; for goodwill, harmony and unity with fellowmen is the happiness of man on earth and in the kingdom of heaven by the glory of God the Father who dwells forever

11. Sunday is the day of Christianity, a day of community workshop in church, for it is a day of rest and the church being the gathering place for tribal prayers.

12. Monday is the day of town or barangay, this is the day that you donate your strength to the town or barangay for the government, a government of man to labor; Sunday is for the government of God to worship Him; Friday is the day for the Muslim; and Saturday is the day for Judaism in Judea which is Sabbatical.

13. It is forbidden for children to play games that are meaningless like a “tote boscay”, playing marbles, flying kites and other useless activities that makes children unable to comply with errands of their parents; and these also really lead children to gamble.

14. The individual or family who resides in this community should follow and obey this Constitution, the [40] commandments of the community or its constitution which is printed.

15. The individual who resides in this community should bow and respect the tribe or church, particularly before the elders or leaders of the community.

16. The individual who will live in this community shall be necessity disregard foreign ways and customs; it is necessary that he should observe the laws of the community.

17. The individual who will serve in this community should observe the law since it is the commandment of God; he shall fear God; have goodwill, harmony, and unity of spirit with his fellowmen for it he cannot obey these he will be disowned or dismissed by the community and its leaders.

18. The individual who will live in this community shall obey government laws, the constitution of the Philippine nation, it is necessary that they shall observe municipal ordinances, the barangay ordinances without reservation or objections, for if he cannot obey the laws of the barangay then he will be rejected by the people and driven out of the community and no longer recognized as a member of the Visayan Tribe. [#chapter 8, for Datahan’s accommodation with government]

19. It is forbidden for women to cut short their hari and to wear miniskirt dresses for it will look indecent in the eyes of the community and our Blessed Mother, Virgin Mary, will weep. [#article: feature]

20. It is forbidden for women to wear masculine clothes or apparel for it will displease Jehovah, your Lord God (Deuteronomy 22-25)

21. It is forbidden for women to enter the church without veils and it is necessary for them to wear dresses with long skirts inside the church; do not converse unnecessarily with others for it is not proper to hear your talk, particularly when there are outsiders of the tribe that they will think and condemn our church as lacking in discipline. [#chapter 8 for commentary on how women’s dress has changed or not changed since 1960s]

22. The laws or customs of the tribe requires that when you are tasked to perform something you shall obey without considering your difficulty, you will obey without excuses or delay unless you have an illness.

23. A person who violates the law against stealing or is caught in the act of stealing will be imprisoned for a period of not less than three days but not more than five days and further fined the amount of P500.00. And if he refuses to heed advice, he will be driven out by the Tribal Council. [#chapter 2 PK: anachronism? Tribal council a post-OSCC concept?]

24. A person who violates the law against gambling in whatever form and is caught will be imprisoned for a period of not less than two days but not more than three days. Further, he will be fined the amount of P300.00 and if he ignores advice he will be cast out by the Tribal Council. [42]

25. A person who will not obey its law against drunkenness particularly if it causes trouble in the community will be imprisoned for a period of not less than two days but not more than four days. Further, he will be fined the amount of P400.00 and if he ignores advice, the law shall be followed that he will be driven out by the Tribal Council.

26. Other violations and sins of an individual which cannot be suffered anymore will cause the entire tribe to drive him out since the peace therein will crumble; these are against the laws of our government, and against the Constitution of the Philippine Nation. [#chapter 2 anachronism] 43

The lioness gave birth to MAO or Balencia, which means fire. 47

#chapter 4

Pamatasan – a curse practice to punish theft by inflicting illness on culprit until he dies. 49 [PK: see Wolff definition, ‘pamatasan’ simply means ‘proper behaviour’]

1. Buhong Dako (Sudlom Cave) – located in Sitio Sudlon, Biabas, Guindluman, Bohol. Probably Sudlon cave is the biggest cave in the province of Bohol. Before the people of Barangay Biabas able to borrow things like plates, dresses, jewelries and even pig intrusted by the fairies. Until today the people of barangay Biabas, Lundag, Taytay and Canta-ub respect the subject cave. 50

#chapter 4

8. Buho sa Baylanan – located in Canta-ub, Sierra Bullones. Before people observe fishes with redtails inside the cave. The cave as used during World War II as hiding places of Filipino soldier. When the government fulls in the hand of Japanese army all of soldiers weapon were keep inside the cave. As Mariano Datahan decided to fought against the Japanese, they used the hided arms to fought back the Japaneses with his followers (Eskaya Tribe). 51

#chapter 9 [ownership of the arms]

12. Pangpang sa Kampana – it is called clift of bell located in Biabas, Guindulman, Bohol. Before the people heard a ring of bell in the said cliff. To the present stone form of bell and stalagmite figure similar to Mother of perpetual Help observed in the cliff. 51

#chapter 4

History reveals that indigenous people (IPs) are perceived stagnant in terms of developmental process and are really victims of adverse discrimination. They have been deprived of human rights and fundamental freedom due to the fact that they feel inferior to other members of society. This is due to lack of [72] education and information among the IPs regarding the inroad of civilization in the country. 73

#chapter 2 [commentary on OSCCs blend of neoliberal development doctrine and social evolutionsim]

As predicted by the late Chieftain Mariano Datahan that root crops such as gabi, ubi and cassava are the only crops could sustain crises such as WAR. 85

#chapter 8 #chapter 10 [commentary on escape agriculture a la Scott]

9.1 Right of Visayan Eskaya Tribe

1. The right to peacefully occupy, cultivate and utilize the land, all natural resources found within the claimed domain in accordance with existing laws, rules and regulation as mandated on 1987 constitution and DAO No. 02, series of 1993 and DAO 96-34. 93

#chapter 2

Valeros, Limon. 1996. 100 hectares of ancestral domain awarded to Eskayas, Bohol Chronicle. 11 February, 1996. 4

A total of 3,173.0889 hectares of ancestral domains were given due recognition by the government with the issuance recently of a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim (CADC) to the Escaya tribe in Bohol by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR).

The move was in line with the Social Reform Agenda (SRA) flagship program for indigenous peoples (IPs) seeking recognition and protection of their ancestral domain rights, access to basic services, cultural integrity, and full participation in governance.

DENR Secretary Victor O. Ramos disclosed that the total hectarage cited above has sof ar brought to 23 CADCs, covering an aggregate area of 376,540.87 hectares which the DENR has issued to beneficiaries.

The CADC is a document showing that the government recognizes and respects the rights of IPs to their ancestral domain claims based on the provisions of Section 5, Article XII of the Constitution.

Ramos said no less than President Fidel V. Ramos will lead government officials in the CADC awarding to Chieftain Juan Datan (sic) who represents about 1,841 beneficiaries living in Duero, Guindulman, Pilar and Sierra Bullones towns in Bohol.

Mayer, Robert. 1997. “Caskets of treasures and visions of Buddhas: Indic antecedents of the Tibetan g Ter-ma tradition.” In Indian Insights: Buddhism, Brahmanism and Bhakti: Papers from the Annual Spalding Symposium on Indian Religions. , edited by Peter Connolly and Sue Hamilton, 137-51. London: Luzac.

#lost treasure

They apply, for example, the category “False Treasure” (gter-rdzun) for purported treasure productions that are not adequately in accord with the established tradition. These can thus be easily rejected, usually by being identified as the effects of specific demonic forces attempting to mislead people by masquerading as genuine revelations. [fn:27] 143

The Consecration sutra is quite explicit about its claimed origins as a treasure, describing at length its initial teaching by the historical Buddha, its subsequent concealment, and its eventual recovery from a grotto, where it had been hidden in ajeweled casket, written in letters ofpurple and gold upon sandalwood tablets. But this process was clearly controversial, since the Consecration sutra also has a lot to say about the fierce opposition its revelation will arouse among conservative monks. As it happened, the revealer of the Consecration sutra, probably a monk called Hui-chien, was able to see his revelation gain the canonical status which it still enjoys, because in his day the political and religious climate was favourable to fresh scriptural revelation.

But in other historical periods less fortunate revealers of scripture could find themselves severely condemned as charlatans and rebels, and even the Consecration sutra only managed to retain its canonical status by rapidly acquiring a false identity in the traditional bibliographies as a text translated from Sanskrit.[fn:28] 143

The second topic to be examined in this paper is the tantric cult, both Hindu and Buddhist, of finding hidden treasures, usually material, called nidhi in Sanskrit. 144

In such Hindu texts, the treasures were usually said to be guarded by fierce naga spirits, but sometimes a yakJinf or some other very dangerous spirit is mentioned instead. Thus it was believed that only an accomplished siddha, or those with the support of an accomplished siddha, could ever procure such treasures, since the treasure guardians would harm or even kill a merely ordinary human being who had the temerity to attempt to take out the treasure they guarded. Hence the rituals to extract the treasure [144] were quite complex. They included rites to find out where the treasure was; for example, a siddha might propitiate the Saiva godess NidhIsvarI, “Mistress of Treasure”, said to be the wealth-god Kubera's mother, because it was believed that ·she would grant a vision of where the treasure was hidden. Then the treasure seeker also needed very powerful rites to protect himself from the treasure protectors, and various ointments to make the treasure become visible.[fn:33]

The treasure was often believed to be located at a special site sometimes known as a frt-mukha, or “treasure face”, which, it was thought, could be visited repeatedly by many different siddha treasure-seekers over a long period oftime and still yield up treasure for all ofthem; in other words, the source was considered supernatural and thus not exhausted as a commonplace supply oftreasure would be. The treasure itselfwas usually said to consist of magical eli'cirs and gold, and it was usually stated that a proportion at least of money thus discovered had to be used for directly religious purposes.[fn:34] 145

From citations in the KauSikasi1tra and the Grhyasiltras, Jan Gonda believes that nidhi here refers to something of spiritual value deposited in a spiritual realm. This was guarded by protectors called nidhipa, whose function was to ensure that only those who had deposited the nidhi in the first place, or those for whom it was intended, could eventually reclaim it, when they eventually arrived in the spiritual realm in person. 146

Like their Indian tantric antecedents, Tibetan gter-stons constantly revisited the same treasure sites, from which many generations of treasure-finders spanning many centuries could recover treasures.. These were called gter-gnas, “treasure places”, or gter-kha, literally “treasure faces”, i.e. “treasure sites”, and often were situated at very dangerous or inaccessible places. Within the gter-kha would be a gter- sgo or “treasure door”, a miraculous door in the rock which only the appointed gter-ston could open and within which he would find the casket (sgrom-bu) containing the treasure. Mter the treasure was removed, the door would miraculously be resealed, leaving only a mark on the rock. This complex of gter-kha' and gter-sgo seems very similar indeed to the Sanskrit notion of sn-mukha; indeed, gter-kha is probably a direct Tibetan translation ofthe Sanskrit technical term. 147

Romanillos, Emmanuel Luis A. 1997. The Dagohoy rebellion revisited. Quezon City: University of the Philippines-Diliman

The native priest’s [Tamblot’s] adherents resorted to apostasy and desecration: they flung rosaries and crosses on the ground. “Debased by execrable boldness, they mutilated a beautiful image of most Blessed Virgin holding the Child Jesus in her arms with eighteen slashes, her venerable mouth with twelve lance strokes,” lamented the Jesuit who authored the Annual Letter to his superior general in Rome in 1621 [Annual Letter 1621, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Philippinarum 6, II, 308r-308v.] 3

#history of bohol

In another letter to his provincial dated 24 April 1767, the Jesuit minister [Father Silvestre Puig Sert] warned him about the relentless havoc wrought by the rebels, saying: “If no remedy is taken , the whole island shall be lost, for there are more pople in the countryside than in the towns”. (Roble Rosales 315) 12

In the meantime [1762, when Bishop Miguel Lino de Espeleta was negotiating a truce with Dagohoy], the insurgents continued to occupy the extensive upland areas from Guindulman to Inabanga that comprised the villages of Ubay and Talibon. They went on unimpeded in their surprise raids, posing continuous threats to the peace and order of the land. 13

[After Dagohoy’s death] The free community of Agbonan [renamed San Isidro in 1970], perched in the mountains some seven kilometers away from Catigbian town proper, was ruled by Gaam. This last insurgent chief of the western side of the island held “absolute and despotic power over his minions,” who numbered at one time over 14,000. Caciques from other dissident communities climbed hills to pay taxes to him. Gaam’s edicts were deemed “savage and atrocious” by Hilario Sánchez (1869-1930), curate of Catigbian [...] 19

Far from the encompassing influence of the Spanish friar and guardia civil, monogamy prevailed among the rebels of the Agbonan enclave. Gaam and his commanders, however, could keep two wives. Marriage was just a simple rite where the couple voluntarily and verbally expressed mutual consent to cohabitation. The ritual was performed in the presence of their respective parents and the local chief or commander.

Prehispanic burial practices were revived in Agbonan. The Recollect curate of Catigbian writes that the folks customarily buried their deceased in caskets together with items they owned and treasured most in their lifetime like money, jewelry or tools. The friar chronicler called this a practice common among idolatrous and savage peoples. A slain warrior was interred with his precious weapons like his machete, spears, bow and arrows. They held on to the belief that the warrior’s lifestyle of combat and killing would resume in the afterlife.

The dead were buried in elevated places or hung from trees to avoid water from reaching the corpses or to prevent formation of muddy places in burial grounds. During nine consecutive nights following interment, close kinsmen gathered together for prayers dancing and singing. They partook of the [20] nightly meals and drinks that were as sumptuous as the bereaved family’s financial means could afford. The practice

prevailed in Bohol until the close of the nineteenth century, according to the Recollect minister.

Gaam’s subjects practiced a pseudo-Christian religion that assimilated superstition, idolatry and animism. Sánchez further writes on their syncretistic religion and their makeshift house of worship:

Do not be suprised at what I have just said about the prayers of these indigenous mountain dwellers [indígenas monteses] during the long period before its reduction. They had a chapel or small church made of bamboo and cogon. Here a considerable number of Christian remontados practiced their devotions, mixing themselves with the baptized who also attended in order to practice the superstitious acts and cults, proper to savagery, decadence and ignorance where they have been wallowing themselves. The practices are rarest and most outlandish; the most repulsive amalgamof Christianity and savagery was performed in the small kingdom of Agbonan [no citation].

21

A total of 395 insurgents were slain in the last major battle in the mountain of Boasa near Canangay. [...] This stronghold, governed by its chief Handog who was believed by his followers to be invulnerable, was strategically positioned and protected by natural defenses. [Fn: Bohol history writers personally told this researcher that Handog, Hantud or Tugpa, the undisputed rebel chief in Catagdaan and Inaghuban, was one and the same person. 30

[Breves apuntes sobre el pueblo de Catigbian por Fr. Hilario Sánchez, Catigbian 13 febrero 1898]:

[...] Agad, hoy Antequera [...] 51

No hay que extrañarse de lo que acabo de decir sobre el rezar de esto indígenas monteses con la larga fecha antes de la reducción ya poseían una capilla o pequeña igelsia de caña y cogon en la que los cristianos remontados, en número considerable practicaban sus devociones, confundiéndose, allí con los bautizados, que también acudirse a practicar los actos y culto supersticiosos, propios del salvajismo, envilecimiento e ignorancia en que yacían sumidos.

las prácticas más raras y estrambóticas, y la mezcla más repugnante de cristianismo e idolatría [end folio 12]

eran ejectadas en el miroscópico reino de Agbonan. Además de iglesia tenían escuelas, según me aseguraron los ancianos que lo oyesen de sus mayores, y que implícitamente lo confirma el P Fr José del Carmen, el cual de una nota escrita el año 1790 al folio del primer libro de bautismos de Malabago (hoy Cortes) dice lo siguiente: Por tantas revoluciones de dicha visita, y por no tener en que vivir ni decir Misa, pues me aseguraron varios haber idolatrado en el pedazo que había dado de iglesia consumiendo los datos y maestra de Agbonan, etc.

Tanto la iglesilla como las escuelas fueron arrasadas por el ejército expedicionario. 52

No es que estos naturales [de Catigbian] sean de malos instinto y cualidades morales, no, pero si son muy holgazanes y perezosos, cual con dificultad se encontrará en Bohol otro pueblo igual. 54

#funny

Washbourne, John, James Rector, Paul Milligan, Jeff Selbig, and Archq Ford. 1997. “Near-surface exploration for treasure-filled tunnels in grano-diorite.”

#lost treasure

The field site has considerable historical significance. It was termed “Tunnel-8” during the Japanese occupation. During the war, the Japanese moved a great deal of treasure and valuable artifacts to the Philippines for inventory and storage prior to shipping to Japan Before these treasures could be safely relocated the Japanese Navy was destroyed. Understanding that they were facing defeat, the Japanese hid much of the treasure in tunnels on the island of Luzon. The Tunnel-8 site is believed to be one of the largest such Japanese treasure tunnels. The site was reportedly the destination of a large convoy of Japanese trucks transporting huge quantities of gold.

In 1945, Ben Balmores served as houseboy to Kimsu Marakusi. Kimsu was the director of treasure disposal in the Philippines and believed to be a member of Japanese Imperial household. He visited each treasure site with Ben Balmores at his side, and was provided with maps and detailed inventories. Near the end of the war they took a tour of all the treasure sites. At each site, the tunnels were typically dynamited shut, burying all the workers alive. Later, the surface was landscaped to cover all tracks.

General Yamashita, the supreme commander of Japanese forces in the Philippines, attended the Tunnel-8 ‘burial’. All others with first-hand knowledge of the treasure sites were reportedly in the Tunnel-8 complex as Ben, Kimsu, and Yamashita exited and the ground was shaken by a series of explosions. After the closing of Tunnel-8, Kimsu gave over 171 of the maps to Ben for safekeeping, extracting a promise that they wouldremain undisturbed until Kimsu’s return

Many years later a high-ranking officer in the Philippine army learned of the maps in Ben’s possession andforced bim to give up 171 of them.Ben had secreted away an additional 25 of what he considered the most important and valuable of the maps, and he later attempted to gain access to some of these sites. His attempts were. unsuccessful and he eventually quit due to poorhealth and lack of funds. Subsurface treasure sites of tbis magnitude typicallyrequire hundreds of thousands of dollars to explore. In 1988, Arch Ford began collaborating with Ben Balmores. Ford obtained several original Japanese treasure maps, including the map of Tunnel-8 shown in Figure. 1. n.p.

While the tunnel excavation did not make us fabulously wealthy, it did prove the viability of surface-to-borehole imaging of shallow voids. n.p.

Tirol, Jes B. 1998. Bohol: From Spanish yoke to American harness. Tagbilaran City: Universal Press.

[Manuel] Hidalgo [uncle of José Rizal] wrote [on 1 January 1889 to Jose Rizal] “En esta provincia [Bohol] la gente es todavia muy fantica, por falta de instruccion” [fn: epistolario Rizalino]. 11

“All the towns of the province are interconnected by main roads and horse-roads with different paths and by-ways from one place to another in the hills and barrios. The town centers have horse-roads with some segments for fast carriage.

Generally the roads toward the south from the capital town is at the coastline extending to Guindulman, 83 kilometers away. There are two difficult portions for passage, one a Punta Gorda (Now: Balitbiton, Valencia.---JBT) and the other at Punta Cabud, although lately it is made easier by a road which is little by little being constructed at the base of the difficult portion which form the points. It is possible to travel by horse-drawn carriage even in times of heavy rains. [13]

From Baclayon one can travel by carriage through a 10 kilometer road to Corella which connects by horse-raod to Balilihan and Catigbian. These horse-roads can potentially be transformed into carriage roads, but the few corvee makes improvement difficult as yet.

From Loay towards Loboc is a 5 kilometer road which branches off to Sevilla and Bilar. The road is wide but the elevation and steepness of the terrain makes it difficult for passage by carriage.

From Dimiao is another carriage road to Bilar, 17 kilometers away. However, it is difficult to ascend by horse-carriage without the help of carabao or people, to the boundary which is 400 meters above sea level.

From Bilar to Carmen, is 18 kilometers. It can be traveled by carriage although there is a slope towards the boundary, though not for a long distance. From Bilar to Sierra-Bullones and Ubay is a horse-road which is cogonal.

Generally towards the north, from the capital town through the coastline is a road to Inabanga which is 66 kilometers away. It is possible to travel at any season even during rains except in some segments between Tagbilaran and Paminuitan (No: Cortes--JBT), Calape, Tubigon and Inabanga due to Winding terrain and difficult portions at PUnta Cruz, Maolong, and the boundary of Tubigon and Inabanga.

Along the Abatan river towards its source, is a 10 kilometer road up to Antequera. It can be passed by carriage.

From Guindulman to the southern part is a horse-road which traverses the towns of Bauanan (Now: Alicia--JBT), Ubay, Talibon, and Getafe, ending at Inabanga. Regarding the northern part [14] of the island, all the towns are far from the next town. The distances between towns are 24 to 30 kilometers from each other for which reason it is not possible to have a road for horse-drawn carriage, because of insufficent resources to make them.

The towns of Tagbilaran, Baclayon, Loay, Dimiao, Jagna, Loboc, Maribojoc, Loon, and Dauis have their town-houses (tribunal) and schools made of stones. The improvements in Loon excel those in other places in the province. In the towns of Alburquerque, Corella, Garcia-Hernandez, Tubigon, Inabanga, Panglao, Ubay, and Valencia, either the town-houses or the schoolhouses are the only ones constructed of stones. The others have no stone buildings, not even stone wall partitions. The walls of the Schoolhouses are made of vines and lumber, like those in Getafe and Batuanan, for they have no stone and lime available.

Almost all the towns have male and female teachers’ living quarters. Those which have none has one under construction.

The major portion of the island is cultivated although there are large tracks of uncultivated land because the natives desire rice paddies in the towns with water sources. [...] There are cultivated areas in all the escarpment of the coastlines which

nestles around the island. The years of houses have some cacao and coffee trees. [...] [15]

In all the towns, there are two schools, one for boys and another for girls. A few of these schools are being served by teachers of Normal School training, and the other schools are served by substitutes.

In all schools, the lessons differ by sex. For example, the boys and girls both learn writing, catechism in Spanish and Visayan, grammar, geography, arithmetic and some agriculture, but the girls are made to specialize in activities fitted for their sex; like sewing, decorative art, embroidery in white and color, crotchet and other types of decoration. Particularly excellent are the schools in Dimiao and Garcia-Hernandez although lately, it is taught by a substitute female teacher.

In all the schools for boys the Spanish language is taught to the pupils. Those who can speak the language varies from 6 to 60 or more, as what happened in Tagbilaran, Loboc, and Dimiao. In the schools for girls, only a few can speak Spanish because the majority of the teachers who manage these schools have little previous schooling.

To avoid the decrease in attendance that will lower the viability of schools in the town, schools of light materials managed by assistants paid by the towns, are established in big barrios. However, the students from the barrios have to attend classes twice a week in the town school to have their progress assessed.

[...] [16]

The climate of the province is sufficiently good and healthful. The birthrate exceeds the death rate. In some towns 4 to 5 months will pass without any deaths, not even among the old. If it were not for the propensity of the natives to emigrate to other provinces, Bohol would have been the most populated province in the archipelago. The adventurous character of the people makes them constantly travel to other provinces, most often to escape or elude the payment of contributions or takes...

The rains start in July and end in December. There had been years of drought of long duration like those of ‘85, ‘86, and 1887 that caused a shortage of water and harvest. It resulted in misery and in the delay of the province’s payment of its contributions. However, the good harvest in the ensuing year, made the province recover slowly.

The criminality is low, with only a few cases reaching the Court of First Instance. In the interior and coastal towns, especially in the towns of Calape and Ubay which are constantly visited by Cebuanos and Leyteños, minor crimes occur. I have not known any banditry in the province although there are cases involving the stealing of carabaos and cattle for subsistence, by the loafers who hide in the hills and those pursued by the Civil Guards.” 17

#history of bohol: #literacy

#route to biabas

What was not mentioned by the Governor was that, it was more convenient to travel from one coastal town to another by boat or banca rather than by road. 18

#route to biabas

It must be noted that in the 1890s, the descendants of the followers of Dagohoy still had their own system of education and system of writing which are still maintained by the Eskaya of Bohol. 19

Since Bilar was the end of the horse-carriage road, the carriage was left behind. Dr. Rizal and his companions proceeded on horseback to Condagaz, Sierra-Bullones town to view the wide plane which was suitable for an agricultural colony. [Fn 46 “Eskaya of Bohol folklore say that their leader Mariano Datahan met Dr. Jose Rizal at Sierra-Bullones] 31

Don Vincente Elio of Mambajao, Camiguin island, and a contemporary of Dr. Jose Rizal at Ateneo de Manila, in his letter to his friend Felipe Calderon on January 31, 1901 said;

“...Because of the good civic organization of our town, no other rebel groups came here. Not even another party led by a criminal who pretended to be Dr. Jose Rizal resurrected and styling himself as a ‘saint’, but also perpetrated crimes in Bohol, where he was eventually captured and executed...” [Fn: Vicente Elio, “News Sent to the Press and Published From 1887-1928”, (The Local Historical Sources of Northern Mindanao, Chap 14), Francisco Demetrio, S.J. (ed), Xavier University, Cagayan de Oro City, 1995. p. 552. ] 33

The route of the imposter [Jose Rizal impersonator] was from Cebu, then Jagna, Bohol, then along the coastal road to Dimiao, then Loay, then Tagbilaran until he was captured and killed in Calape, Bohol. He had a small army and committed atrocities like robbing, mauling, burning, and killing along the way. He wore a kind of uniform. 34

Loon: Parish Priest----Fr. Felix Guillen. 42 [From ‘Guia Oficial De Las Islas Filipinas’. Pubicada por la Secreteria de Governador General, Manila, 1898, p. 1056.]

In order to survive, the Cebuanos who escaped to Bohol began to collect taxes from the Boholanos. Some towns in Bohol, especially those in the eastern part of the province welcomed the Cebuanos. In other towns, especially those well under control by the Spaniards, the local residents were mobilized into volunteer militias. In Tagbilaran [...] Don Salustiano Borja was the Captain of the mobilized volunteers. Their primary purpose was to guard the people of Tagbilaran against the predatory activities of the Cebuanos.[fn] 45

Anticipating Spanish withdrawal, Cebu revolutionary General Emilio Verdeflor came to Tagbilaran to establish a revolutionary government. On December 20, 1898 the “Gobierno de Canton” was established in Tagbilaran which recognized the supreme authority of General Emilio Aguinaldo. This government was part of the “Federal State of the Visayas” based in Santa Barbara, Iloilo. [fn] 49

On January 8, 1899 President Aguinaldo issued a decree for the election of officers and the organization of the Armed Forces of Bohol. The decree authorized Don Bernabe Reyes, a businessman from Dauis, Bohol to act as temporary Provincial Head and Don Eduardo Calceta as Chief of the Army in Bohol.

The decree was transmitted by Secretary Apolinario Mabini to the Secretary of War and Navy for transmittal to Bohol [fn]. The decree reached Bohol on the last week of January 1899.

There with the Gobierno de Canton or Federal Government was reorganized to cover the whole province of Bohol as authorized by President Aguinaldo. Since the Govienro de Canton of Tagbilaran swore allegiance to President Aguinaldo and the Philippines Government, they obeyed the order.

Prominent people of Tagbilaran and the “Presidente” or Mayors of the towns of Bohol gathered at the Provincial Tribunal in Tagbilaran in order to elect the officials for the second Gobierno de Canton. The elected officials [...] were as following: [54]

Bernabe Reyes----Gobernador

[...]

Braulio Flores----General de Division de toda la Provincia 55

A National Constitution was already in existence to govern the Republic of the Philippines, however, the connection of Bohol to the National Government was cut because the Federal Government of the Visayas ceased to exist.

It was decided that the province of Bohol will establish its own Provisional Constitution. It was patterned upon the National Constitution with suitable modifications for Bohol It provided for a provisional “Republic of Bohol” which will exist on its own until it can be integrated into the Republic of the Philippines.

[...]

On June 11, 1899 the Town Preisdents met at Tagbilaran as the representatives of the people. The constitution was approved and Don Bernabe Ryes was elected President of the Republic of Bohol. Don Salustiano Borja was the Vice President and the same officials of the second Gobierno de Canton were elected as Ministers for Justice, Police and the Treasury. These officials formed a Provincial Junta or Cabinet to execute the laws.

A budget was prepared based upon estimated income; a system of taxation was estabished; a police or military force created; a postal service provided; schools and churches re-opened; and internal improvements such as roads were commenced. 60

In February 11, 1899, the Gobeirno de Canton headquarters in Santa Barbara, Iloilo was already put to run by the invading Americans. The link of Bohol to the national government was cut. The Boholano officials decided to establish the Republic of Bohol. Town Presidents were elected to become the delegates to the organizational meeting. Governor Reyes went around the province to supervise the election. However, it was the contention of General Flores that he ought to supervise the elections because he had a higher office.

The Provincial Junta decided to eliminate General Braulio Flores. The plan was to accuse General Flores of committing unlawful acts in the process of enforcing laws [fn]. [...] 62

General Braulio Flores was called by the Provincial Junta to report to the Provincial Tribunal to answer the charges. But first the Provincial Junta had to find someone who can enforce the order. Don Pedro Samson and Don Ambroiso Sandoval and their men were chosen to enforce the order.

Before the order was carried out, General Flores was able to learn of the plan to dismiss him from his command. Having made his own plan to kill the members of the

Provincial Junta, he hastened to Tagbilaran. But General Flores underestimated the strength of the Provincial Junta. The General only brought along with him his two sons named Pedro and Diosdado [fn]

[...]

With his left hand, Don [63] Pedro drew his revolver and fired it at General Flores, killing the latter [fn].

When the brothers Pedro and Diosdado Flores drew their guns, they were shot by the men of Don Pedro Samson. With the death of General Flores and his sons, the Provincial Junta came out the victor in the power struggle for control of the government of Bohol. 64

Don Vicente Elio, writing in Mambajao, Camiguin island on January 28, 1899 said:

“...Lately we know that once the condition in Bohol had normalized and the Republic of the Philippines had been established there, these groups disappeared. Pareng was captured by the General of the Army (his name escapes me) and by now he has been shot in punishment for his crimes” [fn]

Regarding Pareng or Amoy, Don Vicente Elio had this to say;

“...Another gang was led by one who pompously called himself ‘Pareng’ or ‘Amoy’. He pretended to be no less (what infamy!) than the well deserving Dr. Rizal...The rascal ‘Pareng’ committed crimes and griefs with defenseless and honorable citizens. For this he was made the terror of the province of Bohol...”[fn]

[...]

Former Senator Olegario Clarin wrote regarding the incident involving Don Aniceto Clarin, the senator’s father, and “Pareng”:

“...He (Don Aniceto Clarin) hurriedly returned to Bohol (from Manila) and upon his arrival he found the place in confusion. He was met by Pareng or Amoy-Amoy, who with his small army invaded Loay, Bohol and ordered for his [Aniceto Clarin’s] death. He was mauled by the group and could have been killed if not for the timely interention of Capitan Vicente Solideo. Amoy-Amoy and his men went to Calape, Bohol and was killed by the people of the locality. He [Pareng] was beheaded and his head was [65] placed on top of a pole and was paraded through the streets of the town...” [fn]

The inhuman treatment of the dead, by placing his head on a pole and parading it around town, was an example of the excesses of General Braulio Flores which the Bohol Provincial Junta did not look on with favor. Be that as it may, the harsh methods employed by General Flores caused terror on other bandit groups which immediately disbanded to avoid capture.

In order to maintain peace and order, local militias under the control of the army were organized in the towns. In the town of Talibon, Bohol the local militia was led by Don Marcelo Evangelista. In that town, a certain Felix Taran came from Cebu with his gang of bandits. They collected taxes from the people who were already suffering from the hardships caused by the revolution. When the people could not pay, their properties were confiscated and the people maltreated. Because of these abuses, Don Marcelo Evangelista led his militia to attack the bandits at their hideout in Carmen, Bohol. With

the help of other men who were also victimized by Feliz Taran, the hideout was surrounded and the bandits killed, including Felix Taran [fn].

In Jagna, Bohol the Cebuano gang led by Clemencio Cañeda, who claimed to be General Tomas Mascardo, was dispersed by the local militia. [fn] 66

#chapter 8 [PK: Also compare all these names to those mentioned in Salustiano Borja’s reports of arrested pulahans]

In consonance with the spirit of the war period the announcement contained some code names. It was the practice to give code names to places and persons to disguise the identity. 70

On February 20, 1899 the Americans were already in the neighboring island of Cebu. 71

Sama sa tanang dapit sa kapupod-ang Pilipinhon ang mga Bol-anon giabot sa dakong kamigaw tungod kay ang kaugalingnan nga nakab-ot human matundag ang pamunaon sa mga Katsila, nahanaw na usab ubos sa landong sa bandilang Amerikanhon. [fn: Bernadino Inting, 1934]

Translation: “Like those in all places in the Philippines archipelago, the Boholanos suffered great loneliness because the [83] independence attained after the sinking of the Spanish administration, vanished agian beneath the shadow of the American flag”. 84

On September 1, 1900, fighting began and the peaceful atmosphere vanished. Most of those huts and houses described by Scriven were burned by the Americans. 89

“Samson and his men were inadequately armed with bolos and a scattering of antique musket; but they seem to have trusted too much in the potency of the ‘anting-anting’; in amulets, often just scraps of cloth, that were thought to shield the wearer from harm. Whatever the reason, the American marksmen simply gunned them down.”[Fn: Norman Cameron] 102

[Dear Norman Cameron,

I came across a citation from your commentary on your grandfather’s Bohol diary in Jes Tirol’s Bohol: From Spanish Yoke to American Harness (Tagbilaran:University of Bohol Research Centre, 1998). I found this commentary on the Duke University website and it’s made me very keen to read the original diary.

I am writing a history/linguistics PhD on Bohol—specifically, I’m looking at the emergence of a complex language code (now called Eskayan) used by a particular group of guerrillas from roughly 1903 in the southeast highlands. I have found only one early reference to the group in the records of the US War Department. Fascinatingly, both the group and their language still exist but the circumstances of their genesis are vague. So I’ve been scouring every available scrap of documentation from the 1900-1908 period to search for clues. I would love to review a digital copy of the diary if it is available and I will gladly make available to you the results of any historical analysis of the text.

Thanks in advance,

Piers Kelly]

On March 5 , 1901 Major Miguel Balmoria sent the following report to Col. Pedro Samson:

Sr. Comandante Mayor,

Jerusalem 5 de Marzo de 1901.

119

The town of Loon, Bohol had organized a guerilla force under a certain Capitan Dinlok [fn] (Note: dinlok = thin but sinewy). It was this group of boholano patriots which was the first object of attack of the newly arrived 19th Regiment. By May 10, 1901 [fn], the American invaders were already in the town of Loon. After offering a spirited resistance, the guerrilla force of Loon, Bohol withdrew to the hills. As a punishment for resisting American occupation, the whole town of Loon was burned to the ground. What was left standing was only the church building which the Americans made into a garrison. 127

The Boholano patriots [at the battle of Punta Gorda] were composed of soldiers who mostly came from the town of Garcia-Hernandez. His code name was “Commander Noah”. Under the command of Commander Noah was a certain “Capitan Sinono” and Capitan Gregorio “Goyong” Ranario. 140

On October 11, 1901, after defeating the Cebuanos, General Robert P. Hughes arrived in Tagbilaran. He brought with him the main bulk of the 19th Regiment. 142

When the contagion disappeared in the town of Calape, the schools were reopened on October 13, 1902. On Monday, November 3, 1902, the provincial board of health allowed the schools to resume classes except in the towns of Guindulman and Loboc. These two towns were allowed to reopen in December and January respectively. Immediately following the cholera epidemic, there appeared fevers and smallpox. While very few cases of fever were fatal, the contagion interfered with school attendance. 154

Mojares, Resil B. 1999. The war against the Americans: Resistance and Collaboration in Cebu: 1899–1906. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila.

When the prominent insurgent leaders surrendered in 1901, many of these elements remained in the hills, bearers of a long tradition of social instability and armed struggle. 172

#chapter 8

The pulahan phenomenon, however, did not become entirely a thing of the past. Events in the years that followed indicated how a folk tradition of protest remained close to the surface. In 1908, a “prophet” named Anastacio Quejada was baptizing people in the diestrict of Guadalupe and a man presenting himself as “Jose Rizal” was organizing a cult in some northern Cebu barrios. At around the same time, there were reports that in Olango (Santa Rosa, Mactan) there was a Tagalog who called himself Santiago Apostol, had a sword whose brightness, when unsheathed, could smite nonbelievers, and who traveled in the company of “Mary Magdalene” and a preacher named Segundo Tilana [fn].

Prophets and rebels continued to walk the Cebu countryside. 192

Apalisok, Simplicio M. 1999. Bohol without tears: Land of the country’s most battered people. Book 3. Muligraphics and Copy Systems. Quezon City.

Ang ngalan sa lalawigan sa Bohol gikan sa naglan sa usa ka balanbay sa lungsod sa Tagbilaran nga Bool. Matud pa, sa pag-abut sa mga Kastisa nangutana sila sa mga molupyo kon unsay ngalan niadtong dapita; pinaagi sa pagsenyas sa tudlo, ug maoy natudlo and (sic) usa ka dakung kahoy duol sa baybayon, kaingon sa mga molupyo nga ang ngalan sa kahoy nga ‘bo-ou’, ug sa pagdungog sa mga Kagsial mao ang ‘Bool’. Sukad niadto ang dapit ginganlan ug Bool ug hangtud karon ang ngalan sa balangay mao gayud ang Bool. [From Bernadino Inting, Bohol ug mga Bol-anon. Prefaced 3 January 1934, p6] 47

#folk etymology

[From Legaspi chronicles:]

“We set dais avoding the deep shoals above mentioned as we proceeded to Butuan. The breeze was strong, but the current was running leeward, so we could not sit with the favorable wind. We tried the island of BOJO” [From Filipiniana Book Guild, 1984. The colonization and conquest of the Philippines by Spain, 1558-1557, p51] 47

#folk etymology

Below is a portion of the DECS’ account [of Lonoy massacre]:

It was during th term of Captain Franciso Acala, then the municipal mayor of Jagna that the American soldiers stationed in Jagna Central , unearthed the presence of Filipino inusrrectos mostly Jagnaanons camping at Lonoy under the command of Capt. Gregorio ‘Goyo’ Caseñas, a man with an amulet (anting-anting). Goyo was from the barrio of Canjulao, Jagna.

[]...]

the Americans reached Lonoy on the Easter Sunday of 1901 together with Capitan Francisco Acala, believed to have collaborated with the enemy. Before proceeding to the fixing line, the gun and bayonet wielding troopers gathered around the front of the chapel, tossed a coin, and shot at it. This was believed to have suppressed the powers of Capt. Goyo’s anting-anting because after hearing the rounds of shots, the revolutionists came out of their hiding positions and began attacking their formidable foes. 224

[Regarding Lonoy massacre Jagna]:

With a short hearing and the innocence of Franciso (capitan Esco) Acala regardless, the latter was meted out the extreme penalty of death by a firing squad. The sentence, handwritten in Spanish (with several undecipherable words from its original text) is the General Order pronouncing Acala’s death [226] sentence:

Orden general del Campamento el dia se hoy:

El Consejo de Guerra que se habia anunciad el dia cuatro del actual se selebre ayer fecha sus de los corrientes y no pudiendo terminarlo por falta de tiempo esta mañana se termino cuyo resultado es el siguetes: Eusebio Deliman procesado por robo fue

absuelto dentro de las fortificacciones, Mariano Datahan contra la union de los revolucionarios y Antonio Balili por incendio tambien fueron absueltos sin perjuicio se continuas dentro de las fortificaciones mientras que la Revolucion no trien fs (sic). Carmeo Oceana por traicion a la Patria fue condenado a cadena perpetua. Vicente Berola y Saturnino Achacoso por sospechos de su espias fueron absuelto por no resultarlos algunos cargos procesales quedan permitido este ultimo para restituirse pueblo de su residencia. Marcos Abrea por el mismo delito encerraoto dentro del Establicimiento Penal hasta la terminacion de la guerra Benigno Ranes tambien per sospechos del mismo delito el sobresimiento definitivo de su cause restituyondose a la hogar por no resultarla algun cargo no proceso y Franciso Acala por el mismo delito a la pena capital duya ejecucion tendra luz el dia de mañana a las ocho en punto de en el sitio Cambabag tiendo el rio esco por una seccion de tiradores al mande de un oficial. 227 [frm Division of Military Information, File 875, Dec 24, 1901: Philippine Insurgent Records, National Archives and Record Management. ]

After the conclusion of peace between the Boholanos and the American troops in 1901, teachers appointed during the Spanish regime were allowed to continue their duties by the new conquerors. This is shown by the fact that in 1908, maestra Iyay Mendoza who was a teacher at the escuela de niñas (at the present site of the Tagbilaran PNB building) continued with her duties using Spanish and home-studied English as a medium of instruction. 266

Despite the merits of the Spanish and American educational system in our country, the effects are said to be dangerous, for slowly, the Filipinos embraced the foregin culture, threatening to obliterate Filipino customs, traditions, their values and national identity. The uneducated masses were made to believe in western superiority, effectively through an educational system using a foreign tongue as medium of insturction, with a curricula that had little relation with a way they lived as native Filipinos. 268

Martinez, Cristina. 1999. “Ang Gahum sa Letra: Constructivity and the Eskayan Language.” Journal of Asian English Studies 2:228-238.

If the existence of a written language is any measure of cultural sophistication, then the Philippines, especially the Visayas, has some problems. 228

#chapter 1 new

2000 Añasco, Carliloso. n.d. ca. 2000. Bohol: The capsulized

history. To replenish their dwindling food supply, the ship Victoria now under the command of Sebastain de Elcano dropped anchor at the seaboard between the Bohol mainland and the island of Panglao. Through the natives, they found potable water in a well called”BOHO”, very close to the place where they anchored. Despite its proximity to the sea (about 30 meters), its water deposit is not salty. It projects an inexhaustible amount of water even during prolonged rainless dry season (sic). In spite of this unprecedented phenomenon, the surrounding community is devoid of accounts that purpotedly explained the origin of the [3] name “boho”. The early inhabitants must

have named it “boho” not “atabay” because it was not a man-made well. As the years went by the name of the place has been handed down from parents to children by word of mouth and the word “boho” was later corrupted and became the lead, the cue and the clue on why Bohol was called by that named. This well called “Bohol” is along the shoreline of barangay Guiwanon, Baclayon five kilometers from Tagbilaran City. History writers, textbooks and reference sources often give vastly divergent accounts relating how the name Bohol has been attributed to the island of Datu Sikatuna and Sigala. Some historians had said that “the name Bohol is derived from Bo-ol, a barrio from the mainland, in a place where Magellan’s men came upon after they toured the island of Panglao. Other chroniclers and early historians invariably write the name of this province as Bojo, Bohol, and Bohol. Compilation of sources and maps from Legaspi’s chronicles on Philippine map and other accounts have shown that name Bohol has already existed before the Spaniards came. 4

#folk etymology

It was believed that Dagohoy possessed some supernatural powers, an amulet, “anting-anting” or “dagon”, a charm which protected him from being harmed by his enemies. It was said that the hero possessed the charm of “hoyohoy”, a gentle wind which enabled him to jump from one hill to another hill, from one side to the other of the same river. Because of his power, the people called him “tawo nga may pako”, a man with wings and another power where he could see in darkness even inside the caves. He was also referred to as “ang tawo ng nakadagon sa hoyohoy”, a man who possesses the charm of magical power from the gods of the gentle winds. This charm gives him the power to vanish and reappear as he wishes. In a different version of the same episode it was said that Dagohoy’s bodily scent could be sensed through the airwaves but could not be seen. Dagohoy’s real name was Franciso Sendrijas, a native of Inabanga, Bohol. Because of his charm from the gentle wind the natives called him Dagohoy from the coined Bisayan words, “Dagon sa Hoyohoy”. original surname of Sendrijas. 8

#dagohoy #folk etymology

Boholanos are sometimes looked down (sic) by non-Boholanos in exaggerating the use of “j” in speaking the local dialect in their own intonation and accent. But to them, the intonation and accent should not be considered a defect; it is a trademark of the twang the native tongue (sic). Every town, province or even every country for that matter has its own intonation and accent in speaking their own language and that the Boholanos are proud that they have their own (sic), a symbol and identification that they are real Boholanos. So they have nothing to fear for being despised. Instead, they have to preserve it. 19

#hypercorrection #chd

Whenever one moves to a newly built house, a celebration takes place. The owner of the house, as a tradition, would prepare a pig or a cow to be slaughtered for the celebration. There are games and dancing besides eating. They called this belief, “pa-orog”. The “pa-orog” will enable the owners of the newly built house to b e protected from harms and bad omens and at the same time, they will be guaranteed to have a happy home life. 22


For the healing of the sick they employed a “diwatahan or tambalan” who utters strange language to appease the anito or the invisible being inhabiting a tree whom the natives

believe to be responsible for their ailments. They called this practice “dangkoy” which involves dancing over hot coals. 22

#urasyun

In Rizalino Israel’s “Captain Francisco Salazar Has Fallen”, a biography of Vicente T Cubero, he told the story of a brave Surigao-born Boholano who used the name Francisco Salazar as his war name [...]

However, on the other hand, Cubero was known to have possessed a talisman in the form of a libretto, according to Israel. Many claimed that Salazar became invulnerable to bullets and other weapons after uttering ejaculations from the strange tiny book. 26

#antinganting

It has been said by old-folks-knowers that only a female could neautralize the power of a talisman. It had been coincidentally proven true in the case of Francisco Salazar for before the firing line the battle line (sic). A woman crossed the path, in the person of a certain Maria, who, together with a lad pretended to be looking for a medicine man to cure her ailment but in reailty was a Japanese spy. After the incident three truckloads of Japanese soldiers in fully armed gear (sic). At the end, fourteen guerrilla fighters fell and eighty nine Japanese soldiers lost their lives in that encounter. Francisco Salazar fell dead from bullets of the Japanese soldiers and his charmed exploits ended too.

(Reprinted from the book, “This is Bohol”, written by the Bohol Provincial Librarian, Mrs Salome D Ramos and her assistants) 27

#antinganting

It used to be called “Guinduluman” meaning “overtaken by darkness” because it was said that there were only two towns organized in Bohol: Jagna and Batuanan (Alicia). Travelers starting from any part of those towns in the morning were sure to be benighted or overtaken by darkness in this place. The name was later changed to Guindulman.

#folk etymology (see also Tirol’s opinion on this)

The construction of the church [of Loon], the two primary school buildings, the flight of steps from Moto to Napo and the municipal building in Napo was done with forced labor. On Sundays, every male person had to go to church and bring at least one ganta of sand. The house of the governadorcillo was built in the same way. The wooden materials used for this construction came from Maitum, a former barrio of Tubigon. Hundreds of men had to cut timber from the mountains and haul the logs to the sea. It is said that many died from the hardship of task. The men assigned to work at Maitum were out for at least one year. It is also said that when the men left for this assignment, the church bells tolled for those who would not be able to return because of death from exhaustion, hunger or disease. [...] There are fisherman who do not limit themselves to the sea around Bohol. They go as far as Palawan and Turtle Island.

#route to biabas

Mapes, Victor L. 2000. The butchers, the baker: The World War II memoir of a United States Army Air Corps soldier captured by the Japanese in the Philippines. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company.

I learned later that the four men who had escaped joined the guerrillas under Lt. Col. Fergig. William G. Knortz, the escape leader, had been a good friend of Lt. John Chandler, who was one of the three POWs executed in retaliation for the escape. Knortz took Chandler’s death hard and threw himself into reckless operations against the Jpas. Knortz died in aciton September 11, 1943. It was rumored that he had been paddling toward a pier guarded by several Japs. As usual Knortz had slung two bandoliers of ammunition over his shoulder. It was not completely dark and the Japs discovered him before he could begin firing. To avoird their fire, Knortz slipped into the water only to sink and drown under the weight of his ammunition. 226

Hau, Caroline S. 2000. Literature and history. In Necessary fictions: Philippine literature and the nation, 1946–1980. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press.

The question of culture is central to the nationalist debate over the continuing impact of colonialism in Philippine everyday life. Filipino culture itself is theorized, not least by some Filipinos themselves, as being tainted by the Philippines’ colonial history and its aftermath. This contamination, and the mark of inauthenticity that is its byproduct, springs from the assumption that Philippine culture is principally and substantively defined through its interaction with the “outside,” especially its foreign colonizers.

Renato Constantino has commented on the “colonial mentality” afflicting Filipino academics who remain trapped within the logic and values of their “Western” colonizers. No doubt the Americans played a key role in constructing lowland, “Hispanized” Philippine culture as debased and corrupt, effectively setting it apart from, and in conceptual opposition to, the Noble Savage culture of the highlanders in Mountain Province (Cannell 1999, 6-9). The durability of this concept of a “damaged” culture – this is James Fallows’s dramatic phrase – is confirmed by the oft-repeated lamentation among Filipinos that “we have no culture,” and by interminable public and private debates (especially among the middle classes) over Filipino identity or the lack thereof. 100

#authenticity

#definition: indigenous #chapter 1 [prefiguring Jolly in chapter 10]

“When we ourselves began to write the history of our own country, we were naturally outraged by the idea that an alien people [i.e., the Spaniards] had intervened in that history and just as naturally resolved to reject that invervention as not our history,not our true history, which we formulate as the era before the coming of the West, and the era in which we began to fight to break free of the West, the intervening intervention being skipped as much as possible as no affair of our own.” Nick Joaquin. 1975. Culture as history. Manila Review 1 (3) (April): 6-7. Cited in Hau, 103

#authenticity #chapter 10

“Identity is such a problem for us because we are of two minds about it. On the one hand we say that we must change, we must leave the past behind, we must move forward, we must update. On the other hand we insist that there is a fixed primeval Filipino identity to which we must make our way back. And at the same time we are asking: “What is the identity of the Filipino today?”

Everybody thinks that is a question impossible to answer.

Actually the answer is very easy and very plain.

The identity of the Filipino today is of a person asking what is his identity.”

Joaquin, Nick. 1988. Culture and history: Occasional notes on the process of Philippine becoming. Mandaluyong: Solar Publishing Corporation. p244. Cited in Hau 116.


Far from being diametrically opposed categories, the “indigenous” and “foreign” take shape through the mutual determination of one by the other, within specific historical and material circumstances. 132

#authenticity #definition: indigenous #entification #chapter 4 #article: virgin birth

Cullinane, Michael. 2000. The master and Juan de la Cruz: Hilario C. Moncado, politiko and man of mystery. In Lives at the margin: Biography of Filipinos, obscure, ordinary, and heroic, edited by A. W. McCoy. Madison, Wisconsin: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

For the faithful, Moncado was the reincarnation of Christ through Rizal. 71

The countryside of Moncado’s youth—Cebu’s contracosta, or west coast—was in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries alive with charismatic leaders and socioreligious rebels who defied Hispanized elites, resited American rule, and established uniuqe societies that frequenlty sought withdrawal from mainstream society. More than any other region of Cebu, this area was, in the view of indigenous elites and the colonial authorities, notorious for movements that were labeled colorum. Moncado and his family were undoubtedly familiar with several of the more prominent charismatic figures of Cebu’s contracosta. 73

#article: bio of anoy

Tirol, Jes B. Biography of Mariano Datahan Sumatra. [Part 5], 25 June, 2000 The Bohol Chronicle.

After the Lonoy, Jagna debacle of the Boholano patriots on March 8, 1901, a general court martial was held by the Boholano forces. The supposed traitor of Jagna, Francisco Alcala was sentenced to die by firing squad. The others accused of crimes were found innocent like Eusebio Deliman for robbery and Antonio Balili for arson. Mariano Datahan (he was already known by that name), was found innocent for the crime of “contra la union de los revolucionarios” (against the union of the revolutionaries). (See. S. Apalisok, “Bohol Without Tears” (1999), Book 3, p227)

After his release, Datahan went back to Misamis and fought with the Filipino patriots against the Americans in the towns of Clarin, Oroquita, Langaran, Nocalan and Todela.

[...]

In the month of August 1901 Datahan decided to return to Bohol. On August 8, 1901 he was already at the island of Pamilacan, Baclayon together with his friend Eustaquio Daligdig and they went separate ways. Datahan then went to Panglao, then to Maribojoc, then Balilihan, Carmen, Batuan, and Carmen, Bohol. Between the towns of Carmen and Batuan, he joined with the group of Col Pedro Samson.

The Eskaya Biography of Mariano Datahan give details about a battle between the Boholanos and the Americans at Carmen, Bohol near a place called Carmanayon. It occurred on August 17, 1901. It was a large scale battle. This battle is not recorded in any history book.

[...]

The Eskaya biography of Mariano Datahan gave the date of September 13, 1901 when Col Samson reorganized the Boholano government at Cambaliga, Carmen, Bohol. It was because the officials of the Republic of Bohol did not function anymore. In the reorganization, Colonel Samson assumed the rank of General. That is why when Col Samson surrendered on December 23, 1901 he was already recorded by the Americans as General Pedro Samson. It is only Datahan’s Biography that can supply us when and where Pedro Samson assumed the rank of General. 1

During the Second World War, Mariano Datahan organized his own Guerrilla force. It was this force that Lt Esteban Bernido, later on became Governor of Bohol, tried to take over command but Datahan rejected Bernido.

Datahan was very supportive of the Boholano Guerrillas. According to the Eskayas, throughout the war period Datahan slaughtered sixty cows and carabos in order to feed the Guerillas.

Immediately after the war, Datahan was again in trouble because he sheltered the Pulahan Cult from Leyte and Negros whose beliefs were similar to the Eskayas who were officially Aglipayans. He was arrested by the authorities for rebellion. After this experience, he took Atty. Victoriano D. Tirol as a lawyer to advise him on the intricacies of the law. 2

#aglipay

Gray, Edward G. 2000. Missionary linguistics and the description of ‘exotic’ languages. In Sylvain Auroux, E.F.K. Koerner, Hans-Josef Niedefehe & Kees Versteegh (eds.) History of the Language Sciences. Handbücher zur Sprach –und Kommunkiations-wissenschaft. Band 18.1 Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. 929-937

To properly understand the experiences and contributions of missionary linguists, one must abandon the impulse to search among their writings for the seeds of modern language sicence. This is not to diminish the many and real contributions of Christian

missionaries to the growth of the scientific study of language. Rather, it is to suggest that in order to have any meaningful historical understanding of the sources of those contributions, we must move beyond the all too common tendency among historians of linguistics to be satisfied with simply identifying the antecedents of their own discipline. 929


While the experiences of Christian missionaries have widely in time and place, one generalization can be made with confidence: until the 19th century, their language studies were a means to an end, namely the salvation of souls. The result of this was, on the whole, a highly utilitarian approach to the study of language. Only in exceptional cases does one find among the vast corpus of early missionary writings elaborate morphological analyses or philosophical ruminations on the nature of language. Instead, those writings reveal a persistent struggle to comprehend foreign languages in familiar, Western terms. This does not reflect some sort of impediment imposed by Christian dogma. Rather, it is indicative of the fact that for most Christian missionaries language-acquisition, not language tout court, has been the primary concern. 930


By Papal decree, the Asian trading routes were given to the Portuguese, and because Portugal was primarily a trading power (as opposed to a colonizing power), its presence in Asia was generally confined to seaports. For missionaries, this meant that activity was limited to trading centers, cities with abundant linguistic resources, including cosmopolitan merchants and seafarers, some hailing from the Levant or other regions long acquainted with Europeans and their languages. For this reason, there was little need for missionaries to study local languages. They could, instead, rely for interpretation on the many multilinguals who lived in these trading centers. 930


In addition to India, China, and Japan, another notable area for Catholic missionaries in 16th century Asia was the Philippines. In 1579, the Pope created the bishopric of Manila, which, largely because of Spanish trading ties, was incorporated into the holy see of Mexico. Very much unlike those elsewhere in Asia, missionaries in the Philippines faced little concerted resistance to their presence. There was simply no large-scale imperial structure to unite the people against foreigners. Yet, to some degree because of this fact, the missionaries’ burden was all the more difficult to bear. Without any sort of overarching governing apparatus, there was no extrinsic force to bring unity to Philippine culture and language. Missionaries could not, therefore, rely on a single elite lingua franca such as Mandarin in China, or Nahuatl in Mexico. Similarly, without the clear social hierarchies of China or India, there was no far-reaching imperial elite to disseminate Catholic learning.

These circumstances left missionaries with no choice but to master various local languages and dialects, and to this end, they produced numerous grammars and dictionaries. Among these were the Dominican Tomas Pinpin, Blancas de San José’s Arte y reglas de la lenguag tagalag, first published in 1610, and Father Augustín de Magdalena’s Arte de la lengua tagala sacado de diversos artes (1679). Much like other missionary grammars of the era, these works relied on a Latin grammatical standard. The use of a Latin standard, as numerous scholars have observed, was perhaps the single trait that unified all pre-modern missionary grammars. And while one familiar

explanation for this is the absence of a relativistic world view, there is another less often recognized explanation. Far from being dispassionate scientific treatises, missionary grammars were textbooks, designed first and foremost to aid missionaries in the expedient acquisition of local languages. It only made sense, then, to present these languages in familiar terms. And for Jesuits, dominicans, and Franciscans, all of whom had spent time learning Latin, and many of whom had taught Latin, it made even more sense to employ a Latin standard. 932


But beyond this [the benefit of imperial lingua francas], from very early in the Spanish conquest of Mexico, Spanish missionaries had the extraordinary advantage of having printing presses at their disposal. In Mexico, a press was established in the 1530’s, under the auspices of the first bishop of Mexico, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and the first book printed on the press was a bilingual catechism entitled Breve y más compendiosa doctrina Christiana (sic) en lengua castellana y mexicana. This work was followed in 1555 by the first Spanish-Nahuatl dictionary, written by the Franciscan Alonso [932] de Molina. The first printing press in Peru was established in 1580, and soon it was issuing religious works in Quechua and Aymara. The first of these was the Doctrina Christiana (sic) y catecismo para instrucción de los Indios (1584), a fully trilingual work in Spanish, Quechua, and Aymara. 933


Once again, a brief survey of French missionary writings on Amerindian languages reveals a continued reliance on a Latin standard, and, in turn, the persistence of the Christian utilitarian approach to language study. 934


The most remarkable of the early Protestant missions to the Americas was that of the New England minister, John Eliot (1604-1690) who spent the second half of the 17th century pursuing the conversion of a small group of Algonquian-speaking Indians in Eastern Massachusetts. Much like the Catholic missionaries in New Spain, Eliot had a printing press at his disposal, but Eliot’s use of print differed profoundly from that of these Catholic missionaries. If, for the latter, printed works in indigenous languages were intended to serve the missionaries themselves, for Eliot they were intended to serve the Indians. 934


#literacy

[...] Eliot was the first to apply to a non-European peoples the Protestant doctrine that every Christian should have ready and immediate access to Scripture. 935


#literacy

But even within this group [Puritans], Eliot was radical. He believed fervently in the millennialist notion that the second coming of Christ wwas imminent, and that humans had much to do to prepare the way for Christ’s return. Most importantly, they had to reconstruct an early “primitive” church of Christians that resembled the morally uncorrupt world before original sin. In Eliot’s view, the only acceptable way to do this

was to begin with persons devoid of the corrupt habits of mind endemic to the Old World. The American Indians seemed the ideal subjects for such an experiment. They appeared untouched by European greed and immorality, and (in Eliot’s view) may even have been one of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel. 935


2001 Borja, Tiburcio. 2001. Our early ABC’s in Bohol. In

Bearers of benevolence: The Thomasites and public education in the Philippines, edited by M. Racelis and J. C. Ick. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing.

In Bohol that same year [1901] the English school [in Tagbilaran] did not begin to function till June. 194

There were copybooks with one line of writing at the top to be copied on the whole page, line by line. 195

Francisco, Jose Mario C. 2001. Language as currency and dictionaries as barter. In Reflections on Philippine culture and society, edited by J. T. Peralta. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

This early-seventeenth-century manuscript [Vocabulario Tagalo]– whose history and condition Antoon Postma has carefully traced – consists of a Tagalog-Spanish dictionary and a Spanish-Tagalog finding list aimed at helping Spanish speakers learn Tagalog, not vice versa (Ruiz 1997).

#language policy


“Missionaries made adaptations to the customs, values, and structures of Filipino society in order to present Christianity in a form not totally alien to the culture with which it was coming into contact. Most obvious of these adaptations was the decision taken from the very beginning to teach the faith, not in Spanish but in the native languages.” John Schumacher (1979, 74-75) 44

#language policy

Hence they [Spanish missionaries] insited on the Spanish Dios instead of any vernacular words, such as Bat-hala Meikapal (Origin, Maker of Earth and Heaven), for fear that their nuances and imprecision could lead to idolatry (de la Costa 1961, 140). 47

#language policy

The translation of the Spanish perdon into the Tagalog tauad, as mentioned above, locates the native understaning of forgiveness in the realm of an exchange of goods through barter or selling. Further, it elicits the entire ethos of native commercial practices into the theological meaning of forgiveness. While religious or technical

theological discourse in other languages, like Spanish, has earlier employed a similar root metaphor for Christian forgiveness, the [47] translation of this metapahor into Tagalog specifies the meaning of forgiveness within the local context. Hence, it is not surprising that Filipino Christians appear to be bargaining, or haggling, (tumatauad) with God in their prayers. 48

#language policy

De la Paz, Myrna J. 2001. Abadeha: The Philippine Cinderella. Auburn, California: Shen’s books.

One upon a time in the islands called the Philippines, where sea stars bloom in a shimmering emerald sea, ther lived a fisherman named Abak, his wife Abadesa, and their beautiful daughter Abadeha. [n.d.]

#folk literacy #article: writing system

Racelis, Mary. 2001. Introduction: Bearing benevolence in the classroom and community. In Bearers of benevolence: The Thomasites and public education in the Philippines, edited by M. Racelis and J. C. Ick. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing.

Of all the values deliberately programmed into the curriculum, the most contentious was the American value placed on the dignity of labor. The Thomasites learned early on that only lower status people carried loads or did manual labor. The American governor of Leyte created a sensation when he arrived at his new station carrying his baby in his arms, with no maidservant to be seen. Little wonder that when Thomasites carried piles of books, unloaded crates of school supplies, constructed benches, swept the floor or erased the blackboard, Filipinos stared and experienced all kinds of qualms as to whether they should help. Poorer Filipinos would invariably leap to the rescue, while elites hung back in agonies of indecision.

The climax came with the introduction of vocational subjects especially gardening, into the school curriculum. Until then, teachers had followed a strictly academic program, deliberately done lest Filipinos believe that American education was aiming at making them “hewers of wood and carriers of water.” Vocational skills were to be introduced gradually, with students of all social statuses expected to help teachers erase the board, move chairs and tables, and run errands carrying small items. Since the teachers themselves erased, moved and carried, this could not be interpreted as a matter of status distinction.

Gardening was another matter though. Cultivating the soil with one’s bare hands was something only poor people did. The children of landlords might sit next to the children of their tenants in the classroom, but that did not reflect social and economic relations outside of it Many a [10] Thomasite had to send home the muchacho who came along with his child “master” on gardening day to do the manual labor for him. Even the poorer children’s parents objected because they were sending their children to school to make them into professionals who would never have to dirty their hands. The Filipino teachers themselves were cast into all kinds of role conflicts on the matter.

Since, however, the American teachers were in charge and themselves showed the children how to prepare the vegetable garden, plant, nurture, and harvest, their pupils could hardly refuse to follow suit. [...]Home economics classes taught the girls how to use a variety of recipes, cooking the vegetables so they retained their nutritional value. The concept of nutrition and posters with the three basic food groups became standard information in local communities. 11

#chapter 4 [discussing literature to do with nutrition, value of hard work etc]

2002 [No sources]

2003 Aparece, Ulysses B. 2003. Sukdan curing practices in

Anonang, Inabanga, Bohol: An ethnography of performance, Graduate Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences, University of San Carlos, Cebu City.

...the Visayans name them [shamans] baylan or babaylan [via McCoy 1982]. 8

In the northern part of Bohol, the word tambalan is the umbrella term for all medicine men who can specifically function as any of the following: albularyu (healer who utilizes herbs to treat diseases); manghihilut (native masseur who treats “sprains” and bone dislocations); urasyunan (one who utters verses in Latin, or a Latin-Visayan mix, to cure illness); mananayhup (healer who blows air softly on the afflicted part of the sick person’s body while incantations are muttered); manunuthu (the curer who squirts his/her saliva on the afflicted part of the patient’s body) (Galleon, 1976:80-86); and sukdan (one who performs curing in trance through ritualistic dancing, chanting, acting and singing). The sukdan might also be an albularyu, “herbal shaman,” or urasyunan simultaneously ... 9

#urasyun

The biray is a voluntary association with a constitution (acta) and a board (hunta), organised for the sole purpose of providing funeral assistance to its members. Any person or group of persons may organize a biray, along lines of clan or family membership, or to serve the needs of those living in a particular locality. A person or family may belong to more than one. Each biray may function indefinitely. 60


The gala is organized for the specific purpose of providing financial assistance to a member at the marriage of a male child. Members all have one thing in common: at least one single male child in the family. A gala may not be guided by a constitution if its members are small in number; only about 30 persons or less comprise a gala. Members agree to contribute a specific amount upon the marriage of the male child. If a member has more than one unmarried son, he may “register” all of them on condition that he pay the agreed-upon contribution for each.

The gala has a relatively short life span. It ceases to function when all the members have collected upon the marriage of their respective male children. If a member’s son does not marry, and he is thus the last in line, he collects what is due him anyway.

There is always a danger that upon his son’s marriage a member may no longer be interested in honoring his obligations to the others. There is no adequate safeguard against this, except the trust that every member places in his fellows. Again, a person may be a member of one or more such associations.

The ayunay, from ayun or alayun, “alliance, cooperation,” is a practice whereby a person lends his service to another in exchange for a similar future service. The service is free, but its beneficiary is obligated to provide food, [62] drinks, and entertainment at the time and site of service. Examples of this are the cleaning of weeds froma rice field, and the preapration and production stages of rapya, a roll of woven buri fibers about ten meters long and one meter wide, weavable in one day, that can bring a price of 300 persos.

Buluntaryu is a practice in Anonang whereby the whole community, or a large part of it, is required to render volunteer service in order to repair roads, construct a barangay hall, chapel or basketball court, etc. 62


Many residents [of Anonang] are known for their kalaki or ability to rise above the ordinary through their magical or spiritual powers. On the good side are the tambalan, “medicine men,” who are either urasyunan (who utter verses in Latin or corrupt Latin to cure a person), mananayhup (who blows air softly on an afflicted part of a person’s body while muttering incantations between blowing), manunuthu (who treats by spitting on the affected part of the patient’s body), and the sukdan, the subject of this work. They are generally believed to be benevolent. [67]

On the bad side are the dautan, “evil ones,” who inflict harm in various specialized ways that could collectively be called sorcery, except for one. There is the barangan (who harms another through his pet creatures like beetles, scorpions, centipedes, or bees), the paktul (who inflicts harm by piercing with a needle a part of a doll that represents the person to be destroyed), the sampalan (who ties magic charms to the branches of his fruit trees to prevent theft of the fruit, and causing any thief to suffer a swelling of the stomach and sometimes death), and the haplit (who inflicts harm by touching his hand to a part of another’s body). More real may be the hiluan (who kills through the surreptitious administration of what may be a real poison).

Frequently heard in the barangay are stories of the night creatures, or “creatures of the lower world,” as Filipino folkorists call them (Ramos 1971:3-4) such as the kundinadu (restive souls dragging metal chains), kik-kik (nocturnal birds believed to be the pets of a witch or ungu), wakwak (birds which turn into women of terrifying appearance upon landing), wuwug (a viscera-sucking, flying human head), and many others. 68

#urasyun #eskayan etymology: bolto

In Anonang’s brief history as a community, there have been, and still are, stories about charismatic leaders and popular personalities who commanded a number of followers or believers and attracted a great attention because of their verbal skills, and extraordinary feats such as healing, levitation, mastery over nature, and ability to

become invisible. At the forefront of these have been the sukdan. One of the great sukdan in Anonang’s past was Candido.

When he was still alive, the shaman Candido was known in Anonang and its neighboring barangays as an excellent curer of persons who fell victim to barangan, paktul and ungu. He was especially known for liberating or freeing a victim of the patakud, or that ingested substance which turns an unsuspecting person into an ungu or wakwak. It was learned from him that some obvious symptoms that one has become a victim of patakud are his restlessness at nights and his emission of strange sounds that resemble a young bird’s while sleeping. The patakud is put into delicious food, given to, and eaten by a prospective victim. The victim can still be saved from becoming a full-fledged ungu or wakwak if the patakud is destroyed in its infancy, a pisu, or a young bird, that is, a young wakwak. According to Candido, this could be accomplished through ritualistic cleansing by fire. 70

#boholano-eskaya traditions, #messianism

Another person of charismatic character in Anonang was Pelagia. She was a small, hunch-backed woman gifted with healing through urasyun. She was [71] revered to the point of being called birhin (virgin) and addressed as nanay. Her story resembles the Cebuano tale of Maria Cacao.

A loose group of followers was formed. Money and farm produce were freely given to Pelagia. She was so deeply respected that she was carried by her followers when crossing rivers and walking uphill. She and her group used to live in sitio Kalubihan in houses made of galvanised iron (g.i.) sheets for roof walls and floor. The group believed that this kind of house could endure a deluge similar to the one at the time of Noah. Members claimed they saw Pelagia walking on the flood waters that devastated Inabanga in 1962. Many also said that they had witnessed Pelagia turned away from a ship in Cebu bound for Cagayan because of excess passengers, only to find that she had arrived in Cagayan ahead of their ship’s arrival.

This researcher, when he was still an adolescent, had personal experiences of Pelagia’s character. One good experience was when they were together in the motorized banca, M/V Señor Sto. Niño bound for Cebu. She uttered incomprehensible Latin in order to appease nature’s wrath. Then she threw food [72] to the angry and hungry waves – bread, boiled rice, eggs, and dried fish – as an offering to the nature spirits. The banca miraculously survived.

Much care was given to Pelagia by her followers because of her hunchback. They believed that if it exploded, the whole of Anonang would be inundated. But she died through another cause. She left behind nine houses which have remained padlocked for fear that once they are opened, the whole world would be flooded with coins. A small chapel has been built in her honor. An image of the Lady of the Rule, the chapel’s patron saint, is kept at the altar; beside it is Pelagia’s own image. Their feast day is November 21. 73

#boholano-eskaya traditions: #messianism #urasyun #female cult leaders

According to the sukdan himself the name comes from the word sukud which in today’s Boholano or Cebuano means “to measure” or “to calculate”. 74

In its old understanding, it refers to a verb which means to challenge, to dare, or to provoke to a fight or battle, or to try to find out a person’s sincerity, love and ability.

True enough, the striking characteristics of the sukdan are his strict adherence to the rule of numbers, contents, and amounts, his fighting stance in his ritualistic dances as if he were ready to do battle using his ritual bolo, and his sacrificial performances to show his sincerity, love, and ability regarding his curing practices. He could be called the “measuring shaman” or “the measurer”. 75

[The sukdan] Pedro [Suete] was called by the spirits of local historical warriors, foremost of whom was Dagohoy, a famous Boholano anti-Spanish revolt leader. His calling was characterized by various illnesses that struck him and his family at separate times: sugpa (vomiting of blood), suka-kalibang (loose bowel movement coupled with vomiting), and recurring high fever. He was told that these are signs of shamanic calling, which he later accepted as he became more and more desperate for cure.

According to Pio, Dagohoy used to live in the caves of Taming and Magtangtang (both now in the municipality of Danao), near to Pedro’s lands. Pio [84] believed that Dagohoy was himself a sukdan, and was his distant ancestor. Pedro has two other brothers who are also shman. Spirits of local warrior-relatives also called them to this position. 85

#reincarnation #dagohoy #chapter 1 #chapter 8

When this diagnosis [of an illness inflicted by an ancestor shaman, calling the victim to become a shaman himself] is made out to be certain, a shaman-to-be has no choice other than to accept the call, because not only may he himself suffer a grave illness or die, so may any of his family members suffer a catastrophe. In fact, the diagnosis of a malady of one of the family members by a shaman could also pinpoint the candidate as the one being given a call. 89

The caves [of Taming] are in the barangay of Taming, in Danao town, and are believed to have been the hideout of the shaman and rebel, Dagohoy. 92

The mother of Conching [Conchita Capio], Henie’s [Henie Jenizan] wife is an urasyunan who cures with magical verses. 95

#urasyun (CONSULTANT)

NOTE: Bad luck in childhood as evidence of being ‘chosen’ – see Biography of Anoy Datahan.

The shamans admit that they have poor relations with the urasyunan. In the past, many urasyunan have interfered with a sukdan especially when he is in the act of self-sacrifice or immolation doing the fire-dance, or doing the bolo dance (sayaw sa alam-alam annd sayaw sa lunas, respectively). The urasyunan might mumble an oracion in Latin to render a dance unsuccessful, perhaps even leading to the sukdan’s injury of himself or even death. The urasyunan believe the sukdan’s rituals have to be stopped because they believe they involve evil powers. Should a sukdan notice that an urasyunan is interfering, he will first speak a warning to stop. If unheeded, he might then run after the enemy to attack with his ritual bolo. 100

#urasyun

There are no female sukdan. 102

#female cult leaders

Barangay folk say that they sometimes see lights on the mountain at night, seemingly coming from glass-covered kerosene lamps. They believe that they are connected with a fairy who watches over the whole place, staying awake at nights to frighten away bandits. Her name is believed to be Alejandria, but she is also known as Dalagang Bukid, “Maiden of the Mountain”. She is the shepherdess of golden livestock such as carabaos, horses, and cows that can be seen at any time should they wish to appear to humans. At times, it is said, the whole mountain glows brilliantly at night, probably due to these golden animals.

According to popular accounts, Mt. Puwawan used to be a place to which people evacuated to hide from the Japanese. When the Japanese troops finally set foot on the mountain to make it their camp, the evacuees moved farther east. Anonang people believe that when they left Bohol, they buried bars of gold there, and many have gone to discover these treasures, some even losing their lives in an unsuccessful endeavor. One group of treasure-seekers was headed by American engineers who wanted to bulldoze the whole mountain, it is said. But while the work was still in its early stages, two of them came down with myserious illnesses and later died. Their workers became demoralized and demanded that the project be called off. [104]

Kalubihan Creek flows across sacred ground from the base of Mt. Puwawan to Sitio Kalubihan, through a coconut palm plantation, and then flows into the Baogo River to the west. The residents of Sitio Kalubihan claim that they have sometimes seen a golden ship, carrying a cargo of coffee and cacao, floating down the creek. But instead of sailing into the Baogo River, it takes off across the fields and valleys until it reaches the Inabanga River at the site of the enchanted city of Makaban. They claim that the ship’s ultimate destination is Davao City, where Alejandria was believed to have once been seen, speaking about Mt. Puwawan and its cacao plantations. Her ship is said to carry a cargo of gold bars as well, and its name is written in gold letters as MV Puwawan City. Like the account of Pelagia, the story of Alejandria appears to be a variant of the myth of Maria Cacao in Cebuano culture. 105

#lost treasure

The shamans say that the caves and rocks of Taming are as large as cathedrals, and that they may cover twenty hectares. The shaman-trainee must enter them alone to locate another istampa near which are found smaller rocks claimed to be statues of the patron saints. As a reward for completing this [107] hazardous task, the mutya amulet is revealed to the apprentice. He is allowed to find it when its brilliance pierces through the cave’s thick sheet of darkness. Once taken, it will act as the shaman’s taming against enemies through its divinatory powers.

The many mouths of the caves are perched dangerously on cliffs. Pio siad that he had entered only six of them. Their names are Tagulilung, Guba-guba, Ilagun, Kaumajanhun, Ilihan, and Pagunub, all names of cave spirits or ancestors who used to live in the caves as hermits (irmitanyu). He said the cave of Ilihan has the skeletal remains of American, Filipino, and Japanese soldiers who fought there. 108

PK: fusing of anticolonial nationalism with animism

#chapter 1

The shaman in trance will dance with the sacred sundang and touch it to his arms and legs without inflicting self-infury. This bolo, according to Pio, may be able to frighten a

rival urasyunan who may be present at a healing, preventing him/her from making the shaman’s ritual ineffective through the utterance of verses in corrupt Latin. 114

#urasyun

Their color [shirt and pants] must be white, a color reflecting the shaman’s personal purity and cleanliness. There are also a red triangular headwrap, red chest [115] band, and red waistband, providing a sharp contrast to the white. The color red was the favorite color of local warriors of old which, from the researcher’s point of view, symbolizes the courage and bravery needed by the shaman to interact with the spirits in trance in order to combat human malady. 116

#pulahan #chapter 1

Thirdly, the shaman peers into it [cup] for divinatory purposes. He can see whether the paraphernalia and offerings on the mat are ritually correct in number and contents – at least it concentrates his attention on the ritual tasks ahead. He can also tell from it wheter a corrupt urasyunan, his arch-enemy, may be near. 117

#urasyun

House-transfer rituals are also commissioned so that landowning ancestral spirits will enable a smooth movement from the old housesite, and to the new housesite. 123

#boholano-eskaya traditions, #house blessing

Pagsudlay, “Ritual Hair-combing” By 3pm on Good Friday, the group had descended Mt. Puwawan and returned to Pio’s house. Upon arrival, each member was welcomed inside the house by being given a ceremonial hair-combing. The shaman’s wife Corcine used her comb to do this. The meaning of this is unclear, but may be related contextually to a similar hair-combing done in Bohol when a newlywed couple enter their dwelling after their nuptials. The comb used by the bride and groom is first dipped into a glass of water where a certain leaf symbolizing happiness has been submerged. This was not done by Corcine. 132


Addressing his wife as dinay, a ritual term for “wife” and an obvious re-arrangement of the phonemes for the term of endearment inday, he asked her whether everything was ready. 136

#word play #cryptolects #chapter 7 #chapter 9

[From Arukay]

6. Ka-umagdang urasyunan, Pagsabungan,

Ancestors who can speak words of power, Pagsabungan, 137

#urasyunan (definition)

[list of ancestors mentioned in the arukay, compare with Eskayan texts]: Puwawan, Kuampang, Matinlig, Kansusu, Panghagban, Kurus, Hamaga, Pagdasigan, Kambantug, Tilbanuk, Kanlinti, Muntiapu, Kitanglad. 139


Aku si Pag-ugisan. Karun pa mi ka-ila nimu. Gikan ku sa Puluhagan du-ul sa Guindulman. Di ku malisang bisan unsang katalagman. Naay gasa?

I am Pag-ugisan. It’s only now that we know you [the spirit was meeting everyone for the first time]. I come from Puluhugan near Guindulman. I don’t feel afraid no matter what the catastrophe. Is there a gift? 143

The spirit now continued with the arukay chant, Pio’s voice still in the voice of a woman.

57. Sura Surayda walay la-ing gisaligan,

Suray Surayda, no one else is trusted in,

58. Himu-un ang lunas sa aghuy sa kabata-an,

The lunas of the aghuy sa kabata-an must be done,

59. Nga gisaligan sa pagpanubay ug panusi, ang ka-alam

Which is entrusted to search and investigate, the wisdom

60. Di mu pagahikawan, kana ang gihangyu namung tanan.

You won’t deny, that is what we all ask.

61. Sura Surayda, busa dapita ang mga bayani, kudban

Sura Surayda, so invite the heroes, the invulnerable,

62. Ug urasyunan, siya gayud sa bala dili madutlan,

And the gifted in words, he can’t be wounded by the bullet,

63. Ug sa kampilan siya dili mapasipad-an.

And by the bolo he won’t be harmed.

64. Pagjugum, pamalabad, ug pangkyamun mung tanan.

Drink, smoke the tobacco, and eat you all.

65. Mutya sa panipas, mutya sa panli-as,

Precious stone against deception, precious stone against trickery,

66. Mutya sa Panay-ay, mutya sa Mindoro, mutya sa Sagukluy,

Precious stone of Panay-ay, precious stone of Mindoro, precious stone of Sagukluy

67. Mutya sa tagulilung, mutya sa hangin

Precious stone of invisibility, precious stone of the wind,

68. Mutya sa lipak, mutya sa lambinaw, mutya sa adlaw,

Precious stone of lightning, precious stone of the water, precious stone of the sun,

69. Mutya sa liti, mutya sa panuktuk, mutya, sa mangginan-aw,

Precious stone of thunder, precious stone of panuktuk, precious stone of mangginan-aw

70. Mutya sa bitu-un, mutya sa kabangla, mutya sa buwan, [145]

Precious stone of the star, precious stone of kabangla, precious stone of the moon,

146

#invisibility, #invulnerability, #mutya #antinganting

In the first dream, a quack urasyunan (healer using verses in corrupt Latin) had severed his head with his pinuti bolo. 148

The urasyunan’s beheading of the shaman in the researcher’s dream might signify assassination of the sukdan’s character, as the urasyunan is wont to do because he believes his methods are based in evil. 149

The women, led by the shaman’s wife, were guided by Cebuano-language novena booklets (tamdanan) printed in Cebu City. Excerpts from them were recited in the following order: Anonymous 1935a, 1935b, 1984b. 158

And, finally, [the habak bottle] must never be stepped over or walked on, even accidentally. It must be kept in an elevated place, preferably an altar. 162


At early dawn, a few hours after the ritual, the shaman must perform without fail a certain task, namely, to take a bath. Should he not do this, he has to make amends by killing a person outside of Bohol. Pio said that this act had never yet been committed by any shaman: a man would rather take a bath, no matter how cold the weather, and even if he is not feeling well. 182

#funny

But though the phases of ritual and the line of the invocation are fixed, out-of-script lines or action can occur, for example when the shaman, perhaps still in trance as a medium, enters into dialogues with visitors, issues instructions to assistants, patients or patient’s companions, asks how the patient is feeling now, and warns an urasyunan (if supsected to be present) against doing harm. 190

The steps of the shaman’s dances were found to resemble those used in the kuradang, which is a dance indigenous to Bohol. 194

#boholano-eskaya traditions, #dance

Lines 4-8 [of the Arukay Invocation] categorize these katiguwangan into ka-apuhan and kasungkuran, who are all the most distant ancestors; the punu-an, who are all the chief spirit guides of shamans; ka-umagdan, or ancestors with special powers; dangangan who can fly; the kudban who cannot be wounded in battle; urasyunan who can heal through the power of words and who must not be associated with the plain [ie non-ancestral, actual living and breathing PK] urasyunan who use corrupt Latin and are the arch-enemies of the sukdan; and the spirit-guides as called by their individual names such as Paglumutan, Pagabunan, and Pag-ugisan, who are in fact Pio’s guide spirits. 202

#invulnerability, #urasyunan (definition)

[There is] a high concentration of ritual variants of everyday words [used in the invocations]; these sound unfamiliar and strange to the audience. Examples are the words for the offerings: bahirus, pamalabad, tudungun, bantangun, alasyu, matam-isun (egg, rolled tobacco leaf, sacrificial rooster, sacrificial hot, wine, soft-drink). 207

#unintelligibility #cryptolects

The audience’s awareness of the present becomes cloudy, as the chant transports it back in time and space to the ancestors and warrior-heroes, through archaisms of language, invented terms and poetic expressions: [214]

From the word dagang, ‘feather,’ comes dagangan, ‘feathered ones,’ for the spirits who can fly;

from sabung, ‘cockfight,’ comes Pagsabungan as the name of a warrior-spirit known for his courage;

from lumut, ‘moss,’ comes Paglumutan, the name of a spirit of great age, symbolized by the moss that grows on the surface of things with time;

from lawig, ‘travel’ comes Paglawigan, ‘traveler,’ a spirit-knight of past time who was an adventurous and questing warrior;

from ugis, ‘white,’ comes Pag-ugisan, a warrior of purest intention;

from sungkud, ‘walking stick,’ comes kasungkuran, ‘great-grandfather’;

from banhaw, ‘resurrect,’ comes Makabanhaw, a cave spirit who is able to bring back the dead to life; he is called upon in the lunas to bring back to power the collected (destroyed) herbs to replace the previous year’s gathering;

from lubsan, ‘cave,’ comes lubsanan, ‘cave-spirits’ who are believed to have deep wisdom as hermits living isolated lives. [215]

Other important symbols are:

Tanung, a ritual word for the epiphytes or plants that grow on trees that may be collected as medicine, for it symbolizes a man’s dependence on others, especially the Supreme Being;

mutya, the talismatic crystal, chard, or stone which, for the shaman in the diagnosis, provides him with direction in becoming aware of a supernatural cause of malady; this reminds of the mutya’s brilliance which the shaman’s spirit guides allowed to pierce through the darkness of the Caves of Taming so as to become visible to the shaman on his quest. The stone’s various epithets are listed:

mutya sa panipas or panli-as, from the words tipas or li-as, ‘out of the way,’ the charm ‘from the out-of-the-way place,’ for the shaman’s charmstone was found in an out-of-the-way place and also brings the shaman out of harm’s way. There is also reference to the mutya sa hangin, which makes the shaman as invisible as the wind; mutya sa lipak or liti, which as thunder frightens the enemies of the shaman; mutya sa lambinaw which like water allows the shaman to slip and slide away from his enemies; mutya sa adlaw which like the sun dazzles and blinds the eyes of the shaman’s enemies; mutya sa panuktuk or mutya sa mangginan-aw, which, as in ‘staring’ or ‘watching,’ paralizyes the shaman’s enemies who can then only look at him; and mutya sa bitu-un or buwan, ‘stone of the stars’ or of the ‘moon,’ which causes or charms his enemies to forget their bad intentions against him. 216

#unintelligibility #invisibility #invulnerability #mutya (DEFINITION) #word play

Failure to cure could also be laid down by the shaman to the presence in the audience or in the neighborhood of an ursasyunan of the inferior type who may have attempted

to botch the shaman’s cure by reciting a verse in doggerel Latin. This could cause him to slash his clothing while dancing the lunas. 224

The onlookers who were followers of the urasyunan Pelagia were also performing roles not uncommon in Bohol’s cultures and subcultures of curing. These roles were to come and witness, and evaluate, the performance of a curer rivaling their own favorite, in the context of their own beliefs. 229

The adherents of the urasyunan Pelagia admitted that the shaman appeared to be very competent. They were awed by the seeming presence of the supernatural as revealed in his diagnosis – the bottle tied to a string held still by the shaman yet seen swinging to and fro without his interference, and the mutya crystal showing shades reflecting the afflicting spirits. Yet they were quick to condemn, saying that these were evil works, that even the devil can heal the body but destroy the spirit. Furthermore, they revealed that the sukdan are diwatahan, or worshippers of the diwata, or fairies, who are believed to be fallen angels inhabiting mountains, trees, rivers, streams, and springs. The fact that the sukdan hold the rituals in forested areas, offer unseasoned food, and call the environment, ancestor and nature spirits are proofs that the sukdan’s practices are evil, they said. 231

#urasyun

The residents of Sitio Kalubihan claim that they have sometimes seen a golden ship carrying a cargo of coffee and cacao, floating down the creek. 237

Major activities [in the pre-dangin sa lutu break] involve [...] the praying of the novenas of the patron saints of the shaman (by the female spouses and female relatives and friends). 240


2) Pamisa de lamisa, ‘Mass and Table’ 242

One finding is that the shaman’s dances resemble the kuradang which is indigenous to Bohol. All dances have an overall counterclockwise movement, which is probably and originally of symbolic significance. 245

#boholano-eskaya traditions, #dance

The adherents of the urasyunan Pelagia admitted that the shaman appeared to be very competent in his rituals. Yet they were quick to condemn his works as evil. 249

urasyunan, ‘word curer’ 252


Kudban are kaumagdan who could not be wounded by any weapon. They could become vulnerable, though, through an incantation uttered by an urasyunan. 301

#invulnerability, #urasyun

Lakdan, ritually ‘being stepped over’. To do this to herbs renders them ineffective in curing as they are thereby desecrated. 302


Pamisa di la misa, ‘mass and table,’ is a curing ritual in honor of forgotten but now remembered deceased relatives, or the kalagnun. It is done after a Catholic mass has been celebrated in their honor and dedication. 305

#syncretism

Urasyunan is a ka-umagdan who heals through utterances in verses. the urasyunan who is the sukdan’s archenemy is not a ka-umagdan. He obtains his power or ability from Latin or corrupted Latin verses.


Yamyam refers to the soft muttering which the sukdan sometimes does in his spirit invocation. 312

#unintelligibility

Asian Development Bank Report. 2003. ‘Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines’ June 2003.

With the advent of Spanish colonization, the “minorization” of the indigenous peoples started. The Spanish colonizers forced their subjects to live in pueblos through a policy called reduccion. Those natives that refused to live in these pueblos retreated into the hinterlands and were called remontados and infieles. The natives ot the mountains, like the Igorots of the Cordillera, put up a strong resistance against colonial intrusions against their territories. Because of this, they were called tribus indipendientes by the Spanish chroniclers. They were also labeled as barbarians, pagans, and all sorts of derogatory names. Soon, even the assimilated indios internalized these prejudices against indigenous peoples. Thus, a dichotomy between the assimilated majority and unassimilated minority emerged.

The Spaniards introduced laws that contradicted, even denied, customary concepts of land use and ownership. They introduced the Regalian Doctrine, first, through a policy of encomienda. These were land grants by the King of Spain, but were managed by an encomiendero. The latter was tasked to collect tributo (taxes) and enforced the economic policies of the Crown (bandala, polo y servicio, etc.). Later, the Spanish Crown enacted the Maura Law, which reiterated that all pueblo lands were protected lands; they could not be alienated because they belonged to the King. In spite of these colonial policies, the unassimilated indigenous peoples continued to practice their customary practices with regard to their land and resources. 9


Hau, Caroline S, and Victoria L Tinto. 2003. Language policy and ethnic relations in the Philippines. In Fighting words: Language, policy and ethnic relations in Asia, edited by M. E. Brown and Š. Ganguly. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.

Early Spanish accounts of the so-called highlanders in the northern Philippines were more interested in differentiating between Spaniards and colonized “natives” than in distinguishing between one “native” and another. These “natives” were distinguished

from one another mainly by whether they submitted to Spanish rule or not; in censuses, vassals were called indios while the rest were called tribus independientes. The Spanish census also categorized people on the basis of their submission to Catholic missionization or baptism, with bautizados and convertidos being counted separately from infieles. The twin logic of conversion and separation of rulers from ruled lay behind the Spanish decision to create the intermediate category of mestizo and to apply it to the offspring not just of European and native unions but of Chinese and native ones as well. 320


Ethnological science, education, and colonial policy coalesced during the American period. American ethnographic discourse on “non-Christian tribes” was institutionalized through the establishment of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes in 1901. The bureau played a crucial role in advancing the annexation debates by providing the rational that justified American presence and intervention in the Philippines [fn]. The bureau called for “systematic investigations with reference to the non-Christian tribes of the Philippine Islands, in order to ascertain the name of each tribe, the limits of the territory which it occupies, the approximate number of individuals which compose it, their social organizations and their languages, beliefs, manners and customs, with special view to determining the most practicable means of bringing about their advancement in civilization and material prosperity” [fn] 327

#history: language documentation #definition: indigenous #article: virgin birth

American attitudes toward indigenous peoples differed from those of their colonial predecessors. Whereas Spaniards looked upon the pagans and Muslims as feroces, the United States’ “civilizing mission” was informed by a “noble-savage” discourse that aimed to rescue the non-Christian tribes from the “corrupt” culture of lowland, Hispanized Filipinos, whom Americans regarded as purveyors of the “cacique system” (the domination of local and provincial politics by a class of landed mestizos [of Spanish and Chinese ancestry]) and whose economic elite had been co-opted by the Spanish colonial state. This so-called Malay society was frequently characterized as “feudal” and “aristocratic”. [fn] 328

#definition: indigenous #history: language documentation

In the postindependence era, conflicts with “outsiders” became more pronounced and led to political mobilization and activism on the part of the indigenous peoples. Under the administration of Ferdinand Marcos, the office of the Presidenttial Assistant on National Minorities, formed in 1975, promoted Igorotlandia as a tourist attraction – the home of “authentic natives” fn. In 1978 the ministry of tourism embarked on a cultural enhancement program that was meant to highlight the distinctiveness and cultural attractions of ethnic minorities. 329

#definition: indigenous #authenticity #history: language documentation

The biggest outcry against a Tagalog-based national language has come from the Visayan elite. While they have recognized the need to fashion a linguistic symbol of unity, they have either favored English over Tagalog or advocated their regional language. 337

#national language #history: language documentation

The 1903 census reported that after more than three centuries of Spanish rule, less than 10 percent of the population spoke Spanish as a first or second language. The 1870 census found that only 2.46 percent of the population could “talk Castilian” [fn].

The lack of Spanish usage resulted from a decision by the Spanish Crown that initially encouraged friars to work in native languages, which they hoped would speed up religious conversion [fn]. In the sixteenth century, the Crown reversed course and instructed the friars to teach Castilian [fn]. In 1550 Carlos I decreed that colonies be instructed in Christian docrine in the Castilian language and not in native languages [fn] Felipe II later issued another decree making instruction in Castilian a re[338]quirement for all natives. This would be reiterated in subsequent decrees throughout the Spanish period.

Efforts to teach Spanish were hampered by a lack of funds, the paucity of teachers, the absence of an organized system of primary education, and scarcities of teaching materials. [fn] It was not until 1863 that an educational decree was passed establishing a system of primary education and including regulations for a normal school for teachers. Its objectives included the teaching of Spanish. Spanish was to be used as the sole medium of instruction, and literacy in Spanish was to be the major objective of the school curriculum [fn]. Native languages, however, continued to be used in primary schools [fn], and the 1863 decree – like its many predecessors – was hampered by poor implementation.

That is not to say that the Spanish language had no impact on Philippine society. A Hispanized elite evolved that could afford to send its sons to Europe to pursue a higher education. Filipino nationalism in the late nineteenth century was not articulated in terms of the debate between “foreign” and “native” languages. The language of elite-based Philippine nationalism was Spanish; the vernacular was used by other populist movements.

During the Revolutionary Period that followed the Filipino war of independence against Spain, nationalist leaders did not concern themselves with the issue of a national language. The 1897 Provisional Constitution of Biak-na-Bato made Tagalog the “official language” of the republic and the medium of elementary-school instruction. 339

#national language #history: language documentation #chapter 9 [note that in Anoy’s lifetime, knowledge of Spanish went from 2.46 percent in 1870 to ten per cent in 1903, thus he was part of the tripling of Spanish competency at a time which happened to coincide with the rise of nationalism]

In 1934 a national assembly was called to frame the Philippine constitution in preparation for formal political independence from the United States. Spirited debates among members of the assembly led to a compromise proposal that adopted a “multi-based” approach to the national-language issue. The compromise called for the national language to be “based on all existing native dialects.” When the proposal came before the style committee responsible for refining hte language of the constitution, however, the basis of the national language was changed from “all [341] existing native dialects” to “one of the existing native languages.” [fn] Thus the 1935 constitution mandated the development of a national language based on only one Philippine language, and it designated English and Spanish as official languages. The constitution made provisions for setting up the Institute of National Language to study the chief languages spoken by

half a million Filipinos, their vocabulary, phonetics, and orthography. In 1937 the institute recommended Tagalog as the basis for the national language.

Commonwealth ACT 570 of 1940 called for the development of a national language based on Tagalog. Tagalog was chosen because it was used in the capital, Manila, and because it had spread to other areas through nationalist efforts. Although Visayan was used by more people than Tagalog, the term “Visayan” was problematic because it referred to a region, not a unitary language; in fact, there were considerable differences among Visayan languages such as Cebuano, Hiligaynon/Ilonggo, and Waray. This picture was complicated, because although the Visayan languages were not mutually intelligible, ethnic unity among Visayans was nevertheless conceivable: This led some to oppose the use of Tagalog as a basis for the national language. [fn] [fn] 342

#national language #history: language documentation #prologue [a reprise of the idealistic fusing of vernaculars] #faking it in visayan

In 1940 Tagalog (renamed Pilipino in 1959) was designated an official language alongside Spanish and English. On the eve of World War II, the new national language was introduced in schools. The use of local dialects was permitted in the first and second grades as an auxiliary medium of instruction. English, though, remained the de facto principal medium of instruction throughout the Philippines. 342

#national language #history: language documentation #language policy

Hirtz, Frank. 2003. It takes modern means to be traditional: On recognizing Indigenous Cultural Communities in the Philippines. Development and Change 34(5): 887–914

As the title of this article suggests, my main thesis is that it takes modern means to become traditional, to be indigenous. A form of ‘bureaucratic Orientalism’ — to borrow Edward Said’s term (Said, 1978) — has been devised, constructing and reaffirming the Other through the minutiae of administrative procedures and contemporary representational processes. 889

#chapter 10 #article: virgin birth

Modernity needs the contrasting concept of indigeneity and tradition, whereas traditional societies in pre-modern or pre-colonial times did not need to establish their ‘otherness’ in opposition to modernity or their own history.[fn] In other words, through the very process of being recognized as ‘indigenous’, these groups enter the realms of modernity (Chaliand, 1989). 889


As this brief overview makes clear, the indigenous organizations inevitably encounter the Janus face of contemporary civil society, in which indigeneity is forged into a modern organizational form that conforms to the necessities of depersonalized and issue-oriented institutional settings. 907


Martinez-Juan, Ma. Cristina. 2003. “Double marginalization and speaking back: A reading of three post-colonial texts.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 31:281-290.

Experiencing communities whose people are actually living post-colonial lives, such as the Eskaya of Bohol, is like stepping out of the thick academic mass of glittering vocabulary used by a pre-eminent cast of post-colonial theorists into the rarefied air of something strangely different, of something that has existed in its own world—quietly and without footnotes. 288

#chapter 10 [PK: epigraph to part 3? or opening line to chapter 10?]

Seagrave, Sterling, and Peggy Seagrave. 2003. Gold warriors: America’s secret recovery of Yamashita’s gold. London: Verso.

#lost treasure

[PK: feverish paranoia on every page]

As a precaustion, should anything odd happen, we have arranged for this book and all its documentation to be put up on the Internet at a number of sites.

If we are murdered, readers will have no difficulty figuring out who ‘they’ are. xii

In the closing months of World War II in the Philippines, while General Yamashita Tomoyuki fought a delaying action in the ragged mountains of Luzon, several of Japan’s highest-ranking imperial princes were preparing for the future. They were busy hiding tons of looted gold bullion and other stolen treasure in nearby caves and tunnels, to be recovered later. This was the property of twelve Asian countries, accumulated over thousands of years. Expert teams accompanying Japan’s armed forces had systematically emptied treasuries, banks, factories, private homes, pawn shops, art galleries, and stripped ordinary people, while Japan’s top gangsters looted Asia’s underworld and black economy. In this, the Japanese were far more thorough than the Nazis. It was as if a giant vacuum cleaner passed across East and Southeast Asia. Much of the plunder reached Japan overland through Korea. The rest, moving by sea, got no farther than the Philippines as the U.S. submarine blockade became complete in early 1943. Hiding the treasure there was crucial, so that if Japan lost the war militarily, it would not lose financially. In whatever settlement concluded the war, Japan always expected to keep the Philippines. Overseen by the princes, 175 ‘imperial’ treasure vaults were constructed throughout the islands. Early in June 1945, when U.S. tanks were less than twenty miles from Bambang, the 175 chief engineers of those vaults were given a farewell party 220 feet underground in a complex known as Tunnel-8, stacked wall-to-wall with row after row of gold bars. As the evening progressed, they drank great quantifies of sake, sang patriotic songs and shouted Banzai (‘long life’) over and over. At midnight, General Yamashita and the princes slipped out, and dynamite charges were set off in the access tunnels, entombing the engineers. They were buried alive. Those who did not kill themselves ritually would gradually suffocate, surrounded by gold bars. The vaults would remain secret. In subsequent days, the princes escaped to Japan by

submarine, and three months later General Yamashita surrendered to American troops. 1

Early that October, Major Kojima broke down and led Lansdale and Santy to more than a dozen Golden Lily treasure vaults in the mountains north of Manila, including two that were easily opened.

What lay inside astounded everyone.

While Santy and his teams set to opening the rest of these vaults, Captain Lansdale flew to Tokyo to brief General MacAtthur, then on to Washington to brief President Truman. After discussions with his cabinet, Truman decided to proceed with the recovery, but to keep it a state secret.

The treasure – gold, platinum, and barrels of loose gems – was combined with Axis loot recovered in Europe to create a worldwide covert political action fund to fight communism. This ‘black gold’ gave the Truman Administration access to virtually limidess unvouchered funds for covert operations. It also provided an asset base that was used by Washington to reinforce the treasuries of its allies, to bribe political leaders, and to manipulate elections in foreign countries. In the late 1940s, this agenda was seen as entirely justified, because the Soviet Union was aggressively supporting communist and socialist movements all over the world, putting the survival of the capitalist world in peril. 3

According to Ray Cline and others, between 1945 and 1947 the gold bullion recovered by Santy and Lansdale was discreetly moved by ship to 176 accounts at banks in 42 countries. 4

In later chapters we see numerous documented instances when these underground funds surfaced as huge bribes, or were used to buy elections in Italy, Greece, Japan, and elsewhere. 5

Some major artifacts, including solid gold Buddhas, have been seen recently in underground hiding places in the Philippines. But most of the art and artifacts are still in private vaults in Japan, or in the imperial collections in Tokyo. Why was Japan allowed to keep it? 7

Robert Curtis, who actually recovered $8-billion in gold bars for President Marcus from Teresa-2. 10

Included here are handwritten letters and diagrams showing how a group of senior U.S. Government officials and Pentagon generals hoped to use Golden Lily treasure to create a new private FBI and a military-industrial complex controlled by them, in partnership with the John Birch Society, the Moonies, and far-right tycoons. This is confirmed by tape recordings of a 1987 conference in Hong Kong that included retired U.S. Army General John Singlaub and General Robert Schweitzer of the National Security Council under President Reagan. 11

The princes were especially interested in Manila Cathedral, San Augustin Church, Ft. Santiago, Ft. McKinley and Santo Tomas University. n.p.

In a flash of good humor, Chichibu led the other princes out to the cloister passage hung with huge oil paintings, stopping before one titled, Saint Augustin Blessing a Native. The saint had his right band raised, as if be was gesturing in the direction of the new Recibidor treasure vault. Chichibu ordered his aides to have an extra finger painted

on the hand, pointing directly at the disguised entrance. The engineer who prepared the construction drawing for this site used the saint’s sixth finger as the fulcrum point. (This became known as the ‘Six-Finger Site’.) n.p.

One evening, when Colonel Adachi sent him to fetch salt in the bomb shelter next to the house, Ben saw nothing resembling salt and wandered into the wrong tunnel, where he found boxes filled with gold bars, and many jars. Thinking one of the jars might be full of salt he opened it and found it packed with coins: gold soverigns, silver dollars, all the hard currencies in circulation across Southeast Asia. He had never seen such coins. He opened other jars to see if they contained salt, and found more coins. Amazed to see so much money in one place, he stuck his hand in a jar and picked up a coin. n.p.

When they reached Ben’s home, Kimsu told Ben’s father through Col. Adachi that Ben had worked out so well as his valet that he wanted to keep Ben on and to give his father in trade the sewing machine, the cow, horse, carabao and wagon, and the big bag of coins. n.p.

Arriving at each site, Kimsu carried out a final inspection, scrutinizing maps and drawings prepared by the chief engineer, walking around above and below ground. When he was satisfied, the vault was sealed with all Allied POWs and slave laborers inside. Kimsu told Ben that Emperor Hirohito directly ordered him to seal each site with all the slave laborers and POWs inside, to guarantee that its location would remain secret till the treasure was recovered later by members of the imperial family. Kimsu said he had no choice but to obey. Ben believed him because he often saw the prince weeping as a tunnel was closed with men inside. [PK: Note similarity with other story about Imelda Marcos’s entombment of wokers] n.p.

This pit was then lined with concrete, and filled with treasure, in certain cases solid gold Buddhas (what Ben thought of as ‘the Japanese god’). 80

Recent efforts to recover treasure there have been stymied not only by thousand-pound bombs, but by ingenious water traps devised by the Japanese that can flood tunnels in a matter of seconds. 81

A small quarter-ton solid gold Buddha was carefolly encased in a concrete egg, then was dragged by a group of Korean slave laborers into the chambers, using a canvas sling. 81

First, Ben was forbidden ever to talk about Prince Chichibu. Second, he must never reveal Prince Takeda’s secret name. Finally, he must never reveal locations of any treasure sites “not to Americans, to Filipinos, to guerrillas, to Chinese, even to Japanese”. These sites, Kimsu told him, were reserved only for members of the imperial family.To provide for Ben in the future, Kimsu said he was hiding two steel trunks full of gold. So that Ben would not forget, he had one of his men tattoo two blue dots on Ben’s hand, one for each box. 84

They would now sprinkle the boxes with poison, Kimsu told him, and close them. After the war, Ben was to come here by himself and recover the boxes. When he opened the pit, he must pour kerosene over the boxes and burn the powder off. When he opened the lids he should pour in more kerosene to burn off the powder inside each box. Then he could recover the gold safely. He was given small pieces of ingots, instead of whole ingots, because they would be easier to sell without attracting too much attention. Kimsu told him to buy land for a very big ranch, and to marry the pretty girl they had often watched in the village, and have lots of children to help him run the ranch. Ben was speechless. 85

Kimsu put down his leather satchel and his sword, and took off his white tunic. He handed Ben the tunic, then handed his sword to Ben as well. He started to walk away, then made up his mind about something and came back to hand Ben the satchel, which held a full set of maps. Perhaps in his mind was the possibility that the submarine taking him back to Japan might not get there.

“Keep these for me. Put it in a wooden box and bury it in the ground, behind your house.” Then he repeated the mantra: “Never forget your oath: You will not give the maps to anyone, no American, no Chinese, no Japanese, no Filipino, no guerrillas, just wait for me. Asha, Asha, Asha.” (Repeating this, Ben counts on his fingers as he says the word Asha ten times.) “Wait, until I come back and get these from you. Wait thirty years. If I have not come back by then, take the maps to Japan. If I am dead, give the maps to my family.” 87

Once on American turf, however, the Marcoses were hit by lawsuits accusing them of theft and conversion of recovered treasure, human rights abuse and racketeering related to that treasure. n.p.

Cathcart’s firm took seven years to gather evidence of eyewitnesses establishing that there was Japanese plunder in the Philippines, that Roxas had found a solid 22-karat Gold Buddha and ingots, and that Marcos had stolen the Buddha and ingots, then tortured Roxas in a conspiracy to hush it up. n.p.

A few hours later, a CIA informant known to Cathcart and Friedman phoned his law office from Manila and told Friedman, “Your client is dead. He was poisoned. Imelda ordered it, and we did it.” n.p.

According to an affidavit signed by nearly a hundred of these men, they carried out ‘massive diggings’ while pretending to restore national monuments, and recovered thousands of metric tons of gold, other precious metals and large quantifies of loose gemstones. Marcos came to the sites, they said, often in the company of Japanese. n.p.

Torralba, Milan Ted. 2003. “On Bohol: language.” In Tubod: The heart of Bohol, edited by Ramon N Villegas, 134-5. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts.

In the past 20 years, an unusual hypothesis has been argued. This hypothesis contends that an ethnolinguistic group in Bohol, the Eskaya, maintains a unique orthography and a true language structure. It may be the prototype of the Visayan language and dialects. […]

The media’s popularization of the Eskaya as a group and a language have dismayed anthropologists, historians, sociologists, linguists, philologists, and other professionals. Experts must resolve the issue of Eskaya as an older and pristine form of the Cebuano Visayan language.

Researchers must demystify the riddle and bring it into the light of historical truth. 134


Urich, Peter. 2003. Land tenture history, insurgency, and social forestry in Bohol.

Slopes, rising up from the lowlands, were also claimed by individuals. A person claiming an area of lowland was, by tradition, recognised as the claimant of all slopes extending from where they met his flat land up to a hill summit. This still applies in lands being claimed today on the expanding frontier fringing the island’s remaining forest lands. The summits of hills, either gently rounded or in some cases quite flat, were also cleared and cropped. In these instances, use rights were formally recognised.

However, cultivation was often not feasible on summits and these cleared and generally grass-covered places were used by the community as a common property resource. Writing on the land holding system at Spanish contact, Bernad (1992) commented on the presence of formalised individual holdings for lowland plots and communal use of the summits of hills. Indeed, many of the uncultivable hills are still communally managed. 160

#chapter 8

First, historically, the island has been characterised by various authors as being “unusually egalitarian” in its landholding patterns (Miller and Storms 1913, Pelzer 1945, JICA 1986). 165


It is postulated that the insurgency that was present in most of the Philippine provinces in the 1970s surfaced in Bohol in 1981 (Bernaldez 1981). At that time, insurgent activities occurred in and around the forest zone (public lands) of the municipalities of Sevilla, Bilar, Batuan and Balilihan. 170

#chapter 2

Zincke, Herbert with Scott A Mills. 2003. Mitsui madhouse: Memoir of a U.S. Army Air Corps POW in World War II. Jefferson, North Carolina & London: McFarland & Company.

On July 1, 1942, [radio officer Cpl. William] Knortz and his three most likely companions, [William] Johnson, [Robert] Ball, and [Jas S] Smith, failed to report back to the barracks at 6am after their night shift. 50

On July 3, a Japanese interpreter came to the barracks and took away Co. Vesey, Captain Price, and 1st Sgt. Chandler […] Thus the Japanese mainly carried out their threat to execute our commanding officer, company commander, and 1st sergeant if there were even an attempt of escape. 50

Boyd, Carl. “Review of Seagrave and Seagrave, Gold Warriors.” Pacific Historial Review 73 (2):337-340.

#lost treasure

This account is a classic example of popular history at its worst. 337

From the outset, the Seagraves fail miserably to separate myth [337] and reality. 338

Why would the Japanese government hide treasure in the Philippines when, contrary to the authors’ assertion, it had good reason to believe Japan would not “keep the Philippines” after the war? In fact, Tokyo fully understood the significance of the unconditional surrender doctrine spelled out at the end of the Casablanca Conference in January 1943 and elaborated upon in the Cairo Declaration eleven months later. Furthermore, the Americans had been in the Philippines since the late nineteenth century, while the Japanese had been there for only a couple of years. And, while the authors’ claim that the American submarine blockade around the Japanese home islands was complete in early 1943 is only a slight exaggeration (1944 is more accurate), one wonders why large Japanese submarines were not employed to transport the gold some 1,200 miles to Japan. If submarines were a safe enough means of transport in the summer of 1945 for the highest-ranking imperial princes, who were in charge [338] of hiding the gold in the Luzon mountains, why not for the gold itself somewhat earlier? It also strikes this reviewer that something as important as gold would have been mentioned in secret enciphered communications, Japanese Ultra. Gold is not mentioned in the context of the Seagraves’ subject, but it is discussed in certain I-boat communications, as researchers can easily verify in Record Group 457 in the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. 339

The authors’ thesis appears to have dic-[339]tated their definition, selection, and interpretation of evidence. In my opinion, this account of America’s recovery of “Yamashita’s gold” is dominated largely by myth. 340

2004 Orcullo, Proceso L. 2004. The Eskaya Communities of

Taytay, Duero Bohol: A Study of Change and Continuity. PhD Dissertation. Davao City: Ateneo de Davao University.

Last but not least the Lord God Almighty, who guided me through thick and thin, this humble piece of work I dedicate. iv

[description of changes to IP departments] 7-8

Further, the data on the existence of the Eskaya language will be helpful in discovering the authenticity, roots, historical and geographical accounts, and political and economic significance of the Eskaya language. 19


Eskaya language is a system of language considered sacred and used in their prayers. It is spoken by the Eskaya people. It has its own alphabet numbering around 46 letters.The alphabet, Aspormos Meneme in Eskaya means from the body of man. The symbols (Estorba, 2003) represent different positions of the body and parts like head, hands, feet, etc. 22

Its [Bohol’s] people are said to be descendants of the last group of inhabitants of the country called “pintados”, meaning the tattoed ones. 27

The men folks don themselves in white long sleeves, polos with mao collar and pedal pusher pants, while the women are in white voluminous costume of by-gon eras with white cloth to cover their heads as head turban. 61

#chapter 3 or #chapter 9[PK: note change in dress code]

Life in the Eskaya community is simple, devoid of whims, and is unstylistically outmoded. The community can be regarded as rustic and backward. 66

#funny

Eskaya: Their Origin and Beginnings [An interview with Elpidio Palaca, a Provincial Environment Natural Resources Officer, DENR Provincial Office, Tagbilaran, Bohol, January 13, 2003]

Two years before the coming of the Spaniards, the Center of the so called Tribo Bisayan is located in Cantaub, Sierra Bullones. One of the sons of Dangko, named Amgay is the tribal leader. Not far from Dawis, Bohol are two identified strong chieftains, Datu Dailisan and Datu Pagbuaya.

The story narrates that when the Portuguese came, a war took place between Datu Dailisan and his men together with Datu Pagbuaya and his men against the Portuguese. The kingdoms of Datu Dailisan and Datu Pagbuaya in Dawis were defeated by the Portuguese. Datu Dailisan died leaving behind Datu Pagbuaya and his brother Bagumbayan.

In 1521 Rajah Humabon then becomes the fiercest tribal chief in Cebu, and Datu Humabad becomes the tribal chief in the kingdom of Wadji in La Paz, Cortez of Bohol. The place now is popularly called Abatan, Cortez. Rajah Humabon invites Datu Humabad to Cebu to be baptized. Datu Omanad, the assistant of Datu Humabad, joins him in Cebu and expresses his wish to be baptized as a Christian. Datu Omanad never refuses to be baptized by some men of Rajah Humabon. A war soon breaks out between Datu Humabad’s men and his assistant Datu Omanad against Lapu-lapu, the strongest tribal chieftain of Mactan. In that battle, Lapu-lapu dies. The two tribal chiefs of the kingdom of Wadji in La Paz, Cortez, Datu Humabad and his assistant [end p70] Datu Omanad die in that battle. Datu Iriwan from the Lapu-lapu clan now becomes the tribal chieftain of Mactan.

Babaylan Tumod known as Tamblot, is a high priest and highly respected by his men as the Beriki, is now a strong leader of the kingdom of Wadji in La Paz, Cortez. When Legaspi returns, a war breaks out between Tamblot and Legaspi. Tamblot retreats, abandons his kingdom in Wadji, and transfers to Antequerra [sic], formerly part of Loon, an ancient town of Bohol. The Spaniards and with some warriors from Cebu, Leyte, and Samar come to fight Tamblot and his Boholano men. The Boholanos retreat to some interior towns in Bohol. Two years later, the Beriki or High Priest Tumod dies. The kingdom of Wadji disappears.

Forty years later, Francisco Dagohoy comes. He fights so hard against the Spaniards in some interior towns of Danao and the present Dagohoy town. It is during this time that Mariano “Anoy” Datahan cover into the narrative. He fights against the Spanish, later the Americans and much later the Japanese in his own place at Biabas, Guindulman, Bohol. Francisco Dagohoy dies at the age of 82. His son Ka Tugpa or Turpa becomes the tribal leader. Tugpa later transfers to Pilar town moves later to

Cantaub, Sierra Bullones where the tribal Bisayan originated. The Tribo Bisayan is the forerunner of what is referred to as the Eskaya tribes. 70-1

#chapter 4 #article: dagohoy

Biabas is the seat of Eskaya culture long before Mariano Datahan died. 82

It is observed that although the Eskaya have their own religion, the Aglipayan, there remains in their attitudes a sort of animistic behavior. They always connect their lives to God as personified by Salvador Ai-sono. Ai-sono is the modern day Sr. Sto. Nino. 94

#suno

#aglipay

In the processional [for weddings], the song You’ll Never Walk Alone is played. 97

When the church ritual is over, the priest asks that the bride’s parents receive the newly wed couple at the stairs with a glass of water, a comb, and a handful of rice grains thrown on their heads. The comb is dipped in the glass of water and is run through the hair of both the bride and groon. Then the couple drink the glass of water. Rice is showered on them. The rice is a symbol of plenty… 98

A meeting follow for the feast [of the funeral] to look into the books after the members who have not paid their contribution. A member who has not yet paid is dealt with either by declaring that he or she is no longer a member or is given a light punishment and an extension of a few-days allowance until the member has paid. The meeting is known to them as biling. 101

In 1944, Fabian Baja studies the Eskaya alphabet in Biabas under Mariano Datahan. He learns the Eskaya alphabet by heart. Learning the language helps him to understand deeply the Aglipayan religion which is the traditional religion of Tamblot, Dagohoy, and Sikatuna. From 1980-1981 Fabian Baja opens the Eskaya Adult School in Taytay where Eskaya language is taught. According to the Eskaya tribal law, every Eskaya must learn the language. Reading and writing in Eskaya is the mission of the new adult school. The sacred books left to Fabian Baja by Mariano Datahan before he died serve as teachers to the pioneering batch of Eskaya in learning the language. [end p102]

When Mariano Datahan died in January 26, 1949, the Eskaya people were scattered. Some remain in Biabas, Guindulman under the leadership of Juan Datahan, son of Mariano Datahan. Others follow Fabian Baja, a follower of Mariano Datahan, who establishes his tribal clan in the forest of Taytay, Duero the place where they can be located at present. It is Mariano Datahan who prods Fabian Baja to build the Eskaya community and to continue spreading the culture of the Eskaya in Taytay. New followers and other relatives come to join Fabian Baja. They come from the adjacent barangay of Cantaub in Sierra Bullones town, Mayana in Jagna and from Bangwalog a barangay of Duero.

Eskaya language is spoken by a people who call themselves Eskaya. The Eskaya community lives in a very isolated mountain barangay of Taytay in Duero, Bohol. The Eskaya had been living in Taytay since time immemorial and are believed to have been a splintered group of the late Mariano Datahan, founder of the Eskaya culture, originally of Biabas, a barangay of Guindulman town of Bohol.

In 1951, the first Eskaya School is set up in the house of Fabian Baja. There are no teachers to teach the language. Fabian Baja and the Eskaya sacred books left by Mariano Datahan to his care serve as the first teachers. Taytay in those days is a sitio of Biabas in Guindulman, a town next to Duero. It is part of Biabas, Guindulman, the original seat of Eskaya culture under Mariano Datahan. In 1953, Taytay Primary School is founded.

The Eskaya language has 46 letters in their alphabet. The alphabet is described as “logographic” (Tirol, 1990) because the letters are taken from the human body [end p103] (aspormos meneme). To quote Abregana in the Republic news (no date) as cited by Estorba, Regina A., in her Scribbling the Voice of Tende: An Ethnography on the Women of Eskaya, (2003), she siad that the Eskaya is the earliest language and culture of the Boholanos as recorded in ancient records found in the caves at Biabas, Guindulman whose teachings are secretly followed by a group of locals whose last keeper and teacher is a certain Anoy Datahan, Unquote. […]

The Eskaya language is sacred and it is used in their prayers. Added to this, contemporary writers describe the language as mystical, because it combines mysticism in the life of the founder Mariano Datahan. It is one language considered ancient and revolves around the life of Mariano Datahan. The Eskaya is the language of Dangko, Amgay and Pinay who are the ancient Boholano’s Bagani, Bansithi and Contor (Dictator, Governor and Educator) respectively for whom the Eskaya language is handed down. 104

The first senior teachers of Eskaya language are the late Dionesio Bag-o and Fabian Baja. Contemporary language teachers were Hilario Galambao, Sergio Baja, Pedro Bag-o, Berto Baquiza and Anacleto Acerda. 106-7

#chapter 9 #history of taytay

Teachers like Alberta Galambao, Adricula Bagotsay and Estanislaw Deloso remain silent heroes in the fight of preserving the Eskaya language. 107

In the hearts and minds of these brothers and sisters hang the thought of reviving and putting into use the mystical language of Tamblot and Dagohoy. All Boholanos who have traced their roots to Dangko, Amgay, Pinay and later Mariano Datahan dream of having a common tongue and this is the Eskaya language. 107

When ask about what occasion they speak the Eskaya language, 78 or 89.65 percent siad that it is when attending Eskaya classes, 6 or 6.90 percent state when attending church services in the chapel or in the main church. It is observed that more Eskaya speak the Eskaya language during classes because Eskaya teachers serve as role models and students have to follow. It is also a kind of strategy in order that students can really learn how to speak and develop to love it as their own culture. Eskaya language is also used in their prayers. The old people particularly the novenarians use it in the chapel or in the main church, (Table 25).

Table 25

Occasions the Eskaya language are spoken.

During what occasion you speak the Eskaya language

Total

Number Percent

When attending Eskaya classes 78 89.65

When attending church service 6 6.90

When attending communal activities 1 1.15

Others 1 1.15

No response 1 1.15

Total 87 100.00

109

One of the mysteries that haunts the minds of his followers rests on Mariano Datahan who founded the Eskaya culture. He has tamed the minds of the peole into learning the language, which I believe is the source of weaving into the very fabric of what is known as Eskaya culture. The ultimate objective is how to preserve the language in order that the Eskaya culture that Mariano Datahan once built will not crumble and be gone forever. I have observed the actions of the people during the 54th death anniversary held last January 26, 2003 in Biabas, Guindulman, Bohol and have come to realize that the puzzle is still unsolved. 110

Mariano Datahan was born in Biasong, Loon Bohol on April 1, 1844. He was born to a mother that the people’s poor memory could only recall as Becca and a father named Juan. Biasong until now is a barangay located in the interior part on the western side of Loon, an old town of Bohol. My interviews would tell me that he drowned in a nearby river at the age of seven in Biasong Loon, Bohol but he was saved. Another accident meets his poor life. A cow gores him. Nobody knows what [end 110] happen to him after that accident, except that he disappears for 20 years. After 20 years he appears in Biabas, Guindulman, Bohol. 111

In Biabas, he [Anoy] starts life anew. Everybody knows he starts preaching the Eskaya culture and the Eskaya language. He starts to organize the Iglesia Pilipina Independente, a traditional Aglipayan religion which for him is Bohol’s Aglipayan religion. During the Spanish occupation he fight against the Spanish government, which the old Boholano Tamblot has fought so hard against Legaspi’s men in the Spanish war of Cebu, Bohol, Leyte, and Samar. When Tamblot’s men retreated, the war move to Antequera, once a part of Loon. After two years, Tamblot died. Forty years later, Dagohoy came. It was Dagohoy who fought the longest war in Bohol in the history of the Spanish revolution in the Philippines. It costs Dagohoy 82 years of his life to fight the Spaniards. It is during this time that Mariano Datahan begins his fights in the Spanish war in some interior towns of Bohol. 111

Mariano Datahan is the only Boholano who has fought in four major Philippine wars: the Spanish-Muslim war against Datu Pakpak, Katipunero Head, in Isla de Malabon, Insurecto, Dagohoy Rebellion; as Rebolusyonaryo, in the Filipino American War; and as Guerillista, in the Japanese occupation during World War II in 1943. In the latter part of 1943, Mariano Datahan organizes the guerilla movement in Biabas. His most loyal cousin, a first class private who is also a Lieutenant in the U.S. army, is always with him. He is Teodulo Datahan. In 1944, a few months before Christmas, a general conference is called at Biabas. It is during this time that Fabian [end p111] Baja

becomes the soldier of Mariano Datahan. Together with Teodulo Datahan he is inducted into the guerilla force. 111-112

#chapter 9

The philosophy of Mariano Datahan until now remains a mystery among the present generations of Eskaya. He attributes the mystery to three important things: God, Governance and Spiritual Power. According to his philosophy, one has to obey God. God is everything and without his creation, there will be no life. Second, one has to obey the government. Governance is there even during the ancient times. The Eskaya teachings always emphasize that governance has been with them long before the Spanish came. There is already a structure as exemplified by the pioneering leaders and teachers of Eskaya. The sacred Eskaya books unfold these personalities: Pinay, who is the Contor or the first educator who hails from Loon, Bohol. Malingay is from Calape, Bohol is the Bagani Sundon or Captain. Amgay who hails from Inabanga, Bohol believe to be the only son of Dangko is the Bansithi or governor. 112

Alburang who come from Catigbi-an, Bohol is the Baganhunda or judge. Dangko, the [end p112] father of 16 children is the Bagani or Dictator. He hails from Pulangyuta, Talibon, Bohol. Tugpa or Ka Tugpa is the sone of Dagohoy who is the Baganiring or Commander General hails from Cansungay, Guindulman, Bohol. Other ancient Eskaya like Kurarang who is from Antequera now a town, formerly part of Loon. Marta of Tubuan, Loon, Paulit of Kangabli, Loon and Cera who hails from Bungco, Loon. All of them are ancient Eskaya teachers of Bohol. Contemporaries and more known is Francisco Dagohoy who lead the longest Philippine revolution. He is from Booy, Dawis. He fight so hard in Danao, presently an interior town of Bohol. Ka Tuna or Sikatuna, who forge the historical blood compact between Miguel Lopez de Legaspi representing the King of Spain for the purpose of fostering friendly relations between the early Filipinos and Spaniards on March 16, 1565, was from Bool, now a barangay of Tagbilaran. All of them explain that governance is practiced and considered an old theory of development. Many related the ida particularly to political development. 113

#genealogy #chapter 2

Third, there is the philosophy of Spiritual power. It refers to the mystical significance of the life of Mariano Datahan toward Eskaya teaching and culture. His teachings are godly and at the same time worldly but it is also full of mysticism. 113

Interviews from my informants say that during the guerilla days, his men complain of lack of food. There is no rice to cook. Mariano Datahan instructs one of his men to go to the bodega and get the sacks of rice. To the surprise of many, there are plenty of rice, more than enough to cook for his men. Mariano Datahan is a witty mystical man but nobody can tell where his intelligence comes from. Everybody knows he is [end p113] unschooled. 113

Estorba (2003) from a study, “An Ethnography on the Women of Eskaya,” a Holy Name University publication states that Mariano Datahan has the power of bilocation, telekinesis, and clairvoyance. He can foretell events before they happen. It is this mystery that makes the people venerate his image, the bust-statue that remains a memorabilia among fanatics of the Eskaya community.114

He [Anoy] is the first man to claim that the Eskaya are the first tribe to have fought against foreign invaders. 114

He [Anoy] is even proud to say that self-reliance and independence are in the blood of every Eskaya because through their culture, they acquire the first letter of the Eskaya alphabet, the Eskaya flag, and the belief translated as self-righteousness. 114

Mariano Datahan is not dead among his followers. He is still there, and he can be seen and felt. He leaves a legacy of 42 children born out of 10 women during his entire life. Out of the 10 women, one he consider as his wife with whom he sires one child but unfortunately the latter died at a very young age. The nine other women he dearly have nine children. The children now all grown up, fondly remember him as “Papa Anoy”. Some of the children are living their own lives in what was once upon a time described as a land of the prairees of Biabas, Guindulman; Luan, Candijay; Cantaub, Sierra Bullones: Lundag, Pilar and Taytay, Duero all in Bohol. 114

#bio of anoy #polygamy

Name Position Place of origin

Pinay Contor (Wiseman)

(Unang kinaadmanon)

Loon, Bohol

Dangko Bagan Bagani

(Dictator)

Pulang-yuta, Talibon

Malingay Bagani Sundon (Captain) Candungao, Calape

Amgay Bansithi (Governor) ________, Inabanga

Alburang Bagan Hunda (Judge) ________, Catigbi-anaub

Tugpa Bagani Ring Cansungay, Guindulman

Kurarang Cerdas Tagabas-an, Antequerra (formerly Loon)

Marta Ecerdas Tubuan, Loon

Paulit Himing Cerdas Cang-abli, Loon

Sikatuna Sot Bagani Bool, Tagbilaran

Dagohoy Bagani Heber Booy, Dawis

Fig 3. Ancient people of Bohol who are the first Teachers of Eskaya Language 115

Juan Datahan: The Son of Mariano “Anoy” Datahan

Juan Datahan is 75 years old. He is the Tribal Chieftain of Biabas, Guindulman, Bohol at present. He is the son of the late Mariano “Anoy” Datahan from one of the several women whom Mariano dearly loved. Juan Datahan is considered a complete replica of his father in terms of how he leads the Eskaya followers in Biabas, Guindulman. The virtues of the father are ingrained in his blood. It can be observed in his administrative prowess how he set himself as an example the way Eskaya philosophy is inculcated in the psyche of every Eskaya. A third grader in 1938,

he takes pride in this highest credential but he speaks of so many brilliant ideas describing the sophistication and mystical culture of the Eskaya society. He is [end p115] humble , frank, and down-to-earth. He philosophizes on such topics as the abstraction of God and the mundaness of human life. 115-16

Juan Datahan recites that the Eskaya society has been already existing before the arrival of Pinay. Pinay in the sacred books of the Eskaya is an ancient Boholano believed to have been born in 500 B.C. He is very much older than Dangko including the early teachers of Eskaya language like Kurarang, Alburang and Malingay. After these ancient people, there are still personages like Si Katuna or Sikatuna, Datag the wife of Sikatuna, Francisco Dagohoy who is responsible for making the Eskaya language flourish during the classical period.

Juan Datahan can clearly recall from his memory the sacred books that Pinay, the Mangi-alamon or Wiseman used. He is the most respected person who helps organize a group of religious people in Bohol. As what the sacred books claimed, when Pinay started his own teachings, there existed already an Eskaya government and its own language. Juan Datahan said that the Eskaya are the first people who fight against foreing invaders, the Spaniards. It is justified during the Spanish colonization when Dagohoy and Sikatuna fought hard. It is also during this time that Mariano Datahan becomes active during the guerilla regime. 116

Fabian Baja: The man who keeps the secret of Mariano “Anoy” Datahan

117

The connection between the Eskaya language and the traditional Aglipayan religion is Mariano Datahan’s contribution to the development of the self toward a group life which is transparent in the culture of the Eskaya. It is Mariano’s living legacy to the culture which Fabian Baja accepts with open arms and which he develops over time. It is this hidden secret which Fabian Baja keeps for five (5) long decades. Fabian Baja as observed even in his casual talk, reflects cues that there are still other unexplained mysteries that will give light to the Eskaya culture and society. Fabian Baja still talks of the late Mariano Datahan. He relates his para-normal experiences with the old man and dishes out stories of Mariano’s heroic deeds during the Spanish and Japanese wars. Until when the secret is unfolded, only Fabian Baja can tell. 119

Table 27

More influential to people’s decision making Process.

Who is more influential to the people’s decision making process

Total

Number Percent

Barangay council 76 87.35

Aglipayan council 1 1.15

Eskaya teachers or tribal council

5 5.75

Others 5 5.75

Total 87 100.00

123

The Tribal Chieftain gets a lesser responsibility because he is less exposed and has few access to the political sturcutre in the barangay. His concern is more on the tribal laws related to [end p123] the ancestral domain. In terms of legislation process (more of the FGD) the two councils have equal footing during the general assembly. (Table 28).

Table 27

Influential in the community as recognized elder or Leader (Rank) 1-5, 1=more, 5=less

Who is more influential in the community as recognized elder or leader

Total

Number Rank

Barangay Captain 60 1

Tribal Chieftain 56 2

Eskaya Teacher 42 3

School Principal 39 4

Aglipayan priest 32 5

124

The Sangguniang Kabataan [Eskaya Youth] officers and members gather for a focus group discussion and they answer several questions. They are asked questions like what contributions have they done to help the development of the youth. […]

A resolution is passed and is approved by the council for the improvement of the Eskaya cave for tourist attraction. Some of the activities are given priorities like the improvement of the Rizal Park, a seminar on “Linggo ng Kagataan” held on December 21, and a Christmas party branded as “SK Night” on December 24, 2002. Likewise, a resolution is provided in the council that the officers and members of the Sangguinang Kabataan Council have to undergo Eskaya classes starting January 2003 at the Eskaya Adult School. 126

#language policy

The Sangguniang Kabataan members are asked whether they are proud to be called an Eskaya or members of the indigenous tribe. They respond that they are very proud, only they cannot speak Eskaya. Only the old folks talk using Eskaya. 126

As a social organization, only the older Eskaya could pride themselves with their ability to speak the language of Boholano revolutionaries like the language of late Dagohoy and Sikatuna.

Probably, one of the reasons why the younger Eskaya no longer speak the Eskaya language is because the major language spoken in the area is Boholano language. Barangay Taytay previously described as isolated area is no longer true. Cemented road now connects Taytay to the rest of the barangays and the Eskaya people freely go to several places either to market their farm produce or to visit

relatives in some neighboring towns. Young Eskaya, particularly the students, travel as far as Tagbilaran, the educational center of Bohol and to some places like Cebu, Leyte, and Mindanao.

Another reason, perhaps, is that the older generation do not speak the Eskaya language during ordinary conversation. They speak the Boholano language which is easy for them to use on casual occasions like Sunday novenas, birthdays, wedding and even parent’s meeting in school. The use of Eskaya language is strictly followed during Sunday language class only. Only the old people can speak the Eskaya language. They include teachers of the Eskaya language. For a culture to flourish in the case of language, it should be used. Constant use of the language will develop in [end p129] them unity which later becomes cultural identity. It will develop pride among themselves.

These are few of the reasons why the use of the Eskaya language as the common tongue of the Eskaya is not sustained.

In order to help the younger generations of Eskaya who no longer speak the Eskaya language, Taytay Barangay Council and the Sangguniang Kabataan pass a joint resolution and unanimously approve the act of Barangay officials, members of the council and Sangguniang Kabataan members to undergo Eskaya language classes every Sunday starting January 2003 at the Eskaya Adult School. 130

#language policy

Some of the laws which have culturally changed or discontinued are the following:

a) the Eskaya women are not allowed to wear long pants and to cut their hair short; b) the men folks are not allowed to drink liquor or any spirited drinks to avoid drunkenness and invite trouble; c) men and women are prohibited to hold benefit dances in public because according to the tribal law, it is good to the eyes of the people but bad in the eys of God.

These laws are no longer working at present. They have been influenced by the new trends and modern cultural practices. Fasion and dances like discos easily catch their fancy and interpret the laws as traditional. 131

It [the veneration of the bust of Mariano Datahan] involves the triangular connections of the church, language and cultural practices of the communities in Taytay, home of the Eskaya. 138

Domingo Galambao an elderly Shaman and father of Hilaria Galambao, who is the Eskaya Tribal Chieftain, make signs to the young future owner of the house. 138

#genealogy

A five-minute walk towards a hill along forested mountains overlooking sayote patches and rice farms means the arrival to a house the Eskaya people call medya culpo. It is constructed some years ago with the help of a Japanese philanthropist that Fabian Baja’s poor memory can no longer recall. It is a one building affair that houses all Eskaya Alphabet scribed on hard board, an Eskaya flag, and some of Fabian Baja’s awards, recognitions, and plaques. On the wall are painted some of the Filipino heroes like Rizal, Bonifacio, and others who defended the country against foreign invaders. This is placed in one corner where the wooden-bust of Mariano “Anoy” Datahan they call Medya Culpo is placed to serve as a reminder to all Eskaya that he still lives in the

minds of everyone. As a good follower of the late Eskaya Supremo, Fabian Baja, as keeper, faithfully complies with Mariano Datahan’s request to house the Eskaya relics so the latter will live forever. 140

Bankoff, Greg. 2004. Bestia Incognita: The horse and its history in the Philippines 1880–1930. Anthrozoös 17 (1):3-25.

However, it is possible that surra was already present in the archipelago prior to the twentieth century, given the historical trade links between the Philippines and Spanish America, and that it was partly responsible for the earlier epidemic that affected horses in the 1880s. 6

#chapter 8

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-02-28-Faustina PECC, nothing else of value. Just a rambling conversation between Reysil? and Faustina

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-02-28-Faustin#9F880 born May 22 1925 born in Biabas

attended school up until grade 4

her teachers were: Aryuhiño? Arjohiño Buses but his students overtook him so he stopped.

Mariano Datahan was very strict with discipline. he would get mad if somebody didn’t work or if somebody quarreled.

After the war, people came to visit Mariano Datahan from Luzon, Mindanao etc. She doesn’t know why they came.

her son is a teacher in Lundag

Faustina’s parents from Loon

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-RufinoBago Nothing interesting

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-Nida&AureaBusano alphabet is from the human body and syllables are internal organs

#chapter 5

Nida: “I heard from Tay Juan that there are also Eskaya tribe members in Mindanao”

Aurea Busano: “Pinay karaang maistra [woman!]. When he get old he gives the books to Mariano Datahan” Could not answer whether laki or bayi. Datahan met Pinay on Panglao

#chapter 4

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-02-28-EskChie#9F4EE From minute 50, discussion of lost tribes of israel, including an observation that the ambassador of Israel pointed out similarity between Hebrew and Eskayan

#chapter 2

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-CandelarioBago Nothing interesting

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-FabianBaja2 #chapter 9

This interview is gold. Get Visayan speaker to translate properly. At about minute 14, talking about where Eskayan comes from.

Something about Eskayan in Visayan at minute 19.20

What is the meaning of the word ‘Eskaya’ ? 28.46 Answer: ‘pagtulunan sa mga tawu’

At about minute 30, discussion of pinulungan Eskaya and Tagalog.

Datahan didn’t force anybody to learn Eskaya, only those who were willing (at about 1 hour 10 minutes

Victorian Tirol discussion at 1hr 14m

“Time comes when Eskaya language will be used by all people...” 1hr 24 (but Visayan is prior to this) The story of the banana becoming abaca is about people wanting to know the language

#chapter 9

Bedford, Zoë. 2004. ZB-2004-HilarioGalambao Became chieftain in 1998, he was born in 1950, went to Eskaya school when he was 8 years old (ie, 1958), same year he moved to Taytay

“There was someone who told Pinay to make the alphabet from the human body and he does not know who that someone is” 20.27

-Maura and Hilario talk about Pinay as a contemporary of Datahan

From minute 50 and earlier:

Riche: ‘[Hilario] said that before, Mariano first teach the language to his secretary Espedrion Diyesgrasya. First he teach the way of the writings, then the alphabet after that... that Espredion is his secretary. After that Espedrion learn the writings he dictate what was the history about Pinay the people who succeeded Pinay were before and then ... we’re really confused.. how come Mariano Datahan knows about it? Pinay and his successors didn’t write any books that pass to next generation until Mariano come. Only old people know the ... her grandfather Fabian Baja used to remember and other who knows already the Eskaya they conclude that Mariano Dathan and Pinay is one, because they can really imagine how come Mariano Dathan knows what happened before and for the future.’

Up to minute 59

Brewer, Carolyn. 2004. Shamanism, catholicism and gender relations in colonial Philippines: 1521–1685. Aldershot: Ashgate.

The oratical skills involved in hearing confession were very different from those required to deliver a sermon. While a man like Blancas, conversant in the Tagalog language, could produce a series of sermons to be read by those with insufficient command of the vernacular, the confessional involved quite a different set of circumstances. It was in the hearing of confession that a dialogue between the Catholic convert and the Spanish priest was necessary. If a missionary did not have enough indigenous language to write his own sermons, he obviously could not adequately hear a confession; highlighting what Rafael has termed, the ‘highly unstable linguistic basis’ of the sacrament (fn). However, as with sermons, the task of confession was made somewhat less onerous for the priest with the compilation, in the vernacular, of confessionarios that contained checklists of possible transgressions against each of the Ten Commandments (fn).

At Taytay, the Jesuit Martín Enríquez was working on a confessionario as early as 1592, although it was Blancas who, eighteen years later, first published one for the use of his confreres (fn). Rafael suggests that these were designed ‘as mnemonic devices to aid Spanish clerics in elicting the confessions of their native flock’ (fn). Even with such a crutch, however, the confessor would have needed to be competent in the local language, since, not only did he have to probe possible transgressions of the convert, but he also had to have some understanding of the replies. Further, the priest had to be sufficiently fluent to appropriately ‘judge, punish, forgive, console and reconcile’ the penitent (fn). Rafael’s suggestion that the confessionarios were designed so that a yes/no answer on the part of the penitent was sufficient(fn), is contradicted somewhat by Velarde’s complaint that in the early years of contact, the confessor demanded, but seldom got the precise detail he was expected ‘to distinguish and explain numbers, incidents and circumstances,’ expecially in relation to what Velarde constructed as ‘unbridled licentiousness’ and ‘vice’. 66

#language policy: confessional

[...] the case of ‘a Baylana or priestess, by the name of Cariapa’ who, in 1609, sang a hymn to the chieftains of the town of Bohol [?] (now Dauis). Her prophetic proclamation,

This land will be changed, other people will possess it,

with another culture, other practices.

This town is to be utterly destroyed.

This province with the rest of the islands will be subjugated,

(See Lopez, ‘Annual Letter of 1608-1610,’ trans. Repetti, ‘The Society of Jesus in the Philippines, 1607-1709,’ p. 439)

ostensibly uttered two years before the Spaniards reached her village, was initially ridiculed ‘with contumelious words’ by the Boholano chieftains who ‘boldly added that they could not be conquered by anyone on earth.’ (fn: Ibid) 87

#prognostication #prologue #chapter 4(?) #chapter 10 (search prophecy)

The first saint to be recognised on Philippine soil began its journey towards veneration in Cebu in 1521, on the first day of the very week that, across the other side of the world, Martin Luther was asked to rescind his teachings that castigated the Roman Catholic Church for encouraging the veneration of saints. This, however, was no human saint, but the imagene of the Christ child, in the form of the Infant of Prague that was given by Magellan’s crew to the wiefe of Humabon at the time of her baptism, when she was given the Christian name, Johanna. Forty-four years later, when Legaspi returned to the spot, he found that the previously baptised Cebuano people had apostatised, and he sought vengeance from those who had ‘betrayed’ the faith. In the holy-justified violence that followed, ‘about one hundred houses were burned ... [and] the soldiers were quartered in the houses remaining after the fire’ (fn: Resume of contemporaneous documents: 1559-1568,’ cited in B&R, Vol2, pp.77-160, p.120). In one of these dwellings, as the documents record:

There was found a marvelous thing, namely a child Jesus like those of Flanders, in its little pine cradle and its little loose chirt, such as come from those parts, and a little velvet hat, like those of Flanders—and all so well preserved that only the little cross, which is generally on the globe that he holds in his hands, was missing ... It gave great happiness and inspiration to all to see such an auspicious beginning, for of a truth it seemed a work of God to have preserved so completely this image among the infidels for such a long time (fn: ‘The finding of the Niño Jesus,’ in Col. Doc. Inéd. Ultramar, iii pp. 277-84, cited in B&R, Vol 2. p.120).

While the Spaniards attributed the safekeeping of the image to a miraculous act of their God, the discovery of it, surrounded by ‘many flowers’, suggests that human actors were closely involved (fn: Miguel Lopez de Legaspi (1565), ‘Relation of the voyage to the Philippine Islands,’ in B&R, Vol. 2 [PK:12?], p.216). Indeed, several fragments of narrative imply that in a syncretic exchange, this potent Christian symbol had been adapted to fill the needs of non-Christian Animist practitioners. In two out of the three eyewitness narratives of the rediscovery of the image, it is recorded that the cross, the sign that is inextricably linked to Jesus and Christianity, had been lost from the image. Further, Chirino explained that the ‘Indians’ used the image in place of their own Anito ‘making sacrifice to it after their custom, and anointing it with their oils, as they were accustomed to anoint their idols’ (fn: Ibid p181)—thus adding weight to the contention that the imagene had taken the place of Johanna’s household idols that had been destroyed in obedience to Magellan’s command. Chirino suggests that the Cebuano people acknowledged the cultural heritiage of the image by referring to it as “the Divata [Anito or God] of the Castilians,’ but it is doubtful, given the brief cultural encounter with magellan’s fleet, that the spiritual trappings of Christianity that inhered to the child Jesus, would have leapt the religious and cultural divide. For forty-four years, then, it is probable that the image was exiled from its traditional conceptual confines and arrogated for Animist observances and ceremonies by Johanna, her progeny and friends. [111 (112 is an image plate)]

In 1595, when Chirino was assigned to the Jesuit College in Cebu, thirty years had elapsed since the Augustinains had reapporpriated Magellan’s gift to Johanna. By this time Legaspi’s instruction that the ‘sacred image be placed with all reverence in the first church that should be founded’ (fn: Ultramar, 119-120) had become a reality. As the Jesuit father explained in his 1604 report to the Superior General.:

The religious [Augustinians] at once took possession of the image, (regarding it as a good omen); and out of respect and devotion to it named the city Santísimo Nombre de Jesús, and placed the image in a church of their order that was erected there ... Each year it is born in solemn procession from the church of St Augustine to the spot to where it was found where a chapel has been erected. The procession takes place on the day that the discovery was made—namely the twenty-ninth of April, the feast of the glorious martyr St Vital, who is patron of the city, and as such that day is kept in a solemn feast in his honour (fn: Relation of Legaspi).

A virtual aside from Chirino begs further analysis. He wrote, ‘it [the image] remains in highest veneration, and has wrought many miracles, particularly in childbirths, whence it is both facetiously and piously called man-midwife [el partero] (fn: Relation of Legaspi).

By the time Chirino made this observation in the first decade of the new century, the image had been a reality for indigenous inhabitants of Cebu since April 1521, a period of eighty-three years. It is not unreasonable to assume that Cebuano women used the image of a child to augment their midwifery and healing skills, and therefore it cannot be presumed that the transformation from the imagene to man-midwife ocurred only after its ‘rediscovery’ by Legaspi’s troops, and eventualy installation in the newly built Augustinian church. In this context, the label ‘man-midwife’ could signify a continuation of the role attributed to the image in the intervening years between Magellan’s visit and Legaspi’s arrival. 113

#suno #syncretism

It could be argued that these anomalies were the result of regional variation, but the author of the ‘Manila manuscript’ brings this suggestion into dispute by claiming that ‘although it is true that in these islands of Luzon, Panay and Cebu there is an infinitiy of languages, on different from the others and as a consequence different garbs ... almost all agree as to pagan rites and ceremonies’. (The Manners, Customs, and Beliefs of the Philippine Inhabitants of Long Ago, being Chapters of “A Late 16th Century Manila Manuscript,”’ transcribed, translated and annotated by Quirino and Garcia, in The Philippine Journal of Science, 87, 4, December (1958):325-449, this quote, p. 430. Henceforth ‘Manila Manuscript.’, p428) 133

#language diversity

But I argue that in the pre-colonial period these cases were unusual, rather than the norm, and that it was the influence of the male-centred Hispanic Catholicism that eventually tipped the balance in favour of the male shaman, so much so that by the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as Cullamar suggests, all the babaylan on Negros were male (fn). 135


Halili, Maria Christine N. 2004. Philippine history. Manila: Rex Bookstore.

In 1891, Governor General Valeriano Weyler, known as the “Butcher” for his ruthless suppression of early revolts in Cuba, invaded Lanao. On August 21, 1891, he won the First Battle of Marawi in Lanao Lake. Datu Amai Pakpak, the defender of Marawi, was able to escape. he recruited more warriors to fight against the Spanish invaders. Failing

to conquer Lanao, Weyler assaulted Cotabato. However, he was overpowered by Datu Ali Jimbangan and his fierce krismen (warriors).

In 1895, Governor General Ramon Blanco invaded the Lanao Lake region. Blanco’s troops attacked Marawi on March 10, 1895. In this Second Battle of Marawi, the heroic Datu Amai Pakpak died in action. Blanco won his battle, but he failed to conquer Lanao like Terrero and Weyler. To avenge the fall of Marawi and the death of Datu Amia Pakpak, the Muslim warriors declared a jihad (holy war), forcing Blanco to halt the campaign and return to Manila.

The bitter warfare between the Spaniards and the Muslims ended in 1898, after the signing of the Peace Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898, which ended the Spanish domination in the Philippines. 125

#bio of anoy

2005 Finin, Gerard A. 2005. The making of the Igorot: ramut ti

panagkaykaysa dagiti taga Cordillera (contours of Cordillera consciousness). Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

#chapter 2

It is also intended to suggest that without the colonial administrative grid, all that it means to be an lgorot, or Cordilleran, would today have considerably less social significance and probably no relevance for contemporary government policy. The way in which American colonial administrators illuminated and in some instances created similarities among highlanders, and through social and legal institutions reified the system of classification, made the Igorot real in a manner that was inconceivable during the Spanish period. 284

These outcomes of American colonial planning and policy in the Cordillera were in 1935 bequeathed to the new Commonwealth government and remain very much a part of contemporary discourse. 285

Luspo, Marianito. 2005. Bohol and the Boholanos. Tagbilaran.

PK: This is a manuscript version of what would later be published in a more reduced form in Tubod

A contemporary Carta Annua mentions the reception into the church of an old chief during the feast day of Joachim and Anna [in about 1599]. Although he was not mentioned by name, this old chief was most probably the famous chief Katunao. He died not long after at the ripe old age of 120. 7

#immortality

#history of bohol: Sikatuna

Outside the reducciones [in 17th century], life went on as it did before the coming of the Spaniards. Those Boholanos who refused to accept the new way of life offered by

Christianity lived outside the reducciones and their satellite of visitas. These people were generally called Tingguianes by the Spaniards. Outside the pale of Jesuit civilization, they retained their bellicose attitudes. The fiercest of this Tingguian tribes lived in the mountains of Malabago, which corresponds to the present districts of Maribojoc, Antequera, San Isidro and Catigbian. A Jesuit annual report later made mention of the conversion of the Tingguianes of Maribojoc who agreed to come down from their mountain villages to settle in a place called Viga, along the banks of the Maribojoc River. 8

#history of bohol


Of the many towns of Bohol, only two towns – Baclayon and Loboc – did not join the [Dagohoy] uprising against the Spaniards. A punitive expedition led by the Alcalde Mayor of Cebu, Don Pedro Lechuga failed to contain the rebellion. The Boholano rebels established themselves in the mountains of northern Bohol, making sporadic raids on the Spanish settlements on the lowlands from time to time. Thus, soon after the revolt, they looted the Jesuit hacienda of San Xavier located in Inabanga. Two years after, they raided Jagna and killed its parish priest Fr Guiseppi Lamberti, and not long after, they succeeded in assassinating Fr Gaspar Morales, the hated curate of Inabanga whose refusal to give Christian burial to the brother of Francisco Dagohoy sparked the fire of rebellion in the island.

The middle part of the 18th century saw the rebellion still unchecked, probably due to the general instability of the southern islands during this time. The 18th century was the bloodiest of the prolonged Moro Wars, and raiding forays were all-too-frequent, making real progress almost impossible. Furthermore, the Seven Years War brought about the British invasion of Manila which dissipated the Spanish crown’s efforts at upholding its sovereignty over Bohol. In 1759-60, Bishop Lino de Espeleta, erstwhile bishop of Cebu who was then acting in the capacity of governor-general of the Philippines, personally tried to talk peace with the Boholano rebels, to no avail.

In 1768, the Jesuits were expelled from the Philippines by order of the Spanish king. Taking over their missions in Bohol were the Augustinian Recollects, headed by their former provincial, Fray Pedro de Santa Barbara. With the rebellion strong in the interior part of the island, the Recollects preferred to stay in Baclayon than in the former seat of the Jesuits, the town of Loboc. With remarkable diplomatic skill, Fr. Pedro de Santa Barbara and the Augustinian Recollects were able to establish a modus vivendi with the Dagohoy rebels. Thus, they were able to do about their religious mission without molestation from the rebels. As a result, the Recollects were able to establish new towns in Bohol, and new parishes were created out of the original six established by the Jesuits. By the turn of the 19th century, the towns of Dimiao, Loon, Guindulman, etc. had come to existence, aside from many other small but prosperous villages and visitas. By the end of the Spanish regime in 1898, Bohol already had 35 towns.

The beginning of the 19th century saw Bohol crawling in terms of development. The combined threats of both the Dagohoy rebels and the Moro marauders made real progress almost impossible. Still, the Recollect peiod in Bohol was comparatively more progressive than the time of the Jesuits. 10

#history of bohol: Dagohoy

The Dagohoy rebellion was finally put to an end during the time of Governor-General Mariano Ricafort. In the early part of the 1800’s, a Recollect missionary stationed in Guindulman reported the burning by rebels of a chapel in a place called Tugas. This friar, by the name of Fr. Narciso Hernandez de Jesus Maria, reacting to this incident, petitioned the civil authorities to send a force that would stop once and for all the 80-year old rebellion in Bohol. This incident seems to indicate that at least by the 19th century, the once formidable Dagohoy Rebellion had become a mere irritant to the Spanish missionaries operating in Bohol. This is not surprising since Dagohoy had died long before.

Footnotes: It seems that the Dagohoy Rebellion had its peak during the 1760’s. Towards the closing decades of the century, it had gone down to the level of banditry due probably to the absence of the unifying figure of Francisco Dagohoy. This would explain why the Spanish authorities suddenly had more time to spend for the construction of Moro watchtowers between 1768 to 1798. This would also explain why the Recollects managed to spend more and more for the beautification of Baclayon, their home base. Interestingly also, the silver ornaments and many of the pipe organs of Bohol’s churches were bought in the 1820’s, even before the final end of the much-touted Dagohoy rebellion.

Sotero Misa, in his masteral thesis on the life of Dagohoy opined that Dagohoy died in 1825, just four years before the end of his revolt. This would make Dagohoy a centenarian when he died. On the other hand Prof. Emmanuel Luis Romanillos, in his book about the Dagohoy Rebellion, which he based solely on documentary sources he uncovered in the archives of Spain, he insists that Dagohoy died in or around 1782, as mentioned in the Libro de Cosas Notables of Talibon. Misa also mentions the tradition that Dagohoy died because of rabies which he got from his pet dog.

There were other uprisings that broke out in Bohol at about this time. The town of Tubigon retains memory of a revolt led by a man named Gaom; Romanillos also reports another revolt led by an unidentified man in Batuanan in the 1850’s. These were however short-lived.

In 1827, a large contingent of soldiers under Manuel Cairo landed in Bohol. This expedition, however, was not too successful. The next year, a bigger army of over 6,000 men, composed of both Boholano and Cebuano warriors under the command of Capt. Manuel Sanz, succeeded in decimating the remnants of Dagohoy’s army in the Cave of Caylagan, the very headquarters of Dagohoy who had died years before. The surviving rebels tried to regroup in the mountains of northeastern Bohol, but at the end of August, 1829, they were finally defeated in the Cave of Tugpa, thus putting to an end the glorious 85-year rebellion of Francisco Dagohoy.

The rebels who surrendered were given amnesty by Gov. General Ricafort and resettled in the new towns of Batuanan (now Alicia), Cabulao ( now a barrio of Mabini), Vilar and Catigbian. Pax Hispanica had come to Bohol at last. 11

#history of bohol: Dagohoy

The growing economic wealth also touched the shores of Bohol starting in the 1840’s because the open climate of the time brought in migrants from the north. Many of these northerners, mostly Tagalogs from the Cavite and the surrounding areas, settled in Bohol. Many came over as servants of the friars or as civil servants. These northern migrants later intermarried with the locals and gave them their hispanized names. The use of Spanish surnames was introduced to the country by then Governor-General

Narciso Claveria, but it seems that this order was not enforced here in Bohol until much later. As a result, many Boholanos, especially those living in the older towns of Bohol have retained their native family names, such as Matig-a, Dumagan, or Butalid. Now, with the intermarriage between natives and migrants from the north, such family names as Torralba, Sarmiento, Mendoza, Calceta, etc. became localized. 12

#genealogy

It was only in 1854 that Bohol became a politico-military district separate from Cebu. Since the establishment of colonial rule, Bohol had been considered part of the ecclesio-political district of Cebu, under the jurisdiction of the alcalde mayor and the bishop in residence at the City of the Most Holy Name of Jesus. But for about two hundred and sixty years, the only Spanish presence in the island had been the handful of Jesuit and later Augustinian Recollect missionaries assigned there. 12

#history of bohol

After the 1863 educational decree of Queen Isabel II, stone buildings were erected in almost all the towns of Bohol to house the escuelas de niños and escuela de niñas provided for by this momentous decree. These schools were run by schoolmasters trained at the Escuela Normal in Manila. Among these local schoolmasters was the famous Fernando (Maestro Andoy) Rocha scion of the illustrious Rocha family in Tagbilaran.

Aside from school-buildings, the Spaniards also built a system of good roads that connected the main towns of Bohol, mostly on the southern, western and eastern flanks of the island. These roads, though unpaved, served to make travel between the towns easier, either on horseback or by carriage. 13

#history of bohol: #literacy

#route to biabas

There are no records available to prove that the Katipunan was ever established in the Island. The only probable link of the Katipunan to Bohol was Sabas Ligones, the 22-year old student of the Colegio de San Carlos who came from humble family origins. He worked for a time as a servant in order to earn enough money to pay for his schooling. Upon finishing Bachiller En Artes, he is said to have joined the Katipunan in Cebu and fought in the battle to rid Cebu of the Spaniards in April, 1898. However, when fresh Spanish troops gained the upper hand over the Cebuano patriots, Sabas Ligones was forced to return to Bohol [fn: Sabas Ligones was born in Tagbilaran in 1876 of poor parentage. He distinguished himself as a freedom fighter who fought against the Americans in the famous redoubt of Camp Verde in Duero]. Finding himself in the watch list of the Spaniards in Tagbilaran, he fled to the town of Antequera, later to Siquijor. Going back [14] to Bohol, he hied off to the town of Balilihan to escape the Spanish dragnet. But at night, he would secretly come to Tagbilaran to confer with friends on how to drive away the Spaniards.

Sabas Ligones and the rest of the Katipuneros of Bohol failed to organize the Katipunan in Bohol for two reason: First, there was indifference on the part of the leading families of Bohol over the Katipunan cause. Most of the people of the time were still overtly pro-Spanish. Sabas Ligones and his friends were most probably seen as dangerous fanatics by them, thus the refusal to lend them a hand. The second reason was because the patriotic cause in Bohol was overtaken by events. By middle of

1898, the Americans had entered the fray with the arrival of Dewey’s fleet into Manila Bay.

Towards the end of November, 1898, the Spaniards began evacuating Bohol, starting with the Augustinian friars who left for Mambajao, Camiguin aboard the steamship “Salvadora.” By Christmas Day of that year, the last Spaniards had left Bohol from Jagna on the way to Mambajao.

Gobierno de Canton

Thus, there was almost no bloodshed attending the departure of the Spaniards of Bohol. Two reasons could explain this: either the Boholanos did not experience the degree of cruelty and oppression that made Filipinos from other provinces rise up in bloody confrontation against the Spaniards, or, the Spaniards left in such secrecy and speed the Boholanos did not get the chance to put their act together.

There was only a minor unpleasant event which was reported to have happened in the eastern towns of Guindulman and Jagna in late December of that year. As reported by Don Vicente Elio, some people from these two towns killed a few Spaniards who did not have the luck to escape from the Boholanos. [Fn: Reported by Lumen T. Pamaran in her unpublished doctoral dissertation entitled “History of Bohol Up to 1972”, Manila: University of Santo Tomas, 1975. P. 194.] Not satisfied, they sailed across the sea to Mambajao in pursuit of the fleeing Spaniards. The patriots brought musical instruments with them, intending to mock the Spaniards by serenading them as they were leaving the land they once considered theirs for over three hundred years [Fn: Jes B. Tirol quoting Don Vicente Elio in his paper on regional participation in the Philippine Revolution, 1998]. But fortunately or unfortunately, they missed the departing Spaniards by a day.

The vacuum left behind by the departing Spaniards resulted in the need for an interim government to secure the peace in Bohol. Already, there were reports of banditry and other forms of lawlessness in the island. Since the upper class had the most to lose in this kind of situation, the ilustrados of Bohol took the initiative of securing mandate from the Malolos government to set up a kind of government in Bohol. The result was the formation of the so-called Gobierno de Canton, or Federal Government that swore allegiance to President Emilio Aguinaldo. 15

#history of bohol: Gobierno de Canton

The Gobierno de Canton of Bohol is reported to have possessed a seal or escutcheon composed of “an ellipse bearing a sun rising behind three mountain peaks and with three stars above, surrounded by the legend ‘Gobierno Republicano de Bohol’…bordered by the colors red, white and blue from inside out” (from Scriven). 16

#history of bohol: Gobierno de Canton


The Junta tasked Col. Pedro Samson and Col. Ambrosio Sandoval were tasked to carry out the order to eliminate Braulio Flores. Flores was summoned to Tagbilaran to answer the charges against him. On May 20, 1899, he arrived at the Casa Provincial in Tagbilaran accompanied by his two sons, Pedro and Diosdado. [16]

At the patio of the Casa Provincial, he was met by Samson and Sandoval who presented to him the order of his dismissal. In the altercation that followed, Flores

pierced Samson with his sword, forcing the latter to draw his revolver and shoot the erstwhile military commander of Bohol. His two sons were likewise killed when they tried to fight in defense of their father [Fn: Jes B. Tirol, “Regional Participation During the Philippine Revolution: Bohol”, A Paper presented during the Philippine Historical Association Conference, February 7, 1998]. As a result of the death of Braulio Flores, Col. Pedro Samson was appointed commander of Bohol’s military force. Soon he would distinguish himself in the resistance against the Americans.

The Junta Provincial of Bohol sat in power from April, 1899 until March 17, 1900 when upon the arrival of American troops they were forced to disband.

The Boholano-American War

In the morning of March 17, 1900, American troops under the command of Major Henry C. Hale, arrived in Bohol by way of Cebu. They landed at Nagtubo, now Mayacabac, Dauis, Bohol. Upon disembarking, Major Hale immediately sent a party to secure Mt. Banat-i. The rest of the occupation troops marched without resistance to Tagbilaran.

On the way, the American troops met a carriage bearing Don Bernabe Reyes, President of the Gobierno de Canton, and his party. From there, the Americans marched on to the center of Tagbilaran. In a large hall at the Casa Tribunal (now the Provincial Capitol) overlooking the plaza and the church, all the members of the Bohol government gathered to meet their American masters for the first time. They had prepared a formal document wherein they spelled out their decision to accommodate the American occupation force, “even if it is against our principles and our political faith.” Stressing their continued allegiance to Emilio Aguinaldo, they nonetheless declared their willingness to cooperate with the occupation troops “to guard the complete harmony and peace…of the province.” [Fn: Manuel Artigas y Cuerva, “Galeria de Filipino Ilustre”, 1918., entry on the biography of Salustiano Borja, translated into English from the original Spanish by Jes B. Tirol]

In reply to this courageous stand by the Boholano leadership, Major Hale replied: “To the President—Your protest is of no avail. I have the force to take your island and I have done so.” [Fn: Cf. Scriven Diary]. Whereupon, Major Hale demanded the complete surrender of the provisional government. He also announced the banning of the Philippine flag from being displayed in public. Furthermore, he set upon the organization of another set of public officials under the American flag. Some Boholanos accepted the positions offered to them by the new masters. Don Margarito Torralba accepted the post of Mayor of Tagbilaran, and Don Aniceto Clarin accepted the appointment as Governor of Bohol. Col. Pedro Samson agreed to become Chief of Police of the entire island. However, a strong feeling of distrust for the Americans prevailed. As a result, the Americans noticed a “marked disinclination on the part of the leading citizens [of Bohol] to accept public office.” [Fn: Dean C. Worcester, “The Philippines Past and Present”, ( The Macmillan Co., New York, 1930). P277, cited by Jes Tirol in his book “Bohol: From Spanish Yoke To American Harness.”]

On the surface, the Boholanos showed that they have reconciled with the idea of being under a new foreign master. Unknown to the Americans, however, the leading citizens of Bohol were holding secret meetings to plan their uprising. From August 10 to August 20, 1900, the Boholano patriots secretly met at the house of Fernando Reyes, [17] a prominent Chinese trader. Among those who attended these secret meetings were Pedro Samson, Luis Toribio, Roman Torralba, Sabas Ligones, Mariano Parras, Jacinto

Remolador, Andres Torralba, Timoteo Oppus, Fr. Roman Ortiz, parish priest of Tagbilaran, Dionisio Inting, Francisco Castaño, and many others. [Fn: This was the list provided by Bernardino Inting in his 1934 book “Bohol Ug Mga Bol-anon”. Tirol, however, believed that it was the new parsih priest of Tagbilaran, Fr. Mariano Baluyut, who attended these historic meetings].

Finally, on September 1, 1900, the Boholano patriots raised the cry of resistance and moved towards the hinterlands of the Bohol, thus following the footsteps of their ancestors who under the able leadership of Francisco Dagohoy once shook the entire island with their determined fight for freedom.

For the next fifteen months, they successfully held the Americans at bay, setting successful ambuscades and making the island ungovernable. In retaliation, the Americans burned twenty of the thirty five towns of Bohol, killing innocent civilians and destroying livestock and agricultural produce to deprive the patriots of food and shelter (from Gibbens).

Despite the lack of arms and ammunition, the Boholano patriots valiantly fought the Americans and inflicted many casualties among them. On September 2, 1900, they engaged the Americans in battle in Catigbian. On September 3, in the shadow of the now famous Chocolate Hills, they clashed again in Balikwing, Carmen. On September 15, the Boholanos successfully staged an ambush on the American soldiers at Kabantian Pass. Finally, on July 5, 1901, they routed the Americans in the battle of Cambaliga, Carmen.

The Boholano army was under the overall command of Col. Pedro Samson, who had previously accepted the post of Chief of Police of Bohol. In reality, he accepted the position to gain the trust and confidence of the Americans and get hold of their arms and ammunition. The other patriot leaders were Lt. Col. Luis Toribio, Manuel Miñosa, Miguel Balmoria, Pantaleon del Rosario, Martin Cabagnot, Sabas Ligones, Leon Remolador, Miguel Parras, Juan Vaño, Sabas Dagondon, Apolinario Olivares, Jacinto Remolador, Rafael Espuelas, and Ambrosio Sandoval.

Other Boholano officers who represented their respective towns in this patriotic war were Gregorio Caseñas of Jagna; Estanislao Rocha, Pedro Visarra, Cornelio Matig-a and Candelario Borja of Tagbilaran; Catalino Sumampong of Loboc, Juan Beronilla of Guindulman; Isidro Unahan and Barlotolme Doria of Carmen, and many others.

Meanwhile, the Americans went from town to town trying to flush out the insurgents. In each of these towns, they demanded that the leading citizens meet them to show that they have not joined the insurrectos. If this did not happen, or if they suspected that the townspeople secretly aided the rebels, they put the town to the torch. Thus, Baclayon was saved from burning by the tactfulness of Capt. Timoteo Oppus, who met and entertained the American soldiers; Loay, too, was saved because it was the town of the American-appointed Governor, Don Anicleto Clarin; Loboc was saved because of the prudence of Fr. Cayetano Bastes, the parish priest [Fn: Cf. Cecilio Putong].

The other towns of Bohol, however, were not as lucky. The whole stretch from Lila to Anda was almost without exception reduced to a howling wilderness, with houses and fruit trees burned to the ground and animals shot on sight. Fortunately, the [18] Americans spared most of the old churches and convent because generally, these were the only building large enough to shelter their troops. The major towns of Loon and Inabanga were also burned. The towns of Catigbian, Balilihan and Sevilla were totally

razed to the ground. In Balilihan, the town officials led by Capital Municipal Antonio Racho, met the American soldiers with band music, but all the same, the entire Balilihan officialdom was arrested and thrown to jail. Then the whole town, including the church, convent and the municipal building, were burned.

Not only did the Americans destroy buildings, they also applied torture on both suspected insurgents and leading citizens of Bohol. The water cure, which involved forcing the hapless victim to drink plenty of water then jumping on his stomach to force water out of every orifice of his body, was the form of torture most favored by the Americans. Among those recorded to have been tortured in this way were some municipal officials of Corella, the Capitan Municipal of Tagbilaran and its parish priest [Fn: Cf. Scriven. The Tagbilaran victims were most probably Don Claudio Gallares and Fr. Mariano Baluyut].

Meanwhile, the American scorched-earth policy began affecting the uprising. On March 8, 1901, the Americans surprised the Boholano insurgents preparing for an ambush at Lonoy, Jagna. In the ensuing massacre, Captain Gregorio (Goyo) Caseñas was killed together with 400 other fighters. The debacle at Lonoy opened the way to the main Boholano headquarters which was situated on a heavily forested mountain with sheer cliffs—Campo Verde in Duero.

From March 10 until July 1, 1901, the Americans tried to dislodge the Boholanos from their base at Campo Verde. Finally after their ninth attempt, the Boholanos were forced to abandon the camp. They regrouped at Mayana, Jagna, before moving inland into the thick forests of central Bohol.

The Americans attempted to set up a civil government for Bohol with the appointment of Don Aniceto Clarin as Governor on April 20, 1901. However, because of the continuing insurgency, Bohol was returned to military control on July 17, 1901. With the fall of Campo Verde, however, the fate of the Bohol uprising was sealed. This became even more pronounced with the arrival during the last week of September of seasoned troops belonging to the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 19th Infantry Regiment led by General Robert P. Hughes.

It was General Hughes and his 19th Infantry Regiment responsible for much of the horrible atrocities committed by the Americans in Bohol. The effectiveness of his well-known ruthlessness can be gauged from the fact that less than three months after their arrival in the island, the Boholano resistance to American rule finally came to an end.

On December 21, 1901, an American negotiating party met with Col. Pedro Samson in his hideout at Canhayupon, Dimiao. They brought with them an ultimatum written by Gen. Hughes wherein he warned that if the Boholano insurgents will not lay down their arms by December 27, 1901, the whole town of Tagbilaran would be burned. Since most of the Boholano insurgent leaders were from Tagbilaran, a pall of gloom and resignation descended upon the Boholano insurgent camp. This forced Col. Pedro Samson to agree to surrender with his men to the superior arms of the Americans.

In the morning of December 23, 1901, Col. Pedro Samson and his men descended to the town center of Dimiao which had already been reduced to ruin by the Americans. At the ground floor of the convent of Dimiao, he signed the surrender[19] agreement which stipulated among others that all Boholano insurgents be granted amnesty upon their surrender.

#history of bohol: Boholano-American war

Moreno, Msg Robespierre Tan. 2005. IFI centennial celebration 1905-2005: Ika-100 ka tuig nga panglungtad parokya ni San Pedro, Biabas, Guindulman, Bohol

Sa dihang ang Iglesia Filipina Independiente giproclamar sa Manila sa tuig 1902, siya ug ang mga kadagkoan sa Biabas, mihangyo dayon sa pangulo sa bag-ong Simbahan didto sa Manila nga padad-an silag pari isip ilang kura paroko sanglit ang ilang simbahan gidumala man lamang sa usa ka laygo [layiku]. Si Padre Terencio Najarro kanhi pari sa Romano Catolico maoy unang pari nga miabot sa tuig 1904 ug pagkasunod tuig 1905 gihimog parokya ang Biabas.

Ang Parokya sa Biabas maoy nahimong sinugdanan ug sentro sa mga misyonaryong kalihukan ug gimbuhaton sa IFI sa Bohol. Bisan asa padulong si Mariano Datahan, ang Iglesia Filipina Independiente (IFI) iyang gisangyaw ug gitukod. Gikan sa Catagdaan, Bagacay ug Bayong (Lungsud sa Pilar), sa Cantaub, Nan-od ug Matin-ao (Lungsud...) 3

[...] Si Mariano Datahan giila ug gitahod niining mga gagmayg Kristohanong katilingban nga amahan sa IFI ug magtutudlo. Ang unang mga sakop nakasinati sa talagsaong disiplina ug hugtanong pagsunod sa mga balaod sa Dios. Ginadili ang sugal, paghuboghubog, pag-estambay panahon sa tingtrabaho, bayle ug pagtrabaho sa Dominggo. Ang mga babaye wala tuguti nga magkarsones ug mugbog buhok. Kining maong matang sa kinabuhi nga ilang gipuy-an nakapataas sa ilang dignidad ug bili.

Gikan sa Biabas natukod ang mga bag-ong parokya sa Bohol: Catagdaan, Boctol, Cantaub (gibalhin sa Matin-ao) Bangwalog ug Botong. Dako usab ang iyang gikatabang sa pagkatukod sa parokya sa Candijay ug kanhi parokya sa Biasong (Loon).

Sanglit ang mga lumulopyo sa Biabas mga Eskaya man ug Aglipayano, sila gibugalbugalan nga kuno sila “ sobrang nagpatootoo” ug mga “culto”. Daghang mga ngalan ang gibugalbugal kanila “mga erehes”, “mga rizalistas” , “mini” , “paripari” ug “mga ignorante”. Kon mahibaloan sila nga mga taga Biabas , sila dili dawaton sa escuelahang privado, dili patrabahoon sa gobierno ug walay mga beneficio nga madawat sama sa yanong mga Filipino. 8

[Trans attempt]:

When the Iglesia Filipina Independiente was founded in Manila in 1902, he and the higher officers in Biabas immediately petitioned the head of the new church in Manila to send them priests to serve in their parish because their church was served by a single layman. Father Terencio Najarro, a former Roman Catholic priest was the first priest to arrive in the year 1904 and by 1905 the parish of Biabas was established.

From the outset, the parish of Biabas was the centre of the missionary activities of the IFI in Bohol. Wherever Mariano Datahan went, he spread the word of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente (IFI) and built churches.

[...] Mariano Datahan is recognised and respected by these few Christian communities as a father and teacher of the IFI. The first members would have experienced the remarkable discipline and hugtanong obedience to the laws of God. Prohibited gambling, drunkenness, the idleness in work hours, dance and working on Sunday. The

women who do tuguti mugbog magkarsones and hair. This same kind of life that dwelt nakapataas their dignity and price.

[...] Since the inhabitants of Biabas are Eskaya and Aglipayan, they are ridiculed and called ‘ultra-superstitious’ [sobrang nagpatootoo] and ‘cult members’. Many names are used to mock them: ‘infidels’ [mga erehes], ‘Rizalians’, ‘fakes’ [minì], ‘pseudo-priests’ [paripari] and ‘ignoramuses’

If they are identified to be coming from Biabas, they are not accepted in a private school, not employed in the government, and can’t have the same benefits received by ordinary Filipinos.

#chapter 2

Quakenbush, Stephen Jay. Philipine linguistics from an SIL perspective – trends and prospects. In Liao, Hsiu-chuan, and Carl R. Galvez Rubino, eds. 2005. Current issues in Philippine linguistics and anthropology : parangal kay Lawrence A. Reid. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines : SIL Philippines.

SIL has addressed two primary research questions in the Philippines from the start, both of which have stemmed from a desire to serve among the lesser known language groups known nationally as “cultural communities.” These two questions are:

What Philippine languages are there?

What are these languages like?

It is noteworthy that the primary questions addresed by SIL overlapped with, but were not identical to, the primary interests of many of the Filipino linguists who were returning from study abroad to establish the discipline of linguistics in their own country in the 1950s and 1960s. These scholars were often more interested in the pressing matters of developing a national language and teaching an international language than with documenting and analyzing the many local languages. With the exception of a few linguists at the University of the Philippines who continued in the tradition of Cecilio Lopez, research on the majority of Philippine languages largely became the purview of foreign scholars.

The desire to answer the question “What Philippine languages are there?” assured that SIL would be concerned with matters of comparative linguistics and dialectology, and in particular with the issue of dialect and language boundaries. The motivating question underlying this research was a practical one, namely: “how many distinct translation or language development projects does the linguistic diversity warrant?”. 6

#history: language documentation #national language

The current state of affairs regarding the number of Philippine languages reported or recognized is an interesting one, with varying estimates from different sources. One of the earlier well-documented sources, Reid 1971 stated that there were “more than 80” Philippine languages (Reid 1971:vii). McFarland 1980 listed 118, while McFarland

1994 listed only 110. Constantino 2000 stated there were “maybe about 110.” Reid 2000 lists 150, whereas the 2002 Ethnologue lists 163 living Austronesian languages spoken natively in the Philippines (including Chavacano)[ref]. Some of the differences in these estimates result from different groupings of dialect clusters or language complexes. Other differences no doubt come from differing access to and acceptance of sources of information. 7


In each of these categories – syntax, discourse and lexicography – SIL linguists have concentrated on the ‘smaller’ languages of the cultural communities. 12


2006 David, E. J. R., and Sumie Okazaki. 2006. Colonial

mentality: A review and recommendation for Filipino American psychology. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology (12)1: 1-16

[Footnote 1:] Although the term internalized oppression is used in the literature in minority psychology to refer to the resulting perceptions of ethnic or cultural inferiority of historically oppressed groups, this psychological syndrome will be discussed as the colonial mentality with respect to Filipino Americans because this is the term that is already widely used within the Filipino American community movements and in Filipino American scholarship (e.g., Root, 1997) 2


He further asserted that the internalization of racial oppression often leads to a devalued self-worth among the oppressed. 3


The classical colonial model includes four phases of colonization (Fanon, 1965), whit the first phase involving the forced entry of a foreign group into a geographic territory with the intention of exploiting the native people’s natural resources. The second phase involves the establishment of a colonial society that is characterized by cultural imposition, cultural disintegration, and cultural recreation of the native’s indigenous culture, all of which are intended to further create a contrast between the superior colonizer and the inferior colonized. 3

#prologue #article: virgin birth

Root, M. P. P. (1997). Filipino Americans: Transformation and identity. Thousand Oakes, CA: Sage.

Fanon, F. (1965). The wretched of the earth. New York: Grove.

Cannell, Fenella. 2006. Reading as gift and writing as theft. In The Anthropology of Christianity, edited by F. Cannell. Durham and London: Duke University Press.

#urasyun #chapter 4

Moreover, the central office of the Catholic faith, the Mass, could not be conducted in any tongue but Latin until the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) ruled that henceforward it should be celebrated in local languages. 140

Two largely mysterious languages [Spanish and Latin] containing secrets of the new religion were therefore in circulation during the ealy Spanish period, and it is my consistent observation that, despite Vatican II, prayers and texts in Spanish or Latin are still greatly prized by Bicolanos today, although they are rarely if ever able to tell the difference between the two. 140

#unintelligibility

According to the Franciscan chronicler Ribadeneira, the Bicolanos of the early seventeenth century were enthusiastic to use writing to record the words of the missionaries:

The desire which they have to hear the Word of God causes many to make thier own little books, like Books of Hours, in which they write with their own characters or letters what the Father preaches to them, in order not to forget it. They ordinarily ask the ministers to tell and recount to them the lives of the saints, and particularly like to hear the life and miracles of our [146] Lady and of women saints who were penitents. They are careful to write it all down and they read it frequently with great delight for their souls, and try to do works which are in conformity with the examples that they hear from the friars. (Ribadeneira, quoted in Schumacher, ed. 1987:84) 147

#boholano-eskaya traditions #folk literacy #urasyun

Indigenous Filipino scripts (which are quite closely related to each other) are mentioned by several other of the early chroniclers, many of whom learned the script and who give examples written in it. As Scott (1984: 52-61) and other historians have noted, the scripts were more ambiguous than those using the roman alphabet. In Filipino script, there are characters for all the consonants of the language, but vowel markers did not distingquish between e and i, or between o and u (a has a marker to itself), while the endings of words were also ambiguous. Thus in a famous passage Gasapar de San Augustin complains that a certain two letters of the syllabary “can be read in eight ways, which are lili (side), lilim (shade), lilip (border), lilis (to raise), lilit (?), lilim (the act of shading something), liclic (to deviate), liglig (to drop something), and with all these they are understood” (San Agustin, Compendio, quoted in Rafael 1988: 45-47).

To read a Filipino script thus required both an initimate familiarity with the language and a pleasure and skill in guessing, which in certain contexts such as in the writing of love-verses was probably a deliberately cultivated art form akin to riddling, and which was called in Tagalog baybayin (to coast). The apparent scene of religious dictation, therefore, actually con-[147]tained at least two potential sources of ambiguity: there was the question of what the Filipino listeners would have made of (or written down of) the

Latin liturgy rather than the Bicol exegesis when they heard it, and there was the question of the possible ambiguities arising from the script. 148

PK: Cannell exaggerates ambiguity here. o/u, i/e is not relevant in a three vowel system. These letters are used interchangeably anyway. The ambiguity is greater on the part of Spanish speaker/writer reading script than a literate Filipino.

#writing systems #ambiguity

Throughout contemporary Bicol, as in much of the rest of the lowlands, spirit mediums and ordinary people alike make frequent use of a written form called orasion, which I would translate as prayer spells, since the word conveys both meanings; in fact, the use of orasion is part of a deliberate resistance to the attempt to separate “legitimate” Christian power from “illegitimate” forms of power derived from the spiritins, in Bicol healing practice. The more prayer spells one has, the more likely one is also to have mastery of a range of other broadly shamanic powers. The greatest adepts collected their many prayer spells together into a volume known as a “little book” or librito. 148

This appropriative logic goes further, however, for it attempts to redefine the nature of the saints and holy figures, claiming an origin for them which is different to that given by the church. On page 33, for example, the author recommends that three paternosters should be recited to Santa Barbara, who is then referred to as “the grandmother of Jesus Christ.” Lafuente explains (in Spanish), “the first part is indecipherable; what follows seems to mean; that when (the grandmother of Christ) was a heathen, she was called as is indicated in the symbolic letter which precedes this [spell]. But since she has been baptized, they impose on her the name of Siontisia; – there follows a recommendation that 3 Paternosters, a Credo and a Salve should be recited.”151

#origin myths #boholano-eskaya traditions

While the captilization, and the painstaking formation of the letters in the original [Retana’s urasyun document], are clearly reference both to the insistent (and to the non-Spanish reader, mysterious) use of capitals and abbreviations in Spanish religious books (letters standing for the religious orders, for titles, for statuses in the church, Latin Scriptural tags such as I.N.R.I, etc.). They also seem to recall the arrangement of letters in the alphabets of Filipino Spanish-period hornbooks (which were of course always religious and always taught by the church’s officers or delegates). 154

#writing systems #unintelligibility #pamilacan cross

Whether he knew that the words he [author of Retana’s urasyun] was copying were in Latin or whether he thought they were some more obscure reaches of Castilian [155] would be interesting to know; it is likely that few Filipinos made this distinction clearly. On the other hand, the words of the Latin Mass (albeit pronounced by Spanish priests, so probably sounding very much like Spanish) may have intrigued many Filipinos, not only because of the obvious centrality of the ritual, but also because even for those who knew some Castilian, they would have remained at further remove from comprehension, powerful and familiar, yet inaccessible. Access could be provided only through memory and imagination, or through the half-comprehending examination of printed books in Latin. 156

PK: In previous sentence Cannell reproduces the speculation of the annotator as to the origins of the urasyun as fact. That the author copied it from a breviary is convincing but not knowable.

#unintelligibility

While I was conducting fieldwork, I was haunted by the constant mention of two particular texts that were cited as additional sources for the construction of the Passion play and as objects of supernatural virtue. [157] These two texts, the Tronco del Mundo and the Martir de Golgota, were, however, never actually produced for me to see, as everyone always claimed to have lost them. [...]

The conclusion to draw from this proliferation of texts and virtual texts is that it was not only the content of a particular text which defined its arcane, but also the context in which that translation was made and the book used. 158


#old books

[Vicente] Rafael seems to be right in talking of a way of understanding – an aesthetic perhaps – that relies on ambiguity and hesitation in meaning. In the history of the Philippines, in which colonial powers have constantly told people to discard relationships with supernaturals that they themselves wish to retain, ambiguity seems to provide a holding ground, in which such matters reach a very broad number of temporary or individual solutions. 159

#ambiguity

Now, in more fragmentary form [...] alternative views about the creation are [151] also current in Bicol and the Visayas [...] 153 Fn: These included, for example, the belief that the Virgin Mary existed as a kind of ancestress before the creation and watched it happen (because she is portrayed in the Bicol Pasion before the story of the Creation), and alternative versions of the story of Adam and Eve. 161

#boholano-eskaya traditions #origin myths

Kawada, Makito. 2006. Review: [untitled]. Asian Folklore Studies 65 (1):116-118.

In my research site, the Central Visayas, the mananambal (healer) is similar to the baylan, and both females and males can be found there. However it seems that their strong points are different according to sex; while female mananambal mainly deal with herbal medicine, males have a good knowledge of orasyon (magical words). In the Libreto sa Orasyones [Magical prayer book], there are many prayers for protecting themselves and attacking the enemy, such as orasyon for tightening one’s body, or for making an enemy unable to move. 118

#urasyun

Mojares, Resil B. 2006. The formation of Filipino nationality under U.S. colonial rule. Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 34:11-32.

There were two important conditions for the rise of the arts in the early twentieth century. The first was nationalism. The flurry of activity was driven by the will for social and cultural self-assertion that had been building up in the late nineteenth-century, suppressed, nourished by revolution and war, then bursting forth into the spaces created by the transition from one colonial order to another.

The second condition was American colonial state formation. State-building widened and “fixed” the social and territorial space for the formation of a “Filipino nationality.” Constructing the Philippines as an object of knowledge and control, the Americans carried out knowledge-building projects from the onset of the occupation. They defined the national territory, commissioned histories, built up archives, and conducted censuses and inventories of what the country encompassed and contained (from trees and minerals to categories of inhabitants and their languages and arts). Material and mental infrastructures were built for the formation of a national culture, the apparatus for its production and circulation. 12


A countrywide public school system was developed. Between 1903 and 1940, the number of schools increased from 3,000 to 13,000; the number of teachers from 2,500 to 42,000; school and public libraries from a mere 12 to 5,700; school enrolment from under 300,000 to 1,860,000. Facilities for communication expanded with investments in public works, transportation, and mass media. There were 41 newspapers in 1903; there were 313 in 1939. It is estimated that between 1903 and 1918, the number of newspapers and readers increased by 300 and 300 percent, respectively. In 1935, Manila outranked any other city in the Far East in the number of telephones and telephone calls, and the Philippines had one of the best mail services in the world. 13

#globalisation

In 1908, the Philippine Commission rejected a bill providing that teaching in primary schools be given in the local language. 16

#language policy

The leading Filipino intellectuals directed the National Library & Museum […] and the Institute of National Language (de Veyra, Lope Santos). 17

#chapter 1

An important site of contestation was language. At a time that saw a late flowering of Filipino writing in Spanish, Hispanistas defended Spanish as a language more adequate for conveying native ideas and sensibilities. More important, writers argued for the primacy of the local language over English. In the phenomenon Virgilio Almario calls balagtasismo, writers defended Tagalog, and its repertory of poetic forms and conventions, as a way of resisting Americanization and asserting autonomy and selfhood [fn]. An instance of this surge of interest in local culture was the invention in 1924 of a “modernized” version of the traditional [17] verse-debate called duplo, the balagtasan, which became so popular that, at its height, balagtasan performances took place in

Manila and the provinces (under names like bukanegan and crissotan) and drew audiences of thousands from all classes. [fn] 18

#language ideology

In the Commonwealth era and the years leading to it, Filipinism was not just nostalgia. It was harnessed as part of civic formation, citizenship training, and “preparation for nationhood.” National histories were conventionalized; national symbols decreed; arts-and-crafts museumized; civic rituals enacted. The process of national identity-formation was hierarchical, selective, and biased in favor of the metropolitan center where the “nation” was imagined. (For instance, writers in Philippine languages had to contend with the fact that, in the emerging canon, they had been [22] relegated to being merely “local” while writers in English – and to a certain extent, Tagalog – were “national.”) 23

#invented traditions #imagined communities

If we trace the genealogy of the common symbols of what is Filipino, it is remarkable how many of them have their origin in the American-colonisal period: bahay kubo, kundiman, tinikling, rondalla, barong tagalog, sarswela, balagtasan, Rizal monuments, Araw ni Balgtas, National Heroes Day, Juan de la Cruz, Dalagang Filipina, even the country’s Anglicized name, Philippines [fn]. It was in this time of self-conscious, colonial nation-building that the trappings of what came to be called “Filipino culture” were invented, assembled, officialised, and propagated. 23

#invented traditions

There was the sense that native tradition was not “deep” enough. To some extent, the complaint was uninformed, as in Amador Daguio’s lament:

We do not… possess a literary tradition. Other people’s have their Homer, their Virgil, their Shakespeare. We have nothing to which we can refer, nothing that serves us as stimulus or a pattern for autochthonous work… We have no natural fathers; we are like adopted children, ignorant of whatever inheritance of genius may course through our veins. We have, it is true, our oral traditions and our songs, but they appear to be trifling. [Amador T Daguio, “The Malayn Spell and the Creation of a Literature” (Philippine Magazine, September 1934), Filipino Essays in English, p. 205. Also Carlos P. Romulo, “The Scholarship of Interpretation” (Filipiniana Reference Shelf, February 1941), Filipino Essays in English, pp. 40-43. 25

#article: literature #lost treasure: manuscripts

Philippine civic nationalism was constrained by the conditions of its production, complict in the realities of profound political, economic, and cultural dependence that U.S. rule created. It was a colonial school-house nationalism that affirmed colonialism at the same time that it sought to negate it. 25


It is arrogance for Hayden to claim that what was done in the Philippines was all to America’s credit. Filipinism was actively crafted by Filipinos themselves, in ways and for purposes that did not always coincide with U.S. colonial aims. If it did not quite suffice for the time (nor does it for ours), this is so for two reasons. It was a nationalism not quite conscious of the ways in which it was constituted by colonialism itself, and it was one that was far less inclusive or deeply grounded as its leaders and ideologues represented it to be. 26


Nation-making in the early twentieth century [Philippines] created the sense, space, and substance of nationhood more extensive than at any time prior to it, one that survives to the present day. 27


Mojares, Resil B. 2006. Isabelo de los Reyes. In Brains of the nation: Pedro Paterno, TH Pardo de Tavera, Isabelo de los Reyes and the production of modern knowledge. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila.

Back in the Philippines, a “religious coup d’etat” took place on October 23, 1899 when at an assembly of the Filipino clergy in Paniqui, Tarlac, Filipino priests headed by Gregorio Aglipay (the Aguinaldo government’s military vicar general) declared their independence of the Spanish ecclesiastical hierarchy even as they affirmed their allegiance to Rome. 273

It was then that Isabelo decided to go his own way by proclaiming even without Aglipay’s consent, the establishment of Iglesia Filipina Independiente. He planned on making this proclamation at a public meeting organized by Pascual Poblete at Teatro Zorrillas to demand the expulsion of the friars. This meeting, however, was banned, Hence, Isabelo gathered Union Obrera Democrata members at Centro de Bellas Artes on Billalobos Street in Quiapo on August 3, 1902. At this meeting (attended by 42 people but inflated to “more than two thousand” in later accounts), he announced “without vacillation that from now on we definitely separate ouselves from the Vatican, forming a Filipino Independent Church.” He branded the Pope the “caudillo of our eternal enemies, the friars,” for refusing to name Filipino bishops. While it has been questioned whether he actually delivered the speech on this day, the text of the speech was published in Poblete’s Grito del Pueblo on August 8.

In this speech, Isabelo proposed an organizational structure for the new church that included a lay executive council (composed of Gomez, Poblete, and well-known nationalists) and a “dogmatic” council of sixteen priests from which the new bishops would be chosen. He named Aglipay Obispo Maximo of the new church, and, as honorary presidents, Taft, Aguinaldo, and Pardo. Most of those he named had not been previously consulted and they (including Pardo, Poblete, and the priests he named) publically dissociated themselves from Isabelo’s declaration of schism in the days that followed. 282

Though Aglipay initially dissociated himself from Isabelo’s proclamation, he joined the movement on September 22 when, assuming the title of Obispo Maximo and naming Isabelo executive president, he issued the first of six Epistles that gave form and organization to Iglesia Filipina Independiente. With Isabelo among those in attendance, the new church was formally inaugurated on October 26 when Aglipay celebrated a pontifical Mass at a makeshift, open-air altar in Tondo, Manila. 283

The harried composition of these texts [de los Reyes’ doctrinal texts] undermines their status as canonical documents. Isabelo makes the pretentious (and inaccurate) claim in Oficio Divino that he is presenting the Gospel on the basis of “very ancient codices preserved in the libraries of Jerusalem, Rome, England, France and Spain,” and asserts

authority by saying he has visited churches of Roman, Greco-Russian, and Anglican Christians; the temples of Brahma and Buddha in Colombo, Singapore and Japan; and the Confucionist temples in Canton, Macao and Hongkong. 328


#article: lumina [compare Jes Tirol to Isabelo de los Reyes]

From Biblia Filipina [1908]:

Iglesia Filipina Independiente. —Biblia Filipina. Primera piedra para un genesis cientifico, espuesto segun las rectificaciones de Juses. — Por primara vez se traducen literalmente al Castellano el Hebreo original (esto es, el Caldaico) de la Sinagoga y el Griego de la Septuaginta, tales como se conservan en la famosa Biblia Poliglota Complutense de la Biblioteca de la Universidad de Barcelona, que fue aprobada por el Papa Leon X, en 1520 y se completan en notas con otros originales y las tradiciones analogas de Caldea-Asiria, Persia, Egipto, Syria, Fenicia, India, China y otros pueblos tan antiguos como el Hebreo. Tambien se da la debida importancia a lays leyenda cosmogonicas de Filipinas. —La dedica al pueblo Filipino nuestro sabio Obispo Maximo Emmo. Sr. Gregorio Aglipay y Labayan, Barcelona 1908. 329

#mimicry and rejection #old books #chapter 2 #chapter 9

2007 Holm, Tom. 2007. Code Talkers and Warriors: Native

Americans and World War II. New York: Chelsea House.

He later estimated that more thatn 300 Native Americans fought in the defense of the Philippines.

One of those 300 who did not surrender was Lieutenant Colonel Edward McClish, a Choctaw from Oklahoma. McClish had been part of the National Guard since 1940. In 1941, he was called to active duty and sent to Panay Island to organize the 3rd Battalion of the Philippine Army. he moved his command to Negros Island, where he was stationed when the Japanese invaded. McClish crossed to the island of Mindanao in late December to add the Moro people’s “bolo” battalions to his command. He established his command in eastern Mindanao, but when the Japanese reached Mindanao in April 1942, McClish was in a field hospital and so was not with the 3rd Battalion when it surrendered. As soon as he recovered from his injuries, McClish organized a guerrilla force of some 300 Filipino and U.S. soldiers who had escaped captivity. Soon he joined forces with another American colonel who commanded a large guerrilla contingent in western Mindanao. Together they formed the fprovisional 110th Division and fought the Japanese until U.S. forces finally landed in the Philippines in 1945. All together, mcClish’s forces fought in more than 350 engagements with the Japanese. 48

Alburo, Erlinda K. 2007. History and the prewar Cebuano novel. Philippine Studies 55 (4):479-508.

The role of historical fiction in Filipino society has been acknowledged; in fact, a Filipino writer in English has said that the Filipino imagination discovered fiction as a response to history (Gonzalez 1990, 35–62 [Gonzalez, N. V. M. 1990. Interview on 8 September 1980. In Conversations with Filipino writers, ed. Roger J. Bresnahan, 35–62. Quezon City: New Day.]). 484

#chapter 4

The same orientation should be expected of the historical literature in Cebuano, which first appeared in the prewar period. Within this period, often called “the golden age of vernacular fiction,” Spanish was on the decline and English was still to be mastered. 484

#chapter 9 [PK: comment on intermediate period between two colonial languages]

The newspaper or magazine was affordable and interesting, dealing with current issues and events that must have been exciting to read for a people unused to a free press in a previous era. 488

#chapter 9

Osorio himself wrote a Cebuano grammar book (n.d.) as well as tips on writing poetry in Cebuano (Osorio 1932). His own preface to his novel shows this purpose: “I wrote this in order to learn the art of writing but with the sincere intentions that my grain of sand can help my ‘friends of the pen’ who are working hard for the perfection of their native tongue” (Osorio 1913) 488


The journalistic background of the prewar Cebuano writers was also a deterrent to the development of a sense of literary aesthetics. Readers of the “fictional interpretation” of material of current interest, such as disasters, social fads, and political events of the day, readily believed the factual origins of the narrative. Used to the literal reading of works with explicit messages, the earliest readers of Cebuano fiction were not aware of the emergence of the new fictional form. Perhaps what this shows us is the characteristic naiveté of an audience still being initiated into the mimetic type of fiction, a characteristic that owes something to the long tradition of religious-didactic literature to which Filipinos in general were accustomed. Most of the readers of long fiction—and there were forty-five such novels published in BK from 1915 to 1941—readily took what they read as factual and not as “works of art.” 489


[Osorio] would have read Historia de Filipinas (Seminario de San Carlos 1900) as a student at the Seminary of San Carlos, where Spanish was the medium of instruction, and where it was a textbook. This slim book contains, even if briefly, the historical event foregrounded in his novel Daylinda, which is an account of Magellan’s “discovery” of the Philippines and his death in the battle of Mactan; its first chapter is entitled “Descubrimiento del Archipiélago filipino por Magallanes.” 489


Daylinda (figure 3), which is subtitled Ang Walay Palad (The Unfortunate), starts like a fairy tale with an opening of “once upon a time,” when there lived two migrant couples originally from Palembang, Sumatra, but now settled in Kawayan, Dalagit, Cebu. The first couple, Lumabon and Amoma, and their daughter Daylinda lived on the side of a valley across the other couple, Haladen and Akitona, and their son Omanad. Omanad would sometimes see Daylinda on the next hill or by the shore. Curious, he once approached her with questions of who she was and where she lived, but the girl lied, mindful of her parents’ warning against strangers. [491]

Omanad started courting her at home. The girl’s parents preferred his suit to that of the others and Daylinda, after playing hard-to-get and having consulted her parents, accepted him. At this point, the Spaniards under Magallanes arrived and the men were asked to prepare to help fight the foreigners, if called by Hamabad the ruler. A decision on the wedding date was suspended.

While Omanad was away a suitor, Ardabo, appeared on the scene, providing comic relief to an otherwise melancholic atmosphere. Omanad exchanged letters with Daylinda and sent her love poems. Meanwhile, Omanad formed a group to join Lapulapu in warding off Magallanes and his men. Some natives, including Lumabon, brought their household to the head town to be baptized. Daylinda was now “Maria Aurora.”

However, Lapulapu’s group, including Omanad, resisted the foreigners. Omanad was wounded during the attack that killed eight Spaniards and twenty-three natives. He was brought home and wed to Daylinda on his dying bed. In the end Daylinda herself pined away, dictating a common epitaph for both their graves. 492

#chapter 4

[In Florentino Suico’s novel Sa Batan-on Pa Ang Sugbo ‘Cebu of Yester-year’] In Barangay Subadakon lived the prosperous but childless couple Lomitud and Limunsay. Lomitud was descended of the royal family of Sumatra from where he had migrated, while Limunsay was a native of Subadakon whose parents had come from Malaya. 494

#chapter 4

Locsin-Nava (2003, 61) writes on Muzones’s belief “that long before the Americans came, we had a true democracy under the Bornean datus . . . [that] the Ilonggos had a pre-Hispanic culture and history of their own which they could be proud of.” Muzones wrote his historical novels between 1946 and 1973 based on the Maragtas, whose authenticity as source was questioned much later by Scott (1984). 504

#mimicry and rejection #chapter 4 #chapter 10

2008 Errington, Joseph. 2008. Linguistics in a colonial world: A

story of language, meaning, and power. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

Borrowing from Benedict Anderson’s observations about social imaginaries in a world of limited literacy, Rafael suggests that Latin counted for these friars as a “Truth language,” one which stands apart from mundane speech and life as a “privileged

system[s] of [written] representation” (Anderson 1991:14). Latin partook, part-for-whole, of the sacred power of the messages it conveyed; it was not just a vehicle of meaning but a kind of emanation of the source of meaning, God’s “superterrestrial order of power” (Anderson 1991:13). 31

#urasyun

More interesting here, though, is another challenge posed by a “lack” in Latin orthography for writing a Nahuatl speech sound. Carochi called this sound the saltillo, or “little jump,” and transcribed it with an apostrophe. 33

#chapter 5

Lopez’s device “improved” baybayin for his “most learned reader” – non-native speakers/readers, like himself – by aligning it more closely with Latin orthography. This mark – made in the image, fittingly enough, of the cross – was placed below a consonant symbol which was to be read without a following vowel. (In this way he unknowingly reinvented an orthographic convention common to related syllabaries used all across Asia, most famous among them the Sanskrit virama.) 37

#philippine script

One way to recast Rafael’s insight is to consider baybayin orthographic conventions as they figured in the broader practices of literacy shared and transmitted among its users. In this respect the complaint of one missionary quoted earlier – that baybayin is “as easy to write as it is difficult to read” – is telling because it identifies a basic asymmetry between practices of writing and reading baybayin. 43

#philippine script

It is significant in this regard that Europeans who encountered baybayin in wide use could find nowhere any significant body of written texts: “[t]hey have neither books nor histories nor do they write anything of any length but only letters and reminders to one another . . . [lovers] carry written charms with them” (quoted in Scott 1994:210). They sought texts which were not just “longer” and more permanent than “letters” or “reminders,” but which fit Ong’s description better. “Letters” or “reminders” can be written on the presumption of knowledge shared by the writer and intended reader (topic, purpose, relevant history, etc.). A shopping list, for instance, can be all but indecipherable to someone who did not write it.[fn:6] 44

#philippine script #message sticks

[fn:3] If speakers of Philippine languages adapted scripts from their Buginese neighbors to the south, then there is a historical explanation for the fact that baybayin has no symbols for representing consonants when they close syllables: Buginese has almost no such syllables, and so no need to transcribe them. 47

#philippine script

Leys, Simon. August 2008. In the wake of Magellan: globalisation’s forefather. The Monthly.

[Review of Voyage de Magellan (1519-1522): La relation d’Antonio Pigafetta & autres témoignages]

After a short stop in Guam, where fresh supplies revived the crew, the ships sailed to the Philippines. There, on the island of Cebu, Magellan established friendly relations with the local king. After one week, the king expressed his desire to become a Christian. He was thus baptised, together with the queen and 2000 of their subjects. A makeshift church was promptly built; big crosses were erected on top of hills nearby. Magellan then suggested imposing the authority of the “Christian king” over all of his neighbours. When one of them rebuffed his interference, Magellan decided to punish him—and to use the opportunity to show the Christian king the invincible military superiority of his new friends and protectors. Taking only 40 men with him in the longboat, he landed on the island of the recalcitrants; there, ambushed by a large army, he was killed with six of his companions after a brief and desperate fight.

The remnants of his little troop re-embarked in disarray. This unexpected rout gave the Christian king food for thought: these strangers were, after all, only temporary visitors, whereas he had to live permanently with his neighbours – it would therefore be wiser to accommodate the latter. He invited to a feast some 26 officers and sailors and, in a surprise move, massacred them all. He failed, however, to overtake the three ships; in panic, they lifted anchor and set sail at once, abandoning ashore their dead and dying. Thus ended the stay in Cebu; it had lasted only 23 days.

One last word, regarding the Christian king (and his subjects, all converted in one week and baptised en masse): the Western navigators had vested much hope in him, yet did not seem particularly surprised by his eventual betrayal – after all, Christian kings in Europe did not behave differently. [n.p. online edition]


2009 Cañete, Aloysius Ma. L. 2009. Tasadayspeak: Elizalde,

anthropology and the politics of speaking. Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 37 (2009): 35-54.

One of the reviewers of Headland’s book saw the Tasaday controversy on this very same ground: “The controversy arose in the first place because the Tasaday never had their own ‘real’ ethnographer to authenticate and legitimize them to the scientific community” [Headland, The Tasaday controversy, p14]. 45


More generally, by objectifying the Tasaday whether by Pratt or by Headland, they are transformed into muted artifacts whose value depends upon the degree to which they can be measured statistically. By articulating the Tasaday as artifacts, they are constituted by anthropologists as “unspeaking objects.” Moreover, anthropologists have inflicted an epistemic violence on the Tasaday, both by reducing them as evidence of the human past while at the same time effacing them as “historical beings.” Or, put differently, anthropologists have seen the Tasaday less as producers of their own history than as objects whose own voices have been necessarily (and conspicuously) absent from the Tasaday controversy debate. No wonder we hardly heard the voice of the Tasaday in the controversy that is ironically about their historical authenticity; their presence and voice were either erased in the process of re-inscription, or just plainly silenced by the discourse of others, in this case, Elizalde and anthropologists. 47

#chapter 10

In the courtroom, Dul, on of the representatives of the Tasaday, uttered the following words before affixing her thumbprint to the complaint: “We are the forest… We are the Tasaday. We are as real as the forest and the flowers and the trees and the stream… We are as strong as the stone of the cave of the Tasaday.” (fn) 49

[Michel-Rolph Trouillot]:

Minorities of all kinds can and do voice their cultural claims, not on the basis of explicit theories of culture but in the name of historical authen-[49]ticity. They enter the debate not as academics—but as situated individuals with rights to historicity. They speak in the first person, signing their arguments with an ‘I’ or a ‘we,’ rather than invoking the ahistorical voice of reason, justice, or civilization. [fn, but cut off in pdf] 50


Bulloch, Hannah. 2009. In pursuit of progress: Narratives of transformation on a Philippine island. Canberra: The Australian National University PhD thesis.

We need to be cautious of simple models of domination from above and resistance from below. 48

#mimicry and rejection

But “Parang bisaya siya”, meaning “He/she is like a Bisaya” has the same connotation and, as Kobari (2006: 7) points out, “does not necessarily refer to one’s ethnic origin or place of birth”. In other words, Bisaya is used to represent “The Provinces” and is often posited in dualistic terms in [55] contrast with Tagalog as an ethnic category; north and south are polarised. Thus the regional stigmatising of Siquijor as a backwater is replicated on a national scale with Bisaya. 56

#prologue #faking it in visayan

Fn: The terms Binisaya/Bisaya and Cebuano are sometimes used differently in other parts of Philippines. for example, Johnson (1997: 47) notes that in Joso, Sulu, “The term Bisaya’ is used in opposition to Muslim to refer to any Christian Filipinos, whatever part of the Philippines they are from and what ever sect of Christianity they adhere to. Moreover, not only does the term Bisaya’ have historical connotations of slavery, servitude and colonization, but also, and perhaps more importantly, is associated with the continuing presence of the Philippine armed forces in the town of Jolo itself” (also see Hassan & Ashley, 1994; Kobari, 2006: 6). 55

#prologue #faking it in visayan

Aswang are humans with supernatural powers, often compared to witches, who typically live undetected among regular people. one of the most feared varieties discards her lower half at night and flies to rooftops, using her long tongue to suck the viscera from her victims. Wak-wak and sigbin are animals, which frequently serve as aswang’s familars. The wak-wak is a bird-like creature while the sigbin is a cat or similar innocuous animal during the day which transmogrifies into a vicious kangaroo-like creature at night. 79

#chapter 7

[Aljas, 1999: 3]:

Wishing to know more about the mysterious island, the Spaniards visited the place. Upon their arrival, they met a native who was fishing. They asked him in Spanish what the name of the place was. The native thought he was asked his name and responded “Si Kihod,” liming around to demonstrate how he got his name [Si Kihod meaning “Mr Limper”]. Because Spaniards found it difficult to pronounce the “d” eventually “Si Kihod” was changed to Siquijor. 81

#folk etymology #toponyms

Aguilar (1998: 72) suggests that prior to the arrival of the Spanish one’s fate (kapalaran) was preordained and immutable, written onto the palad, the palm of the hand. The palad disclosed whether one was to become a datu (chief) or an ordinary person (ibid.). Through the introduction of the concept of suwerte, indigenous perceptions of destiny were radically altered during the Spanish era. Suwerte could be negotiated with the spirits, and destiny thereby rewritten. Like a wheel, the palm could rotate, an image evoked in the Tagalog phrase gulong ng palad (ibid.: 72-75). 129

#epistemology

For example, I was sitting one day with my research assistant, Sharon, on benches outside a store in the main street of Tulapos, interviewing Mirafel. A few other residents joined the conversation and the discussion flowed without obvious restraint. After some time another woman joined us. I continued posing questions to the group but the dynamics immediately changed in response to her presence. The discussion had been in Cebuano but the new woman began answering my questions in English; the others deferred to her, and withdrew from speaking. When I later asked Sharon why this had happened, when the woman was not even a member of the local elite, she told me that the others were ashamed (ulaw) because the woman was well educated and they were not; in her presence they felt they had no authority to speak. 160

#language prestige

Fn: Johnson (1997: 47, 55) suggests that in Sulu, in the Southern Philippines, ‘America’ is seen as more than just a place to which people aspire to go for employment, but as a source of “knowledge-power or potency (ilum’)” (ibid: 47) associated with education, while the Arab world is associated with the knowledge power of Islam. After the birth of a child, the placenta is placed in a coconut shell along with a piece of English language newspaper and a piece of paper with scripture from the Qur’an written upon it in Arabic, in order that each form of knowledge-power will be instilled in the child. 168

#folk literacy

[Jean-Paul Dumont:]

We were, from their viewpoint, the United States they had always ‘known’, at once experienced and imagined. Since, in a sense, they had invented us, any intercourse with us had to remain absolutely unchallenging and ultimately was only a form of association among themselves. (Dumont, 1992: 30-31) 177


Or perhaps more accurately an “intimate alter” [177] – a term which Bashkow (2006: 14) adapts from Ashis Nandy’s (1983) “intimate enemy”, that is, “the West internalised by its non-western others” (Bashkow, 2006: 14). 178


Amerikanos are typically perceived in the Philippines as being more physically attractive than Filipinos. ‘European’ form – what my informants described as ‘white’ skin, ‘long’ noses, ‘heart-shaped’ faces, and ‘slim’ (curvy) bodies – are prized over more quintessentially Malay characteristics of ‘Morena’ skin, ‘flat’ noses, ‘square’ faces and ‘skinny’ bodies (see below). 181

#chapter 2 [PK: Tirol, ‘looking just like ordinary Filipinos’, the ‘good shaped face’, mention phenotypic conceptualisation of race]

The American production of ‘truths’ about the Philippines proliferated, as it was studied, depicted and its fate debated: truths which made statements like McKinley’s possible [“uplift and civilize and Christianize them”], even practical and which his words remade. 186

#chapter 1

Far from discovering the empirical properties of a natural entity, Orientalism constructs, even invents, its object. As “an accepted grid for filtering through the Orient into Western consciousness” (Said, 2003 [1978]: 6) it sets the boundaries and maintains the tropes of the Orient. And in doing so it circumscribes what can be thought and what can be said about the Orient. Encumbered by this bulky mental structure, actions too become constrained and directed. 187


Indeed, the magazine [National Geographic] carried no fewer than 39 articles about the archipelago in the 15 years from 1898, when the first such article appeared on its pages; compared to none in the subsequent 15 year period by which time initial fascination with the remote islands was superseded by other issues […] 187

#chapter 1

Taft, who coined the term “our little brown brothers” to describe Filipinos, positioned them as children incapable of fending for themselves: “No one denies that 80 percent of the Filipino people are densely ignorant. They are in a state of Christian tutelage. They are childlike and simple with no language but a local Malay dialect spoken in a few provinces; they are separate from the world’s progress” (Taft, 1908: 142). 190

#chapter 1

[…] the U.S. colonisation of the Philippines took place at a time, later than most European colonisations, when ideas of social evolution were at their peak. Thus ideas of the backward Other had more scientific legitimacy when applied during the colonisation of the Philippines than ever before – a circumstance in which anthropology played a large part. 193

#chapter 1

Fn: In recommending a large budgetary appropriation for schools General Arthur McArthur said that it was meant “primarily and exclusively as an adjunct to military

operations calculated to pacify the people” (quoted in Constantino, 1982 [1966]: 3). 195

#chapter 8

Fn: Filipino scholar Arnold Molina Azurin (1993: 20) notes that colonial social evolutionary categories have become embedded in the “Filipino heritage”, persisting in school text books and the mass media. He states (although falling back on the very narratives he criticises): “Quite unfortunate that at this late stage in our cultural development, the ethnocentric viewpoints of the colonial era have remained interwoven in the prevalent texts and discourse on Philippine ethnography … The predominance of this racist ideology among Filipinos has become more glaring to this researcher in the course of data-gathering for this study. Even university teachers and personnel have expressed concepts such as, ‘the Igorots belong to another race, and this is evident in their physical characteristics and posture’ or that ‘the Muslims in Sulu are more Malayan than Filipinos; even their manner of speaking is different from ours’” (ibid.). 195


Schoolchildren were taught from an elementary level that humanity is made up of races carrying innate behavioural characteristics. For example, by grade seven the student learnt that the average Filipino is a composite of different races and that this accounts for the Filipino personality. While his 40 per cent Malay blood confers on the Filipino a freedom-loving quality, his 5 per cent Hindu blood explains his fatalism, and so on. Furthermore, aside from blood and the innate qualities that it embodies, foreigners collectively endowed the islands with culture. The Filipino barangay system, ancient writing, much of the Tagalog dialect, superstitions and more flowed from India, while other sets of arts and customs came from China and Japan respectively (Mulder, 1990). But it was the Spanish who first truly uplifted the Filipino. As one textbook explains:

Christianity is Spain’s lasting heritage to our people. Christian virtues have elevated our way of life and our ideals. The Spaniards enriched our culture. By absorbing the best and the beautiful of Spanish culture, we have become the most socially advanced of the Asiatic peoples who have shaken off Western rule. (Leogardo and Navarro, quoted in Mulder, 1996, 189). 196


Firstly, we see that Filipinos have acquired all of their culture from others. The Filipino is presented as an empty vessel, filled by foreign cultural characteristics. 197


Thus we meet an ambivalence concerning the authenticity of Filipino culture. Either substantive Filipino culture is shrouded by a thin veil of foreign culture or what appears to be Filipino culture is nothing more than a flimsy version of foreign culture. No allowance is made for more complex cultural articulations.

Elements of Western culture, both American and Spanish, have influenced culture in the Philippines in profound ways. But this has always involved a process of articulation. 199

#chapter 10

The diffusion of ideas takes different forms in different situations tending towards an unconscious indoctrination in some and a conscious appropriation in others. 200

#articulation

[Bashkow (2006: 14-15):]

the ‘indigenization of modernity’ (Knauft 2002a; Sahlins 1992, 1997; Sivaramakrishnan and Agrawal 2003), does not make the particularization of modernity an unequivocally positive or even redemptive form of globalization. A modernity constructed as an answer to the self’s problems is highly effective at insinuating itself into local cultural processes and tapping into the dynamics of the local moral order, exploiting its weaknesses and leading people to devalue the traditional culture to which it seems antithetical. In this way, the inevitable problems that beset life in any society become central motivations driving people’s desire to reforge their society in the image of the modern other. 200

#chapter 10 [see also ‘native modernity’]

Depending on the perspective taken , Siquijor is free from [modernisation’s] civilising influence or its corrupting effect. 207

Like the difference between not believing in Santa Claus and not believing in violence, on Siquijor ‘not believing’ doe not always equate to having a conviction that something simply does not exist. 218

#epistemology

By disassociating themselves from sorcery, Siquijodnon can still accept its existence in the world while denying it a place in their lives. Thus it is possible that in some cases there is no contradiction at all in saying at one moment that one does not believe and in the next seeming to suggest that one does. 218

#epistemology

“Performances of modernity” Schein (ibid.: 386) explains, “were less subversions than they were disidentifications … They contested not the dominant ordering of the ‘socius’ into hierarchies but, rather, the particularities of how Miao as a group were interpellated within that order”. Indeed, somewhat paradoxically, “their practices could not but simultaneously reiterate the prestige and superiority of modernity as the hegemonic cultural system that stigmatised them” (ibid.: 373). 222


Indeed, as Butler (1997a: 40) contends, such speech “remains enabled precisely by the contexts from which it breaks … the very terms of resistance and insurgency are spawned in part by the powers they oppose (which is not to say that the latter are reducible to the former or always already coopted by them in advance)”. It does, however, suggest room for resistance within discursive structures. 223


In part by virtue of their perceived close [223] association with animism, Siquijodnon are interpellated into a backward position in the national hierarchy. Their constitution in discourse enables them to constitute Others through the reiteration of that discourse which exceeds and enables. Siquijodnon seek to negotiate the social order, to reformat the Self by disidentifying with backwardness, by displacing it onto Others, by

performing modernity. However, Siquijodnon’s myriad and continual attempts to disrupt the hierarchy of identities that others them, typically constitute only and (often fleeting) rearrangement of that order, through a reassertion of the terms that structure it. By performing modernity, they do not subvert but rather sustain the framework with which they contend. 224


While Western sensibilities might see the two as aesthetically opposed, for Siquihodnon infrastructure enhances the natural landscape. 243

The pageantry of development becomes development itself. 246

Furthermore, while discussion during participatory development exercises and speeches are usually in Cebuano, written information such as project brochures are often in English. For example, at a KALAHI Participatory Situation Analysis (PSA) in Tulapos, while discussions proceeded in Cebuano, almost everything the facilitator wrote on the board was in English. She would frequently convert aloud what participants said into English before writing it down (and this did not appear to be for my benefit); when someone said “limpyo” she would echo “clean-up drive”. When asked to conduct an activity that involved participants writing things down, one woman sheepishly asked if they were allowed to write in Cebuano. 246

#chapter 3

Meñez Coben, Herminia. 2009. Verbal arts in Philippine indigenous communities: Poetics, society, and history. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press

Colonial projects following pacification revolved around the control of subject peoples, imposing “Order,” in an attempt to integrate into an imagined nation-state politically fragmented, highly diverse ethnolinguistic groups. Creating a new geography and new ethnic identities meant carving territorial units, imposing political boundaries and classifying the population primarily according to linguistic affiliation. [fn: On the problem of classifying populations according to language gropuing, see, for instance, Resurreccion 2000, 43, and Hamilton 1998, 172n4. Ethnicity, the affiliation, or membership with one particular group, by virtue of real or mythical shared origins, language, and culture developed probably in lare part because of government-initiated inventories of the population by ethnonyms and territorially bound political divisions. See Resurreccion 2000, 303n12]. Ethnonyms meant to replace site-specific names (e.g., Taga-Ilog) people called themselves (eponyms) prevailed at least in official records, but ethnic identity defies classification systems and territorial borders, and changes according to context ofuse, so that one can have multiple ethnic identities.

Hamilton, Roy. 1998. From the rainbow’s varied hue: Textile style regions of Mindanao and Sulu. In From the rainbow’s varied hue: Textiles of the sourthern Philippines, ed. Roy. W. Hamilton, 15-102. Los Angeles: University of California Fowler Museum of Cultural History.

Resurreccion, Babette. 2000. The social construction of ethnic names. In Old ties and new solidarities, ed. Charles J-H Macdonald and Guillermo Persigan, 41-52. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

4


The concept that words possess magical potency—”that intangible, mysterious, and divine energy which animates the universe” (Anderson 1972, 7)—prevails throught island Southeast Asia and constitutes the bedrock of indigenous poetics in the Philippines. To the Ifugao of the Luzon Cordillera words, like spears, can kill. So powerful are spoken words that imaginary [4] walls are built in Taubuid villages to bounce off curses from their enemies. Curing spells, likewise, are predicated on a similar notion that artful chanting releases therapeutic properties of herbal plants, and that gods can be persuaded to grant good health only if the petitioneres are skilled artists of the spoken word.

For the Tausug of Sulu, words are “inherited talismans,” pusaka, which in a ritual act of transfusing creative energy, “the knowledge power of manhood” (Johnson 1995, 51-52), from older to younger male relatives, are uttered, sung, or spat out. During their apprenticeship, Sama Dilaut shamans, who share a similar belief, inherit the power of ritual chants like talismanic heirlooms, pusaka, to cure illness and even alter future events. Shamans and warrior-chiefs, men and women of verbal prowess, embody generative potency, like the Bagobo epic hero from “the land of songs” whose singing makes the flowers bloom.

Across the archipelago, different societies also share similar ideas about the beauty and rhetorical power of the spoken word. The Isneg of Apayao in northern Luzon specify in their poetry that “to beautify your speech” by “strengthening, straightening, tightening, deepening, bettering and privileging” it with stylistic and rhythmic flourishes (prosody), or by “twisting one’s words from their true meanings” (metaphor) is to produce an empowering performance.[fn] Beautifully crafted speech engages the imagination, makes the heart (or, in indigenous terminology, the “liver” ) tremble, and stirs the mind with new thoughts. A vegetal model of creative process is manifest in the image of verbal art performance as the flowering of a flame tree, or as orchid petals falling with the breath of the wind, or a rattan’s inflorescence emitting its fragrance. 5

#language ideology #chapter 10 #urasyun

Ritual language, a kind of interspecies communication, requires the recitalist to speak in metaphor, the language of dissimulation, to engage in indirection, to hide one’s meaning in a “forest of symbols” (Turner 1967), because negotiating with spirits is “a dangerous business” (Fox 1988, 12). 9

Fox, James J., ed. 1988. To speak in pairs: Essays on the ritual languages of eastern Indonesia. Cambridge: University Press.

Turner, Victor. 1967. The forest of symbols. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

#unintelligibility

More importantly, all [chapters] contribute to the thesis that the centrality of verbal art in social life is linked closely with the leadership roles of verbal artists as arbiters of cultural change. Repositioning verbal artists as active agents in the making of history also reconceptualizes oral performance as a historical process that is open-ended for, like history, tradition exists in “a constant state of reconfiguration” (Glassie 1994, 962). 12

#article: literature #chapter 10

A recurring phenomenon in Bukidnon [13] and other Manobo villages since at least the first decade of the twentieth century, millenarian movements, in reaction to periods of intense cultural stress, were launched by shamans whose important qualifications for leadership included expertise in the verbal arts, particularly, the ability to chant the epic. Blending myth and migration history, the olaging, the charter of millenarians, provides a Bukidnon vision of global kinship and of end-times as a journey to eternal life without first experiencing death. 14

#article: literature #chapter 8 #messianism

A recurring phenomenon in Bukidnon and other Manobo villages, the first recorded millenarian movement dates back to the mid-eighteenth century[fn], but occurred with greater intensity and frequency in subsequent periods [230] of great cultural stress. Nativistic movements,[fn] described as “a convulsive attempt to change or revivify important cultural beliefs and values, and frequently, to eliminate alien influences” (Coben 1964, 55), arose, in the case of the Bukidnon, primarily as a violent reaction to political oppression especially during the American colonial era (1898–1936), the Japanese occupation (1941–1946), and the years immediately preceding the proclamation of marital law in 1972. The millenial vision as depicted in the ulaging [Bukidnon epic] recorded in the late 1960s, however, also anticipated a peaceful coexistence among the presently fractious ethnicities in Mindanao. War and violence, along with ethnic-religious separatism, on one hand, and reconciliation and unity on the other, constitute the contradictory though not altogether irreconcilable themes in both the oral tradition and history of the Bukidnon. 231

#chapter 8 #article: literature

Apart from their aesthetic significance, dress and ornament were believed [by Bukidnon people] to be amuletic. Catholic missionaries, recognizing the prevalence of this notion, readily integrated it into their strategies for religious conversion by making their targets relinquish their jewelry for Catholic rosaries, medals and scapulars. In defiance, the Bukidnon continued to wear their own clothing and ornaments. Since the use of applique, which actually derived from European dress styles, was considered a mark of “a true pagan” by Christians (Cole 1956, 24), they turned it into a symbol of resistance (Hamilton 1998, 56). Moreover, those who surrendered to the priests their decorative paraphernalia in order to put on, instead, religious scapulars and medals, simply substituted one set of amulets for another. 234

#antinganting

In the 1920s, the Bukidnon joined a Manobo sect, called langkat, to protest their children’s forced attendance in settlement schools started by the Americans. Their leader, son of a village chief, made it known that their gods had spoken through him (Maquiso 1977, 140-143).[fn] 236

Other [Bukidnon] cult leaders—Mampuruk in 1920, Mangkumapay in 1927, and Langgan in 1932—claimed that they were the shamans who were to lead their people to paradise, as decread in the ulaging. That was why, in order to assume the role of designated shaman, one had to demonstrate his ability to chant the epic. 238

#chapter 8

Among the most important criteria for [Bukidnon] chiefdom, as noted, was a demonstrated competence in the performance of verbal art. 239


At the heart of this historical proces of resistance and accommodation lies the pivotal role of verbal artists as arbiters of cultural change. Their hybridizing strategies ensured, and continue to ensure, thus far, a historically coherent yet adaptive poetics. 360


Salman, Michael. 2009. “Confabulating American colonial knowledge of the Philippines: What the social life of Jose E. Marco’s forgeries and Ahmed Chalabican tell us about the epistemology of empire.” In Colonial crucible: Empire in the making of the modern American state, edited by Alfred W McCoy and Francisco A Scarano, 260-270. Madison, Wisconin: University of Wisconsin Press.

#chapter 10 #lost treasure: manuscripts

We know that the inventor of the Code of Kalantiaw and the forger of several other artifacts and narratives touted by Robertson as great acquisitions for the National Library was none other than Jose E. Marco, a dealer in antiquities, manuscripts, and stamps, and a sometime historian who lived in the town of Pontevedra, Negros Occidental, on the major sugar-producing island of Negros in the Central Visayas, from the late nineteenth century to the 1960s.[fn:4] 262

The historiography of the Philippines is unusually given over to debates about fraud and fabrication. [fn:5] It would be interesting to theorize why this is so. I suspect one key to understanding this unnerving characteristic is to be found in the self-conscious way the first generation of nationalists in the Philippines imagined their nation into existence in the late nineteenth century and the way their effort continued in the face of first Spanish and then American denigration. It would be useful to remember that it was literature from the Philippines and Indonesia, especially novels, that inspired and informed Benedict Anderson’s theorization of nations as “imagined communities.” [fn:6] 262

Whereas other nations of Southeast Asia point, however fancifully, to the monuments of ancient dynastic and religious centers as evidence of their past (Angkor, Borobudur, Ayutthaya), Filipinos have not inherited similar court traditions and stone remains. Consequently, as Reynaldo Ileto has elegantly argued, the Philippine Revolution, begun against Spain in 1896 and continued against the United States after 1898, became a principal foundation for nationalist discourse.[fn:7] But this modernist understanding of the nation has long been accompanied by a desire for primordial roots.[fn:8] The resultant imperatives and incentives to invent a past for this intensively imagined nation provided richly fertile grounds for dubious sources. 263

However, these fakes are human history, too, perhaps not traces of the history they were purported to represent but certainly traces of another history, one that we can and should know.

As Ackbar Abbas proposes for the analysis of fake branded commercial goods in contemporary Chinese cities, “[T]he fake [is] a symptom that enables us to address, rather than dismiss, some of the discrepancies of a rapidly developing [263] and seemingly ineluctable global order. We can think of the fake then . . . as a social, cultural and economic response, at a local and apparently trivial level, to the processes of globalization, and the uneven and often unequal relations that globalization has engendered.” [fn:12] 264

It was Robertson who purchased for the Philippine National Library the first set of Marco manuscripts: the purported 1572 parchment manuscript titled Historia de la Isla de Negros (History of Negros Island) and an accompanying map, ostensibly by the encomendero (tribute collector) Diego Lope Povedano; [266] two leather-bound manuscripts of 1838 and 1839 titled Las antiguas leyendas de la Isla de Negros (The Ancient Legends of Negros Island), ostensibly by the parish priest Father José María Pavón; and three bark-cloth documents with the old syllabary brushed in cuttlefish ink, purportedly precolonial in origin. It was Robertson who endowed these documents with authority, hailing the Povedano and Pavón manuscripts in his 1914 director’s report and calling Marco a “good friend” to the library. [fn:24] It was Robertson who sent a facsimile of one of the bark-cloth documents to the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco, along with an official letter stating that the documents were “the greatest literary treasure of the native culture of the Philippine Islands, and their discovery was the greatest literary discovery ever made in the archipelago.” [fn:25] And it was Robertson who publicized the draconian “Code of Calantiao” from Pavon’s Ancient Legends in an essay he wrote on early Philippine social structure and law for H. Morse Stephens and Herbert E. Bolton’s influential The Pacific Ocean in History (1917). [fn:26] Marco was an agent in his own history and that of the Filipino nation, but it was Robertson who was at the center of authority, able to authorize Marco’s texts as authentic and put them into circulation. [fn:27] Robertson was also in control of a budget to support the collection of a national/colonial archive, and we should remember that Marco was out for the money as well as a certain oddly romantic and draconian portrait of the nation’s ancient past. 267

Jose E. Marco, on the other hand, is best remembered now only for the sarcastic drubbing he received at the hands of William Henry Scott. But I think it is time for us to rewrite the story so that Jose E. Marco enjoys the last laugh. 267

The first person to challenge and lay out a case against all the Marco fabrications was the Filipino bibliophile and scholarly editor Mauro Garcia, who had been raising doubts about them for years. At the seventy-fourth meeting of the Bibliographical Society of the Philippines, held in 1959, Garcia presented devastating internal evidence that all of the Povedano manuscripts were frauds and that Marco dealt in other fraudulent items, especially stamps. But Garcia was not at the center of authority, so he concluded his paper meekly, suggesting that the manuscripts’ “authenticity should be determined once and for all” and warning that “unless this is done, there is the possibility of their being accepted as genuine source materials on their subject.”29

As early as 1956, Garcia had begun to convince one of Eggan’s star students, Robert Fox, that he should be “extremely suspicious” of Marco. [fn:30] Fox had spent much time verifying ethnographic data in the manuscripts. He had recently produced a substantial essay, “The Negros-Bisayan Syllabary Recorded by Povedano,” in which he declared the 1572 Povedano manuscript the first recorded full account of a Philippine syllabary and the source of “valuable data.” [fn:31] However, under Garcia’s growing

persuasion, in February 1956 Fox told Hester that, although the data looked good, he thought Hester and Eggan should consider the possibility that “Marco is a kind of genius who is fabricating the manuscripts in their entirety.” [fn:32] Hester would not buy it. [fn:33]

Although Hester and Eggan grew suspicious of Marco’s current offerings in the late 1950s, they continued to insist after 1960 that the Povedano manuscript of 1572 must be authentic. In the early 1960s, William Henry Scott began research for his doctoral dissertation on sources for the study of the pre-Hispanic Philippines. He explained in the preface to the 1984 edition of his book that the topic had been suggested to him “by the late Mauro Garcia with the persuasive argument that since no Filipino historian had shown any interest in pursuing this subject, I could make a contribution to Philippine historiography by doing so [268] myself.” [fn:34] He corresponded with Eggan and Hester and reported to them his findings that all of the materials from Marco were fraudulent. It is Scott’s 1967 dissertation and subsequent book that are credited with debunking Marco. Scott’s book is read in historiography seminars in the United States, the Philippines, and elsewhere, not Mauro Garcia’s earlier and quite erudite, though brief, indictment. 269

Garcia did not need an unprejudiced opinion to tell him that the Povedano and Pavón texts were frauds, but perhaps he needed the authority of a mature American earning a doctorate at the University of Santo Tomas in order to persuade others.

In his treatment of Jose E. Marco, Scott gets all his facts right about the Marco manuscripts but makes the mistake of dismissing Marco and making only a simple diatribe against the fake. “The full display of Jose E. Marco’s contributions to Philippine historiography,” concluded Scott, “would present an almost ludicrous appearance but for their sobering implications for many aspects of prehispanic Philippine historiography.” [fn:36] 269

Thinking about James Alexander Robertson’s and George W. Bush’s contributions to the discourse and practice of American empire, I think it is clear that we are locked in another kind of moment, which for mellifluousness I will call the Chalabian Moment, the recurring moment in which the empire hears what it wants to hear from its colonial informants. All nations live in their own fictions and mythic histories, but empires also appropriate, invent, and live in someone else’s. [fn:40] 270

The epistemology of empire is, after all, a lie, and on that foundation great monuments of truth are built. 270

Scott, James C. 2009. The art of not being governed: An anarchist history of Upland Southeast Asia. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

PK: Note that the bulk of these notes are in ‘Notes on theory and method’ and those relevant to writing are in ‘Notes on writing and literacy’

The process was repeated in the Spanish Philippines, where, it is claimed, the cordillera of northern Luzon was populated almost entirely by lowland Filipinos fleeing Malay slave raids and the Spanish reducciones.[fn:51] As peoples adapted to hill ecology, a process of ethnogenesis followed, after which highland Filipinos were later misrepresented as the descendants of separate, prehistoric migrations to the island. 25

#chapter 1

A Spanish official in the Philippines in the mid-seventeenth century describes the Chico River hill population in terms that both stigmatize their statelessness and convey a hint of envy: “They were so free, so completely without God or law, without King or any person to respect, that they gave themselves freely up to their desires and their passions.”[fn:82] 122

#chapter 1

In Luzon the lowlands were associated with Catholicism, baptism, submission (tax and corvée), and “civilization.” The hills, from the valley perspective, were associated with heathenism, apostasy, primitive wildness and ferocity, and insubordination. Baptism was for a long time seen as a public act of submission to the new rulers and flight a form of insurrection (those who fled were called remontados). There were, as elsewhere, distinctions made in the valley centers between “wild” ( feroces) hill people and “tame” (dociles), rather like the U.S. cavalry distinguished between “friendlies” and “hostile redskins.” 137

#chapter 1

Nothing is more difficult than to conquer a people [the Igorots] who have no needs and whose ramparts are the forests, mountains, impenetrable wildernesses, and high precipices. —Spanish official, eighteenth-century Philippines. 165

Recent scholarly research has served, for example, to undermine naturalized understandings of such “nonstate” peoples as the so-called orang asli (“original people”) of Malaysia. They were previously understood to be the descendants of earlier waves of migration, less technically developed than the Austronesian populations which succeeded and dominated them on the peninsula. Genetic evidence, however, does not support the theory of separate waves of migrating peoples. The orang asli (for example, Semang, Temuan, Jakun, Orang Laut) on the one hand and the Malays on the other are best viewed not as an evolutionary series but as a political series. Such a view has been most convincingly elaborated by Geoffrey Benjamin.[fn:12] For Benjamin, tribality in this context is simply a term applied to a strategy of state evasion; its polar opposite is peasantry, understood as a system of cultivation incorporated into the state. 183

#chapter 4

2010 Bautista, Julius J. 2010. Figuring Catholicism: An

ethnohistory of the Santo Niño de Cebu. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

This attentiveness to the hermeneutic potential of the episode is a prevalent characteristic of Vicente Rafael’s work (2000, 2006). For him (2000, 4), the usefulness of an “episodic history” “lies in its ability to attend to the play of contradictions and the moments of non-heroic hesitation, thereby dwelling on the tenuous, we might say, ironic constitution of Philippine history” [...] “[i]rony forestalls and interrupts the establishment of a single overarching narrative about the nation”. 10

#methodology: history #chapter 1

“Señor Santo Niño Hymn”

[...]

Ang sakayan nila

Midunggo dinhi

Aron magmando

Ni-ining yuta namo.

Apan nagbuot ka

tipon kanila

Aron ka maghari

Imong pinili

The ship You were sailing

Arrived at our shores

To conquer this land

The pearl of the seas;

But you had decided

To stay in this soil

To conquer our people

And give us a name.

69

#chapter 4 [PK: Adamic naming]

[Joaquin, Nick. 1988. Culture and history: Occasional notes on the process of Philipine becoming. Manila: Solar Publishing. pp. 68-69:]

In the whole Orient, only here did the Church display its old genius for using and transforming the material it found .... And [70] the Church could not do otherwise, because there was one ahead of it to show them the way. Again, it was merely following the lead of its Lord. For the Child was here before the missionaries, the Child was here before the Church. The Child was willing to join our pagan idols, if only to defeat and demolish them. The Child was willing to live a pagan among us, and to become a rain god before us, and to bless our heathen ceremonies. But all the time it was preparing us for the Faith. When Legazpi and Urdaneta arrived, they found it so much easier to convert us because we had, unkowingly, been tempered for conversion by the Child.

71


What becomes clear, as we examine US colonial policy and Protestant missionary discourse, is the perception that the kind of religion being practiced in the islands before the Americans arrived fell somewhat short of a prescribed ideal. For in essence, McKinley’s statement, while politically expedient as Father Schumacher (1987) and Bolasco (1994) have observed, brought to the fore the notion of Filipino religious authenticity. For all its political convenience, McKinley’s statement suggested, in effect, that Filipino Catholics were not real Christians, and that their inauthenticity was very much premised upon the legacy of Spanish Catholicism which, among other things, encouraged the worship of idols like the Santo Niño. 77

#chapter 1

It is my argument that the period between the Spanish and American regimes determined to a great extent the Santo Niño’s contemporary prominence. 78

#chapter 4

Cannell [2006] interprets this as: [82] “Idolatrous religions produce idolatrous politics full of leaders who set themselves up as false gods; and religion that permits of

‘confusion’ between the real and the false in this way is also a religion of concealment which hides a treacherous heart” (169). 83

The passage is significant because it points o a widely held belief in Cebu’s primacy over neighboring provinces [silingang lalawigan] as a bastion of the Catholic faith in the region. In Cebu’s religious primacy, the Santo Niño stood as tangible signifier, pointing not only to its long historical legacy, but to the continuance of a tradition of blatant, open festivity [piyestahan] that was held every January. 84

#chapter 4

The collaboration of the colonial administration with the Vatican was made in spite of Protestant missionary mistrust of Roman Catholic priests, reiterating that the doctrine of (Protestant) church-state separation was manifested beyond its rhetorical articulation. It suggests that McKinley’s “re-Christianize” statement was an instance of political pragmatism that appeased the Protestant lobby that thought of American expansionism as divinely providential. 92

#chapter 1

Syncretism as a concept is one with a particular history of debate and scholarship. Defined as the fusion of two discrete religious systems, it has been applied to many contexts from Africa to the Pacific, such that it may well be argued that every religion is syncretistic inasmuch as they draw upon heterogeneous elements. To this extent, it becomes almost impossible for scholars or theologians to draw discrete boundaries between systems of belief. As the various contributors to Steward and Shaw’s Syncretims/Anti-Syncretism (1994) pont out, for [126] example, merely stating that a ritual or tradition is syncretic has very limited heuristic or intellectual benefit since all religions have composite origins and are continually undergoing processes of syntehsis, erasure, and reconstitution. One could therefore argue, as many in the field of religious studies have, that syncretism is a useless or redundant concept in analyzing various religious icons.

This chapter aims to show that syncretism remains a very interesting and relevant concept when seen as part of an active process of religious discourse. Instead of treating syncretism as a mere descriptive category, the focus here is upon what people from various walks of life actually say about religious syntehsis, which in turn actively conditions how events such as the demotion edict of the Santo Niño is experienced by Filipinos as a “religious” (read: morally legitimate) truth. 127

#urasyun

Another scholar, McAndrew (2001), draws the example of a farmer who engages in rice harvesting practices while saying the Lord’s Prayer, imbuing the corp with spiritual power in order to ensure a successful harvest (ix; see also Jocano 1981, 22). In this context, the continued propitiation of Christian figures like the Santo Niño in the manner of anitismo spirits is set against the consequences of material loss from those forces beyond mortal control. In either case, the suggestion is that Filipinos do not see syncretic religiosity as problematic particularly in situations where there is immediate material benefit. 130

#urasyun

Mulder (1996, 17), for example, rejects the term “syncretism” to describe Filipino Catholicism because it implies that Southeast Asian thought is “hopelessly heterodox

and exemplary of concrete thinking which they are unable to transcend ... it smacks of derogation and observers’ conceit and missionary arrogance.” 135

#urasyun

Th existence of the devil through the worship of idols operated not to undermine the Truth of the Christian mission, but rather to underscore their noblesse oblige. Then, as now, the initial inconsistency of these two attitudes, of rejection or tolerance of anitismo practices, is resolved by the authoritative power by which the Church assigns them meaning. 149

#urasyun

Furthermore, the autonomous partisanship of the Santo Niño finds allegorical contextualization in the independent actions of a child from its parentage. The Bible refers to a young Jesus wandering wasy from his parents only to be found preaching to the Pharisees. While not explicitly evoked in what is now remembered as the Tres de Abril [156] revolt, Christ’s prodigious independence at such an early age was not an unfamiliar notion to Cebuanos. In the context of the revolution, it was this connection that facilitated the metaphorical and semantic leap into the notion of a sovereign Filipinas subsisting without Mother España. 157

#chapter 4

As an icon invoked during a Tagalog-initiated campaign against Spanish authority, furthermore, it [the Santo Niño] constituted a distinctly Cebuano statement of the people’s involvement in a countrywide effort. 158

#chapter 4

Many Cebuanos will tell you a story of the Santo Niño’s origins that is neither based upon the chronicles of Pigafetta, nor upon any other documentary evidence or scholarly sources. It tells of a Cebuano fisherman who, after casting his net onto the sea on three separate occasions, kept catching the same charred piece of wood. [...] As he slept, he dreamt that the object had metamorphosed into a figure of a little child. Upon awakening, the wood had indeed begun to take the shape of a boy before his very eyes. The process continued for several days until that black piece of wood became the image of the Santo Niño as it is known today.[fn]

This is a legend that posits a local lineage of the Santo Niño, one that is autonomous from and resistant to the official account of the figures arrival and dual discovery. In this sense, it seems amenable to a project that seeks to “erase” the figure’s Spanish associations. Far from conceiving of the icon as an introduced deity—one whose acceptance amoung Cebuanos framed their Divine conversion/salvation—the Holy Child in the legend had miraculously formed from a burnt piece of wood signifying that it was “always already” in Cebu, albeit in a different form. [...] [179] It is for this reason that the legend of the fisherman is often evoked as a text that inscribes the Santo Niño’s organic relationship with the island, subverting the “myth” of its European origins and legitimizing its status as a native Cebuano deity. 180


From a pantayong pananaw perspective, indianization provides a conceptual framework upon which an autonomous, “local” lineage of the Santo Niño can be posited. In Vano’s description, the figure itself is removed from a European tradition of Carmelite

worship in order to argue that “even before the Spaniards came, Cebuanos may have had already started the cult of the Prodigious Child” (108). As Vano (108-9) describes it:

Devotion to the Prodigious Child is both ancient and universal. Since time immemorial, it was already practiced in ancient Egypt (Horus), and ancinet Mesopotamia (Tammuz) and India (Iswara). [The Santo Niño devotion in Cebu] was probably due to the Indian influence during the earlier Centuries [sic], for there are at least 150 Philippine terms identified to have originated from Sanskrit.

It is, then, by virtue of Cebuano devotion to a tradition of child worship since “time immemorial” that the Spanish origins of the Santo [191] Niño de Cebu are here rendered less plausible. The Santo Niño arrived in the archipelago through agents who were relatively more “local” and more “Asian” than the European purveyors of Christianity. In this sense, Cebuanos had construed the figure within an existing practice of venerating a pantheon of child figures, of which the Santo Niño was but the latest one. Indeed the very “acceptance” of the Santo Niño during the baptism of the Queen of Cebu is explained as a process of recognition, rather than one of “conversion.” After all, argues Vano, “The Queen knew nothing of Christiantiy” (102).

192


Vano cites Cebuano author Quimat (1980) in describing this event:

[S]ometime in 1970 when some Cebuano scholars told the Spanish Augustinian priests of the Cebuanos’ belief that the image of the child Jesus was in Cebu long before Magellan came, these priests immediately painted the black image of the Child Jesus pinkish white; later on, the Spanish priests admitted to having hired a good Spanish sculptor who narrowed the base of the nose and heightened the nose bridge and made the tip very pointed to make the image look Spanish, and furthermore, thei hired sculptor tried to deepen the shallow eyes, but this could not be done so, at present, the left side of the left eye bears the mark of this attempt.

192


In this vein, Vano’s agenda is clear:

I assert that the cult of the Holy Child did not come from Spain because, besides the fact that there is no evidence of the existence of the belief in the miraculous child in Europe and the burden of proof lies in any one who affirms its existence, the Protestant reformation which was raging in Europe would militate against the cult of the Child separate from its Mother. In addition, I would argue that the image of the child presented to the Queen of Cebu did not come from Spain ... Pigafetta did not say where it came from. Most probably, the Spaniards found it in Cebu or, knowing the popularity of the proditious Cebuanos [Child?], they carved an image of the child. (fn123)

193


The aim here is to demonstrate that regional renderings of histories can often outstrip and even contradict the project of fostering a “national discourse.” 194

#methodology: history #chapter 1 #article: counter-canon

The story of Cebuano (dis)connection is represented most prominently through an association with an entity known as “Bata nga Allah” (literally, “Allah as Child”). 196


“Visaya” is the patronymic of “Sri Visjaya.” When the Spaniards came, the natives mentioned that their realm is “Visjaya” and was written down by the Spanish chronicler as “Visaya” people. (Abellana 1960, 2)

197

#folk etymology #article: etymology of Visayas

To [the Cebuano ruler] Tupas and his constituents, the image was but the “bathoy” for short of [sic] “batang pathoy” or child puppet in English, but there were many taguhuming [miracles] that the bathoy manifested to then [sic] so they changed the name to “Bata nga Allah” and shortend to “bathala” the infant god. (Abellana 1960, 82)

199


The Aginid and the “Bisaya Patronymesis” converge in the philosophy that Christianity did not constitute a shock to indigenous belief systems but was, instead, a familar and acceptable addition to it. The link drawn between the Santo Niño and “Bata nga Allah” facilitates the conception that Christianity is not anathema to the resurgence of a pre-Hispanic Bisayan “soul.” It was, at least in the tradition of child worship in the Bisayas, “always already” there to be used as a means by which the memory of Sri Visjaya can (and indeed should) be resurrected. 203


It is true, as Mojares claims (2002, 302), that “even as we need greater understanding of a dynamic of identity-creation, or ‘soul formation,’ we cannot afford to romatnicize or gloss it with facile nativist claims of creativity.” Yet if there is an overarching value to the “Bisaya Patronymesis” and the Aginid, it lies not in their statement of the facts about the Santo Niño or about the colonial encounter for that matter. Rather, the significance of the texts lies in their pointing to modern remembrances of the past that are premised and articulated in discursive realms outside the national—conceptualized, that is, from perspectives that do not have the nation as the normative frame of reference. To be sure, claims to authenticity and connections with the Lost Eden are reliant upon shaky pilological slippages—from “Santo Niño” to “Bata nga Allah” to “Bathala,” from “Luwason” to Luzon, from “Vijaya” to “Visjaya” to “Bisaya,” to name the more prominent ones. 204

#chapter 10 #article: counter-canon

[...] as Azurin (1995, 127) demonstrates (in Tagalog):

[...] [Tagalog text]

How many times has it already been declared in the writings and discourse of a number of historiographers based in greater Manila mentioning “nationalism” or national literature, if not “the Filipino masses,” that almost all that they refer to are the experiences and creations of their own region? It is as though the dreams and thoughts of the nation are only propagated in the Tagalog regions. Other (outlying) regions are but shadows if not background settings. 205

#article: counter-canon

The efforts at creating a “national history” may well be an interpolation onto the burgeoning of a Bisayan pantayong pananaw (if not Ilocano or Bicolano). As such, one need not dismiss texts such as the Aginid or “Bisaya Patonymesis” as merely facile “nativist” petitions for autonomous lineage. For in the very devotion to the Santo Niño in Cebu is inscribed a resistance to the naturalizing calls for nationality or “national identity”—campaigns that actually subsume the “regional” and the “ethnic” beneath its polemic agendas, even while they aim to do the very opposite. 206

#chapter 10 #article: counter-canon

[References:]

Abellana, Jovito S. 1960. “Bisaya Patronymesis Sri Visjaya.” Unpublished MS. Archived at the Cebuano Studies Center, the University of San Carlos, Cebu City

Azurin, Arnold Molina. 1995. “Bakit Naitsapwera ang Mga Ilokanong Katipunero sa Kasaysayan ng Rebolusyon?” In Reinventing the Filipino Sense of Being and Becoming: Critical Analyses of the Orthodox Views in Anthropology, History, Folkore and Letters. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Cannell, Fenella. 2006. The Anthropology of Christianity. Durham: Duke University Press.

Joaquin, Nick. 1988. Culture and history: Occasional notes on the process of Philipine becoming. Manila: Solar Publishing. pp. 68-69.

McAndrew, John. 2001. People of power: A Philippine worldview of spiritual encounters. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Mojares, R. B. 2000. The woman in the cave: Genealogy of the Cebuano Virgin of Guadalupe. In Bisayan knowledge, movement and identity: Visayas maritime anthropological studies 1996–1999, 7-30. Quezon City: Third World Studies Center.

Mulder, Niels. 1996. “Religious syncretism or Southeast Asian Change?” In Inside Southeast Asia: Religion, Everyday Life, Cultural Change, 17-27. Kuala Lumpur and Amsterdam: The Pepin Press.

Quimat, Lina. 1980. Glimpses in history of early Cebu. Cebu: The University of San Carlos.

Rafael, Vicente L. 2000. White love and other events in Filipino history. Durham and London: Duke University Press; Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. PK: Note, no ‘2006’ reference]

Vano, Manolo O. 1998. “Folk religion and the revolts in the Eastern visayas.” In Kasaysayan at Kamalayan: Mga piling akda ukol sa diskursong pangkasaysayan, ed. N. M. R. Santillan and M. P. B. Conde, 101-21. Quezon City: Limbagang Pangkasaysayan.

Borrinaga, Rolando O. 2010. “Disaster in Itî’s Land: The Tragic Social History of the Datû Class in Leyte (1521-1622).” The Journal of History 56:58-91.

Ceylon included the territory of at least the present southwestern part of Leyte, including Himokilan Islet, which approximates Pigafetta’s description of Gatighan, with its “bats as large as eagles” and its 15 leagues distance from Zubu (Cebu). Rajah Kolambu, who guided the Magellan expedition to Cebu, presumably stopped here briefly for a change or reinforcement of the katig (outriggers) of his balangay, the large

native boat he was riding on with his followers. Pigafetta apparently mistook the act of changing the outriggers (katigan) for the name of the islet. 60

#folk etymology

The same raiders [Portuguese who attacked Ternate] had also attacked Bohol Island under its paramount datû, Waray Tupung (No Equal), who suffered serious losses (de la Costa 1961, 163). His title must have been rajah, being the protector of the settlements around his island. After his death, his four sons refused to assume his leadership role and instead sought the Spaniards and paid tribute to them in exchange for their protection (Ibid.) 65

In this section, I present and discuss the nuances of the Visayan social classes at the Spanish contact after comparing them with the conventional Spanish classification that was adopted by historians and textbook authors.

Generations of Filipinos have been made to believe through our history textbooks that there were three social classes in pre-conquest Philippines: the nobles, the freemen, and the slaves or servants. One popular textbook has it that the nobles, called maharlika, including the datû, constituted the barangay aristocracy, the highest social class. The freemen were called timawâ and constituted the middle class. And the slaves, called alipin, belonged to the lowest class. There were also two kinds of slaves: 1) aliping namamahay, who lived in their houses and owned their property; and 2) aliping saguigulid, who owned no property, lived in their master’s house, and could be sold anytime (Zaide and Zaide 1987, 41-42). 69

#chapter 4

Loarca was also silent about the label for the entire slave class. But he listed three kinds of slaves: ayuey, tumaranpoc and tomataban. The ayuey (hayáhay) were the most exploited group. They stayed at their master’s house and worked three days for the master and one for themselves. The tumaranpoc lived in their own houses and were obliged to work for their master one day out of four, with three days for themselves. The tomataban were the most respected slaves; they worked in the house of the master only when there was some banquet or revelry (Ibid., 91).

The Boxer Codex, written probably around 1590, also listed three social classes among the Visayans: the dato (datû) or chiefs; the timagua (timawâ), freemen similar to the nobles in Spain (Jocano 1975, 225), and the oripes (urípun) or slaves (Ibid., 221).

The Codex likewise identified three kinds of slaves: the hayo heyes (hayáhay), the tuheyes (tuháy), and the horo hanes. The first type, the hayo heyes, stayed and served within the homes of their masters while they were still single. The second type, the tuheyes, could be graduated hayo heyes who made their own home upon marriage, after which they rendered service to their masters two out of five days of the week. The third type, the horo-hanes, were slaves by name only. They did not serve in any manner except when their masters left for some war, when they served as rowers of boats that went out to sea, or served as common soldiers when on land. In effect, they were the standing army of the native chiefs (Ibid., 231). 71

#chapter 4

Surprisingly, all the above-cited chroniclers missed mentioning another social class particular to the Visayas. is was the tumao (tumáwu), which was described by Father Alcina in one of his 1668 manuscripts (Alcina 1668, Part I, Book 4, Ch. 4). In ancient

times, the tumao (its root word is tawu, “man”) belonged to the second order of nobility, higher than the timawâ (who were sons of datus by their concubines, or freed slaves) and were closest to the datû and his relatives and were of the same stock. The tumao was “a free individual who has no mark of slavery or any other such traits” (Ibid.). This class seems to be the Visayan equivalent of Father Plasencia’s Tagalog maharlika.

However, by 1668, Father Alcina noted that the word tumao had disappeared because the ancient system of dependence among the natives had ended and those people with tumao qualities were then regarded as principales (Ibid.). The oldest Bisayan dictionary defined tumao as “to be ennobled” (Sanchez 1711) [Sanchez, SJ, Mateo. Vocabulario de la Lengua Bisaya. Manila: 1711]. 72

#chapter 4

Pacudan, Jonathan D. 2010. History of Anda: A religious profile of a parish on its 125th Jubilee.

When barrio Quinale [of Guindulman] became a town in 1875, its name was changed to Anda. 3

[Guindulman’s] church was burned down during the raid in 1827 by the followers of Francisco Dagohoy, who were living in the hills of Guindulman. [fn: Regalado Trota Jose, Visita Iglesia Bohol: A guide to Historicl Churches, National Commission ofr Culture and the Arts, Manila, 2001] 7

#article: dagohoy

Gundiulman is indeed a “mother” because it gave birth to the parishes of Canidjay (1857), Duero (1863), and lastly Anda (1885). 7

As early as November 8, 1856, a high decree acknowledged the petition of the chief barangay leaders(los principales cabezas de barangay), the local aristocrats of Quinale requesting the erection of an independent town.

On January 5, 1875, another acknowledgement was issued on the petition of the leaders of Quinale. This time, the petition was not just for an independent town to be erected, but an independent parish as well. 8

[...] on March 12, 1875, the Governor General of the Philippines approved by a decree that the visita of Quinale be created into an independent town with the name of “Anda”, separating it from the mother-town of Guindulman. 8

The rest of the town officials [after the gobernadorcillo and capitan] included the teniente mayor (chief lieutenant) [See, for instance “A lieutenant of the town of Biaba, pueblo of Guindulman...] 9

Padre Narciso Hernandez served as parish priest of Guinduman for as long as 45 years (1820-1865). 10

According to official records in extant baptismal registers, the following were the pioneering priests of Anda from its erection in 1885, up to the time when all the Recollects left in 1937:

1885-1888 Fr. Julian Cisneros

1888-1890 Fr Esteban Echenojauregin

1890-1890 Fr Eustquio Litago

1890-1891 Fr Meliton Martinez

1891-1897 Fr. Ysidoro Musito

1897-1898 Fr. Joaquin Yurgueria

1898-1898 Fr Ysidoro Musitu

1898-1899 Fr. Hilario Lopez

1899-1899 Fr. Calixto Gaspar

1899-1904 Fr. Leoncio Jimenez

1904-1904 Fr. Pedro Jimenez

18

2011 Bertrand, Jacques. 2011. “‘Indigenous peoples’ rights’ as

a strategy of ethnic accommodation: contrasting experiences of Cordillerans and Papuans in the Philippines and Indonesia.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 34 (5):850-869. doi: 10.1080/01419870.2010.537358.

#chapter 2

States respond in varied ways to demands for indigenous peoples’ rights, by denying their existence, repression, or conversely, by accommodation. At the same time, such demands have been growing as the international indigenous rights movement constructed a category of ‘indigenous peoples’ that is applied to a whole range of different groups. 850


Furthermore, efforts to gain recognition as ‘indigenous peoples’ was particularly difficult in the Asian context because of the absence of a clear distinction between ‘indigenous’ and ‘non-indigenous’ groups. 850

States such as Indonesia and the Philippines denied the existence of indigenous peoples in their countries on the basis that they were all indigenous (Sanders 1989, pp. 416 17; Kingsbury 1999; Howard 2003, p. 144). 854

Cordillerans began to resist in the 1970s. Initially part of the NPA, Cordillerans subsequently attempted to create a Cordilleran identity as ‘nation’ that, in the end, was not very successful (Rood 1987; Rood 1991; Finin 2005). Instead, they saw an opportunity to tap into the discourse on indigenous rights, in particular to obtain recognition of rights to ancestral lands and self-determination. The Cordillera People’s Alliance (CPA), formed in 1984, made the strategic decision to shift away from the broader objectives of the Communist movement and to cast Cordillerans as indigenous

peoples (Prill-Brett 1994, pp. 693 4; Hyndman 1991, p. 173). They were one of the first groups from Asia to join the international movement and cast itself as ‘indigenous’. 855

#chapter 10

It was difficult for the new democratic government of the Philippines to deny the existence of indigenous peoples when it sought ways to curb the ongoing insurgency and Cordillerans had positioned themselves so significantly on the international stage. 855

It mentioned new legislation that made no distinction between indigenous and other groups. Instead, it differentiated masyarakat adat terpencil (isolated or remote ethnic groups) from the broader category of masyarakat adat (UN CERD 2006, pp. 6, 17). 858

The new democratic government in the Philippines was eager to find solutions to the NPA’s insurgency. In addition to pursuing counter-insurgency campaigns, it sought political solutions. The Cordillera was an NPA stronghold, so concessions to Cordillerans could help to dissociate them from the broader Communist insurgency. 859

#chapter 10

A breakthrough occurred when in 1997 the Ramos administration adopted one of the most progressive laws for indigenous peoples, the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA). It gave them legal measures to protect their rights to ancestral lands, exploitation of natural resources, their traditional ways of life, customs, and sociopolitical structures. Mining, logging, or other development projects on ancestral domains could only be pursued with the consent of indigenous communities. 860

#chapter 10 [PK: The uptick of NPA attacks, especially in the Cordillera region of Luzon, put pressure on the government to look for creative solutions to the insurgency. IPRA gave indigenous people a legal mechanism to protect their land so they did not need to resort to radical tactics. From the governement’s perspective it was preferable to be dealing with people identifying as indigenous than identifying as communist]

Groups positioned themselves as ‘indigenous’ to access international and national networks (Li 2000). 863

The cases of the Cordillerans and Papuans show the particular importance of timing, where articulating a position at moments of state weakness can create sufficient momentum to constitutionalize indigenous peoples’ rights. When such critical junctures are missed, it becomes more difficult to use sustained international and domestic pressure to produce such gains. 866

Bohol, Hubag. 2011. Limahong’s treasure and the mermaid of Sual, From the Saltbeds by Restituto C. Basa, http://tubagbohol.mikeligalig.com/history/limahong-notorious-chinese-pirate-during-spanish-time-in-the-philippines/#.Vz1n15N96Ho

LIMAHONG, who was dubbed by his enemies, the Spanish authorities, as a “blood-thirsty pirate”, built his fortress in Domalandan. Here he tarried for over seven months from December 8, 1574 up to August 4, 1575. In 1989, Professor Cesar V. Callanta, a native of Dagupan, wrote a book – “The Limahong Invasion”. In this book, Professor Callanta wrote: “Limahong carried enough treasures to buy an empire.” What happened to this treasure? No one knows for sure. Some writers speculate that Limahong brought this treasure along with him, when he left Domalandan for freedom in the high seas on August 4, 1575. Professor Callanta is one of those who hold this view. Others believe he hid it in a cave underneath the sea on Cabalitian island in Sual. This treasure is said to being protected by a mermaid. To this day, some of us, Pangasinenses believe that there truly is a mermaid in the deep waters around Cabalitian island. Recently, the Villamil-Jovellanos clan of Dagupan had an outing in Cabalitian. They went there primarily to do swimming and have a picnic at lunch time. One of them, a young physician, disappeared quietly. When the family decided to pack up and go home, he was nowhere to be found. The family consensus was that he may have been taken by the mermaid. She found the doctor very handsome and took fancy of him. The family could not believe that he drowned. He was a good swimmer. http://peoplesdigest.prepys.com/ #lost treasure

http://peoplesdigest.prepys.com/

Ileto, Reynaldo C. 2011. A Tagalog awit of the ‘Holy War’ against the United States, 1899-1902. In Keith Thor Carlson, Kristina Fagan and Natalia Khanenko-Friesen (eds.), Orality and literacy: Reflections across disciplines. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

[PK: In the same volume see ‘Unstable Texts and Modal Approaches to the Written Word in Medieval European Ritual Magic’ by Frank Klaasen, p217]

#urasyun #rural ilustrados

Current Philippine scholarship has tended to essentialize the ilustrado as a super-elite whose thinking is almost diametrically opposed to the unlettered tao, or masses. Yet it can be argued that the warehouseman Andres Bonifacio, credited with fomenting the ‘revolt of the masses’ in 1896, was himself an ilustrado in that he had read Rizal and European writings, even though he wrote exclusively inTagalog. 249

#chapter 9 #article: bio of anoy

[Dimatigdtg] would have been an organic intellectual, someone who could articulate as well as reshape the thinking of ‘hi speople’ – in this case, his kapatid, or siblings, fighting the Americans. We might thus label Dimatigtig, for want of a better term, a rural ilustrado. This category of elites, which played a crucial leadership role during the revolution and the Philippine-American war, is also the least appreciated on its own terms by current scholarship, which has been content with labels such as patron, cacique (chief, boss), principál, or middle class. 250

#chapter 9 #article: bio of anoy

As a poet located ‘in the middle,’ Dimatigtig was engaged in the activity of translation, comprehending late-nineteenth-century concepts of history and nation through the meaning matrix of Tagalog and rendering them into verses comprehensible to his audience. This was not a one-sided process, however, as ‘middleness’ implies. The awit evidences, as well, the resistance to and limits of the imposition of notions of modernity in their raw, alien forms. In order for ‘history’ and ‘nation’ to make sense, popular ideas of community, of self and others, of the past and the future, and of the interaction of human and divine agency, needed to be articulated and translated into ‘modern’ yet localized discourses. 250

#chapter 9 #article: bio of anoy [PK: compare my discussion of ‘native modernity’]

As we shall see, however, the awit story exceeds this simplistic opposition, drawing substantially on notions of kinship, the moral order, and biblical time in its matrix of meaning. 250


Numerous studies have shown how, since the U.S. conquest, the interests of the Filipino political elite have generally been inharmony with American economic and military aims. But it has also become increasingly clear that at the regional and provincial levels, in particular, the state – whether colonial or national – has not been able to impose its hegemony. Unrest in various forms was a striking feature of

twentieth-century Philippine history. To what extent did such unrest stem from the events of the revolution and the traumatic war with the United States? 251

Noah’s descendants repopulate the world. His three sons beget its three primary spaces: Asia (from the ancestor, or nunong, Sem), Greater China (from the ancestor Cham), and Europe (from the ancestor Jafet):

Ang mga tagalog ay kay Sem na ibig ang kay Cham naman silang mga intsik ang mga Kastila sa bunsong kay Jafet na anak ni Nueng amang matandang giliw

Ang sa Nunong Sem ang parte ng Asia na kasama niya, asawang familia sa Nunong kay Cham yaong Gran china sa kay Nunong Jafet ang parting Europa

The Tagalog stem from beloved Sem those Chinese people from Cham the Castilians from the youngest, Jafet all children they are of Noah, beloved elder.

To Ancestor Sem went that part called Asia he was accompanied by his wife’s family to Ancestor Cham went Greater China to Ancestor Jafet the part called Europe.

254

#chapter 4 #lost tribes of Israel

Mula niyaon’t ngayon nagkawatak watak sa dating estado naciones na lahat codicia at interés ang siyang sumambulat tres mil seiscientos ang nagdaang guerras

Since that time until today the world has disintegrated into a multitude of nations desire and profit smashing it to pieces in three thousand six hundred years of warring.

#lost tribes of Israel

Sa atin desendencia nagbuhat si Kristo Hindi sa kanilang idolatriang tao saka kung matapos at manalo tayo ipatatalastas ang dinaanang tribo

Kristo descended from our lineage not from those idolatrous people so when this is over and we are victorious the life story of our tribe shall be proclaimed.

The Tagalogs are directly linked to the Kristo of the age of wholeness, when the tribes were all of Noah’s family. This crucially differentiates ‘us’ from the tribe of those idolaters – a reference to the yet-unnamed Americans. 255

#construction of indigeneity [PK: dinaang tribo] #lost tribes of Israel #chapter 4 [PK: proto-Christianity, compare discourse on Santo Niño]

The Spanish occupation is narrated in the following manner. Because Rajah Matanda has died, the Spanish envoys decide to stay. They establish a ‘tiny government’ based on an ‘agreement’ with the rajah’s followers that could be dissolved at any time. One might be tempted to read into this episode a contractual relationship between the Spanish and the inhabitants of the islands, who surrender some of their rights, their individual sovereignty, to the European power. However, here not only is the Spanish state ‘tiny’ but there is no surrender of sovereignty in the aftermath of ‘conquest.’ The awit does not admit ofcolonial domination but instead deploys alternative strategies to incorporate Spain into the narrative. 258

#chapter 4 [PK: Also find discussion of Bonifacio or Mabini’s(?) manifesto in which Spaniards broke the contract of the blood compact. Also, continuity of Dagohoy etc]

In the first place, the word conquest, which designates the event, is considered ‘theirs,’ not ‘ours’: ‘What they call the first conquista.’ The so-called conquest is depicted as an almost casual encounter between the conquistador and an old man (matanda), accompanied by Luzon.The man could be Rajah Matanda himself, and Luzon seems to prefigure Mother Filipinas. ‘The conquistador asked him, what place is this?/The answer was spelled out:Luzon.’And so the Spanish called it Luzon. 259

#toponyms #chapter 4

Because of the failure to know or ‘capture’ the name, and thus the essence or inner being of the place, there has not really been a conquista. Colonial rule may have resulted in the presence of the Spanish, but an autonomous realm survived throughout those 350 years. 259

#chapter 4 #toponyms

Kung sa inyo ay walang na mapagturing lupang Paraiso ang siyang sasabihin na pinagdadayo ng sino ma’t alin kahit anong hirap gumiginhawa rin

Kaya alisin na ang Isla Filipina ang itawag nating Paraisong baga kahit hacutan mang maraming gracia hindi na papatdan nang ibinubunga

If you yourselves don’t know the answer ‘land of Paradise’ is what you should say a land that attracts all sorts of people to relieve them of their every hardship.

So let’s do away with ‘Isla Filipina’ and simply call it Paraiso Even if its blessings are carted away it continues to bear bountiful fruit. 260

#toponyms

In Dimatigtig’s awit, however, this land of ours now is Paradise. It is the centre of the world, ‘a land to which all sorts of people are attracted.’ 260

#chapter 9

Itong ating Reyno’y di namang talunan nang alinma’t sinong dito’y sumalakay kay Raja matandang pinakamagulang ano’t lulupigin Mericano lamang

Our Kingdom was, after all, never vanquished by anyone who attacked this place that belonged to Rajah Matanda our ancestor, how can mere Americans conquer it?

270

#chapter 4 [PK: continuity of Dagohoy, blood compact etc]

Mula ng magharian baring culig colig lahat ng kalabaw, nagsisingitngit na ang haring Leon dito nananangis sa pinagtago-an nalonod sa tubig

Ever since the Lord of the pigs reigned the carabaos [water buffalo] have all been raging in fury the king Lion who was weeping here drowned in his place of hiding.

[...]

The carabao, or water buffalo, represents the Filipinos. This animal was mentioned previously when the awit asked, [273]

Hinihintay mo pa na siyang marating lagyan ta hikaw mga ilong natin sa habang panahon hihilahilahin mistulang kalabaw ang siyang kahambing

Why wait for the time when rings are attached to our noses and we are perpectually dragged around becoming just like the carabao [water buffalo]?

274

#article: grimm

Nery, John. 2011. Revolutionary spirit: José Rizal in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

[PK: no notes]

2012 Thomas, Megan C. 2012. Orientals, propagandists and

ilustrados: Filipino scholarship and the end of Spanish colonialism. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press.

There is good reason to be suspicious of these words and of the vision of history that they paint where revolutionary action in the Philippines is caused by European ideas via the thoughts and writings of a few elite [2]Filipinos. Neither Jesuits nor Dominicans could imagine that the revolutionary Katipunan, the secret plebeian organization whose discovery by officials in August of 1896 had sparked the revolution, could possibly have acted without the instigation of more educated elite leaders. But the finger of blame (or credit, if you will) points more distantly to Europe, as if even the thought of Filipino elites acting autonomously as historical agents was too much to bear. 3

#chapter 1

This study treats the ways those scholarly practices traveled outside Europe and were sometimes put to anticolonial ends. When seen at this distance, the contours of the story look similar to those outlined by Partha Chatterjee’s Indian nationalists. In Chatterjee’s [3]telling, Indian nationalist thought first had to accept the terms and form of colonizing knowledge before revaluing those terms, thus changing the valence of the forms of knowledge, and finally transforming the forms themselves [fn]. As we will see in the Philippine case, colonial subjects also constructed conceptions of history and society using knowledges often associated with colonial projects. 4

#mimicry and rejection #chapter 4 #chapter 10

These young colonial subjects positioned themselves as modern scholars and intellectuals in a broader field in which their colonizers, the Spanish, often lagged behind [fn]. The intellectual practices that we associate with colonialism, then, were here importantly not of the colonizer before these colonial subjects took them up. Instead, they represented a world that Rizal described as the “free sphere of scientific facts,” a world that recognized no political boundaries or authority, but only the authority of reason and evidence. [fn] 4

We know that nineteenth-century European nationalisms, for example, were bolstered by the “energetic activities” of “lexicographers, philologists, grammarians, folklorists, publicists, and composers,” whose work promoted the idea of the tangibility, grandeur, and antiquity of individual linguistically based nations but also the idea that each of these nations was part of a world filled with other nations, each of similar type yet unique in content.[fn] 5

#chapter 4 #chapter 10 #imagined communities

To the previously given list of nineteenth-century nation-makers, then, we might add not only poets, novelists, and philosophers but also historians, numismatists, archeologists, ethnographers, and ethnologists. These scholars studied the seemingly endless variety of humanity and its products—coins, buildings, tools, jewelry, customs, or clothing—and organized this variety into the cubbyholes of nations or peoples, each with its own particular content. Such studies collectively portrayed a world divided into

nations or peoples, each with its own qualities but similar in type; they related to each other horizontally.

However, many of these nation-making social sciences employed narratives, languages, and tropes that were at odds with the idea of a world divided into nations of roughly equal status. For example, while it is clear that folklore studies were often integral parts of emerging intellectual nationalisms, less attention has been paid to, or explanation given of, how these folklore studies saw peoples organized hierarchically as well as horizontally: some beliefs are more advanced than others, more modern than others, better than others. These contradictory tendencies—to organize [5] peoples hierarchically as well as horizontally—were common to practices of ethnology, history, and linguistics as well: some peoples, histories, or languages were more advanced than others. Any particular political use of such scholarly practices, then, depended in part on whether it avoided, incidentally employed, or indeed actively promoted its vertical organizational logics as well as horizontal ones. Vertical logics provided particular dilemmas for marginally European or extra-European nationalisms, which could rarely claim their people to be at the pinnacle of such hierarchically organized schemes. 6

#progressivism #imagined communities #chapter 4 #chapter 10

Does nationalism always take sovereignty to lie at the level of the “nation”? What, then, to do with thought in which self-sovereignty as such is rarely articulated as a principle? What other kinds of political futures might “peoples,” “cultures,” or “races” be thought to have? 8


Take, for example, the word “Filipino.” In 1880, filipino could mean “Philippine-born Spaniard,” or it could more broadly refer to someone or something “of the Philippines,” as an adjective that could stand in for a noun in the Spanish language. But at that time there was no “Filipino” ethno-national identity such as that indicated by this word today. By the end of the decade, however, “Filipino” would come to be used in a new, seemingly proto-national sense.[fn] 16

In the emerging practice of folklore, Filipinos hewed more closely to Spanish models, but in doing so they could both distinguish Filipinos from, and also incorporate them into, a world of Spanish folklore that had political analogues. 17

#article: grimm

Both Orientalism and anthropology have treated, at their core, the tension between ideas of the universality of “Man” and the specificity of peoples, whether understood as “races,” “nations,” or another kind of grouping. Those tensions have enabled the colonial histories of both Orientalism and anthropology; they also enabled some kinds of nationalist sentiments and could issue challenges to an ideology that would justify colonial rule. 18

#methodology: anthropology #general vs. particular #imagined communities

However, we find that elsewhere, too, the Orientalist and anthropological projects of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries not only condoned forms of colonialism but could be used to challenge them. They were the languages through which peoples and nations could be articulated. 20


Students of intellectual history need to attend not only to the ideas that resonate with the contemporary world but also to those that do not, not only to the references to works whose reputation has been deeply engraved in intellectual history by repeated tracings, but also to those whose names were only lightly etched on its surface before they were forgotten. The extraordinary range of references in the works we will consider, and the myriad ways that they are invoked and put to work, shows how broad are the possibilities of making meaning and, to some extent, how arbitrary is the selection of meanings that survive any particular moment or travel outside of any particular context. 21

#methodology: anthropology #methodology history

The advent of modern Orientalist studies, however, marked a decisive shift in which the languages and literatures of Asia were for the first time approached by European scholars “totally independent of the biblical and classical traditions.” The new approach marked the beginning of both the “history of languages and history through languages,” as Raymond Schwab has remarked of A. H. Anquetil-Duperron’s pioneering translation of the Zend Avesta. [fn] 23

#methodology: history #prologue

For Chatterjee, colonial subjects’ borrowing and appropriation of Orientalist frameworks becomes a step in the dialectical development of nationalist thought that truly overcomes colonial logics.[fn] 28


More generally, we should recognize that whether the context is colonial or not, intellectual borrowings ought not to be confused with validations of a political order. To engage in a discourse is not necessarily to be dominated by it (or, alternatively, to be dominated by those who have used that discourse before). As Andrew Sartori has recently argued, “surely there is no moment in intellectual history that is not derivative in some fundamental sense. How would one formulate an argument or an analysis without drawing from a preexisting repertoire of concepts? As such, there seems no prima facie reason to treat an act of intellectual appropriation as substantially different from an act of conceptual innovation.”[fn] 29

#chapter 4 #chapter 10 #mimicry and rejection

Chatterjee argues that what he calls the early moment of nationalist thought, exemplified by the writings of Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay (1838–94), “accepts and adopts the same essentialist conception based on the distinction between ‘the East’ and ‘the West’” and adopts a framework that is “exactly the reverse of that of Orientalism. That is to say, the ‘object’ in nationalist thought is still the Oriental, who retains the essentialist character depicted in Orientalist discourse. Only he is not passive. . . . He is seen to possess a ‘subjectivity’ which he can himself ‘make.’ . . . His subjectivity, he thinks, is active, autonomous, and sovereign.”[fn] 30

#chapter 4 #chapter 10 #mimicry and rejection

In Orientalism’s classic moments, the focus on ancient texts worked in part to establish the authority of the (European) Orientalist over that of the “native” keepers of the text. That is, the existence of a written text, and knowledge of the language in which it was written, allowed the (European) scholar to interpret its significance without reference to the readings or interpretations of any indigenous scholarly or priestly institutions or

authorities.[fn] Thus Orientalism’s focus on ancient texts performed work analogous to Protestantism’s emphasis on the Bible: access to the text itself allowed for traditional institutional authority to be usurped. Further, the particularly ancient quality of the texts on which the Orientalists lavished their attentions was important in part because it confirmed their authenticity. For Schlegel, Müller, or Jones, for example, the more ancient the text, the closer it was to the true, untainted original, unpolluted by the [32] decay of the latter-day Orient, with the perversions of the Persian (read: Muslim) translation or the influence of Dravidian (read: dark-skinned) cultural practices.[fn] The theme of Oriental decay emphasized both the greatness of the ancient and the need to rescue it from the present-day Orientals, which simultaneously authorized European scholarly work and political rule. 33

#chapter 4 #primacy of writing

The lack of ancient textual documents itself threatened to consign pre-Hispanic societies of the Philippines to the heap of the premodern and primitive, because to ascend to the pedestal of the “classical,” an ancient society needs to be able to show evidence of its grandeur, usually in the form of texts. 34


And while even neighboring Java contained rich materials—temples, statues, chronicles, and literary traditions—with which its precolonial history might be studied, “in the Philippines,” as T. H. Pardo de Tavera lamented, “we have neither monuments, nor statues, nor literature that tell us anything.” [fn] 34

#chapter 1

This general theory of racial migration held that the diversity of the Philippines could in part be explained by discrete waves of past immigration. It had long been speculated that the dark-skinned “Negritos” of the Philippines represented an earlier era of human settlement, hailing from Australia or New Guinea, and that they had been pushed to the interior by later-arriving peoples from the Malay peninsula, whose descendents the Spanish found on the islands’ shores and called indios. Such a narrative had by 1878 made it into the Compendium of the History of the Philippines, a textbook for use in the Ateneo, the Jesuit’s secondary school in Manila, by Father Francisco Baranera who had even adopted the term “Malay” as an ethnographic, racial term to describe the later inhabitants.[fn] The ethnologists, however, attempted to work out more precisely than did Baranera the origins and histories of the peoples of the Philippines, and Blumentritt and other scholars produced detailed versions of the theory of racial migration, citing and synthesizing as much ethnological data as they could gather. Ethnologists agreed that the first people to arrive on the islands were the “Negritos” and that they were followed by later waves of migration, which pushed the Negritos off the coasts, into the interiors, and up the interior mountains of the islands. However, scholars disagreed about whether there were two or more waves of migration and whether all the [61] waves after the original Negrito were “Malay” or whether one or more were of another race. 62

#article: virgin birth #second-wave migration theory #chapter 1

The second section, however, organizes the “races” into two major headings: “infidel tribes” and “Christian peoples.” Only the “infidel tribes” are broken down into the racial subdivisions of Negrito, Indonesian, and Malay, with a small part of the “Malay” section devoted to “Moros,” or Muslims.[fn] In other words, the primary “racial” point

of distinction, for Ruíz, was religious: Christians versus all others (including Muslims). 64

#article: virgin birth #second-wave migration theory

Quoting “the celebrated French Orientalist Rémusat,” Pardo de Tavera wrote that “the language of a people is the most faithful mirror of its civilization, the most complete picture of the social revolutions that have marked its existence.”[fn] 67

#article: rizal #lexical archeology

This distinction between “Filipinos” (the ancients) and their presentday descendents is nearly consistently made in the piece, but there is an important exception that suggests that Pardo de Tavera’s conception of “Filipinos” could indeed transcend historical time and include his contemporaries: in one place in the text, “Filipinos” act in the present as speakers who “confuse” (in the present tense) the sounds of “o” and “u,” and “e” and “i.”[fn] Here, the meaning of “Filipinos” is more likely closer to “people from the Philippines” than it is to a sense of unified peoplehood. 68

#phonotactics

Drawing on conclusions from his earlier work on alphabets, Pardo de Tavera concluded that Hindus had dominated in those parts of the archipelago “in which today the most cultured [cultas] languages are spoken, like Tagalog, Visayan, Pampangan and Ilocano, and the greater refinement [mayor cultura] of these languages originates precisely from the influence of that race of Hindus on the Filipinos [aquella raza de hindus sobre los filipinos]”; for, from the language of the Hindus, Filipino languages had obtained words with which they could express “more elevated concepts” and “abstract ideas without using circumlocutions.” [fn] 69

#language ideology #chapter 7

[Pardo de Tavera] explained that while the Philippine archipelago had felt the influence of both the Arab and the Hindu civilizations, “she” had felt them only superficially, “as if she had wanted to keep herself a virgin not only to be able to adopt . . . the civilization of the Christian world, but also to be able to contribute to its further development in science, arts, industry and commerce.”[fn] 71


The question of delineating this relationship drove Pedro Paterno’s writing about the ancient history of the Philippines, in which he found [71] a glorious Tagalog civilization that had usurped an earlier and more primitive culture but also had taken the best from it. 72


Paterno’s Ancient Tagalog Civilization (1887) and The Itas (1890) engaged in complicated and innovative appropriations of scholarly and theoretical discourses, combining ideas from quite distinct traditions in novel ways. [fn] 73

The “Tagalog” for Paterno was characteristically filipino (as in “of the Philippines” but also ambiguously marked as the ontological center of a broader “Filipino” civilization-race, as addressed later in the chapter), and this greater Tagalog was both the culmination of pre-Hispanic Philippine history as well as the agent of future Philippine advance. Paterno told a story in which the Ita were racially and culturally both other to

the Malayan peoples of the Philippines, and of them; the Tagalog people, in turn, were the epitome of the Malayan peoples of the Philippines, and inherently progressive. [fn] 74


The descendants of this ancient civilizational ancestry, however, were not always clearly identifiable: Paterno did not make clear precisely where the boundaries between those included and those excluded lie.

Most of his focus was on a rich and somewhat fanciful explication of that civilization and, in particular, its religion, which he called alternatively “Tagalism” (Tagalismo) or “Bathalism” (Bathalismo), the latter deriving from Bathala, the pre-Hispanic Tagalog divinity.[fn] Arguing that pre-Hispanic Tagalog religion was neither animist, “spiritist,” nor pantheist, he wrote that Bathalism was a religion on par with Catholicism, equally inspired by truth. He proved this by finding in Bathalism institutions, concepts, and figures that paralleled those of Catholicism, including the Catholic idea of God (Bathala) but also equivalents for Catholic saints, priests, cathedrals, heaven, hell, bishops, confession, friar orders, and even for the virgin mother.[fn]

Paterno’s attempts to show the equivalence between Catholicism and Bathalism (or Tagalism) went so far as to argue not just that Bathalism was as good as Catholicism; he said that Bathalism was Catholicism. Catholicism, he wrote, was present in the Philippines before the arrival of the Spaniards, albeit in a subtle, Oriental form.[fn] Though he noted that Spaniards had, “with arms in hand, brought to us knowledge of the True God,” he posited that the seeds of Catholicism had indeed already been planted in the Tagalogs.[fn] 75

#mimicry and rejection #chapter 4 #chapter 10 #article: literature

[Paterno] positioned the Philippines, more specifically the pre-Hispanic Tagalog civilization, as a kind of missing link between the great civilizations of the West and the ancient ones of the East, and as the culmination of all of them. 76

#progressivism #imagined communities

In the 1890 work, Paterno’s version of the familiar migration-wave theory imagined the migrations as a series of cultural-civilizational interactions and transformations, in which each succeeding wave of immigrants gratefully and enthusiastically received the hospitality of those they encountered and in turn raised their level of civilization. [fn] 76

#second-wave migration theory #article: virgin birth

Elsewhere, Paterno borrowed the exact language of a Jesuit textbook of Philippine history, which held that the aboriginal Ita had been “conquered by invaders of more robust constitution and endowed with a higher degree of culture.” [fn] 77


Paterno negotiated the difficult terrain on which he both claimed the Ita as ancestors and claimed the status of the civilizationally advanced, in part through adopting this model in which those who were advanced appreciated the contributions of primitive “others.” 81

#progressivism

What is significant about Paterno is that he embraced the concept of race-as-culture, that is, a version of how evolutionary biology was thought to apply to social and political life in which “race” was the unit of analysis, but it was a race’s cultural features—its civilization—that were most meaningful. Those features were mutable and adaptable, yet they significantly belonged to a race. [fn] 83


[De los Reyes:] Authors call “Tagalogs” only those that populate the central coasts of Luzon; but for those [people], this denomination [Tagalog] is common to all Filipino-Malays [malayos filipinos] including Ilocanos, Bicolanos, etc. And in truth this denomination would be more [88] proper than that of “Indios” (because they are not from India), “indigenous” (because this word means “natives” and is applicable to any child of a resident), and “Filipinos” (because this word does not distinguish between races and can be given to a child of Europeans born in the Philippines, just as to an Aeta of Ilocos). [fn]

89

#chapter 1 #second-wave migration theory #article: virgin birth

Blumentritt’s “Indigenous Races of the Philippines” (1890) 91


When explaining the distance between contemporary [94] civilized Filipinos and their primitive “others,” then, these authors often participated in prejudicial formulations of race and civilization, similar to those of which they complained when they were on the receiving end. [fn] 95


Folklore was a particularly precious resource for the Philippines, which had otherwise relatively few sources with which to reconstruct its own past, especially the pre-Hispanic Philippines and Filipino.

De los Reyes’s folklore works in ways common to folklore projects elsewhere: it legitimizes an idea of a nation by seeking commonality and history in the practices and beliefs of the Volk, or the rural, the peasant, the figure supposedly untainted by modern cosmopolitan capitalism with its urban-metropolitan cores and provincial-colonial tentacles. 98

#chapter 4 #imagined communities

This chapter also considers the lesser-known second volume of the two-volume El Folk-Lore Filipino, which de los Reyes edited but to which other authors contributed. 98

Folklore was used as a tool to recover knowledge about the pre-Hispanic peoples of the Philippines and establish their unity on the basis of shared pre-Hispanic cultural patrimony, one version of the nationalist bent of folklore studies elsewhere. The beliefs and practices of peoples of the Philippines were studied in comparison with each other and with those of Spain in order to disentangle pre-Hispanic cultural influences from Spanish ones. Ultimately, however, the pre-Hispanic was difficult to completely isolate, and much of the writing also shows great attention to Catholic syncretic practices and beliefs. 99

#article: grimm

In both Spain and the Philippines, folklore was an imperfect but precious tool that could root an idea of a nation when its boundaries were both politically and culturally ill defined. 100


The emergence of folklore as a field of study and its connections to nationalist thought are generally considered to belong to the era of European, especially central European, nationalism. The roots of folklore studies are often understood to be found in German Romanticism, which turned to the German language, and the Volk who spoke its variants, as a source of wisdom and spirit to counter the cold rationality of some versions of Enlightenment thought, and the political domination of the French empire. 102

#article: grimm #imagined communites #chapter 4

El Folk-Lore Español was composed of “as many centers as there are regions that constitute the Spanish nationality [nacionalidad española],” including, in addition to eleven peninsular regions, the Balearic Islands, the Canary Islands, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, “all of these regions [being] true members of the Folk-Lore Español,” in Machado’s words.[fn] 106

#article: grimm

Here, though, Machado found himself in something of a bind and again revealed his Castilian-centered sense of the Spanish nation: “notwithstanding this [the stories’ foreign origins], as they circulate on the lips of our people or of the nations and lands that speak our language, they receive a Spanish stamp, whose historical value it is very important to study and understand.” [fn] 110

#article: grimm

However, to see Filipino folklore in this light is only part of the picture. The theory and practice of El Folk-Lore Filipino diverge from the Spanish model. First, “Filipino” was itself a multicultural, multiprovincial denomination, and so, while Filipino folklore could be considered in some sense to be a subset of Spanish folklore, it was at least as complex a conglomeration as was peninsular Spanish folklore. The regional diversity of Filipino folklore suggested that it might better be seen as a peer to, rather than subset of, Spanish folklore. Within the structures of folklore, comparison with Spain made the Philippines’ diversity seem not a liability but, perhaps, an asset. 111

#mimicry and rejection #chapter 4

That common inheritance was derived from the ancestral people (or raza, or civilización) from which all contemporary indígenas of the Philippines, in all of their diversity, sprang. That original people’s religion remained in bits and pieces in present-day beliefs and practices. Folklore could recover those remnants and use them in the scientific pursuit of the study of mythology, which, as de los Reyes put it, “endeavors to determine whether [the materials folklore has gathered] are native or exotic, to study them in the light of history and in a word, to use them to reconstruct a Religion that is now completely or in part extinct.”[fn] 113


“As I see, many folklorists and future anthropologists are appearing in Ilocos. There is [or such is] a Mr. Deloserre [Isabelo de los Reyes], with whom you correspond. I note one thing: Since most Filipino folklorists are Ilocanos, and because they use the epithet Ilocano, anthropologists will designate traditions and customs that are properly Filipino as being Ilocano.” [fn] 114

#general vs. particular

For de los Reyes, reconstructing the ancient religion of the Philippines by investigating current beliefs required careful comparison with Catholicism and other beliefs and practices with origins in Spain or elsewhere. Once those foreign impurities were identified, the scientist could remove them to distill the ancient religion of the Philippines […] 114


[De los Reyes:] Only a few and vague notes about that primitive [primitiva] religion are conserved in the annals of the country, and in the memory of the indigenous, indefinable remains enveloped in superstitions and fables [consejas], of which some are vitiated with many European beliefs [that have been] introduced, some diminished or mixed with the sacred ideas of Christianity. In order to be able to distinguish the genuine Filipino superstitions [supersticiones filipinas], it is necessary to possess profound knowledge of Universal Folklore, and of the prehistory of the country. Otherwise we risk accepting as a Filipino belief [creencia filipina] one that is of Chinese, Portuguese, Spanish, American, or . . . even German filiation.[fn] 115

#article: grimm

As others have noted, the comparisons between folklore in the Philippines and folklore in the peninsula, and especially the implication that superstitions of the Philippines originated in the peninsula, poked fun at the Spaniards—and at friars in particular, who held their forbearers’ superstitions strongly enough to pass them on to their flocks in the Philippines.[fn] This allowed de los Reyes to note that “the most absurd beliefs were in fashion in the [Iberian] Peninsula during the first days of Spanish domination,” adding that his “long literary sketch, titled ‘The Devil in the Philippines, As Stated in Our Chronicles,’” which he had [115]l aready published, showed through its readings of early friar accounts that the friars were superstitious and that they were likely the origin of many superstitions in the Philippines.[fn] 116

#article: grimm

De los Reyes also noted that the aswang’s actions in harming fetuses resembled those of an inquisitorial confessee (maléfico, male witch) of fifteenth-century Lausanne.[fn] It was impossible to disentangle completely the origins of the mangkukulam, bruja, and aswang; what was clear was that there were relationships among them and that neither indígenas nor peninsulars (nor others of Europe), neither friars nor pre-Hispanic Filipinos, were clearly more or less superstitious than the other. 117

#article: grimm #chapter 7: aswang

De los Reyes did this work when he speculated that while the duende (a mythical creature) seemed to be of peninsular origin, it also “seems to me true, what various authors have said about how in Universal Folk-Lore it is observed that all peoples have an idea of child-demons,” proceeding to note the names for “child-demons” in Asturian and Catalan, Irish, Breton, ancient Greek, Ilocano, and Tagalog mythologies.[fn] 119

#article: grimm

Like other pieces of Filipino folklore, however, the text performs the authority of the native intellectual, carefully balancing its claim to nativeness with a self-consciously European perspective. 120

#chapter 4

Mondragón began his work with a long list of the reasons why the Philippines was backward, reasons he thought his readers should keep in mind before tackling the [121] question of religious beliefs in the Philippines, writing, “It would offend the intelligence [ilustración] of readers if I would proceed to demonstrate that the English used to be Visayan or pintados [‘painted ones,’ referring to conquest-era Visayans, who were tattooed], that the Gauls and Germans, as well as all of Europe in the most distant past, lived like the Aetas, in the style of the barbarians of the north.” [fn] 122

#chapter 3 [PK: reference to ‘Picts’ as Cummins’ translation of pintados in Morga]

Yet other contributors demonstrated their authority, or their familiarity with the science’s method, by using the same techniques that were practiced among folklore gatherers elsewhere. The science of folklore privileged data whose origins were demonstrably old (e.g., oral data from old people or texts that recorded the oral accounts of people no longer living).[fn] Filipino folklorists sometimes emphasized the authenticity of their data in these terms. One of the sources that Ponce cited most often, for example, he first described as “a Tagalog manuscript (none could assure me of having seen it) that an educated native [ilustrado indígena] of the province, who was one of the first students of the University of Santo Tomás of Manila, had. . . . It is of note that the elders that supply me with these data only know this by tradition, transmitted from [125] generation to generation by their ancestors who have read said manuscript.” [fn] 126

#ideology: antiquity #oral history #primacy of writing

Serrano Laktaw, too, established the authenticity of his sources by noting that they came from old people via oral tradition. For example, he identified the source of a story as an old man, “an old octogenarian, as he normally called himself, a man that was in the twilight of life, and who was there to watch over his children and grandchildren who worked in a nearby hacienda.”[fn] This old man told Serrano Laktaw things that “he [the old man] said that, when he was young, he had been told by an old man who by reputation was the only one that had managed to penetrate the bowels of the enormous mountain” that was the subject of the legend.[fn] 126

#ideology: antiquity #oral history #primacy of writing [PK: compare to Povedano manuscripts (?)]

[the narrator in de los Reyes ficional allegory:] “Cantu has already proven, with the universal history of humanity in his hand, that indolence or indifference is often the effect of tyranny. . . . Concede to them [the people], then, more rights [derechos]; do not limit those that they have, and only then can you judge their exaggerated inertia.”[fn] 135

#indolence

At this moment, Isio receives news that he is being sentenced to labor for his supposed crimes, and flees to the mountains.[135] There, armed with his magic tricks (courtesy

of time he spent in Manila’s amusements), Isio becomes one of the charlatans of which de los Reyes has written: he tricks the Igorot tribespeople into believing that he is a spirit of their ancestors, and he rules for some time as a sort of benevolent despot, taking only what he can use, promoting useful knowledges like medicine and agriculture, and managing “to civilize [civilizar], relatively, those people [gente]; with the liberty and justice that he obtained for his inferiors, they were stimulated to work zealously; with the sincere brotherhood [fraternidad], forgetting of grievances, and mutual aid that he preached, he abolished the daily fights of village against village.”[fn] He is also briefly successful in leading the people to resist the authorities. Eventually, however, Isio’s forces are overwhelmed by the Spanish, and as the story ends we are told that they returned to their prior mode of living.

Toward the end of the story—when Spanish authorities learn of Isio’s little mountain republic and attack it—the tone of the story shifts. Here, the narrator gives dates of military operations and the name of a Spanish captain, seeming to link the fictional story even more clearly to actual fact. But another voice warns the reader in a footnote: “As the historical truth relating to those names and dates cannot harm [perjudicar] the administrative problems that constitute the object of this article, we’ll thank our readers not to check it [the historical truth], because it could have been disfigured by the imagination [loca de cosa].”[fn] This voice simultaneously reinforces that the problems of government are “the object of this article,” having just tied the fictional story to concrete places, dates, and names, and yet slyly reminds the reader that the story comes from his imagination—that is, it is fictional. The statement, with its seemingly conflicting messages, simultaneously affirms the story’s basis in fact, and also its status as fiction. 136

#chapter 9 #chapter 10 [PK: could open chapter 10 with this? Link it to Datahan’s folklore about himself, he has become legend that no amount of empirical historical investigation will be able to unravel]

Continuing, [Ferdinand Blumentritt] asked, “How can this ignorant [man] [Pablo Feced] speak with disdain of the Malayan languages [idiomas malayos], if he knows (or does he not know . . . ?) that the majority of the branches of the Malayan race [raza malaya] had their own alphabets? Where are the Spanish, French, English, or German alphabets? Were not the Malayans superior in this respect to the majority of the European nations that now march à la tête [at the head] of civilization?” [fn] 141

#chapter 5 #primacy of writing

The first result of the colonial interactions of the Spanish and Tagalog languages was what Pardo de Tavera described as effectively the birth of a new language that “has been formed in the Philippines, called ‘kitchen Spanish’ [español de la cocina] in Manila, a language that has a Tagalog grammar and a Spanish vocabulary.”[fn] This language of street, market, and household, also known as “parián Spanish” (español del Parian, parián referring to part of the city where Chinese were obliged to live, but also meaning simply the market area), was a medium of communication between people of different native tongues.[fn] As was commonly the case for pidgin languages, kitchen Spanish was considered vulgar, impure, and inauthentic. For example, it was derided by Pascual Poblete, a native speaker of Tagalog, newspaper writer, editor, and translator, as being “confused gibberish,” neither “the sweet and poetic Tagalog language” nor “the rich and sonorous Castilian language.”[fn] Pardo de Tavera did not place the [142]same premium on purity, for he offered a different way of considering the significance of the language’s origin. He noted that kitchen Spanish had emerged in the Philippines “[i]n

the same way” that Kawi had in Java, which used a Sanskritic vocabulary within the structures of indigenous grammar.[fn] Rather than seeing kitchen Spanish as a decayed version of a purer original or as a corrupted version of either Spanish or Tagalog, Pardo de Tavera compared it to the sacred, classical language of Java, the language on which Humboldt had based his pioneering study Über die Kawi-Sprache auf der Insel Java (On the Kawi Language of the Island of Java), and the language in which the “most beautiful monuments of the national literature” of Java were written.[fn] 143

#prologue #chapter 1 #national language #kitchen spanish

The question of language in the Philippines was central to (but troubling for) the search for pre-Hispanic unity, significant for claims to dignity and refinement, crucial to contemporary political struggles over education in the islands, and loomed as a question and problem in any imaginable political future. 143

#chapter 1 #prologue

For while Pardo de Tavera was cited as an Orientalist scholar who had used and promoted the orthography, Rizal was not—he was already a controversial figure, and his name would not have been permitted by the censors to appear in the press in Manila. 153

#article: rizal

The interloping letter “k” became, in the Catholic Review, the focus of especially strong criticism. The writers repeatedly claimed that “k” was particularly German and definitely not Spanish (and therefore not Tagalog). They gleefully reminded their readers of the supposed German origins of the new orthography, signing one of the articles with a pseudonym hindí aleman (not German) and demonstrating a point about the conjugation of Tagalog verbs by using the Castilian word for “German” (aleman) as if it were a [156] Tagalog verb root, coining words for “to do German” (umale-aleman), “was made German” (inaleman), and “to be made German” (alemanin).[fn] 157

#article: rizal #chapter 9 #article: writing system

[small quote] [Rizal:]When you were attending the town’s school to learn your first letters, or when you had to teach them to the younger ones, your attention must have been drawn, as mine was, to the great difficulty that the children encountered when they got to the syllables ca, ce, ci, co, ga, ge, gua, gue, gui, etc., because they did not understand the cause for these irregularities or the reason that the sounds of some consonants change. Whips rained down, punishments abounded, canes broke when the little hands did not become cracked, the first pages fell to pieces, the children cried, and sometimes even the decurions [head students] had to pay, but these terrible Thermopylae could not be passed.[fn] [end small quote] 160


Figure 4.3. Three of the many different Katipunan flag designs. The figure in the middle of the bottom flag is the pre-Hispanic Tagalog script for “ka.” (Author’s drawings, with help from Robeson Bowmani, based on those in Agoncillo’s Revolt of the Masses [1996]. Reprinted with permission from Cambridge University Press.) 165

#chapter 9 #article: writing system

Even more particularly, however, the shift to the letter “k” not only changed the shape of Tagalog words, but it helped obscure the Spanish origins of some Tagalog words.[fn] 165


By severing the very real links between Castilian and Tagalog that had been visible in the shapes of words, the new orthography enacted a separation between the two languages. In this sense, the new orthography was indeed a “traitor” orthography, a traitor to Spain and to the Spanish language.[fn] 166


Perhaps most intriguing about Anderson’s piece is his suggestion of the missed opportunity—what might have been—of a national language “to which everyone can contribute in her or his own wild way.”[fn] Anderson suggests that Rizal trumped his own “call for a single pure language”[fn] by exhibiting the mixed street language of kitchen Spanish in its cross-ethnic, cross-class, and thoroughly urban use. As Anderson puts it, Rizal “was aware of the possibilities of a domestic lingua franca . . . understood completely by Spaniards and the nationalist elite, as well as the masses, in multiethnic and multilingual colonial Manila.”[fn] 168

#chapter 1 #national language

La solidaridad, for example, called the Blood Compact the “sole legal historical foundation of the Spanish intervention in the Government of the Archipelago of that era,” challenging the legality of any Spanish sovereignty that exceeded the terms of that particular contract. [fn]171

#chapter 1: blood compact #chapter 4

In ilustrado hands, then, the blood compact became symbolic not as the foundation of a valid and moral Spanish sovereignty that lived forever after but as a moment of contract between equals in which the sovereignty of the Spanish crown depended on the assent of the indigenous ruler. The blood compact symbolized the status and sovereignty of the islands’ natives, and their recognition by early Spanish emissaries. Sikatuna was the sovereign who had conferred some privileges and responsibilities upon Legazpi and so, by extension, upon the Spanish crown. By implication, those privileges could be revoked should Legazpi or the crown fail to fulfill their obligations. 172

#chapter 1: blood compact

“Moro” was, alongside “Filipino,” a term that could describe unity among peoples. But the terms were used as if they were mutually exclusive. 175

In his footnotes to Morga’s text, Rizal described a pre-Hispanic society with relatively advanced technologies, robust production, and elegant and effective systems of religion, morality, and governance. Overall, as Ambeth Ocampo has put it, “Rizal argued that the pre-Hispanic Filipinos had their own culture before 1521, and thus were not saved from barbarism, and did not require ‘civilization’ or a new religion from Spain. Rizal insists that the flourishing pre-Hispanic Philippine civilization, obliterated by Spain and the friars, could have developed on its own into something great.”[fn] In comparison with contemporary Filipino society, Rizal wrote, the pre-Hispanic world seemed in many respects to be more noble, harmonious, and advanced. Through these

comparisons, Rizal condemned Spanish colonization as having brought not progress, but decline. 177

#chapter 4 #chapter 10 #mimicry and rejection #imagined communities

Emphasizing law and morality on the one hand and technology on the other, Rizal’s comparisons of past with present functioned in two important ways. First, they articulated with common Orientalist themes in unusual ways that ennobled the ancient past, despite its textual lack. Laws, morality, and religion—the subjects of some of the most ancient and ennobling texts elsewhere in the Orient—were figured as having functioned so effectively in practice that written codifications were superfluous. This captured the value of ancient (Oriental) grandeur while eliding the lack of texts (the source of admiration of the ancient Oriental elsewhere). 182

#chapter 4 #chapter 10 #mimicry and rejection #imagined communites #primacy of writing [contra]

First, race was the language of what was called “prehistory,” or the history of human collectivities without written record. Those “prehistorical” histories were of migration, conflict, contest, mingling, adoption, and adaptation; sometimes bellicose, sometimes peaceful, but regardless the peoples acted—not as individuals, but as peoples (or races). The language of race invited a kind of historical imagination in which the inhabitants of the islands before the arrival of the Spaniards were collective protagonists and actors, rather than occupants of an ahistorical pagan world that would only be brought into history by Catholicism’s arrival. As we have seen, such a narrative did not always dislodge Catholicism from history’s apex, but it allowed for indigenous and popular historical agency. 201

#agency #general vs. particular #imagined communities

Pre-Hispanic people had not just acted or spoken; they had a religion, morals, industry, technology, and medicine. 202

#chapter 4 #chapter 10 #imagined communities #mimicry and rejection

The data and methods of linguistics suggested a new way to spell old languages, which emphasized their difference from Spanish. This controversial move became a subject of public debate in which the status of the local’s relationship to Spain and to the wider world was at issue. Though not the explicit subject of debate, the new spelling in fact hid Spanish roots incorporated into modern languages. 202


So long as we try to classify their knowledge production in terms of “Western” versus “native,” we will miss its meaning. Even if conceived of as a matter of hybridity and interaction (transculturation), models of the appropriation of “Western” knowledge generally presume too clear a break between indigenous and foreign knowledge to be helpful in thinking about the late nineteenth-century Philippines. [fn] 204

Further, the political lives of scholarly ideas, principles, and methods are worked out as much by minor figures as major ones. 206

#chapter 1 #chapter 10 #rural ilustrados #article: bio of anoy

So it was not just the absence of Spanish scholarship in these areas that encouraged Filipinos to step in; the relative fluidity between amateur and scholarly authority—a

fluidity enabled in part by the prior exclusions of class—was a medium through which Filipinos could pass from insular to universal, or from indio to scholar. 206

#chapter 1 #chapter 10 #rural ilustrados #article: bio of anoy

In contradistinction to (the Enlightenment of) Napoleonic France, German Romantics asserted particular national genius and quality and sought its substance in the remnants of a glorious past. 207

#article: grimm

On the one hand, the nation was always conceived of as ancient—predating the empire from whose belly it was emerging—and yet it was also understood to be emerging from the antiquated and into the modern. This national modern was one that used cosmopolitan science toward the ends of national development and regeneration, developing national orthographies in the service of both documenting the fading traditional stories of the elders and educating the youth for a literate, learned, and modern future citizenry.[fn] 208

#chapter 1 #chapter 4 #chapter 10 #imagined communities #chapter 8: native modernity

Any intellectual history, whether of the colonial or colonizing world, ought to approach its subject with attention to how different local contexts have global links, without assuming the nation-state to be the most relevant unit of analysis. 210


[From footnotes to Chapter 3]:

5. Benedict R. O’G. Anderson, Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-

Colonial Imagination (London: Verso, 2005), chap. 1; Resil Mojares, Brains of the Nation: Pedro Paterno, T.H. Pardo de Tavera, Isabelo de los Reyes and the Production of Modern Knowledge (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2006), esp. pp. 304–13. Anderson and Mojares both have built on William Henry Scott, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain (Quezon City: New Day, 1982), 245–65. I follow these scholars in reading de los Reyes’s folklore as reconstructing the pre-Hispanic Philippines and as a vehicle for social commentary, but I treat why folklore as a genre was particularly conducive to social commentary and how folklore is related to the ethnological sciences that were the subject of the last chapter. In looking at de los Reyes’s folklore in comparison with peninsular folklore, I see more commonalities than have others.

6. Isabelo de los Reyes y Florentino, El folk-lore filipino: Colección comentada y publicada bajo la dirección de D. Isabelo de los Reyes, vol. 2 (Manila: Imprenta de Santa Cruz, 1889).

[From footnotes to Chapter 4:]

96. José Rizal, El filibusterismo (novela filipina) (Quezon City: R. Martínez & Sons, 1958); Anderson, Counting Counts, 70–79. We might also note that Evaristo Aguirre wrote a postcard to Rizal in this Spanish-Tagalog language when Rizal was living in Germany (postcard is dated May 15, 1887, in Rizal, Epistolario Rizalino, vol. 1).

#kitchen Spanish #national language #chapter 1

Kelly, Piers. 2012. Text excised from The word made flesh, PhD dissertation.

It is nonetheless relevant to note that at this time, many entertained the notion that a new auxiliary language might be engineered by intentionally fusing all or some of the languages of the Philippines. Though the proposal was never taken seriously by the government, the idea had been developing for some time. As early as 1903, the Chicago medic David J Doherty promoted the concept in his ‘Notes on Filipino Dialects’ (Frei 41). Doherty took the position that since Philippine languages shared more than fifty per cent of their core vocabulary and much of their grammatical structure, they could be systematically synthesised into an accessible lingua franca (Frei 42). The concept, which had parallels to the comparative method of historical language reconstruction, was taken up by Lope K Santos, a Tagalog-language newspaper editor who founded the first of several academies that would be dedicated to promoting the idea [James’s notes on the subject re: M.Wise] [ADD: Filipina Esperantisto commentary here]

However the most enthusiastic proponents of an engineered national language were American citizens in the US, who were critical of the colonial administration and who might well have been inspired by the idealism of organisations such as the International Auxiliary Language Movement founded in New York in 1924. The US-based advocates of a Philippine auxiliary language had sufficient profile to provoke public rebuke by Governor Taft and others [footnote]; their views were never taken seriously by linguists [footnote blake]. What is significant about the Philippine auxiliary language movement, both in the US and the Philippines, is that its members were amongst the few who included minority languages in their discussions of the national language question, if in a very limited way. That the utilitarianism of the Tagalog advocates was resisted by a Visayan elite (REF) is a matter of record, but this offered no consolation whatsoever to speakers of languages that had not been described, let alone officially recognised. n.p.

• ESPERANTO: Rights to language : equity, power, and education : celebrating the 60th birthday of Tove Skutnabb-Kangas-something about Esperanto in the Philippines in there (came up in Vienna lib): http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015076737371

• and also search michigan for esperantisto and esperanto—a whole lot comes up

Fernández Rodríguez, Rebeca. 2013. Lexicografía de la lengua ilocana: Estudio de una obra manuscrita del siglo XVIII: El calepino ilocano. Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid PhD thesis.

[PK: unread]

#lexical archeology (see also peer review comments on Mintz paper, in email to Carolyn Brewer]

http://www.worldcat.org/title/rights-to-language-equity-power-and-education-celebrating-the-60th-birthday-of-tove-skutnabb-kangas/oclc/47008460&referer=brief_results

http://www.worldcat.org/title/rights-to-language-equity-power-and-education-celebrating-the-60th-birthday-of-tove-skutnabb-kangas/oclc/47008460&referer=brief_results

2013 Robinson, Laura C. 2013. Microphone in the mud.

Honolulu: Language Documentation & Conservation Special Publication No. 6.

#lost treasure

I knew that Ilokano men came by the camp frequently. Most of their business was shady—small-time illegal logging and fishing using electricity. They took the resources from the land and the river and soon there would be none left for the Agta. But the four Ilokanos on that particular morning were looking for a different resource. The men carried axes, picks, and a long-handled metal detector. As they talked to each other I could see greed in their eyes and hear a religious fervor in their voices. They believed that there was buried treasure nearby.

There is a legend that General Yamashita, the commander of the Japanese forces in the Philippines in the final days of World War II, buried tons of looted gold in locations scattered throughout Luzon Island. Everybody in the Philippines knew that General Yamashita, whose last stand was in the same Cagayan Valley where we now sat, killed the troops who buried the gold so they couldn’t reveal its location, and then, unfortunately for Yamashita, he died before he could dig up his hidden fortune. In 1970 a farmer unearthed a one-ton golden Buddha on his property. A short while later, the dictator Ferdinand Marcos’ federal troops confiscated the Buddha in an early-morning raid, and the farmer was jailed and later disappeared. The golden Buddha was never seen again, nor was the rest of Yamashita’s buried gold. You can ask almost anyone in the streets of Manila or Santa Ana and be told that the Marcos clan, who hold several offices in the current government, still have the statue and whoever digs up the remaining hidden treasure, now that the dictator is gone, will be fabulously wealthy.

One man, tall, skinny, in his mid-forties, was less secretive about his pursuits than the other gold-seekers. “George Marius, Treasure Hunter,” he printed on a piece of paper the size of a business card, along with his temporary Santa Ana address, and thrust it into my closed hand. The Treasure Hunter asked, his teeth showing, “Will you marry me? Just to get into the United States. I’ll pay you. Make it worth your while.” I laughed, and so did he, without mirth. 126

2014 2014 Borchgrevink, Axel. 2014. Clean and green: Knowledge

and morality in a Philippine farming community. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

#lost treasure

Another indication of Junior’s unsuitability as barangay captain had apparently come when he had been caught digging for gold at night on the school grounds. With the risk of overgeneralizing, it must be noted that Filipinos have a thing about hidden treasures,

whether the fabled Yamashita gold[fn] or valuables from other sources. Tales of such treasures abound, from Marcos’ explanation of where his wealth stemmed from, to the fantastic [103] story of the “Golden Buddha.”[fn] Stories of treasures and treasure hunters would also appear in the Bohol newspapers from time to time. The Bohol Times, for instance, carried an indignant front-page story about illegal and clandestine digging for a gold treasure under che flagpole of Valencia High School during school holidays. The paper’s columnist, a self-declared enemy of the Valencia mayor, more than hinted that the mayor was the one behind this reprehensible treasure hunt (Bohol Times, April 7, 1996). That particular story quickly died, however, after it was discovered that the digging was really routine maintenance work carried out some distance from the flagpole.

In Ginopolan, people are fairly certain that Yamashita’s gold had been hidden in their barangay as this was where the Japanese contingent in Bohol made their final stand during the war.[fn] Whether it is still there is more doubtful, however, as a Japanese company had been carrying out a reforestation program in the surrounding hills. Everybody believes this to have been nothing but a cover for searching for the treasure, and stories are cold of helicopters landing in the hills at night. Thus, many assumed that the treasure had already been found and smuggled out of the country, although no one could be completely certain. The theme of outsiders, particularly foreigners, looking for treasure under the cover of other purposes and, it was implied, stealing it from the rightful owners was recurrent in many treasure stories. Foreigners were seen as having clear advantages, as the local people lacked the sophisticated equipment, like metal detectors, seen as necessary for such searches. In fact, some of the stories undoubtedly had a solid foundation; for instance, one of the villagers had been hired to assist a German who was looking for treasures in the area around Ginopolan as well as in che interior of the island. The only results, however, had been a couple of old coins.

A month or two after I left, a large hole was discovered below the flagpole (flagpoles apparently being favored spots for hiding treasures) of the Ginopolan school when the teachers came to work one morning. It was established that Junior and another villager had been digging there at night. Although it seems that permission had been given by the head teacher, this permission was withdrawn and the barangay council reprimanded Junior, claiming that he could not do a thing like that without permission from the Department of Education, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, and the Department of Mines; Malacañang (the Office of the [104] President ) was also mentioned. When I asked Junior why he had done this he said that they thought there might be a treasure there, without going into any further details. Clearly, that incident provided further material for “murmuring.”

This murmuring also implicated me. The idea of foreigners looking for treasures under the cover of other purposes naturally made me an obvious suspect. As mentioned, there were doubts about my real purposes for being in Ginopolan. I was actually confronted by the question of whether I was really looking for treasures on one of my first visits to the barangay. I realized that my laughing denial on that early day might not be sufficient to convince people. Nevertheless, I did believe that in the course of the year, my persistent interest in agriculture and the general life of the farmers had dispelled those suspicions. Upon my return, however, I found that the idea had probably never gone away and that at least after Junior’s treasure hunt the suspicions were back with renewed vigor. People had always been interested in the small rucksack I always carried, and when they asked, I had told them that it contained my notebook, my lunch, and my raincoat and sometimes also my camera. Perhaps I sometimes

showed them the contents, although I am not sure as I never understood the reason for their interest. Upon my return, however, it became clear that people had been wondering whether I carried electronic equipment to pinpoint any treasure as I was moving around the barangay. When Junior was discovered digging shortly after I had left, it was only natural to assume he was in cahoots with me and that after I had discovered the location of the treasure, he was now digging it up. Apparently, some stories even had me secretly back to Bohol at the time. 105

The very fact that this discourse is not brought out into the open, that the authorities against which it is directed are never openly confronted, allows stories to grow unchallenged; thereby becoming even better vehicles for expressing indignation. 106

Luspo, Marianito. 2014. Facebook post. 4 October. WTF! What Teaching Failure is this? Naa kuno’y Tourism Teacher sa usa ka inilang government university dinhi sa ato nga miingon sa iyang estudyante with a pronounced Jagna accent: better lose your accent while in Tagbilaran. Ang iyang rason? Kay taga-bukid ra kuno ang moingon ug “gajod.” Mao ba, Ma’am? Wa ko kahibawo taga dis-a ning maestraha, but this is what I would like to tell her:

1. It was only around 1992 that we found the courage and enlightenment to accept the fact that we have our own unique Boholano way of expressing our language. This was after the Torralba administration put up signs at the pier announcing “Maajong Pag-abot!” At first there were embarrassed murmurings. We have been taught for generations the Cebuano version of Binisaya was superior to any other variations, so we were taught to be ashamed of our real selves and tried to imitate the Cebu way of speaking. But in the year the pier sign was put up people started to realize,”Why not? Why should we be ashamed of who we really are?” From that time on, our sense of cultural identity soared, AND WE HAVE NOT LOOKED BACK EVER SINCE, thanks God. So, Ma’am, dili ni jaga-jaga; dili ang nag-Binol-anon ang backward. Maybe your teaching IS Jurassic.

2. Taga-bukid ba ang mo-ingon ug “gajod?” Unsa diay ang sakto-gayod? Kinsa’y nag-ingon, taga-Cebu? Why should we let outsiders teach us how to express our culture? In all my classes in Cultural Heritage Tourism development, I always tell my students: Culture is our own unique way of doing, thinking, speaking, etc. ; culture is part and parcel of our identity; there is no such thing as superior culture because every culture is unique and valid within its parameters. Lastly, since Cultural Heritage Tourism aims at providing travelers with up close experience in the culture of a place, we locals should endeavor to provide visitors with exposure to what we are and really are, not to what we are not.

3. “Angay Ika-uwaw ang mosulti ug gajod?” Why should we feel shame? Shame for your information is a feeling emanating from the realization that one had done something immoral, from having violated the Moral Law. The “j” sound may grate against your sense of aesthetics but definitely, it does not violate any of the Ten Commandments. Jamo jod, Ma’am.

4. I have nothing against Cebuano. This is our mother language. I love to hear our people speaking good and upright English, but I take greater pleasure in hearing our young people speak their own language, our own dialectal variation. Sometime ago, when I was asked to critique the musical production of the cultural collective of Punta Cruz, Maribojoc( the play was about life during the piratical raids of the 18th century) I

insisted that they use their endemic Maribojoc accent. Ingon sila, “Lain man paminawon, sir.” Akong gitubag, “ Mas lain paminawon kon mogamit mo’g tono sa taga-Mambaling imbis nga taga-Maribojoc.”

Mao ni, Ma’am. To paraphrase our beloved Dr. Jose Rizal, “ Ag mauwaw molitok sa kaugalingong sinultihan,ubos pa sa bitok ug isdang kina-anghitan.”

#chapter 3

Serena I. Diokno, Maria. 2014. “Keynote address. Exchange and change: The Philippines and Filipinos in the world.” The Australian National University, 12 Septemeber, 2014.

[Powerpoint slides of school textbooks:]

Sa pangkat na ito tinatayang nagmula ang lahing kayumanggi. May katamtaman ang taas, tuwid at maitim ang buhok, balingkinitan, at matipuno ang pangangatawan. [“With this group came the brown race. With medium-long, straight, dark-haired, slender, and muscular physique.”] (Yr 1, p.47)

#chapter 1 or #chapter 3

Tingnan ang mga bata sa larawan [Igorot and Aeta]. Kakaiba ang kanilang kasuotan. Iba rin ang wika nila. Pati ang ugali nila ay iba. [“Look at the children in the picture [Igorots and Aetas]. Their dress is different. Also, they have a different language. Their behaviour is different too”.] (Gr. 1, p. 216)


Maraming Aeta ang naninirahan sa Gitnang Luzon. Kilala rin sila sa tawag na Agta o Ata at sinasabing pawang hango sa salitang “it” na ang kahulugan ay itim (Tagalog) o itum (Bisaya). [“Many Aeta live in Central Luzon. They are also known as Agta or Ata and it is claimed that this is the derivation of ‘it’ as in itim (Tagalog) and itum (Bisaya) [‘black’] ](Gr. 4, p.76)


[image of fish] Sinasagisag ang bangus ang tapat ng pakikisama ng mga Pilipino [“The milkfish symbolises the constant friendship of the Filipinos”] (p. 149)

[image of bird] Sinasagisag ng haribon ang lakas ng Pilipino [“The haribon symbolises the strength of the Filipino”] (p. 145) [PK: Note that the ‘national’ bird changes from year to year]

[image of carabao] Sinasagisag ng kalabaw ang sipag at tiyaga ng Pilipino [“The buffalo symbolises the hard work and dedication of the Filipino.”] (p. 148)

[image of house] Sagisag ng bayah-kubo ng simpleng pamumuhay ng mga Pilipino” [“The bahay-kubo symbolises the simple life of the Filipinos”] (p.145)

[image of flower] “Ang sampagita ang sagisag ng mabuting kalooban ng mga Pilipino” [“The jasmine is the embodiment of the good will of Filipinos”] (p. 146)

[image of tree] Sinasagisag ... [ng narra] ang tibay ng loob ng mga Pilipino (p.149) [...is the symbol of the courage of Filipinos”]

[image of nipa] “Sinasagisag ng anahaw ang pagkamalikhain ng mga Pilipino. [“The palm tree symbolises the creativity of the Filipinos”] (p. 146)

[image of dancing] Ipinakikita sa sayaw na ito [cariñosa] ang pagiging magiliw ng mga Pilipino [“This dance (cariñosa) shows the hospitality of the Filipinos”] (p.147)

[image not clear] “Sinasagisag ng larong sipa ang liksi ng mga Pilipino sa anumang gawain” (p. 147) [trans unclear]

[image of mango] “Sinasagisag ng mangga ang pagkamaunawain at matamis ng pakikisama sa kapwa ng mga Pilipino” (p. 149) [trans unclear]

Si Nanay ay nagtatrabaho sa bahay. Siya ang naglalaba ng aming damit. Siya ang nagluluto ng pagkain. Siya ang naglilinis ng bahay. Siya rin ang nagaalaga sa aming magkakapatid. Malaki ang bahaging ginagampanan ni Nanay sa pagkamit ng aming pangangailangan. [“Mother is working at home. She is washing our clothes. She cooks food. She is cleaning the house. She also looks after my brothers and sisters. Mother has a big role in looking after us. “]

Nagtayo ng krus si Magellan sa Cebu. Tanda ito ng _____________. [“Magellan planted the cross in Cebu. This marked...

Pagtatagumpay ni Magellan [“Magellan’s triumph”]

Pagsuko ng mga katutubo sa dayuhan [“Surrender of the local people at the hands of the foreigners”]

Pasimula ng kapangyarihan ng Español [“The introduction of Spanish power”]

Pagkakaibigan ng mga Pilipino at Español [“Friendship between Filipinos and Spanish”] [Pk: This is the ‘correct answer]

(page not recorded)

[PK: Note that these are the only options. Elides the fact the Magellan was defeated and killed by the Filipinos]

#chapter 10

Nagkaroon ng linaw ang pangarap na kalayaan noong mapasailalim ang Pilipinas sa ilalim ng mga Amerikano ... Ang Batas Tydings-McDuffie o Batas Pangkalayaan na pinagtibay ng Kongreso ng United States ay naglalayong mabigyan ng pagkakataon ang mga Pilipino na makapagsanay sa pagsasarili. (Yr. 1, p. 129)

2015 Borrinaga, Rolando O. 2015. “Seven churches: The

Pulahan movement in Leyte, 1902-1907.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society 43 (1 & 2):1-139.

Benedicta

In 1862, almost a century after Padre Gaspar’s death, an old woman named Benedicta designated herself as La Santa de Leyte and drew some 4,000 followers from the lowlands of northeastern Leyte (Marco 2001:49). To gain followers, one of Benedicta’s disciples, a certain cabecilla (town leader) from Burauen named Mariano Ricafort went

around Burauen, Dagami, Palo, Tanauan, and other nearby lowland towns proclaiming that the island would sink because of an upcoming universal flood (Artigas 2006/1914:262). Accordingly, he preached that a place called Monte de Pobres (Mountain of the Poor, perhaps to denote the social class of Benedicta’s followers) “would be the surest and safest place because the water height would not reach that far” (Ibid.:267; Marco 2001:49). Benedicta and her followers subsequently built a refuge in the mountain (identified as Mt. Agani in Marco 2001:49). At night, Benedicta’s followers would take her out in procession “by making her comfortable on a chair that they carried on their shoulders, accompanied by an unending [line of] people, each one with a candle” (Artigas 2006/1914: 371). They stayed in the mountain commune at Pobres for a period of six months until the Spanish authorities decided to intervene (Ibid.:256). 19


Most likely composed after the establishment of the Flag Law of 1907, which prohibited the display of the Filipino flag (Agoncillo 1990:378) […] 31

Although Ablen’s movement might have shared similar themes with the elites in framing its ideology, the details of this ideology show a marked divergence with those of his former allies in the anti-American struggle. New groups who visited him in the mountains to join his organization were promised that “once they destroyed their enemies, he would lead them to a mountain top on which they would find seven churches of gold, all their dead relatives who would be well and happy, and their lost carabaos” (Roth 1981:99) 38

The cultivators were mostly composed of Pulahan women who, because of their important responsibility of tending to the sustenance of the Pulahanes, essentially formed the backbone of the movement. Through the slash-and-burn method, the men prepared the fields beforehand; afterwards, the women maintained and harvested the crops (Ragrag 1987), most likely through the pintakasi or tiklos (volunteer communal labor) system.[fn:15] 43


Contemporaneous representations of the movement posited a big difference between the “cultures” of the “country people” (primitive) and of the “town people” (more civilized) and scholars such as Hurley, Arens, Sturtevant, and Constantino picked up on this notion in their respective works. A closer examination of both peasant and elite practices and beliefs, however, show greater unity rather than difference between them, with the main divergence perhaps lying in the peasant belief in the efficacy of anting-anting, the supernatural powers of leaders, and the appearance of magical cities in the mountains, which may even have been shared by some of those “from above.” In other respects, such as their politico-religious language and socio-political organization, both groups were remarkably similar. 112

[…]the revolutionary language used by the elites and the Dios-Dios proved to be similar in terms of having a religious theme. 112

Mayer, Robert. 2015. “gTer ston and Tradent: Innovation and conservation in Tibetan treasure literature.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 36 (1-2):227-242.

#lost treasure

The term ‘tradent’ has become a replacement for the term ‘author’ in some of the study of Judaic and Islamic literature, and as Jonathan Silk was the first to point out, Buddhology and Tibetology too might profitably consider its uses.8 The term ‘tradent’ indicate [232] a producer of sacred text, who claims not to invent new doctrines, but merely to pass on established, authentic, ancient ones. It applies particularly to the contexts of religion and scripture, where producers of sacred text must take great pains never to seem to innovate or invent, but only faithfully to pass on ancient truths.[fn:9] 233

Carefully upholding existing traditions, they safely corall individualistic flourishes within the safe bounds of the stock repertoire of established and accepted ritual modules. 233

Rather than conjure words out of their own imagination as modern Western authors must, the more usual task of Tibetan tradents is to reconstruct or compile texts using a traditional stock of preexisting textual modules. Moreover, the repertoire of modules used is not random, but reflects the lineage and religious affiliations of the Revealer. 235

The only ostensible reason the revelation happened at all was to meet the specific needs of a present day religious community, at the particular time when the auspicious links relating to the group and the occasion are fulfilled. Yet despite its communal nature, the internal logic of the historical Treasure narrative dictates that at the fulcrum of this entire social and cultural matrix must stand a single individual. He or she is the prophesied Treasure Revealer, the incarnation of one of Padmasambhava’s disciples, whose person functions as the actual psychic bridge between the present day community and the golden age of Tibet’s imperial past, when Padmasambhava was present in the flesh. 238

Again, this accentuates the communal aspects of Treasure: It is not merely that certain creative individuals feel the urge to express themselves, nor is it simply that certain ambitious or inspired individuals seek to elevate their religious status, or to found new Treasure lineages.[fn:12] More often than that, perhaps, it is society at large that requires certain persons to reveal Treasure within a particular lineage, because of whom they are deemed to be, by birth. 239

2016 Kelly, Piers. 2016. “Excavating a hidden bell story from the

Philippines: A revised narrative of cultural-linguistic loss and recuperation.” Journal of Folklore Research 53 (2):86-113.

Tales of lost treasure loom large in the Filipino imagination. American silver dollars, Japanese gold bars, and the misappropriated millions of former president Ferdinand Marcos are all presumed [86]to lie somewhere close yet inaccessible, tantalizingly out of reach for ordinary folk. One intriguing lost-treasure story, attested in various parts of the Philippines, is the tale of a church bell hidden by locals to prevent it from falling into the wrong hands; yet in its new hiding place, the bell becomes unreachable even to its rightful owners and its retrieval is fraught with danger. I argue that these narratives of loss and deferred recovery have a special resonance for colonized people coming to terms with dispossession. According to this reading, suppressed culture—represented as a reified and valuable object—exhibits its own powerful agency. Under the threat of plunder it is rendered invisible but is never wholly obliterated, and its recuperation must be performed with great care lest it wreak misfortune on the unworthy. 87

#lost treasure

More commonly, tales of buried gold, silver, and generic treasure are recounted throughout the Philippines. In Bohol alone, there are [95] many such recuperation narratives in which a lost artifact is hidden by a heroic ancestor in order to be retrieved by a future hero, usually with the prohibition that the object must be reclaimed by the right person at the right time or disaster will ensue (ATU 745A, Treasure always comes to predestined owner). The treasure of Bohol’s most famous rebel, Francisco Dagohoy (1724–c. 1782), ransacked from church estates, is said to be buried in caves in the cliffs of Kailagan, but anyone who seeks it will die unless they use it to fight for the freedom of the Boholano people. Just as Tamblot’s bell can be seen glinting under the surface of the water at dusk, Dagohoy’s treasure is reputed to shine from the cliff-face at sunset (VB Tirol 1968, 53).

A more recent recuperation narrative in Bohol concerns the World War II occupation. Japanese soldiers are believed to have buried bars of gold at Mount Puwawan, but those who search for them risk losing their lives. The story goes that a group of American engineers planned to bulldoze the mountain to find the treasure but some members of the group died from mysterious illnesses so the project was cancelled (Aparece 2003, 104). Lucetta K. Ratcliff has collected a thematically similar tale from the Botocan River in La Laguna province (1949, 264–265). Set “during the guerrilla warfare between the Americans and Filipinos,” the story describes a tree covered in mysterious inscriptions in an unrecognized language that grew in front of a waterfall. Behind the waterfall lived a wealthy water spirit who gave a poor peasant girl money and golden jewelry, with the injunction not to tell anybody where she got it. When her mother eventually compelled the girl to tell the truth, her new treasure disappeared. After the Americans learned of the treasure in the cave they tried obtain it but were continually thwarted. Today, “whenever an American or any foreigner goes there, even if it be Mr. William H. Taft [the US Governor-General of the Philippines 1901–1904], it rains heavily although the sun shines brightly” (1949, 266).

As an outsider to the Philippines I have been intrigued by these stories for what they appear to reveal, not about the locus of lost wealth but about the postcolonial national psyche. A striking common theme is that of resources unjustly withheld from their deserving recipients, corresponding to periods of colonial occupation and political suppression. Just as the original confiscation of resources was overshadowed by violence, there is always a danger associated with their recovery. Here, a kind of malignant agency is ascribed to [96] the treasure such that the undeserving claimants are always punished for their presumption. In the Mount Puwawan and Botocan River tales, the Americans—themselves participants in the colonial exploitation—are justly stopped in their tracks for their greed and hubris by environmental conditions beyond their control. Dagohoy’s treasure is regarded as the rightful property, not of the Spanish churches from which it was looted, but of future rebels. Likewise, the white bell in the Eskaya variant of the tale belongs exclusively to the resurrected martyrs of Bohol.

I argue that these stories are not just about lamenting a loss of resources but are also a way of accounting for a perceived cultural deficit in terms of intangible heritage, as alluded to, for example, in the mysterious language carved on the tree in the Botocan River tale. In other words, they serve as a cryptic response to what the preeminent Filipino nationalist José Rizal described as “the specter of comparisons” (el demonio de las comparaciones), or the temptation to compare the Philippines unfavorably with other nations (Rizal 1886; and see especially Anderson 1998). As Rizal would later put it in his account of the Filipinos’ historical humiliation:

Then [after attachment to the Spanish crown] began a new era for the Filipinos; little by little they lost their old traditions, the mementos of their past; they gave up their writing, their songs, their poems, their laws in order to learn by rote other doctrines which they did not understand, another morality, another aesthetics different from those inspired by their climate and their manner of thinking. Then they declined, degrading themselves in their own eyes; they became ashamed of what was their own; they began to admire and praise whatever was foreign and incomprehensible; their spirit was dismayed and it surrendered. ([1889–1890] 1972, 130–131)

This statement precedes a narrativized explanation of how Filipinos at last began to rediscover and reassert their native pride in the face of Spanish opposition, a sentiment that would ultimately lead to Rizal’s own execution in 1896. Nonetheless, former colonizers continued to present native Filipino culture as imitative and empty—a void to be filled in with original content from the West (see commentary in Cannell 1999, and Thomas 2012).8 This discourse has generated a kind cultural inferiority complex popularly termed by Filipinos today as “the colonial mentality” (Root 1997; David and Okazaki 2006). Recuperation stories provide a subversive counter-narrative [97] to the colonial mentality whereby the debilitating comparison (or its specter) is forestalled. The legitimate culture and political sovereignty of the colonial subjects is embodied as a suppressed treasure that is never completely eliminated but merely suspended with the promise of future recuperation. 98

#lost treasure

Literal interpretations of the bell as a discoverable artifact may comfortably coexist with moral or supernatural readings. With its limestone composition and dense network of underground caves, Bohol has its fair share of stories about caves, frequently presented as supernatural sources of generosity (Motif N512, Treasure in underground chamber [cavern]). A common tale is of earthenware jars and plates found inside the mouth of a cave, which are borrowed by locals for special events but always faithfully returned.

Inevitably, an individual fails to give back a plate or jar resulting in the repossession of all the borrowed goods and the closure of cave’s mouth (for descriptions of this narrative elsewhere in the Philippines see Ratcliff 1949; Meñez 1978; Alburo 1980; compare Motifs F353, Kettle borrowed from fairies and not returned, and F358, Money borrowed from the fairies and not returned on time). [99] These stories are morally instructive in their reinforcement of the principle of reciprocity, but they also serve as explanations for the unaccountable possession or loss of material resources. As the bell-hunting Vice Governor Timoteo Butalid put it, “The people attributed all cases of loss to these caves [of Bohol]” (Torralba and Butalid 1916). Tellingly, in one version of the “lender” tale, recorded by Erlinda Alburo, the objects take the form of modern silverware and chinaware, sourced from America by a supernatural entity (1980). 100

#lost treasure

George Foster (1967) and Shirley Arora (1987) have reported virtually identical narratives of lost treasure and generous caves from communities in Mexico. Whether these similarities can be attributed to the long trade and political connections between Mexico and the Philippines in the era of Spanish rule is not my concern here. What is of more interest are the shared social circumstances in which these stories are circulated. As in the Philippines, the Mexican stories are presumed by their narrators to be true accounts and are sometimes associated with periods of political upheaval (e.g., the Mexican Revolution). Attempts at locating or retrieving treasure are mostly unsuccessful, but a few cases can always be found of inexplicably wealthy individuals who are identified as having been successful. Indeed, the Mexican treasure is similarly predestined to be found by a rightful owner, and misfortune awaits undeserving claimants. For Foster these tales serve to maintain the economic worldview of static peasant economies since they “account for wealth that can be accounted for in no other manner” (1967, 42). Developing Foster’s economic interpretation Arora drew attention to dimensions of [100] personal morality and autobiographical reflection, wherein the failure to obtain treasure helps to “mediate the disparity between aspirations and achievement, between what might have been and what actually is” making the failure “understandable, tolerable, even acceptable, to the narrator as well as to the audience” (1987, 91). 101

#lost treasure

[fn:9:] I was by no means the first foreign visitor to Bohol to be regaled by lost-treasure stories. Anthropologist Axel Borchgrevink gives an account of various quests to find General Yamashita’s gold during his fieldwork in a village on Bohol’s south coast in the 1990s. Among those suspected of attempting to retrieve the gold were members of a Japanese reforestation and crew, the local mayor, and Borchgrevink himself who was subtly cross-examined on several occasions. As Borchgrevink puts it: “The theme of outsiders, particularly foreigners, looking for treasure under the cover of other purposes and, it was implied, stealing it from the rightful owners was recurrent in many treasure stories. Foreigners were seen as having clear advantages, as the local people lacked the sophisticated equipment, like metal detectors, seen as necessary for such searches” (2014, 104). 108

#lost treasure

Kelly, Piers. 2016. “Yamashita's gold has been found and it's not what you think.” Rappler.

Far from unchecked hysteria, the search for treasure is more like a search for explanations, justice, and hope. The stories are fundamentally about resources that are unfairly withheld from their deserving recipients, and they almost always correspond to periods of colonial occupation and political suppression.

In this light, mythical treasure might be seen as a repressed hope for future economic rewards. In circumstances of hardship and dramatic wealth-inequality, the discovery of lost treasure becomes a plausible explanation for why one family is rich while their neighbors remain poor. If the status quo is a brutal and unshakeable class sytem, wealth is quite rationally explained as a matter of blind luck rather than hard work.

It is unsurprising then that Ferdinand Marcos is sometimes cast as a conspirator in the retrieval of Japanese gold. One legend has it that a poor farmer discovered a golden statue of Buddha while ploughing his eld, but this happy nd was forcefully reappropriated by the Marcos regime. Can there be any simpler analogy for the economic exploitation of the poor by the powerful?

It’s also possible that these stories are not just about lamenting a loss of material resources but are also a way of accounting for a perceived loss of intangible heritage. What is referred to today as “colonial mentality” is a kind of cultural inferiority complex stemming from past occupations by foreign rulers. Or as Rizal tried to explain it way back in 1889, Filipinos “gave up their writing, their songs, their poems, their laws” and “became ashamed of what was their own; they began to admire and praise whatever was foreign and incomprehensible; their spirit was dismayed and it surrendered.”

Treasure stories serve as a morale-boosting reminder that the nation holds a secret and priceless wealth that has not yet been fully actualized. After all, despite the predations of unlicensed treasure hunters, Philippine archeologists continue to bring us knowledge of the archipelago’s distant past, while historians, artists and narrators of folktales creatively preserve and rework the “songs, poems and laws” that were presumed to have been lost.

#lost treasure

2017 Kelly, Piers (collector). 2017. Eskaya manuscripts from

Biabas, Bohol, PDF, 2017-06-20. DOI: 10.4225/72/5703EA07CF8AC

Partial transcription of Visayan text in PK2-03-MANBIAB08, spelling has been regularised to aid translation. This looks like an ancestral domain report that has been copied out.

Page 31

F-7-4 Lumad [tomao] nga Panitikan o Literatura

Ang lumad nga kahibalo sistema o gawi sa mga taga tribo dunay kalambigitan sa sosyal o ekonomikanhon nga kalihakan kabahin sa maayong panglawas, pagpanambal,

pagdumata sa mga kinaiyahang bahandi ug uban pa tungod niini ang mga nagkalinlain ahenseya sa goberno ug mga pribadong asosasyon nagtingoha nga mapreserbar o ipabalik ang ilang kultura o mga lumadnong patulon-an.

[#chapter 4: tumaw]

A. Kultura

Ang mga Eskaya adunay ilang talagsong kultura. Ang mga babaye kinahanglan tag-as ang mga buhok, ug tag-as ang ilang mga sinina. Guinadili sa mga babaye ang pagsul ob ug karsones sa mga espesyal nga okasyon o espesyal nga panahon, ang mga babaye ug lalaki mosul-ab [31] sa ilang lumad nga sopot nga gihimo gikan sa lanot sa abaka. Lagda 18. gapakita sa Visayan Eskaya nga Alpabito

Lagda 18 Alpabito sa Visayan Eskaya

Visayan Eskaya nga Alpabeto.

Ang alpabeto sa Eskaya tingali gimugna ni Pinay ug dili ba nagagikan kini sa Pergamo Israel India o uban pang nasud sa karaang Asya duna kini kamay-ongan sa alpabeto sa [32] North Semitic ug alpabeto sa India.

[#chapter 7]

B. Metolohiya sa Eskaya libro ug literatura ang gigikanan sa tawo matod pa sa Eskaya mao ang usa ka alibangbang nga nangitlog ug guihambin sa usa ka naranggutan anggoy ug pinaagi sa insemensasyon nahiabot sa sabakan sa usa ka babaye nga liyon nanganak ang maong liyon ug gitawag kini nga mao Balencia nga ang boot ipasabot kalayo si tomao nga kaanggid sa unggoy ug kaamgid sa tawo nanganak usab, ug kini gihinganlan ug Edam (lalake) ug Eden (babayi).

Ang mag importanting mga literatura sa Eskaya gisaysay sa ubos.

Abadeha – ang lintunganay o alpabeto nga gagikan sa lawas sa tawo (astormos minimi Astormosminimi. [33]

Atekisis – Kinaadman bahin sa mga hinungdanong tanom.

Babaylan – tigsusulti, tigpamaba o tig-una sa pangadye o ampo

Banbi – tulo ka klase nga bandera

Biki – Punaon nga pare

Biriki – Ordinaryong pari

Daylinda – ang maromansang estorya bahin sa pangulo sa wadji (Cortes Bohol) dini didto gipreserbat ang ugis nga lingganay ug didta usab nahitabo ang gubat diin nagsangka ang mga sundalo gikan sa sagpanang mananakop ug mga Eskaya.

Kuadra – Pamaagi orihinal nga alpabeto

Palestina – ang mga Eskaya nagtoo nga ang Pilipinas maoy bag-ang Palestina. [34]

[#chapter 7]

Pinay – unang maestra sa Eskaya nga gitoohan nga gikan sa Pergamo Israel kaniadtong tuig 500 AD Año Domini

[#chapter 4 #chapter 5 : the gender of Pinay]

Rangnan – basahon sa mga pulong nga ang mga kahulogan sa mga maong pulong mahibaw-an

Simplet – syllabary

Sono – Ginoong o Kristo

[…]

[p38:]

Orasiones – ang tribo mugamit ug katingalang pagampo aron sa pagabug sa mga panulay ug sa pag-ayo sa mga masakiton utali kining maong kinaadman gipaila ni Pinay o Serol gikan sa Pergamo sa Filipinas.

[#urasyun]

Anting-anting – usa ka supernatural nga gahom nga ang tawo mahimong mulupad o maambak gikang sa kinatas-an bungtud, nga dili mauns, ingong, man dili usab mao nagsakatayo dili ditlan ug bala pagsanta sa bomba arong dili mobato ug mahimong makabaton ug ksug nga labaa sa tanan. Ang mga nabantog nga mga Eskaya bayani mao sila

[#urasyun]

Sila si Tumod Babaylan Francisco Dagohoy, Katugpa, Anoy Datahan, [38] Luciano Filemon Veronilla ug uban pa (Pamatasan) tunglo nga gigamit aron silotan ang usa ka kawatan pinaagi sa paghatag ug sakit sa maong kawatan hangtod mamatay.

Maldisyon – espesyal ug tima-os nga pangadyi aron pagsilot sa usa ka makasasala kawatan kriminal

Bathala – Mahinaklogon nga awit sa tribo nga awiton sa matag alas tres sa kaadlawon.

[#chapter 3 new: the nightly singing in Taytay]

4.F. Sagrado nga lugar sa tribo

1. Bohong Daku )Langub sa dulon) nahimutang sa sitio sudlong, Biabas, Buindulman, Bohol. Gibanabana nga ang langob sa sudlong may kinadak ang langob sa tibook probinsiya sa Bohol.

(Kaniadto) ang mga tawo sa baranggay Biabas adto muhulam ug mga butang sama sa plato sinina alahas ug bisan baboy [39]

2019 Paredes, Oona. 2019. “Preserving ‘tradition’: The

business of indigeneity in the modern Philippine context.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50 (1):86-106.

I have found that across many different Higaunon communities in northern Mindanao, two distinct types of Indigenous leaders or datu are now recognised infor- mally among the Higaunon Lumad: the datu ha kultura (cultural datu) and the datu ha gubilnu (government datu) in response to the bureaucratic challenges of dealing with local, provincial, and national-level state actors in this area. Though both [87] types are acknowledged and respected as leaders, the latter type of datu appears to have emerged specifically in response to both the widespread marginalisation of Lumads and the bureaucratic demands of local governance in the upland Philippines. Within normally autonomous and egalitarian Higaunon communities, these two types of datu now compete for authority, power, and legitimacy at the confluence of two overlapping contexts: the internal context of cultural expectations of how ‘real’ Higaunons and their leaders — as exemplars of Higaunon traditional culture — ought to behave; and the external context of mainstream Filipino stereotypes about how Indigenous Peoples and their ‘tribal chieftains’ behave, as discussed later in this article. 88

2014. Notes on the Philippines

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