(2010) "Apud horridas gentis ..." Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia EmonaBeginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...” Citat iz Tacitovega opisa upora maniplov panonskih legij v Navportu(Vrhnika) septembra leta 14 n. št. (Tac. Annales I 16–30). Do opisanihdogodkov je prišlo ob smrti cesarja Avgusta, nedolgo po zatrtjupanonsko-delmatskega upora (6–9 n. št.), s katerim se je končalo dolgo obdobje rimskega osvajanja zahodnega Balkana. Vojaki, ki so bili v okolico Emone poslani zaradi gradnje cest in mostov ter drugih nalog,so se pritoževali, da dobijo po dolgem službovanju v tveganih kampanjahnamesto rodovitne zemlje le močvirja in gorske pustote v odročnihdeželah daleč od domačih ognjišč. Po Tacitu je Percenij, vodja upora, v govoru primerjal plače pretorijancev z legionarji in med drugim dejal:

Non obtrectari a se urbanas excubias: sibi tamen apud horridasgentis e contuberniis hostem aspici”

(Ne želim omalovaževati mestne straže, vendar se tukaj, med barbarskimi plemeni, s sovražnikom soočamo iz šotorov).

“

*

“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...” *Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /

Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

Upodobitev slikarja Igorja Reharja (2009) prinaša rekonstrukcijopogleda, ki se je v tiberijskem času odpiral na del obzidanega mesta v okolici vzhodnih vrat (porta praetoria). Vidna sta cesta proti Sisciji z mostom čez Ljubljanico in staroselska naselbina na vznožjuGrajskega griča, v kateri so italske trgovske družine prisotne že v Cezarjevem času. Večino potrebnega kamna za gradnjo nove naselbine(Colonia Iulia Emona), ki je bila v splošnem dokončana v prvih letih Tiberijeve vladavine, so pridobili iz vzhodnih pobočij griča.Odločitev za gradnjo mesta je bila verjetno sprejeta v teku panonsko-delmatskega upora, ko je nad Ljubljanskimi vrati kot zaledjem fronte na zahodnobalkanskem bojišču domnevno bdel opazovalni stolp.The illustration by painter Igor Rehar (2009) is a reconstructionoffering a view over a part of Emona in the Tiberian period withdefence walls and the east gate (porta praetoria). Beyond the latter, the road towards Siscia leads across a bridge over the Ljubljanica. Beside the road at the foot of Grajski grič lies the settlement of theindigenous population, where Italic merchant families were presentalready in Caesar’s time. The new settlement (Colonia Iulia Emona)was for the most part finished in the early years of Tiberius’ reign. Most of the stone needed in construction was extracted from theeastern slopes of Grajski grič. The decision to build the town wasprobably reached in the time of the Pannonian-Delmatian rebellion,when the Ljubljana Gate as the hinterland of the west Balkan front is supposed to have been controlled by a watch tower.

“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”

“AP

UD

HO

RR

IDA

S G

EN

TIS

...”

Andrej GASPARI

And

rej G

ASP

AR

I

39,5

0 EU

R

OVITEK GASPARI izbor.qxd 5/14/10 7:22 AM Page 2

Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 1

“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...” *Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

“ “

Avtor: Andrej GASPARINaslov knjige: APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”ZAČETKI RIMSKEGA MESTA COLONIA IULIA EMONA

Izdal in založil: MUZEJ IN GALERIJE MESTA LJUBLJANEZanj: Blaž PERŠINJezikovni pregled: Katja PALADINPrevod: Andreja MAVEROblikovanje in prelom: Evita LUKEŽTisk: TISK ŽNIDARIČ, d.o.o., KranjNaklada: 300

LJUBLJANA, FEBRUAR 2010

Author: Andrej GASPARITitle:APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”BEGINNINGS OF THE ROMAN TOWN OF COLONIA IULIA EMONA

Published by: MUSEUM & GALLERIES OF LJUBLJANARepresented by: Blaž PERŠINProof-reading: Katja PALADINTranslation: Andreja MAVERDesign and DTP:Evita LUKEŽPrinted by:TISK ŽNIDARIČ, d.o.o., KranjPrint run:300

LJUBLJANA, FEBRUARY 2010

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 2

Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia EmonaBeginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

Andrej GASPARI


NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 3

4Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”

CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikacijiNarodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana

904(497.4Ljubljana)"652"

GASPARI, Andrej"Apud horridas gentis - - -" : začetki rimskega mesta Colonia

Iulia Emona = beginnings of the Roman town of Colonia Iulia Emona /Andrej Gaspari ; [prevod Andreja Maver]. - Ljubljana : Muzej ingalerije mesta Ljubljane = Museum & Galleries of Ljubljana, 2010

ISBN 978-961-6509-19-0

250483200

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 4

5 Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”

ContentsKazalo

PredgovorUvod

Lokacija skozi čas Zgodovina raziskav

Lokacija NUK IIOris raziskav zgodnjih depozitov v letu 2008

Geološka podlaga in pedološki horizonti Prazgodovina Rimski vadbeni tabor s klavikulo Vodna kotanja Priprava zemljišča za gradnjo Barake in vodnjak v inzuli XIII Jugovzhodni vogal večjega

pravokotnega objekta in ostanki sočasne lesene arhitekture na območju inzul XVII in XLVI

Gradnja inzul Vodnjak na ulici H

Datacija posameznih kontekstovOris izbranih kategorij najdb

Gradivo latenske provenience Novci Vojaška oprema Fibule Konjska in konjeniška oprema Ostalo kovinsko gradivo Italska keramika Steklo

Emona ni bila legijski tabor Sledovi utrdbenih in vadbenih jarkov Lesena arhitektura iz časa gradnje inzul Vkopane »vojaške« strukture Podatki o t. i. predcivilni fazi iz starejših

izkopavanj Izbrani konteksti in najdbe iz časa

gradnje Urbs quadrata, prostor in komunikacije

Stara in nova spoznanja o urbanistični zasnovi

Lega in orientacija mesta Gradbeni material Komunalna infrastruktura Število naseljencev Cesta Emona–Savo fluvio in vprašanje

centuriacije Sklep s sintezo virovLiteratura

7

16

16

20

21

21

22

25

28

30

38

49

50

55

78

82

82

84

88

99

102

103

107

109

113

113

117

118

121

123

126

126

130

133

135

136

137

141

149

Foreword Introduction

Site through time History of research

The NUK II siteInvestigation of early deposits in 2008

Geological setting and pedologic horizons Prehistory Roman training camp with a clavicula Water depression Preparation of terrain for construction Huts and well in Insula XIII South-eastern corner of a large

rectangular building and remains of a contemporary wooden architecture in the area of later Insulae XVII and XLVI

Construction of insulae Well on Street H

Date of individual contexts Outline of select categories of finds

Material of La Tène provenance Coins Military equipment Fibulae Horse and cavalry equipment Other metal finds Italic ware Glass

Emona was not a legionary fortress Traces of fortification and training

ditches Wooden architecture from the time

of the insulae construction Cut features of “military” character Data on the so-called pre-civilian phase

from earlier excavations Select contexts and finds from the time

of the constructionUrbs quadrata, space and communications

Old and new findings on the urban design Location and orientation of the town Construction material Town infrastructure Number of inhabitants The Emona–Savo fluvio road and the

question of centuriationConclusion with a synthesis of sources References

7

16

16

20

21

21

22

25

28

30

38

49

50

55

78

82

82

84

88

99

102

103

107

109

113

113

117

118

121

124

126

126

130

134

135

136

137

141

149

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 5


V spomin In memory of

dr. Ljudmila Plesniãar-Gec

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 6


ForewordPredgovor

The remains of Roman Emona, rectangular townof the Mediterranean type covering the Gradiščeand Mirje areas of modern Ljubljana, rank by allcriteria among the most important cultural mo-numents of Slovenia. The remains of this last ad-ministrative centre before the eastern border ofRoman Italy were admired already by polyhistorsand humanists of the 17th and 18th centuries andits features continued to be clearly recognizableeven long after the excavations in the southernpart of the pomoerium in the last years of the Aus-tro-Hungarian Monarchy. These were conductedby Walter Schmid, who envisaged an archaeologi-cal park and “a large museum of all the Romanremains of Carniola” on the plot owned by the Ger-man Teutonic Order between Rimska cesta andthe Gradaščica Stream. His wish, however, did notcome to fruition and the rapid growth of Ljublja-na after World War I caused the idea of presentingthis part of Emona to be abandoned. Part of thepublic and members of the city council at thattime was even in favour of removing the southerndefence walls. This did not occur mostly due to theefforts by France Stelè, head of the monuments’protection office for Slovenia, and by Jože Plečnik,the architect. Intervening in favour of preserva-tion of the south defence walls, Stelè successfullydrew in the opinions of the leading experts, whichhe summarized in a booklet published by the mo-numents’ protection office in 1928. The text appa-rently has not lost its topicality to this day andstates that “it is sad and harmful to the image thatLjubljana wishes to project onto the cultural worldto have to debate the issue of preservation publiclyand use all the evidence available to persuade thepopulation of the city that monuments of suchage and historical value as the Roman walls atMirje represent active foundations for the publicassets of every city harbouring an ambition to notonly retain but augment its renown in the eyes ofthe world.” In the times of socialist Yugoslavia,rescue investigation and efforts to preserve the he-ritage of the Roman urbanism by incorporating itinto the modern city, coordinated by dr. LjudmilaPlesničar-Gec with co-workers from the commis-sion for Emona from the early 1960s onwards, weresuppressed on several occasions. The most radicalexample of the latter is the irrational blowing upof the northern defence walls in 1962. In view ofthe current events in this domain, however, the

Ostanki rimske Emone, pravokotnega mesta sre-dozemskega tipa na območju današnjih ljubljan-skih četrti Gradišče in Mirje, sodijo po vseh meri-lih med najpomembnejše kulturne spomenike vSloveniji. Ostanke zadnjega administrativnega cen-tra pred vzhodno mejo rimske Italije so občudo-vali že naši polihistorji in humanisti 17. in 18. sto-letja, svojo unikatno razpoznavnost pa je ohranilše precej časa po raziskavah južnega dela pomirjav zadnjih letih avstro-ogrske monarhije. Nameravodje takratnih izkopavanj Walterja Schmida, kije želel na ozemlju nemškega viteškega reda medRimsko cesto in Gradaščico urediti arheološki parkin »veliki muzej vseh rimskih ostalin dežele Kranj-ske«, se ni uresničila. Zaradi nagle širitve mestapo prvi svetovni vojni je bila zamisel o prezentacijitega dela Emone opuščena. Del javnosti in članovobčinskega sveta se je takrat nagibal k odstranitvijužnega obzidja; ta se ni zgodila predvsem po za-slugi vodje Spomeniškega urada za Slovenijo Fran-ceta Steleta in arhitekta Jožeta Plečnika. V obram-bo južnega obzidja je F. Stelè uspešno pritegnilmnenja vodilnih strokovnjakov in jih v knjižiciSpomeniškega urada iz leta 1928 povzel z beseda-mi, ki pri nas očitno ne bodo izgubile aktualnosti.»Žalostno in ugledu Ljubljane pred kulturnim sve-tom naravnost kvarno je, da moramo o tem vpra-šanju javno razpravljati in z dokazilnim aparatomprepričevati prebivalstvo našega mesta, da so spo-meniki tolike starosti in tolike zgodovinske pretek-losti kakor Rimski zid na Mirju visoko aktivne po-stavke v javnem premoženju vsakega mesta, ki imaambicijo, da obdrži in poveča svoj ugled pred sve-tom.« Zaščitne raziskave in prizadevanja za ohra-nitev dediščine antičnega urbanizma oz. njegove-ga vključevanja v mestno tkivo, ki jih je od začetkašestdesetih let naprej povezovala dr. Ljudmila Ples-ničar-Gec s sodelavci iz Komisije za Emono, so bilenekajkrat zatrte tudi v času socialistične Jugoslavi-je, najbolj radikalno z nerazumnim razstreljevan-jem ostankov severnih utrdb leta 1962, vendar lah-ko uresničeno glede na današnje dogajanje na tempodročju ocenimo pozitivno. V perspektivi trajnostnega upravljanja preostale de-diščine Emone se glede na smernice pozidave in in-frastrukturnega opremljanja mestnega središča kotabsolutno nujni zarisujejo čimprejšnja izdelava insprotno popolnjevanje baze podatkov o fizičnih po-segih in ohranjenosti arheoloških ostalin ter ustre-zna prilagoditev in korekcija kulturnovarstvenih

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 7


afore-mentioned period can nevertheless be judgedas on the whole positive. The present-day tendencies in housing, businessand commercial development as well as infra-structural network in Ljubljana bring about theneed to secure a continuing management of theremaining heritage of Emona. With that in mind,it is imperative that a database of physical inter-ventions and state of preservation of the archaeo-logical remains be set up without delay, whichshould constantly be kept up-to-date. It is also im-perative that appropriate adjustments and corre-ctions of the cultural protection provisions in mu-nicipal ordinances and construction master plansbe made. Concerning the remains at the NUK II site, what-ever the future of the project that gave the namewill be, the archaeological profession should in-sist on an integral in situ preservation/presenta-tion. The remains of four insulae and a street jun-ction with communal infrastructure representthe last opportunity for a comprehensive presen-tation of the essential elements in the design of a

Sl. 1/Fig.1Vojaška oporišča, komunikacije in italske naselbine jugovzhodnoalpskegaprostora in sosednjih regij v avgustejskem obdobju. Strateško ključnokrižišče vodnih in kopenskih povezav v osrednjem delu Ljubljanskekotline sta v času rimskih vojaških operacij na zahodnem Balkanuobvladovala Nauportus in Emona. V prometnem smislu gre za prvipomembnejši naselbini onkraj Iliro-Italskih oz. Postojnskih vrat,najugodnejšega prehoda čez vzhodni del gorske pregrade, ki loči Italijo od ostale Evrope. Legi utrjene naselbine na Dolgih njivah in tabora na Prulah-Tribuna ob plovni Ljubljanici pričata skupaj z arheološkimi najdbami transportnih ladij, orožja in opreme o ključnivlogi vodnih poti v vojaški logistiki, ki jo dokazujejo tudi oporišča vzdolž Save v Brežiških vratih (izvedba: Mateja Belak; IzA ZRC SAZU)Military bases, lines of communication and Italic settlements in theSouth-Eastern Alpine and neighbouring areas in the Augustan period.In the time of the military operations in the western Balkans, thestrategically crucial junction of water and land connections in thecentral part of the Ljubljana basin was controlled by Nauportus andEmona. In terms of communication, these are the first moreimportant settlements beyond the Illyrian-Italic or Postojna Gate, which represents the most favourable spot for crossing the eastern part of the mountainous barrier separating Italy from the rest ofEurope. The positions of the fortified settlement at Dolge njive and of the camp at Prule-Tribuna, both along the navigable Ljubljanica, as well as archaeological finds of transport ships, weapons andequipment all testify to the crucial role of the waterways in militarylogistics, which is further proven by military bases along the Sava at the Brežice Gate (execution: Mateja Belak; Institute of Archaeology,Scientific Research Centre of the Academy of Sciences and Arts)

0 20 km

naselbina/settlementtabor/camp, fortressglavna cesta/main roadmeja province/provincial border

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 8

9 Predgovor/Foreword

Sl. 2/Fig. 2Ostanki kolonije Julije Emone ležijo v ožini med Ljubljanskim barjem in Ljubljanskim poljem, kjer sta se od t. i. jantarne poti, ki je že vprazgodovini povezovala dežele ob severnem Jadranom z obalamiBaltika, odcepili vodna in kopenska povezava proti dolini spodnje Savein njenem sotočju z Donavo. Mesto je bilo zgrajeno na čelnem delupleistocenskega vršaja reke Save, ki se prične na območju Vegove in Emonske spuščati proti Ljubljanici, na jugu pa s teraso prehaja v Ljubljansko barje. Poleg razpoložljivega prostora med Ljubljanico in vodnatimi pobočji Šišenskega hriba je bila pri umeščanju mestaodločujoča cestna trasa Nauportus–Segestica /Siscia, ki je potekala pojužnem delu vršaja. Njen urbani segment je decumanus maximus, ulicamed glavnimi zahodnimi in vzhodnimi vrati, katere severni rob predstavljasredinsko os mesta. Izstopa morda povsem naključno ujemanje medpotekom severnega obzidja in namišljeno premico, ki povezuje vrhovaGrajskega griča in Rožnika. Podlaga DMR5 (izvedba: Miran Erič)The remains of Colonia Iulia Emona are situated in the straits betweenthe Ljubljansko barje and Ljubljansko polje. Through them led theAmber Route that connected lands between the northern Adriatic and the coasts of the Baltic Sea from prehistory onwards. It is also atthis point that a land and a waterway forked from the Amber Route to continue towards the valley of the lower Sava and its confluence withthe Danube. Emona was erected on the terminal part of the Pleistocenealluvial fan of the Sava. In the east, the latter begins to fall towards theLjubljanica in the area of Vegova and Emonska ulica, while in the southit has a terraced transition towards the Ljubljansko barje. Apart fromthat, a decisive role in locating the town was also played by the availablespace between the Ljubljanica and the watery slopes of Šišenski hrib.Another determining factor was the Nauportus–Segestica /Siscia roadthat led along the southern edge of the alluvial fan. Its urban segmentwas the decumanus maximus connecting the main west and east gates, the northern edge of which represents the town’s central axis. The observed correspondence in the course of the northern defencewalls and the imaginary line connecting the summits of Grajski gričand Šišenski hrib may be entirely coincidental (execution: Miran Erič)

Roman town. This is additionally binding us to-wards a responsible and deliberate solution. Emona is archaeologically relatively well investiga-ted and boasts an extensive archaeological bibli-ography. In spite of this, there is still a notable lackof monographic publications of the documenta-tion and material from individual sites. Part of theanswers on the fate of most small finds from theexcavations by Walter Schmid in the 1909–1917 pe-riod, otherwise exemplarily published in Emona(1914) and several later works, might be found inthe archives kept at the Joanneum at Graz, Au-stria. The importance of publishing primary sour-ces and original archaeological contexts wassomething that also dr. Plesničar-Gec (1931–2008)was aware of, as can be discerned from her publi-cations of Severno emonsko grobiø≠e (1972), Sta-rokrø≠anski center v Emoni (1983), Emonski fo-rum /Emona forum (2006) and Urbanizem Emo-ne/The Urbanism of Emona (1999). The latter re-presents the summary of her work as a long-timeassociate of the City Museum of Ljubljana. It is amonumental synthesis that includes a collection

0 250 500 m

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 9


določil v občinskih odlokih in prostorskih aktih. Ne glede na prihodnost projekta, ki je dal ime lo-kaciji NUK II, bi morala stroka vztrajati pri inte-gralni ohranitvi/prezentaciji tam odkritih ostalinin situ. Ostanki štirih stavbnih četrti – inzul in kri-žišča ulic s komunalno infrastrukturo so namrečzadnja priložnost za celovitejši prikaz bistvenihelementov zasnove rimskega mesta, kar nas dodat-no zavezuje k odgovorni in premišljeni rešitvi. V arheologiji Emone je kljub razmeroma visokistopnji raziskanosti in tudi dokaj obsežni biblio-grafiji še vedno čutiti pomanjkanje monografskihizdaj dokumentacije in gradiva s posameznih lo-kacij. Del odgovorov o usodi večine drobnih najdbiz izkopavanj Walterja Schmida v letih 1909–1917,sicer zgledno publiciranih v monografiji Emona(1914) in več poznejših delih, je morda v arhivu, kiga hrani Joanneum v Gradcu. Pomembnosti objav-ljanja primarnih virov do ravni izvirnih arheološ-kih kontekstov se je zavedala tudi dr. Ljudmila Ple-sničar-Gec (1931–2008), o čemer pričajo dela Se-verno emonsko grobiø≠e (1972), Starokrø≠anskicenter v Emoni (1983) in Emonski forum (2006),medtem ko Urbanizem Emone (1999) zaokrožadelo, ki ga je opravila kot dolgoletna sodelavka Me-stnega muzeja v Ljubljani. Monumentalna sintezaz zbirko tlorisov in profilov izkopavanj, ki v skladu znapredkom stroke omogočajo kritično ovrednoten-je opravljenega, nedvomno pomeni dobro podlagoza nadaljne študije. Pričujoča objava prinaša pregled rezultatov izko-pavanj zgodnjih depozitov na lokaciji NUK II v letu2008, v obravnavi vprašanj v zvezi s sledovi rim-ske vojaške prisotnosti na območju Emone pa semupošteval tudi nekatera spoznanja in najdbe iz ra-ziskav na lokaciji Šumi v letih 2004–2008. Publi-kacija seveda ne nadomešča celovite znanstveneobravnave arhiva najdišča NUK II (2008), niti ni-sem pri njeni pripravi izkoristil vseh razpoložlji-vih virov o zgodnjih fazah urbanizacije emonskegaprostora. Namen knjige vidim predvsem v sezna-nitvi zainteresirane javnosti z zadnjimi dognanji indomnevami o nastanku in razvoju rimskega mes-ta ter v predstavitvi prispevka novejših raziskav krazpravi o t. i. predcivilni fazi oz. (ne)obstoju legij-skega tabora na mestu poznejše naselbine. Polemi-ka med univerzitetnim profesorjem Balduinom Sa-rio (1893–1974) in Walterjem Schmidom (1875–-1951) na straneh Glasnika Muzejskega druøtva zaSlovenijo leta 1941 se je nanašala na različna po-gleda na pomen pravokotne oblike mesta in dimen-zij obzidanega prostora, ki ustrezajo legijskemu

of plans and sections from excavations that, con-sidering the advancement of archaeology, enablesa critical evaluation of the work done and doubt-lessly represents a good basis for further studies. The publication before the reader brings an over-view of the results obtained from the 2008 excava-tion of the early deposits at the NUK II site. Apartfrom that, certain findings and finds from the2004–2008 investigations at the Šumi site were al-so taken into consideration when dealing with thepresence of the Roman army in the area of Emo-na. The publication is not intended to be a com-prehensive scientific analysis of the NUK II (2008)archives, nor does it include all the available sour-ces on the early phases of the urbanisation of theEmona area. Its aim is primarily in acquaintingthe interested public with the latest findings andsuppositions related to the appearance and devel-opment of the Roman town, but also in offering acontribution of recent investigations to the so-cal-led pre-civilian phase and (non-)existence of a le-gionary fortress on the spot of the later urban set-tlement. On that subject, the polemics betweenuniversity professor Balduin Saria (1893–1974) andWalter Schmid (1875–1951) on the pages of Glas-nik Muzejskega druøtva za Slovenijo from 1941brought differing views concerning the signifi-cance of the rectangular form of the town and thedimensions of the space within the defence walls,which correspond with those of a legionary fort-ress of the Early Imperial period. It also broughtthe interpretations of the tombstones of activesoldiers and veterans. Of crucial importance inthis discussion is the question, still unansweredto this day, of when the colony was founded.Some suppose this to have happened in the Octa-vian or Early Augustan period, while others be-lieve that the deduction was contemporary withthe finished construction of the defence walls,which was marked by monumental inscriptionsbeing set up above the main gates sometime be-tween the late autumn of AD 14 and early sum-mer of AD 15. With the excavations conducted byarchaeologist dr. Jaroslav Šašel (1924–1988) atthe north defence walls in the 1950s and thelong-term investigations by dr. Plesničar-Gec, thediscussion on the beginnings of the town was givenan archaeological framework. This was greatly ex-panded by completely new information on the ear-liest presence of the Romans in the central Ljubl-jana area gained through rescue investigations onthe right bank of the Ljubljanica between Gornji

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 10


taboru zgodnjecesarskega obdobja, ter interpretaci-je nagrobnikov aktivnih vojakov in veteranov. V raz-pravi je ključnega pomena še nerazjasnjeno vpra-šanje datuma ustanovitve kolonije; nekateri jo po-stavljajo v oktavijansko ali zgodnjeavgustejsko ob-dobje, drugi pa so mnenja, da je bila dedukcija so-časna z dograditvijo mestnega obzidja, ki so jo obe-ležili s postavitvijo monumentalnih napisov nadglavnimi vrati med pozno jesenjo leta 14 in zgod-njim poletjem leta 15 n. št. Z izkopavanji arheologadr. Jaroslava Šašla (1924–1988) na severnem ob-zidju v petdesetih in dolgoletnimi raziskavami dr.Ljudmile Plesničar-Gec je diskusija o začetkih mes-ta pričela dobivati tudi arheološko ogrodje, povsemnove podatke o najzgodnejši prisotnosti Rimljanovv ožjem ljubljanskem prostoru pa so prinesle za-ščitne raziskave na desnem bregu Ljubljanice medGornjim trgom in Prulami. Posebej izstopajo iz-kopavanja na lokaciji Tribuna leta 2008, ki so po-leg obsežnih naselbinskih ostankov iz starejše inmlajše železne dobe razkrila tudi sledove dvofaz-nega rimskega oporišča iz avgustejskega obdobjain s tem praktično sklenila ugibanja o lokaciji vo-jaškega tabora v ožjem ljubljanskem prostoru. Novejše raziskave intra in extra muros imajo po-seben pomen ne samo zaradi zaključenosti kon-tekstov, ki jo prinaša dosledno upoštevanje načelstratigrafskega izkopavanja, temveč tudi zaradi iz-vedbe sistematičnega vzorčenja za potrebe botani-čnih, favnističnih, geoloških in petroloških analizter preiskav malt, ki bodo omogočale izvedbo na-tančnejših sklepov o tedanji podobi pokrajine,prehrambnih navadah in uporabljenih gradbenihmaterialih. Arheološka izpovednost posameznihdepozitov in struktur me skupaj s privlačnimi dro-bnimi najdbami navdaja s prepričanjem, da bodointegralne znanstvene objave v zadnjem času razi-skanih lokacij prispevale k dokončni uveljavitviEmone med referenčnimi najdišči zgodnjerim-skega obdobja. Podatke iz samih izkopavanj nad-grajujejo sodobne meritve fasad in obzidja in situ,ki dopolnjujejo zadnjo objavljeno verzijo modular-ne zasnove Emone iz leta 2006 in odpravljajo ne-katere pomanjkljivosti prerisov starejših načrtov. Z arheologijo Emone sem se prvič srečal kot osnov-nošolec pri izkopavanjih na Vegovi ulici leta 1987,ponovno pa v prvi sezoni raziskav na NUK II leta1996, takrat kot absolvent na diplomskem študijuarheologije. Kolega Matjaž Novšak, direktor pod-jetja Arhej, me je leta 2004 povabil k sodelovanjupri zaščitnih izkopavanjih na lokaciji Šumi, leta2008 pa sem na pobudo Borisa Vičiča, odgovornega

trg and Prule. Particularly important among thelatter are the 2008 excavations on the Tribuna site,which revealed extensive settlement remains fromthe Early and Late Iron Ages, but also traces of atwo-phase Roman base from the Augustan periodand thereby practically terminated the specula-tion on the location of the military camp in thecentral Ljubljana area. The recent intra and extra muros investigationshave a special significance not only for the closedcontexts provided by a consistent adherence to theprinciples of stratigraphic excavation, but also forthe systematic sampling for further botanic, fau-nistic, geological, petrological and mortar analyses,which will lead to more exact inferences on thelandscape, eating habits and construction materi-als used at that time. The archaeological informa-tion provided by individual deposits and features,in combination with the fascinating small finds,give rise to a conviction that comprehensive scien-tific publications of the recently excavated siteswill contribute to Emona finally being recognizedas a reference site of the Early Roman period. Thedata from excavations is being supplemented bymodern measurements of the façades and defencewalls in situ, which add to the last version of themodular design of Emona published in 2006 andat the same time correct certain faults that occur-red in copying older plans.My first contact with the archaeology of Emonawas as a primary school student, participating inthe excavations in Vegova ulica in 1987. After this,I came into renewed contact at the end of my stu-dy of archaeology at the Faculty of Arts during thefirst season of investigation on the NUK II site in1996. Later, in 2004, my colleague Matjaž Novšak,director of Arhej company, invited me to work onthe rescue excavations on the Šumi site. Finally in 2008, I undertook to lead the continuedinvestigations on the NUK II site on the initiativeof Boris Vičič, responsible curator for Emona andhead of the Institute for the Protection of CulturalHeritage of Slovenia, Regional Office Ljubljana. In the course of these investigations, I had the op-portunity to work with many colleagues andshare with them working conditions that at times

Slika na str. 12–13 /Figure on page 12–13Lokaciji NUK II in Šumi na posnetku ljubljanskega Gradišča iz balona;

pogled proti severu (foto: Arne Hodalič)The NUK II and Šumi sites on the photo of Gradišče in Ljubljana,

taken from a balloon; northward view (photo: Arne Hodalič)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 11

“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 12

Predgovor/Foreword

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 13


konservatorja za Emono in vodje ljubljanske ob-močne enote Zavoda za varstvo kulturne dediščineSlovenije, prevzel vodenje nadaljevanja raziskav naNUK II.Med številnimi terenskimi tovariši in tovarišica-mi, s katerimi sem v zadnjih letih delil včasih ko-majda sprejemljive delovne pogoje in jim na temmestu izrekam vse priznanje, moram posebej ome-niti Reneja Masaryka. Posebne zahvale namenjamtudi Jožici Hrustelj, Juretu Krajšku in Tilnu Pra-protniku za strokovno pomoč pri delu z najdbami,Mateji Belak in Miranu Eriču za grafično podporopri nastajanju publikacije, Luki Šorliju za načrteizkopavanj na lokaciji NUK II, Andreju Grilcu izpodjetja Grangeo za izvedbo laserskega skeniran-ja, Maji Lavrič, Davidu Badovincu in Arneju Hoda-liču za odlične fotografije, Dragici Knific Lunder,Idi Murgelj, Nataši Druškovič in Maji Zorec za risbepredmetov ter Juditi Lux za vsestransko podporopri vodenju izkopavanj v letu 2008. Za prevod bese-dila se zahvaljujem Andreji Maver. Hvala tudi Toma-žu Verbiču in Igorju Rižnarju za potrpežljivo odgo-varjanje na »geološka« vprašanja. Objavo posamez-nih podatkov, najdb in dokumentacije z lokacije Šu-mi sta dovolila pooblaščeni vodji izkopavanj BorisVičič in Matjaž Novšak, uporabo izmer fasadnih zi-dov na Barjanski cesti in Trgu francoske revoluci-je pa Ana Plestenjak in Barbara Mrak. Vsem gre za-hvala. Za ugodno reševanje mojih prošenj za slikov-no gradivo hvala tudi Matiji Žargiju, Poloni Bitencin Zoranu Miliču iz Narodnega muzeja Slovenije,Ireni Sivec, Ireni Šinkovec in Bernardi Županek izMestnega muzeja Ljubljana, Jassmini Modrijan izNarodne galerije ter Jožetu Drešarju in Tinetu Be-nediku iz Restavratorskega centra RS. Publikacijane bi izšla brez podpore Blaža Peršina, direktorjaMuzeja in galerij mesta Ljubljane, moje delo prinjeni pripravi pa je omogočil dr. Tomaž Kladnik,načelnik Vojaškega muzeja Slovenske vojske, ki muna tem mestu izrekam posebno zahvalo.

Andrej GASPARILjubljana, april 2009

bordered on intolerable. I would like to express myappreciation of their work. Among them, I wouldparticularly like to mention René Masaryk. Spe-cial thanks go to Jožica Hrustelj, Jure Krajšek andTilen Praprotnik for professional help with thefinds, to Mateja Belak and Miran Erič for their gra-phic contributions in the publication, Luka Šorlifor the plans of the excavation at the NUK II site,to Andrej Grilc from the Grangeo company for la-ser scanning, to Maja Lavrič, David Badovinac andArne Hodalič for excellent photos, to Dragica Kni-fic Lunder, Ida Murgelj, Nataša Druškovič and Ma-ja Zorec for drawing the finds and to Judita Lux forher invaluable assistance in conducting the 2008excavations. Andreja Maver provided the transla-tion. Thanks also go to Tomaž Verbič and Igor Riž-nar for their patient answering of my “geological”questions. The data, finds and documentation fromthe Šumi site are published with the permission ofBoris Vičič, authorized head of the excavations, andMatjaž Novšak. The use of the measurements ofthe façade walls in Barjanska cesta and Trg fran-coske revolucije are published with the permissionof Ana Plestenjak and Barbara Mrak. Thanks to all.My work on the publication included also acquir-ing illustrations, the applications for which weregranted by Matija Žargi, Polona Bitenc and ZoranMilič from the National Museum of Slovenia, Ire-na Sivec, Irena Šinkovec and Bernarda Županekfrom the City Museum of Ljubljana, Jassmina Mo-drijan from the National Gallery and Jože Drešarand Tine Benedik from the Restoration Centre ofthe Republic of Slovenia. The publication could nothave been possible without the support of Blaž Per-šin, director of the Museum & Galleries of Ljublja-na. Finally, my work on the preparation of the pu-blication was enabled by Tomaž Kladnik, chief ofthe Military Museum of the Slovenian Armed For-ces, to whom I would like to express my sinceregratitude.

Andrej GASPARILjubljana, April 2009

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:54 Page 14


Sl. 3/Fig. 3Obzidana naselbina s pravokotno mrežo ulic in stavbnih četrti se je širila na območju današnjih predelov Gradišče in Mirje, ki že v svojihimenih nosita spomin na antično arhitekturo. Daljši stranici obzidjapotekata v azimutu 19 stopinj, identično usmeritev pa imajo tudistranice inzul in notranji zidovi v osi sever-jug (raster po Plesničar-Gecet al. 2006; izvedba: Luka Šorli) The settlement encircled by defence walls had a rectangular grid of streets and quarters. It covered the modern city areas of Gradiščeand Mirje, the names of which carry the memory of the Romanarchitecture. The longer sides of the defence walls run at azimuth 19°,an orientation shared by the sides of insulae and inner walls in thenorth-south axis (grid after Plesničar-Gec et al. 2006; execution: Luka Šorli)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:55 Page 15


Uvod

Lokacija skozi čas Območje NUK II, omejeno z Rimsko in Emonskoulico ter Zoisovo in Slovensko cesto, v skupni iz-meri 99 x 81 m in s površino okoli 7500 m2, obse-ga vogale sosednjih inzul XIII, XVII, XLVI in XXVIIter križišče ulic F in H (sl. 3 in 4). Raziskano ob-močje leži južno od glavnega dekumana (decu-manus maximus), nedaleč od vzhodnih mestnihvrat na Trgu francoske revolucije. Lokacija zaradirazmeroma pozne zazidave, ki je bila izvedenašele z gradnjo stavb ob današnji Emonski ulici vsredini 19. stoletja, sodi med najbolje ohranjeneemonske ambiente. Skozi srednji vek je bil večjidel zemljišča razen njegovega severnega roba sšpitalsko cerkvijo Matere Božje v Gradišču in spre-mljajočimi stavbami ob Cesti, nekdanjem glavnem

Introduction

Site through time The National and University Library II (NUK II)site measures 99 by 81 m or roughly 7500 m2 andis delimited by Rimska and Emonska ulica as wellas Zoisova and Slovenska cesta. It includes thecorners of contiguous Insulae XIII, XVII, XLVI andXXVII, as well as the crossroads of Streets F and H(Figs 3 and 4). The investigated area lies south ofthe main decumanus (decumanus maximus), notfar from the east town gate at Trg francoske revolu-cije. The location ranks among the best preservedareas of Emona. This is due to the relatively latepost-Roman construction activity, which took placehere only in the mid-19th century with the con-struction of buildings along the modern Emonskaulica. Throughout the Middle Ages, a large part of

Sl. 4 /Fig. 4Ruševine obzidja in obrambni jarki ob južni, zahodni in severni stranici so bili na začetku 19. stoletja še dobro vidni. Posebej nazoren je načrt Ljubljane iz leta 1860, ki prinaša potek obzidja na Mirju – Ruinen der Ringmauern von Aemona. Zabavna anekdota iz obiska francoskeganaravoslovca Baltasarja Hacqueta (1739–1815) pripoveduje o vznesenih Ljubljančanih, ki so se pred tujci radi ponašali z ruševinami Emone.Ugledni gost pa je mestno obzidje označil za »navaden star zid pokopališča, ki je bilo neokusno zgrajeno v obliki pravilnega štirikotnika« (Arhiv RS; Zbirka kart in načrtov: AS 1068, 5/105)Ruins of the defence walls and defence ditches along the south, west and north sides of the town were still well visible in the beginning of the 19th

century. Particularly revealing in that respect is the plan of Ljubljana from 1860, which shows the course of the defence walls at Mirje – Ruinender Ringmauern von Aemona. An amusing anecdote about the visit by Baltasar Hacquet (1739–1815), French natural historian, tells of proudcitizens of Ljubljana keenly displaying the ruins of Emona. The distinguished guest, however, likened the Roman defence walls to an old cemeteryenclosure built in poor taste as a rectangle (the Archives of the Republic of Slovenia; Collection of maps and plans: AS 1068, 5/105)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:55 Page 16

dekumanu in današnji Rimski ulici,1 namenjennjivskim in vrtnim površinam v posesti komendeNemškega viteškega reda in turjaških grofov. Po-škodbe rimskih struktur so zato ostale omejene natemelje novoveških stavb in nekaj vodnjakov, med-tem ko je bila npr. na lokaciji Šumi večina zidoviztrgana ob gradnji novotrškega obzidja v 13./14.stoletju in gradnji poznejših stavb v okolici.2

Ostanki rimskih zidov na lokaciji NUK II ponekodpresegajo 3 metre višine in so bili v srednjem vekuzagotovo dobro vidni še na površini. O tem priča želega križniškega špitala s cerkvijo, prvič omenjene-ga leta 1282,3 ki je bil postavljen v osi karda ob kri-žišču z glavnim dekumanom. Na mestu špitala, kije bil verjetno porušen skupaj s cerkvijo v času tur-ških vpadov (1554), danes stoji hiša Rimska ul. 3,katere vzhodna in zahodna stranica potekata pri-bližno v oseh fasad emonskih inzul XVII in XLVI(sl. 7). Podobni primeri ujemanja parcelnih mejin zidov z antičnimi strukturami so sicer znani zvsega območja Gradišča.4

the area was covered by fields and gardens as partof the Kommende of the German Order of Teuto-nic Knights and the Counts of Auersperg. The onlyexception was the northern edge, where the spitalchurch of Mother of God at Gradišče and accom-panying buildings stood along Cesta, the formermain decumanus and the present-day Rimska uli-ca.1 Damage to the Roman structures in this areawas thus limited to that caused by modern build-ings and a few wells. For comparison’s sake, mostRoman walls on the Šumi site were torn down ei-ther during the construction of the Novi trg de-fence walls in the 13th/14th centuries or by laterbuildings.2

The remains of the Roman walls on the NUK IIsite at places exceed 3 metres in height and wouldcertainly have been visible on the surface in theMiddle Ages. This is supported by the position ofthe spital of the Teutonic Knights with its church,first mentioned in 1282,3 which was built in theaxis of the cardo near the crossing with main decu-manus. The spital was most probably pulled downtogether with its church during the Turkish raids(1554). Its spot is now occupied by a house at Rim-ska ulica 3, the eastern and western walls of whichrun approximately in the axes of the façades ofEmona’s Insulae XVII and XLVI (Fig. 7). Similarexamples of corresponding lot borders and Romanwalls are known from the entire area of Gradišče.4

1 KOS 1955, 43. 2 MELIK 1929/1930, 125; KOS 1955, 33–38; HORVAT M. et al. 1988. 3 KOS 1955, 43. 4 MELIK 1929/1930, 107; KOS 1955, 42–43; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 110.

1 KOS 1955, 43.2 MELIK 1929/1930, 125; KOS 1955, 33–38; HORVAT M. et al. 1988.3 KOS 1955, 43.4 MELIK 1929/1930, 107; KOS 1955, 42–43; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 110.

Sl. 5/Fig. 5Arheološka izkopavanja v letih 1996–1999 so potekala pod okriljem Mestnega muzeja v Ljubljani in terenskim vodstvom Damjana Snoja. V okviru priprave zemljišča za načrtovano gradnjo NUK II je bila poleti 1996 porušena stavba »Angore« na Emonski ulici (Mestni muzej Ljubljana, št. F0013579)The 1996–1999 archaeological excavations were conducted by Damjan Snoj under the patronage of the City Museum of Ljubljana.The planned construction of the NUK II building involved thedemolition of the “Angora” building at Emonska ulica in the summer of 1996 (City Museum of Ljubljana, no. F0013579)

Uvod/Introduction

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:55 Page 17


Sl. 7/Fig.7Pogled na izkopno polje s križiščem emonskih ulic F in H ter inzulami XIII, XVII, XXVII in XLVI. Vidno je ujemanje poteka karda H z objektomRimska 3 (v senci), na mestu katerega je v poznem srednjem veku stal špital s cerkvijo Matere Božje v Gradišču (foto: Arne Hodalič)View over the excavation field with a junction of Streets F and H as well as Insulae XIII, XVII, XXVII and XLVI. The photo shows the alignment of Cardo H with a building at Rimska 3 (in the shade), where a spital with the church of Mother of God at Gradišče stood in the Late Middle Ages (photo: Arne Hodalič)

Sl. 6/Fig. 6Maketo ostankov rimske arhitekture, izkopanih na lokaciji NUK II v letih1990–1999, so leta 2001izdelali Aleš Ogorelec, Peter Ogorelec in Nataša Nemeček. Merilo 1:50 (Narodna inuniverzitetna knjižnica;foto: David Badovinac)The model of the Romanarchitectural remainsexcavated at the NUK II site in the years 1990–1999 was made in 2001 by AlešOgorelec, Peter Ogorelecand Nataša Nemeček.Scale=1:50 (National and University Library;photo: David Badovinac)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:55 Page 18

19 Uvod/Introduction

a

b

Slov

ensk

a ce

sta

Slov

ensk

a ce

sta

Barja

nska

ces

taBa

rjans

ka c

esta

Emon

ska

cest

a

Rimska cesta

Trg francoske revolucije

zidovi in druge zidane strukture/walls and other stone-built structuresmeja izkopnega polja 2009/border of the excavation field 2009

0 25 m

Emon

ska

cest

a

Zoisova cesta

Zoisova cesta

temelji zidov – I. faza/wall foundations – phase Izidovi – I. faza/walls – phase Itemelji in zidovi – II. in III. faza/wall foundations and walls – phases II and IIIneizkopano/unexcavatedmeja izkopnega polja 2009/border of the excavation field 2009

0 25 m

Rimska cesta

Sl. 8 /Fig. 8Obseg raziskav v letih1996–1999 (a) in stanje po izkopavanjih leta 2008(b), med katerimi je bilozaradi derutnega stanjaodstranjenih 30%dokumentiranih zidov. V okviru odprtega izkopnega polja, ki jemanjše od načrtovanegradbene jame, so bileraziskane vse površinerazen podzidij najzgodnejšefaze in predstavitvinamenjenih struktur(izvedba: Luka Šorli)Extent of the 1996–1999excavations (a) and state after the excavationsin 2008 (b). 30 % ofdocumented walls wereremoved due to ruinouscondition. Within theexcavation field, which issmaller than the plannedconstruction pit, allsurfaces were investigatedwith the exception of thoseunderneath the walls of the earliest phase and thefeatures intended forpresentation (execution:Luka Šorli)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:55 Page 19

Zgodovina raziskavGlavnino izkopavanj na območju NUK II je oprav-ila ekipa Mestnega muzeja Ljubljana pod vodstvomdr. Ljudmile Plesničar-Gec in Damjana Snoja medletoma 1996 in 1999 (sl. 6),5 robni predeli pa sobili raziskovani že prej. V osrednjem delu inzuleXIII pod današnjo Slovensko cesto je izkopaval Wal-ter Schmid leta 1912 v okviru obsežnih raziskavjužnega dela mesta v letih 1909–1917.6 Ozek pasinzul XIII in XVII je bil nato dokumentiran med za-ščitnimi raziskavami ob razširitvi Zoisove ceste spo-mladi 1963,7 vzhodni del inzul XVII in XLVI pa prigradnji komunalne kinete pod Emonsko ulico leta1988. Leta 1990 so sledila izkopavanja na 720 m2

inzule XIII na vrtni parceli ob Aškerčevi cesti, kiso že potekala v okviru priprav na gradnjo NUK II.8

Izkopavanja ZVKDS OE Ljubljana med junijem inoktobrom 2008 so zajela preostanek ostalin v do-stopnem delu območja načrtovane stavbe, razendepozitov pod zidovi najzgodnejše faze in pod pre-zentaciji namenjenimi strukturami. Celovit vpo-gled v stratigrafski niz in kontekste iz časa predgradnjo zidov I. faze ni bil mogoč, ker je bila med iz-kopavanji v letih 1996–1999 več kot polovica povr-šin med zidovi izkopana do geološke podlage (sl. 8).

History of researchMost of the NUK II site was excavated by the teamof the City Museum of Ljubljana headed by dr.Ljudmila Plesničar-Gec and Damjan Snoj between1996 and 1999 (Fig. 6).5 Prior to this, only the ed-ges of the site had been investigated. The centralpart of Insula XIII underneath present-day Slo-venska cesta, for instance, had been excavated byWalter Schmid in 1912 as part of the extensive in-vestigations conducted in the southern part of theRoman town in 1909–1917.6 A narrow band of In-sulae XIII and XVII was later documented duringthe rescue investigation as part of the broadeningof Zoisova cesta in the spring of 1963,7 while theeastern part of Insulae XVII and XLVI was docu-mented during the construction of the public utili-ty trench underneath Emonska ulica in 1988. Thiswas followed in 1990 by the excavation of 720 m2of Insula XIII on the garden lot along Aškerčevacesta, which took place in preparation for the con-struction of the NUK II.8 Finally, the excavation bythe Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heri-tage, Regional Office Ljubljana, covered the remai-ning area in the accessible part of the plannedbuilding of NUK II in a campaign between Juneand October, 2008. The only deposits still left unex-cavated are those underneath the walls of the ear-liest Roman phase and underneath the structuresintended for presentation. Information acquiredthrough the last campaign, however, does not offera complete insight into the stratigraphic sequenceand contexts from the time prior to the construc-tion of Phase I walls, since more than half the sur-face between walls was excavated to geologic base-ment during the 1996–1999 campaign (Fig. 8).

5 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 236–241. 6 SCHMID 1913, 159–162, t. XIII. 7 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1992, 49, 79. 8 Ib., 50–51.

5 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 236–241.6 SCHMID 1913, 159–162, pl. XIII.7 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1992, 49, 79.8 Ib., 50–51.

20

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:55 Page 20

Geološko podlago najdišča sestavljajo naplavine di-stalnega dela savskega vršaja, ki ga je v toplejšihobdobjih poznega glaciala reka nasipala na jezer-ske sedimente v ožini med Grajskim gričem in Ro-žnikom (sl. 9).9 Nad pretežno karbonatnim melja-sto-peščenim prodom in meljastim peskom so semestoma ohranila prvotna evtrična rjava tla, kizaradi izravnalnih del v zgodnjerimskem časuniso bila nikjer ohranjena v prvotni debelini (ok.0,35–0,55 m), ponekod pa je bil odstranjen celotenpedološki pokrov do geološke podlage. V skladu sspoznanji o razvoju površin na aluvialnih vršajihje ugotovitev, da prvotna naravna tla niso bila pov-sem ravna, temveč se je v njih odražala morfolo-gija nekdanjih distribucijskih kanalov. Med poka-zatelje precejšnje vodnatosti zemljišča pred izrav-nalnimi deli sodijo podolgovate plitve depresije zmeljastimi polnili ter v ostanke tal naplavljena

Lokacija NUK IIOris raziskav zgodnjih depozitov v letu 2008

Geološka podlaga in pedološki horizonti

The geologic basement of the site is constituted bythe deposits of the distal part of the Sava alluvialfan, deposited during the warmer periods of theLate Glacial onto the lacustrine sediments in thestraits between the hills of Grajski grič and Rožnik(Fig. 9).9 The original eutric brown soil is pre-served at places on top of the predominantly car-bonate silty -sandy gravel and silty sand. The orig-inal soil was not preserved in its original thick-ness (ca 0,35–0,55 m) due to the anthropogeniclevelling that took place during the Early Romanperiod. At places, the latter activity removed theentire pedologic cover down to the basement. Theoriginal natural soil horizon was not completelyflat, but rather reflected the morphology of theformer distribution channels. This finding is inaccordance with the knowledge on soil develop-ment on alluvial fans. High presence of water onthe terrain prior to levelling is indicated by ob-long shallow depressions with silty fills as well asthe delluvium from Rožnik and Šišenski hrib de-posited into the remains of the soil. The Early Ro-man fill layer, constituted by intermixed HorizonsA, (B)V and BC, includes a high amount of carbo-nate, both in the form of pebbles, as well as in theform of sand and probably also silt. It is the carbo-nate component that offers evidence of the lowerpedologic horizons (BC) and probably also part ofthe sandy gravel (C) being included into the above-mentioned fill layers.

The NUK II site Investigation of earlydeposits in 2008

Geological setting and pedologichorizons

Sl. 9 /Fig.9Značilnosti geološke podlage na območju poznejšega severovzhodnega vogala inzule XIII pričajo o aluvialni sedimentaciji na distalnem delu vršaja. Na rečnih naplavinah (C) so se v holocenu razvili pedološki horizonti (A – (B)v – BC), ki jim v stratigrafski sekvenci sledizgodnjerimsko nasutje kot del priprave zemljišča za gradnjo Emone. Na desni je viden presek jame z negativom navpičnega lesenega stebra(foto: Maja Lavrič)Characteristics of the geologic basement in the area of the later north-eastern corner of Insula XIII indicate alluvial sedimentation on the distal part of the alluvial fan. The river alluvia (C) were covered during the Holocene by pedologic horizons (A – (B)v – BC),followed in the stratigraphic sequence by an Early Roman fill layer as part of terrain preparation for the construction of Emona. To the right, the cross - section of a pit with a negative of a verticalwooden post is visible (photo: Maja Lavrič)

9 VERBIČ 2008; glej še MELIK 1929/1930, 94–95; RAKOVEC 1955. 9 VERBIČ 2008; see also MELIK 1929/1930, 94–95; RAKOVEC 1955.

21

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:55 Page 21

22Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

PrehistoryThe artificially lowered original soil in the south-eastern part of the excavation field revealed theremains of a prehistoric cremation burial (Figs10–13). The 0.1 m deep grave pit revealed the lo-wer part of an urn, filled with cremated bones ofa presumably female individual over 25 years ofage.10 The vessel with a flat base, slanted wallsand the remains of a handle was made of darkgrey-brown fired clay and resembles in profile thelower part of the frequently cited belly-shapedurn found in one of the earliest graves from theLjubljana necropolis.11 The grave dates roughly tothe early phase of the Urnfield Culture (Bd D/HaA1). This date is supported by the 14C analysis ofthe bones, which showed the age of 1270–1120cal BC at 68% (1 sigma) probability (Tab. 1).

PrazgodovinaNa umetno znižanih prvotnih tleh na jugovzhod-nem delu izkopnega polja so bili odkriti ostankiprazgodovinskega žganega groba (sl. 10–13). V 0,1m globoki jami se je ohranil spodnji del žare, za-polnjene s sežganimi kostmi domnevno ženske os-ebe, starejše od 25 let.10 Posoda z ravnim dnom,poševnim ostenjem in ostankom ročaja iz temnosivorjavo žgane gline spominja na profilacijo spo-dnjega dela pogosto citirane trebušaste žare iz ene-ga najstarejših grobov na ljubljanski nekropoli.11

Okvirno datacijo v starejšo fazo kulture žarnih gro-bišč (Bd D/Ha A1) podpira tudi 14C-analiza pri-danih kosti, ki je pri 68-odstotni (1 sigma) verjet-nosti pokazala starost 1270–1120 cal BC (tab. 1).V premešanih plasteh humusa, proda in gline, kiso jih na vzhodnem delu izkopnega polja nasuli na

preperlina z Rožnika in Šišenskega hriba. V zgod-njerimskem nasutju, ki ga sestavljajo pomešanihorizonti A, (B)V in BC, je veliko karbonata, tako vobliki prodnikov, kot v obliki peska in verjetno celomelja. Prav karbonatna komponenta priča, da so vta nasutja vključeni tudi spodnji pedološki horizon-ti (BC) in verjetno tudi del peščenega proda (C).

10 TOMAZO-RAVNIK 2008. 11 PUŠ 1982, t. 7: 6; glej tudi profil žare s cilindričnim vratom

na t. 5: 1.

10 TOMAZO-RAVNIK 2008.11 PUŠ 1982, pl. 7: 6; see also the profile of an urn with a cylindrical

neck on pl. 5: 1.


izkopano pred 2008/excavated before 2008prvo nasutje/first fill layerobrambni jarek tabora/defensive ditch of the campjame in jarki, vkopani s prvotnih tal /pits and trenches, dug from original soiljame in jarki, vkopani s prvega nasutja/pits and trenches, dug from first fill layertemelji zidov – I. faza/wall foundations – phase Izidovi – I. faza/walls – phase Ineizkopano/unexcavatedmeja izkopnega polja/border of the excavation field

Sl. 10 /Fig.10Tlorisni načrt zgodnjih struktur/poznoavgustejsko – tiberijsko obdobje. Fragmentarno poznavanje vkopov, jarkov in ostankov lesenih objektoviz časa pred gradnjo prvih zidov je posledica okoliščine, da so bile med raziskavami v letih 1996–1999 na posameznih predelihodstranjene tudi vrhnje plasti geološke podlage (izvedba: Luka Šorli)Plan of the early features/Late Augustan – Tiberian periods.Fragmentary knowledge of cuts, ditches and remains of woodenbuildings from the time before the construction of the first walls is a consequence of the upper layers of the geologic basement beingremoved at places during the 1996–1999 investigation (execution:Luka Šorli)

0 25 m

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:56 Page 22

23

Sl. 11/Fig.11Na območju poznejše inzule XVII so bili odkritiostanki skupineprazgodovinskih grobov,med katerimi izstopaspodnji del žare s sežganimi kostmi mlajšeženske iz 13./12. stoletja pr. n. št. Gre za doslejnajbolj južno odkritegrobove nekropole iz časakulture žarnih grobišč, ki se je raztezala na pobočju nad levim bregomLjubljanice med Zoisovo c.in Kongresnim trgom (foto: Maja Lavrič) The area of later InsulaXVII revealed the remainsof a group of prehistoricgraves. These include the base part of an urn with cremated bones of ayoung woman from the13th/12th century BC. This is the southernmostthus far uncovered grave of the cemetery from theUrnfield Culture period,which spread across theslope above the left bank of the Ljubljanica betweenZoisova cesta and Kongresnitrg (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Tab.1/Tab.1Radiokarbonske datacije /Radiocarbon dates

SE/SU Vzorec/Sample Koda /Code

Konvencionalnastarost/Conventional age 13C /12 C

2 sigma95%

1 sigma68%

2566

2594

2574

Kost /Bone /PN 8234Kost /Bone /PN 8221Les /Wood /VZ 1153

Beta-249755Beta-249756Beta-249754

2970±402040±401930±50

22,71824,5

Cal BC 1360–1350 in/andCal BC 1310–1050Cal BC 170– Cal AD 50Cal BC 40– Cal AD 210

Cal BC 1270–1120Cal BC 90–10Cal AD 20– Cal AD 120

Sl. 12 /Fig.12Zgornji del keramične žare je bil uničen pri izravnavi zemljišča za gradnjo zidov, plitev ostanek grobne jame pa se je ohranil v znižanih tleh (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder)The upper part of the ceramic urn was destroyed during the levellingfor wall construction, while the shallow remains of the grave pit werepreserved in the levelled floor (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder)

Sl. 13/Fig.13Ljubljanski žari podobne oblike posod so bile v mlajši bronasti dobiv uporabi na širokem območju med Jadranom, Alpami in Panonijo(foto: Maja Lavrič)Urns resembling that found at Ljubljana were used during the Late Bronze Age across a wide area between the Adriatic, the Alps and Pannonia (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Lokacija NUK II. Oris raziskav zgodnjih depozitov v letu 2008 /The NUK II site. Investigation of early deposits in 2008

0 10 cm

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:56 Page 23


poznoglacialne sedimente, je bilo skupaj z zgod-njerimskim gradivom odkritih tudi precej odlom-kov prostoročno izdelanih posod. Prevladujejo re-dukcijsko žgane posode iz prečiščene gline s črnimprelomom in zelo temno sivo do temno rjavo po-vršino, pojavljajo pa se tudi črepinje iz rdečkasto-rjavo žgane gline s primesmi drobnega nekarbo-natnega peska. Med prepoznavnimi oblikami sre-čamo lonec z jajčastim ostenjem s kratkim drža-jem in navpičnim ustjem12 ter globoko latvico zuvihanim ustjem,13 kakršne so pogoste v mlajšihfazah kulture žarnih grobišč in na začetku starej-še železne dobe. Na podlagi pogostosti večjih kosovin neobrabljenih robov prelomov lahko dokaj za-nesljivo sklepamo, da gre za ostanke skupine gro-bov. To so trenutno najbolj južno dokumentiranisledovi žarne nekropole s središčem na območjumed Narodno in univerzitetno knjižnico, dvoriš-čem SAZU in Turjaško palačo. Manjši skupek gro-bov zunaj območja glavne koncentracije je bil od-krit tudi pri izkopavanjih na Kongresnem trgu.14

Iz uničenega groba morda izvirata tudi sileks izrumenkastordečega roženca, najden v polnilu vko-pa za temelj južne fasade inzule XLVI (9624) terbronasta puščična ost z zalustma in ploščatim na-sadiščem (sl. 14; t. 6: 7812) iz izravnave v inzuliXIII, okoli 30 m zunaj območja pojavljanja okvir-no sočasne keramike. Podobne osti so na jugo-vzhodnoalpskem območju znane iz halštatskihgrobov stopnje Ha C,15 med njimi pa izstopa sko-raj identičen primerek iz groba 230 na Mestnihnjivah v Novem mestu. Na tem mestu omenjamoše bronasto ost kopja iz prvega nasutja na lokacijiŠumi (Š 2005), kjer so odlomki prostoročno izde-lane keramike redki. Pripadnost obeh bronastihnajdb uničenim grobovom tako ni zanesljiva, mo-goče je tudi, da gre za sledove lovskih pohodov vokolico naselbine na desnem bregu Ljubljanice.Med sledovi obljudenosti območja NUK II v mlajšihobdobjih prazgodovine izstopata certoška fibula ra-zličice Xc po Teržanovi (t. 20: 8638)16 in jugo-vzhodnoalpska živalska fibula (t. 4: 8593), ki sta bi-li najdeni blizu skupaj na območju južnega pločni-ka ulice F ob inzuli XIII. Predmeta dopolnjujetazbirko posamičnih mlajšehalštatskih najdb s pros-tora med dvoriščem SAZU in forumom.17

The mixed layers of humus, gravel and clay, whichcovered the Late Glacial sediments in the easternpart of the excavation field, revealed Early Romanmaterial, but also numerous shards of hand-builtvessels. Among these, reduction-fired vessels of re-fined clay with black fractures and very dark greyto dark brown surfaces predominate. Also appear-ing are shards of reddish-brown fired clay with in-clusions of fine non-carbonate sand. The identifi-able forms include jars with oviform walls, shortlugs and vertical rims,12 as well as a deep bowl withan inturned rim,13 such as frequently appear in lat-er phases of the Urnfield Culture and at the begin-ning of the Early Iron Age. The frequency of largepieces and unabraded edges points fairly reliablyto the finds representing a group of graves. Thesewould represent the southernmost documentedgraves of the Urnfield Culture cemetery, the centreof which lies in the area between the National andUniversity Library, the SAZU courtyard (in front ofthe Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts) andAuersperg Palace. A smaller group of graves outsidethe area of the main concentration was uncoveredalso during the excavation at Kongresni trg.14

The destroyed grave might also be the origin of aflake made of yellowish-red chert, found in the fillof a trench dug for the foundations of the southernfaçade of Insula XLVI (9624). The same goes for abronze arrow-head with barbs and a flat tang (Fig.14; Pl. 6: 7812), found in the levelling in InsulaXIII, around 30 m outside the area of appearanceof roughly contemporary ceramics. Similar headsare known in the south-eastern Alpine area fromHa C Hallstatt graves,15 among them also an al-most identical example from Grave 230 at Mestnenjive in Novo mesto. Another object should alsobe mentioned here, namely a bronze spear headfound in the first fill layer at the Šumi site (Š 2005),where shards of hand-built ceramics were rare. Itis thus not certain that the two bronze finds origi-nated from destroyed graves. They may representtraces of hunting campaigns into the surround-ings of the settlement that stood on the right bankof the Ljubljanica.Habitation traces at the NUK II site in the later pe-riods of prehistory include two objects that stand

12 PUŠ 1971, t. 35: 3; 39: 9; id. 1982, t. 1: 1–2; 4: 1. 13 Id. 1971, t. 1: 3; 2: 7; 4: 6; 5: 5, 7; 6; 6, 10 ...; id. 1982, t. 4: 9;

8: 8; 11: 12; 18: 4; 22: 3; HORVAT M. 2002, 59, št. D67. 14 PUŠ 1992, 17; HORVAT 2002, 57–59. 15 Npr. STARE 1973, 24, t. 10: 11–13. 16 TERŽAN 1976, 331–333, sl. 4, 35. 17 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 23: 13.

12 PUŠ 1971, pl. 35: 3; 39: 9; id. 1982, pl. 1: 1–2; 4: 1.13 Id. 1971, pl. 1: 3; 2: 7; 4: 6; 5: 5, 7; 6; 6, 10 and others; id. 1982,

pl. 4: 9; 8: 8; 11: 12; 18: 4; 22: 3; HORVAT M. 2002, 59, no. D67.14 PUŠ 1992, 17; HORVAT 2002, 57–59.15 For example STARE 1973, 24, pl. 10: 11–13.

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:56 Page 24

25 Lokacija NUK II. Oris raziskav zgodnjih depozitov v letu 2008 /The NUK II site. Investigation of early deposits in 2008

Rimski vadbeni tabor s klavikuloV osrednjem delu raziskanega območja sta bili napovršini ostanka prvotnih tal ugotovljeni več desetmetrov dolgi in povsem ravni vkopani strukturitrikotnega preseka, ki zelo verjetno pomenita osta-nek obrambnega jarka zgodnjerimskega tabora ne-pravilne oblike (sl. 10 in 15). Jarka, široka do 1 m in globoka do 0,7 m sta usmer-jena drug na drugega pod kotom 67 stopinj, pri če-mer njuno domnevno stičišče leži vzhodno od me-je izkopnega polja. Južni jarek (sl. 16), ki poteka v

out from the rest, namely a Certosa fibula of theXc variant (Pl. 20: 8638)16 and a south-easternAlpine animal fibula (Pl. 4: 8593). They werefound close together, in the vicinity of the south-ern pavement of Street E along Insula XIII. Theseobjects add to the collection of individual LateHallstatt finds from the area between the SAZUcourtyard and the forum.17

Roman training camp with a claviculaExcavations revealed two, several tens of metreslong and completely straight features of triangu-lar cross-section dug in the central part of the in-vestigated area, on the surface of the original soilremains. These most probably represent the re-mains of a ditch of an Early Roman camp, irregu-lar in plan (Figs 10 and 15). The two sections of the ditch measured up to 1m in width and up to 0.7 m in depth. They con-verged at a 67° angle, whereby the supposed point

16 TERŽAN 1976, 331–333, fig. 4, 35. 17 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 23: 13.

Sl. 14 /Fig.14Bronasta puščična ost iz začetka železne dobe in mlajšehalštatski sponki so bile odkrite v rimskodobnih plasteh (foto: Maja Lavrič) A bronze arrowhead from the beginning of the Iron Age and two Late Hallstatt fibulae were uncovered in Roman-period layers (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 15/Fig.15V več navidezno nepovezanih segmentihjarkov smo prepoznaliostanke vojaškega vadbenega tabora z vhodom v obliki klavikule(izvedba: Luka Šorli) Several seeminglyunconnected segments of ditches were identified as the remains of a military training camp with a clavicula-type gate(execution: Luka Šorli)

0 25 m

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:56 Page 25


Sl. 16/Fig.16V profilu južnega jarka pod zidom je viden značilen trikoten presek jarka s temnejšim polnilom, ki ga jepresekala ena od jam iz časa neposredno pred gradnjozidov (foto: Maja Lavrič)Fig. 16: The cross -section of the south ditch underneaththe wall shows a characteristic triangular cross -sectionof a ditch with a dark fill, disturbed by one of the pitsfrom the time immediately before the construction ofwalls (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 17/Fig.17Zaključek vzhodnega segmenta južnega jarka in začetek polkrožnozaobljenega jarka klavikulena območju poznejšegajugozahodnega vogalainzule XLVI in karda H(foto: Maja Lavrič)Termination of the easternsegment of the south ditch and beginning of the semi-circularly curvedditch of the clavicula in the area of the latersouth-western corner ofInsula XLVI and Cardo H(photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 18 /Fig.18Jarek klavikule je potencialnega vstopajočega nasprotnikaprimoral k izpostavljanju desnega, nezavarovanega boka.Urjenju gradnje pohodnih taborov je bila v rimski vojskipripisana posebna pomembnost (foto: Maja Lavrič)The clavicula ditch forced the potential attacker toexpose the right, unprotected flank. Training to buildmarching camps was particularly important within theRoman army (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 19/Fig.19Stratigrafska situacija na severovzhodnem deluizkopnega polja izdaja, da je bil vzhodni taborskijarek izkopan s površineprvotnih tal. Po prenehanjuuporabe in zapolnitvi jarkov je bil celoten terennasut z obsežno izravnavo,ki se pojavlja po celotnemobmočju intra muros(foto: Maja Lavrič)The stratigraphic situationin the north-eastern part of the excavation fieldreveals that the east campditch was dug from thesurface of the original soil.After the ditches fell intodisuse and were filled up,the entire terrain wascovered with an extensivefill layer that appears acrossthe entire intra muros area(photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 26


smeri V–Z oziroma diagonalno na poznejše zidove,je na sredini ugotovljenega poteka (d. 58,3 m) pre-kinjen v dolžini 8,2 m. Z zahodnega konca vzhodne-ga dela sega proti severu jarek v obliki četrtinskegasegmenta kroga in oblikuje klavikuli (clavicula)podobno strukturo (sl. 17 in 18). Vzhodni jarek jebil dokumentiran v dolžini 27 m (sl. 19).Oba jarka je zapolnil redukcijsko obarvan sedi-ment iz sivega do temno rjavega glinenega melja,ki na dnu vsebuje posamezne prodnike do velikos-ti 4 cm. Edina oprijemljiva najdba je bronast dr-žaj, morda obešalnik čelade zgodnjecesarskega ti-pa Hagenau, iz polnila vzhodnega jarka.V severovzhodnem kotu izkopnega polja je bila ne-kaj metrov zunaj »tabora« ugotovljena okvirno so-časna peč za pripravo hrane (sl. 20). Gre za 0,58 mgloboko vkopano dvodelno peč z ravnim dnom inpolkrožno kupolo ter predprostorom, ki je bila po-drta v notranjost in nato zasuta med pripravo ze-mljišča za gradnjo zidov. Istemu tipu peči je bil ze-lo verjetno namenjen tudi dobrih 10 metrov jugo-zahodno ležeč dvojni vkop. Sestavljali sta ga okoli0,6 m globoki okrogli jami premera 1,5 m s strmi-mi stenami in ravnim dnom, ki sta bili očitno ta-koj zasuti z materialom, pridobljenim pri njunemizkopu (sl. 21).

of convergence lay beyond the eastern edge of theexcavation field. The south ditch (Fig. 16) ran inan east-westerly direction or diagonally to laterwalls. It was broken in the middle of the uncov-ered section (l. 58.3 m) in the length of 8.2 m.There, a ditch in the shape of a quarter segmentof a circle forming a clavicula -like feature rannorthwards from the western end of the southditch’ eastern part (Figs 17 and 18). The east ditchwas documented in the length of 27 m (Fig. 19). Both ditches were filled with reduction-colouredsediment of grey to dark brown clayey silt, on thebottom of which individual pebbles of up to 4 cmin size were found. As for the finds, the only morerevealing one was a bronze holder, perhaps ahook of an Early Imperial Hagenau type helmetfrom the fill of the east ditch.Excavations in the north-eastern corner, severalmetres outside the “camp”, revealed an oven forfood preparation roughly contemporary to the di-tches (Fig. 20). It was a 0.58 m deep sunken bi-partite oven with an antechamber, flat bottom anddomed roof. The oven had been pulled down intoits interior and then filled up during the prepara-tion of the terrain for construction. Another ovenof the same type was very probably foreseen alsojust over 10 metres to the south-west. Its remainsare represented by two pits, measuring around 0.6m in depth and 1.5 m in diameter, with steep sidesand flat bottoms. These pits, however, were appar-ently filled up immediately after having been dug,with their own material (Fig. 21).

Sl. 20 /Fig.20Vkopana kupolasta peč za pripravo hrane je bila ugotovljena na površini prvotnih tal, zato sklepamo o njeni okvirni sočasnosti z vadbenim taborom (foto: Maja Lavrič)The dug-in and cupola-covered oven for food preparation wasuncovered on the surface of the original soil. It is therefore consideredas roughly contemporary to the training camp (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 21/Fig.21Jama dvodelne kupolaste peči s predprostorom za kurjenje je bila zasuta z materialom, pridobljenim pri njenem izkopu, in verjetno nikolini služila svojemu namenu (foto: Maja Lavrič)Fig. 21: The pit of the bipartite cupola-covered oven with anantechamber for firing was filled with the material obtained during itsexcavation and probably never served its purpose (photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 27


Na površini prvotnih tal se je na sredini poznejšeulice F med inzulama XVII in XLVI pokazalo pol-nilo večje ovalne jame skledastega preseka (sl.22). Poglobitev z dolžino 5,6 m in dokumentiranoširino 3,3 m, ki je segala 0,7 m globoko v geološkopodlago, je zapolnjeval mokroten glinen sediment.Z globino je bil vedno bolj redukcijsko sivo obar-van in je oddajal močan vonj po anaerobnem raz-padu organskih snovi. Okoli 0,3 m debel spodnjireženj polnila je poleg drobnih najdb vseboval ko-se klanih desk in manjših debel, vejevje in frag-ment usnjene torbe ali oblačila.Paleoekološka analiza sedimenta19 je pokazala raz-meroma odprto, s poljedelstvom in živinorejo spre-menjeno pokrajino. Poleg bukve in hrasta so v pe-lodnem diagramu prisotni še pašni indikatorji inžita, na zamočvirjenost terena v okolici pa kažepelod jelše in vrbe, trav ali trstičja in drugih moč-virskih rastlin, vključno z lokvanjem. Dobra ohra-njenost peloda govori, da je bila kotanja stalno za-polnjena z vodo, nizka pelodna koncentracija inmeljasta sestava sedimenta pa opozarjata na njenohitro zasutje.Stratigrafska situacija in kronologija najdb naka-zujeta, da je bila kotanja, ki je morda služila kotnapajališče za živino, aktivna okvirno sočasno staborom. Kos lesa iz polnila je bil radiokarbonskodatiran v čas med cal BC 40 in 210 AD pri 95%-odstotni verjetnosti, pri čemer je na nekoliko niz-ko datacijo domnevno vplivalo neugodno razmer-je 13C/12C (tab. 1).

Vodna kotanjaThe surface of the original soil, in the middle ofthe later Street F between Insulae XVII and XLVI,revealed a large oval pit, of a bowl-like cross-sec-tion (Fig. 22). The depression in the length of 5.6and documented width of 3.3 m, which reached0.7 m into the geological basement, was filled bya humid clayey sediment. It became ever moregrey reduction-coloured with increasing depthand gave off a strong smell of anaerobic decay oforganic matter. The roughly 0.3 m thick bottomlayer of the fill contained also small finds as wellas pieces of cleft boards and small trunks, branch-es and a fragment of a leather bag or clothing. The palaeo-ecologic analysis of the sediment19

showed a relatively open, farming-altered land-scape. The pollen diagram indicates beech and oakas well as pasture indicators and cereals, while themarshy terrain in the surrounding area is revealedby the pollen of alder and willow, grasses or reedsand other marshy plants including water lilies.Good pollen preservation indicates that the waterdepression was constantly filled with water, whilethe low pollen concentration and silty compositionof the sediment point to its quickly filling up. The stratigraphic situation and chronology of thefinds show that the depression, which possiblyserved for watering cattle, was active at roughlythe same time as the camp. The piece of woodfrom the fill gave a radiocarbon date between cal40 BC and AD 210 at 95% probability, wherebythe somewhat late date was supposedly influencedby the unfavourable 13C/12C ratio (Tab. 1).

Water depression

18 Pregledi najdb iz posameznih kompleksov vključujejo preliminarne opredelitve numizmatičnih najdb, kovinskih in steklenih predmetov ter amfor in terre sigillate po uveljavljenihtipologijah (Almgren, Isings, Dressel, Conspectus). Oznake fabrikatov namiznega posodja so povzete po klasifikacijah gradiva s Štalenskega vrha.

19 ANDRIČ 2008.

18 List of finds from individual complexes involved preliminary determinations of numismatic finds, metal and glass objects as well as amphorae and terra sigillata vessels according to standard typologies (Almgren, Isings, Dressel, Conspectus). Definitions of tableware fabrics were modelled on the classification of material from Magdalensberg.

19 ANDRIČ 2008.

“Tranining ditch”18

Fill SU 3271: Metal: br. handle or hanger (Pl. 1: 9727)

Water depressionFill SU 2574: Coins: Republican denarius (8475)

Metal: damaged br. Jezerine type fibula (Pl. 1: 8172), loop of a br. cingulum (8171), two pieces of tin wire terminating in biconical heads (Pl. 1: 8178) Ceramics: one-handled jug/table ware (Pl. 1: 8179), tripod/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 1: 8173), pot/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 1: 8183)

»Vadbeni jarek«18

Polnilo SE 3271: Kovina: br. držaj oz. obešalnik (t. 1: 9727)

Vodna depresijaPolnilo SE 2574: Novci: republikanski denarij (8475)

Kovina: poškodovana br. fibula tipa Jezerine (t. 1: 8172), locen br. cinguluma (8171), kositrni žici, ki se zaključujeta z bikoničnima glavicama (t. 1: 8178) Keramika: enoročajni vrč/svetla namizna ker. (t. 1: 8179), trinožnik/groba kuhinjska ker. (t. 1: 8173), lonec/groba kuhinjska ker. (t. 1: 8183)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 28


SE/SU3271

SE/SU2574

8173

9727

T.1/Pl.1NUK II (2008). 9727 in 8172 bron; 8178 kositer; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 9727 & 8172 bronze; 8178 tin; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

8179

81838172

8178

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 29


Priprava zemljišča za gradnjo Na vzhodnem delu izkopnega polja je bilo doku-mentirano večje število jam, ki so bile domnevnoizkopane s površine prvotnih tal. V stratigrafskemnizu sledijo taboru s klavikulo, o čemer sklepamona podlagi okoliščine, da so pri izkopu ene od jamposegli v polnilo jarka (sl. 23). Od nekaj decimetrovdo nekaj metrov velike jame okrogle, ovalne alinepravilne oblike so bile vkopane do 0,7 m globokov podlago in pogosto sekajo druga drugo. Polnila,ki jih sestavljajo mešane plasti proda, peska inmeljaste gline, so vsebovale le maloštevilne drob-ne najdbe in živalske kosti. Namembnost jam nipojasnjena, po delovni hipotezi pa gre za izkope,povezane z gradnjo, kar bi lahko nakazovala pre-vlada karbonatne komponente v agregatih za mal-to zidov prve faze.20

Na jugovzhodnem delu izkopnega polja (poznejšainzula XVII) je bilo ugotovljenih več vzporednihozkih jarkov širine 0,2 m, poglobljenih v sterilnopodlago ter zapolnjenih s temnejšimi peščenimi inprodnimi sedimenti (sl. 25). Jarki potekajo v sme-ri JZ–SV, občasno v parih z za kolesnice tipičnimrazmikom 1,2 m, zato jih s pridržkom interpretira-mo kot sledove prevažanja materiala z manjšimivozovi. V okviru priprave zemljišča za gradnjo je slediloobsežno nasipanje okoli 0,3–0,5 m debele izravna-ve iz temno sivorjavega glinastega melja z drobcioglja, ki poleg manjših karbonatnih prodnikov izpodlage in koluvialne preperine z Rožnika mesto-ma vsebuje tudi alohtone odkruške grajskega skri-lastega peščenjaka. Plast sicer najdemo na celot-nem območju intra muros. Očitno so graditeljiodstranili večji del prvotnih tal in jih nato kmalu

Preparation of terrain for construction The eastern part of the excavation field revealed alarge number of pits, supposedly dug from thesurface of the original soil. Stratigraphically, theyappeared after the camp with the clavicula, whichis indicated by one of the pits being partly dug in-to the fill of the camp ditch (Fig. 23). The round,oval or irregularly shaped pits measured in diame-ter from several decimetres to several metres. Theywere dug up to 0.7 m deep into the base and fre-quently intersected. The fills consisted of mixed la-yers of gravel, sand and silty clay. They included on-ly few small finds and animal bones. The purposeof these pits is unclear. However, the working hypo-thesis sees them as pits connected with construc-tion, which might be indicated by the prevailingcarbonate component in the aggregates for themortar in the walls of the first phase.20

Excavations in the south-eastern corner (later In-sula XVII) uncovered several parallel and narrowditches measuring 0.2 m in width. They were duginto the sterile soil and filled with darker sandyand gravely sediments (Fig. 25). They ran in a SW–NE direction, occasionally in pairs 1.2 m apart asis typical of road ruts. For that reason, they are,with reservations, interpreted as traces of trans-port of material by small cart. The preparation of terrain for construction con-tinued by extensive filling of an around 0.3–0.5 mthick levelling layer of dark grey-brown clayey siltwith bits of charcoal. This layer included smallercarbonate pebbles from the basement and weath-ered rock colluvium from the hill of Rožnik, atplaces also allochtonous chips of the slatey sand-stone from the hill of Grajski grič. This layer could

Sl. 22 /Fig. 22Naravna vodna kotanja na območju poznejšega dekumana F morda predstavlja ostanek poglobitve v sicer plitvem koritu manjšega vodotoka,ki je bila v avgustejskem obdobju spremenjena v napajališče za živino.Redukcijsko obarvani sedimenti spodnjega dela kotanje, v katerih je bilo najdenih več kosov lesa in usnja, odlomki italske keramike, del fibule tipa Jezerine in locen vojaške pasne spone, so oddajali močan vonj po anaerobnem razpadu organskih ostankov. Pelodnaanaliza je poleg drevesnih, grmovnih in travniških vrst pokazala tudiprisotnost lokvanja in drugih močvirskih rastlin (foto: Maja Lavrič)The natural water depression in the area of later Decumanus F might represent the remains of a deepening in an otherwise shallowbed of a smaller watercourse, which was used for watering cattleduring the Augustan period. The reduction-coloured sediments from the lower part of the depression, where several pieces of wood and leather, fragments of Italic pottery, part of a Jezerine type fibulaand a loop of a military belt buckle were found, gave off a strong smellof anaerobic decay of organic remains. Pollen analysis revealed tree,shrub and grass species, but also the presence of water lilies and other marshy plants (photo: Maja Lavrič)

20 ZALAR 2008, 36. 20 ZALAR 2008, 36.

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 30


nasuli nazaj, s čimer so pripravili bolj ali manjravno površino za trasiranje objektov in infra-strukture (294,92–295,22 m nm. v.) Na jugovzhod-nem delu izkopnega polja, kjer se teren pričnespuščati (294,77 m), ta plast ni bila ugotovljena.Na tem delu so bili zidovi zgrajeni z geološke pod-lage.

be traced across the entire intra muros area. Thebuilders apparently removed most of the originalsoil and back-filled it soon afterwards, thereby pre-paring a more or less flat surface for laying outbuildings and other infrastructure (294.92–295.22m asl). This fill layer was not established on theSE part of the excavation field, where the terrainbegins to fall (294.77 m). Walls in this part werebuilt directly on the basement.

Sl. 24 /Fig. 24Z vkopi za temelje najzgodnejših zidov so večkrat posegli v polnila starejših jam. Slednja so praviloma vsebovala le maloštevilne živalske kosti, odlomke zgodnjerimske keramike in posamezne kovinske predmete (foto: Maja Lavrič)Foundation ditches for the earliest walls often disturbed the fills of earlier pits. The latter usually contained only a small amount of animal bones,fragments of Early Roman pottery and isolated metal objects (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 23 /Fig. 23Jame iz časa pred gradnjo zidov na območju južnegadela poznejše inzule XLVI sonajverjetneje služilepridobivanju peska zapripravo malte. Pred gradnjo so jih zasuli zmešanico humusa ter melja, peska in proda izpodlage najdišča. Pred (a) in po (b) izpraznitvi (foto: Maja Lavrič)Pits from the time beforethe construction of walls inthe southern part of laterInsula XLVI most probablyserved to extract sand forthe preparation of mortar.The pits were filled prior toconstruction with a mixtureof humus, silt, sand andgravel from the basement of the site. Pit before (a)and after (b) emptying(photo: Maja Lavrič)

b

a

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 31

32“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Julia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town Iulia Emona

Polnila jam iz časa pred prvo izravnavo CESTA F SE 2954: Novci: republikanski denarij (8475),

kovničarski dupondij (8502), kovničarska asa (8492, 8513), nedoločen polovičen AE (8476) Kovina: br. črnilnik tipa Biebrich (t. 2: 8490), srebrna (?) zakovica falere ali pasnega okova (t. 2: 8491) TS: krožnik oblike Consp. B 2.4/pad. – MVALERI = OCK 2315.3 (t. 2: 8487)

SE 2941: TS: skodelica Sarius/pad. (t. 2: 8578)

INZULA XVII SE 2505= Kovina: pravokoten br. pečatnik (t. 2: 8207) 2547: TS: krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2.5/pad. (t. 2: 8195 –

ista posoda kot 8632 iz SE 2777), skodelica oblike Consp. 24.3.1/pad. (8191)

SE 3507: TS: krožnik/ker. s črnim premazom – B (t. 2: 9496) SE 2604: TS: krožnik nedoločljive oblike (8416)

INZULA XLVI SE 3234: Novci: republikanski kvinar (9549)

TS: skodelica oblike Cons. 24.3.1/pad. (9559) SE 3560: Kovina: br. obroček (t. 2: 9524) SE 3386: Novci: republikanski as (9527)

TS: krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2 ali 19.1/pad. (t. 2: 9536) SE 2890: Novci: polovičen republikanski as (9613) SE 2718: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (8557)

TS: krožnik/ker. s črnim premazom – B (t. 3: 8298), kelih oblike Consp. R 2.2.1/pad. (t. 3: 8297) Ostala keramika: balzamarij (t. 3: 8561)

SE 2737: TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 22.1.1/pad. (t. 3: 8585), ACO čaša/pad (t. 3: 8586)

SE 3026: TS: kelih/pad. (t. 3: 9010) SE 3588: Novci: nedoločen AE (9560)

Kovina: br. profiliran zaključek (t. 3: 9599) SE 3211: Kovina: br. fibula tipa Alésia (t. 3: 9077) SE 2655: TS: krožnik/ker. s črnim premazom – B (t. 3: 8301) SE 2647: TS: nedoločena črepinja/ker. s črnim premazom –

B (8699) SE 2671: Keramika: reliefna oljenka z motivom rokoborca (t. 3: 8705) SE 2777: TS: krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2.5/pad. (8632; ista posoda

kot 8195 iz SE 2505)

Fills of the pits from the time before the 1st levelling ROAD F SU 2954: Coins: Republican denarius (8475),

moneyers’ dupondius (8502), two moneyers’ asses (8492, 8513), undetermined halved AE (8476) Metal: br. Biebrich type inkpot (Pl. 2: 8490), silver (?) rivet of a phalera or a belt fitting (Pl. 2: 8491) TS: Consp. B 2.4 plate/pad. – rectangular stamp MVALERI = OCK 2315.3 (Pl. 2: 8487)

SU 2941: TS: Sarius cup/pad. (Pl. 2: 8578)

INSULA XVIISU 2505= Metal: rectangular br. seal (Pl. 2: 8207) 2547: TS: Consp. 18.2.5 plate/pad. (Pl. 2: 8195 –

same vessel as 8632/SU 2777), Consp. 24.3.1 cup/pad. (8191)

SU 3507: TS: plate/black-slipped ware – B (Pl. 2: 9496) SU 2604: TS: plate of undetermined form (8416)

INSULA XLVISU 3234: Coins: Republican quinarius (9549)

TS: Consp. 24.3.1 cup/pad. (9559) SU 3560: Metal: small br. ring (Pl. 2: 9524) SU 3386: Coins: Republican as (9527)

TS: Consp. 18.2 or 19.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 2: 9536) SU 2890: Coins: halved Republican as (9613) SU 2718: Coins: undetermined halved AE (8557)

TS: plate/black-slipped ware – B (Pl. 3: 8298), Consp. R 2.2.1 chalice/pad. (Pl. 3: 8287) Other ceramics: balsamarium (Pl. 3: 8561)

SU 2737: TS: Consp. 22.1.1 cup/pad. (Pl. 3: 8585), ACO beaker/pad. (Pl. 3: 8586)

SU 3026: TS: chalice/pad. (Pl. 3: 9010) SU 3588: Coins: undetermined as (9560)

Metal: br. termination piece (Pl. 3: 9599) SU 3211: Metal: br. Alésia type fibula (Pl. 3: 9077) SU 2655: TS: plate/black-slipped ware – B (Pl. 3: 8301) SU 2647: TS: undetermined shard/black-slipped ware – B (8699) SU 2671: Ceramics: relief lamp with a motive of a wrestler

(Pl. 3: 8705) SU 2777: TS: Consp. 18.2.5 plate/pad. (8632; same vessel as

8195/SU 2505)

Sl. 25/Fig. 25Na območju poznejše inzule XVII so bili v geološki podlagi ugotovljeni ozki vzporedni jarki, ki so ali sočasni ali nekaj mlajši od polnil jam za pridobivanje gradbenega materiala. Morda gre za sledove koles vozov, s katerimi so razvažali zemljino pri izravnavanju terena (foto: Maja Lavrič)The geologic basement in the area of later Insula XVII revealed narrow parallel ditches, which were either contemporary or slightly later than the fills of the pits made for extracting construction material. These may represent ruts of carts used to transport earth during the levelling(photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 32


Nasutje za gradnjo zidov CESTA F (Z) SE 1135: Novci: mali vzhodnonoriški srebrnik (8714),

republikanski denarij (8719) TS: dno/pad. – pravokoten žig SECVN = OCK 1842/8 (t. 4: 8102), pladenj oblike Consp. 18.2.5/pad. (t. 4: 8103) Ostala keramika: republikanska oljenka (t. 4: 8743), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – B (t. 4: 8104), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – B ali C (t. 4: 8109) Ostalo: koščen stilus (t. 4: 8434)

SE 2494: Novci: nedoločena polovičena AE (8530, 8573) Kovina: br. jugovzhodnoalpska živalska fibula (t. 4: 8593) Ostalo: keramični igralni žetoni (8554, 8601, 8602, 8605)

CESTA F (V) SE 1135: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (8508),

nedoločen AE (8510) Kovina: br. fibule tipa Aucissa (t. 4: 8534, 7699, 8509), br. medicinska spatula (t. 4: 8170), br. okov nožnice (t. 4: 8533), svinčena etiketa (8511), okrogla br. ploščica (t. 4: 9126) TS: nedoločena črepinja/ker. s črnim premazom – B (?), skodelica oblike Consp. 22–25/pad. – pravokoten žig ATHI/METI = OCK 320/1 (t. 4: 9110) Amfore: Dr. 6B – žig VARI PACCI (t. 4: 8512)

CESTA H SE 1135: Novci: nedoločen AE (8222)

Kovina: br. fibula tipa Gorica (t. 4: 9080)

INZULA XVII SE 1135: Novci: republikanski as (9491), nedoločen polovičen

AE (9495)

INZULA XLVI SE 1135: Novci: republikanski kvinarij (9930),

polovičen republikanski AE (9927) Kovina: svinčeni želodi (t. 5: 8437, 8438, 8633, 8634, 8636),br. kavelj (t. 5: 9537), svinčena utež klobučaste oblike (t. 5: 8623), br. jermenski zaključek s pločevino iz bele kovine (t. 5: 8441) TS: nedoločeni črepinji/ker. s črnim premazom – B (8442), dno/pad. – pravokoten žig SOLO = OCK 1977/2 (t. 5: 8445), skodelica oblike Consp. 22.6.1/pad. – nečitljiv pravokoten ali rombast žig s palmeto (8302), pladenj oblike Consp. 19.1.1/pad. (t. 5: 10000), skodelica oblike Consp. B 4.4.(24.3.1)/pad. (t. 5: 9547), krožnik nedoločljive oblike (t. 5: 10001), krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2/pad. (8106) Ostala keramika: reliefni oljenki (t. 5: 10005; 10004), kozarec ali skodelica/ker. tankih sten – A (8820), kozarec ali skodelica z reliefnim okrasom bradavic/ker. tankih sten – A (t. 5: 10006, 10007), vrč/svetla namizna ker. (t. 5: 9928), krožnik z rdečim premazom na notranji strani/pompejska ker. (8444), krožnik/pompejska ker. (t. 5: 9538), lonec/groba kuhinjska ker. (t. 5: 9530) Ostalo: koščen igralni žeton (t. 5: 8532)

INZULA XXVII SE 1135: Novci: kovničarski as (9083)

Steklo: skodelica oblike Isings 17 (t. 5: 9117)

Fill layer as base for wall constructionROAD F (W) SU 1135: Coins: small eastern Norican silver coin (8714),

Republican denarius (8719) TS: base/pad. – rectangular stamp SECVN = OCK 1842/8 (Pl. 4: 8102), Consp. 18.2.5 plate/pad. (Pl. 4: 8103) Other ceramics: Republican lamp (8743), cup/thin-walled ware – B (t. 4: 8104), cup/thin-walled ware – B or C (t. 4: 8109) Other: bone stylus (Pl. 4: 8434)

SU 2494: Coins: two undetermined halved AE (8530, 8573) Metal: br. southeasternalpine animal fibula (Pl. 4: 8593) Other: ceramic gaming tokens (8554, 8601, 8602, 8605)

ROAD F (E) SU 1135: Coins: undetermined halved AE (8508),

undetermined AE (8510) Metal: br. Aucissa type fibulae (Pl. 4: 8534, 7699, 8509), br. medical spatula (Pl. 4: 8170), br. scabbard fitting (Pl. 4: 8533), lead tag (8511), round br. plaque (Pl. 4: 9126) TS: undetermined shard/black-slipped ware – B (?), Consp. 22–25 cup/pad. – rectangular stamp ATHI/METI = OCK 320/1 (Pl. 4: 9110) Amphorae: Dr. 6B – VARI PACCI stamp (Pl. 4: 8512)

ROAD H SU 1135: Coins: undetermined AE (8222)

Metal: br. Gorica type fibula (Pl. 4: 9080)

INSULA XVII SU 1135: Coins: Republican as (9491), undetermined halved

AE (9495)

INSULA XLVI SU 1135: Coins: Republican quinarius (9930),

halved Republican AE (9927) Metal: lead glands (Pl. 5: 8437, 8438, 8633, 8634, 8636), br. hook (Pl. 5: 9537), lead hat-shaped weight (Pl. 5: 8623), br. strap termination piece with white metal sheet lining (Pl. 5: 8441) TS: two undetermined shards/black-slipped ware – B (8442), base/pad. – rectangular stamp SOLO stamp = OCK 1977/2 (Pl. 5: 8445), Consp. 22.6.1 cup/pad. – unreadable rect. or rhomboidal stamp with palmette (8302), Consp. 19.1.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 5: 10000), Consp. B 4.4.(24.3.1) cup/pad. (Pl. 5: 9547), plate of undeterminable form (Pl. 5: 10001), Consp. 18.2 plate/pad. (8106) Other ceramics: relief lamps (Pl. 5: 10005; 10004), beaker or cup/thin-walled ware – A (8820), beaker or cup with relief ornament/thin-walled ware – A (Pl. 5: 10006, 10007), jug/table ware (Pl. 5: 9928), plate with red slip on the interior side/Pompeian ware (8444), plate/Pompeian ware (Pl. 5: 9538), pot/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 5: 9530) Other: bone gaming token (8532)

INSULA XXVII SU 1135: Coins: moneyers’ as (9083)

Glass: Isings 17 cup (Pl. 5: 9117)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:57 Page 33


SE/SU2954

SE/SU2941

SE/SU2547

SE/SU3560

SE/SU3507

SE/SU3386

8487

8578

81958207 9524

8490

8491

T. 2 /Pl. 2NUK II (2008). 8207, 8490 in 9524 bron; 8491 kositer (?); ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 8207, 8490 & 9524 bronze; 8491 tin (?); all others ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

9496

9536

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:58 Page 34


SE/SU2718

SE/SU3211

SE/SU2737

SE/SU3026

SE/SU2671

SE/SU2655

8301

8705

9599

8586

9077

9010

8585

SE/SU3588

8298 8561

8297

T. 3/Pl. 3NUK II (2008). 9077 in 9599 bron; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 9077 & 9599 bronze; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:58 Page 35


8434 8102

8593

SE/SU2494

SE/SU1135 (F–z/w)

SE/SU1135 (H)

SE/SU1135 (F–v/e)

8743

8103

8104

76998534

85338509

9110

9080

8109

9126

85128170

T. 4 /Pl.4NUK II (2008). 7699, 8170, 8509, 8533, 8534, 8593, 9080 in 9126 bron; 8434 kost; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik)NUK II (2008). 7699, 8170, 8509, 8533, 8534, 8593, 9080 & 9126 bronze; 8434 bone; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:58 Page 36


T. 5/Pl. 5NUK II (2008). 8437, 8438, 8623, 8633, 8634 in 8636 svinec; 8441 bron in kositer (?); 8537 bron; 8532 kost; 9117 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 8437, 8438, 8623, 8633, 8634 & 8636 lead; 8441 bronze and tin (?); 8537 bronze; 8532 bone; 9117 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

SE/SU1135 (XLVI)

8437

8623

10000

8106

10005

8636

9537 8441 8532

10001

9928

95309547 10007

8302 10006

8445

8438 8633 8634

9117

9538

SE/SU1135 (XLVI)

NUK 1-37 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 10:58 Page 37


Na vzhodnem delu inzule XIII so bila z izravnanepovršine izkopana ležišča za tramove lesenih ob-jektov in spremljajoči drenažni jarki (sl. 26 in 27).Dva ugotovljena niza podolgovatih pravokotnih ba-rak v razmiku 1,1–1,3 m in ostanki čelnega objektana severu ne odstopajo od usmerjenosti poznejšihzidov ter ne segajo na območja ulic. Zahodni nizbarak omejujeta dva za lopato široka in do 0,7 m

Barake in vodnjak v inzuli XIII

Excavations uncovered beds for the timbers of wo-oden buildings and accompanying drainage ditch-es on the levelled surface of the eastern part of In-sula XIII (Figs 26 and 27). Two established rowsof oblong rectangular huts, which lay 1.1–1.3 mapart, and the remains of a building at their headin the north do not deviate from the orientation ofthe later walls and do not reach onto the streets.

Huts and well in Insula XIII

Sl. 27/Fig. 27Vzhodni niz barak po izpraznitvi jarkov za temelje, ki so bili sodeč po enotnem polnilu brez najdb zasuti takoj po odstranitvi lesenih tramov. Izjema je polnilo diagonalnega drenažnega jarka, v katerem so bili odkriti odlomki keltskega lonca, terra sigillata in steklena rebrasta skodela. Na podlagi sestave najdb iz depozitov v barakah ni mogoče zanesljivo sklepati o izvoru njihovih prebivalcev, verjetno pa ne gre za rimske vojake,temveč italske koloniste ali celo ujetnike na prisilnem delu (foto: Maja Lavrič)The eastern row of huts after the foundation ditches were emptied. Judging from the uniform fills devoid of finds, the ditches were filled immediatelyafter the wooden timbers had been removed. The exception was the fill of a diagonal drainage ditch that contained fragments of a Celtic jar, terrasigillata and a ribbed glass cup. The composition of the finds from the deposits in the huts does not allow for reliable inferences on the origin oftheir inhabitants. However, these were probably not Roman soldiers, but rather Italic colonists or even prisoners at forced labour (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 26/Fig. 26Za lopato široki jarki za lesene temelje v inzuli XIII so oblikovali dvavzporedna niza barak inslabo ohranjene ostankečelnih objektov.Razprostranjenost lesenihstavb in njihova usmeritevne odstopata od orientacijezidov in obsega poznejšeinzule (foto: Maja Lavrič)Shovel-wide beds for woodenfoundations in Insula XIIIdelineated two parallel rowsof huts as well as poorlypreserved remains of endbuildings. The extent of the wooden buildings andtheir orientation correspondwith the extent of the laterinsula and wall orientation(photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 38

39 Lokacija NUK II. Oris raziskav zgodnjih depozitov v letu 2008/The NUK II site. Investigation of early deposits in 2008

globoka jarka, ki v razmiku 5 m potekata v smeriS–J. Povezujejo ju prečni jarki, ki so oblikovali 3 mširoke in 5 m dolge kasetne prostore. Enotna pol-nila jarkov, ki nakazujejo, da je demontaži lesenihdelov sledilo hitro zasutje, je sestavljal temno ru-meno rjav peščen melj s prodniki in redkimi dro-bnimi najdbami.Med vzhodnim in zahodnim nizom barak je pote-kal 0,7 m širok in 0,4 m globok jarek V-preseka, za-polnjen s sivim meljastim sedimentom. Vzhodni nizlesenih objektov je bil enako širok kot zahodni, ven-dar prostori v njem niso bili preslikani iz slednjega.Prostore v tem nizu je od jugozahoda proti severo-zahodu prečkal drenažni jarek, zapolnjen z oblica-mi in lomljenci, ki so bili na vrhu prekriti z zbitoglino. V najožjem prostoru vzhodnega niza je bilo vpolnilih jarkov za tramove okoli dvofaznega kuriščadokumentiranih 8 jam za stojke, ki so oblikovalepravokotno konstrukcijo v izmeri 5 x 1,5 m (sl. 28).Barake so imele tlake iz zbite rumenkasto rjavegline, verjetno pa tudi glinene omete. V južnemdelu vzhodnega niza so bili navpični nosilni ele-menti objektov enkrat obnovljeni, o čemer pričajonegativi izvlečenih stojk v dveh polnilih.

The western row of huts was delimited by a pairof ditches, in the width of a shovel and depth of upto 0.7 m. They ran 5 m apart in a N–S direction.They were connected by transverse ditches, thusforming 3 m wide and 5 m long spaces. The uni-form fills of these ditches, composed of dark yel-low-brown sandy silt with pebbles and rare smallfinds, indicate filling soon after the wooden partswere dismantled.Another ditch, 0.7 m wide and 0.4 m deep, ran be-tween the eastern and the western row of huts. Itwas V-shaped in section and filled with grey siltysediment. The eastern row of wooden buildingswas of the same width as the western one, but theroom disposition in the two rows did not corre-spond. The rooms in the eastern row were tra-versed by a drainage ditch, running from SW toNW, filled with cobbles and quarry stones, coveredby beaten clay. The narrowest room in the easternrow revealed eight post-holes in the fills of theslots for timbers around the two-phase open fire.The holes described a rectangular constructionmeasuring 5 x 1.5 m (Fig. 28). The floors in thehuts were made of beaten yellowish-brown clay.Walls were probably also plastered with clay. Ver-tical support elements in the southern part of theeastern row were renovated at one occasion, as evi-denced by the negatives of extracted poles in thefills of two of the post-holes.

Sl. 28 /Fig. 28Ostanki ognjišča s črepinjami kuhinjskega lonca v ozkem prostoru vzhodnega niza (foto: Maja Lavrič)The remains of a hearth with fragments of a cooking jar found in a narrow room of the eastern row of huts (photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 39


K opisani leseni arhitekturi v osrednjem delu bo-doče inzule domnevno sodi tudi ostanek jarka, kije na vzhodni strani omejeval domnevni tretji nizbarak in je potekal okoli 6 m zahodno od zahodne-ga niza. Na sredini vmesnega prostora je bil ugo-tovljen 0,6 m širok in 0,4 m globok drenažni jarek.Ostanki objektov se nadaljujejo onkraj južne mejeizkopnega polja.Vkopane strukture severno in severovzhodno odopisanih ostankov barak pripadajo samostojnimobjektom, ki v osnovni usmeritvi posnemajo bara-ke, vendar z njimi ne sestavljajo enotnega niza.Očitno gre za podolgovate prostore z vkopanimilesenimi temelji in navpičnimi nosilci, ki so bili zdaljšo stranico usmerjeni v smeri S–J, torej pra-vokotno na barake v prej opisanih nizih. Severnastena objektov je ležala nekaj decimetrov onkrajpoznejše severne fasade inzule, vzhodna pa se jevzhodni fasadi približala na okoli 5 m. Na jugo-vzhodnem delu tega sklopa struktur je ležalo del-no vkopano ognjišče iz gline s podlago iz oblic inoblogo iz lomljencev.Zahodni niz barak je bil na južnem delu presekans cilindrično jamo za okoli 2,5 m globok vodnjak,domnevno izkopan s površine izravnave (sl. 29). Ve-nec iz lomljencev peščenjaka z notranjim preme-rom 1,5 m je bil skoraj v celoti zrušen v notranjost.

This wooden architecture in the central part of thelater Insula is believed to have included a ditchthat delimited the supposed third row of huts attheir eastern end. Its remains ran roughly 6 m westof the western row of the huts. In the space be-tween the two latter hut rows, a 0.6 m wide and 0.4m deep drainage ditch was uncovered. Remains ofbuildings continued beyond the southern edge ofthe excavation area.Structures cut to the north and north-east of thehut remains belonged to independent buildings.These followed the huts in their basic orientation,but did not form a uniform row with them. Theyapparently represented oblong rooms with wo-oden foundations, laid into cut beds, and verticalsupports, oriented N–S with their longer sidesand thus perpendicular to the huts. The northwall of these buildings ran several decimetres be-yond the later north façade of the Insula, while theeast wall came to around 5 m of the east façade.The SE part of this complex of structures revealeda partly sunken hearth with floor of cobbles andquarry stones. The western row of the wooden huts was interrup-ted in its southern end by a cylindrical pit dug fora roughly 2.5 m deep well, presumably from thesurface of the levelling (Fig. 29).

Sl. 29/Fig.29Hitre spremembe namembnosti prostora inzule v času gradnje nakazuje vodnjak s kamnitim vencem (a), ki je presekal ostanke barak in je ali starejši od prvih zidov ali pa je deloval sočasno z njimi. V sedimentu vodnjaka so bili najdeni Avgustovi novci ter odlomki amfor, vrčev indvoročajnih skodel, v ruševinskem zasutju (b) pa veliki keltski srebrnik (foto: Maja Lavrič)Rapid changes in the use of the insula area in the time of construction are indicated by a well with a stone lining (a), which cut through the hut remains and is either earlier than or contemporary with the first walls. The sediment of the well revealed coins of Augustus as well asfragments of amphorae, jugs and two-handled bowls, while the fill of ruins (b) revealed a large Celtic silver coin (photo: Maja Lavrič)

a b

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 40


Vodnjak, ki je bil na dnu zapolnjen z okoli 0,4 mdebelim sedimentom, je ležal zelo blizu zidu prvefaze, domnevno zgrajenega z iste površine, zato stamorala bodisi delovati skupaj, verjetneje pa so vod-njak zasuli tik pred gradnjo zidu (sl. 30).

Inzula XIII PRVO NASUTJESE 1135: Novci: republikanski denarij (7750),

polovičen republikanski as (7261), nedoločen polovičen AE (7218), nedoločen četrtinjen AE (7266), kovničarski dupondij (7439), preluknjan AE (7462) Kovina: br. puščična ost (t. 6: 7812) Steklo: skodela oblike Isings 3b (7230, 7262), steklenica (t. 6: 9081) TS: dno krožnika nedoločljive oblike (7132) Ostala keramika: reliefna oljenka (7813), lonca/groba kuhinjska ker. (t. 6: 7234, 8036), pokrov in krožnik/pompejska ker. (t. 6: 7804, 8444)

BARAKE Jarek PolniloSE 2040: Steklo: skodela oblike Isings 3c (t. 6: 7776, 7794; 7773, 7774)

TS: krožnik – Consp. 19.1.1/pad. (t. 6: 7786; 7790), skodelica – Consp. 24.3.1/pad. (7786), skodelica – Consp. 26.1.3/pad. (t. 6: 7785; 7782, 7791), skodelica Sarius/pad. (t. 6: 7778; 7780, 7789) Amfore: Dr. 6B (t. 7: 7751; 7752), ravno dno amfore oz. dvoročajnega vrča (7753)

The lining of the well was made of sandstone quar-ry stones with the inner diameter of 1.5 m and italmost entirely collapsed into the interior. Thebottom was covered by a roughly 0.4 m thick sed-iment. The well was situated very close to the wallof the first phase, apparently built from the samesurface. The two could therefore either have func-tioned together or, which is more likely, the wellwas filled up just before the construction of thewall (Fig. 30).

Insula XIII FIRST FILL LAYERSU 1135: Coins: Republican denarius (7750),

halved Republican as (7261), undetermined halved AE (7218), undetermined quartered AE (7266), moneyers’ dupondius (7439), perforated AE (7462) Metal: br. arrow-head (Pl. 6: 7812) Glass: Isings 3b cup (7230, 7262), bottle (Pl. 6: 9081) TS: shard of the undetermined plate (7132) Other ceramics: relief lamp (7813), two pots/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 6: 7234, 8036), lid and plate/Pompeian ware (Pl. 6: 7804, 8444)

HUTS DitchFillSU 2040: Glass: Isings 3c cup (Pl. 6: 7776, 7794; 7773, 7774)

TS: Consp. 19.1.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 6: 7786; 7790), Consp. 24.3.1 cup/pad. (7786), Consp. 26.1.3 cup/pad. (Pl. 6: 7785; 7782, 7791), Sarius cup/pad. (Pl. 6: 7778; 7780, 7789) Amphorae: Dr. 6B (Pl. 7: 7751; 7752), flat bottomed amphora or two-handled jug (7753)

Sl. 30/Fig.30Trirazsežnostni model prikazuje zgodnje strukture razen okrogle jame na desni, ki predstavlja delno raziskan vkop poznorimskega vodnjaka(lasersko skeniranje in obdelava: Andrej Grilc)Three-dimensional model shows the early features. The exception is theround pit to the right, which represents a partly investigated pit for aLate Roman well (laser scanning and computer rendering: Andrej Grilc)

0 5 m

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 41


Ostala keramika: balzamarij (7788), skleda/kuhinjska ker. (t. 7: 7795), vrč/svetla namizna ker. (t. 7: 7787), keltski lonec z rebri in valovnico (t. 7: 7779), lonec/svetla namizna ker. (t. 7: 7797)

Okolica ognjišča Nasutja SE 2339: Steklo: igralni žeton (t. 7: 7649) SE 2399: Kovina: br. nosilec za falero (t. 7: 7689) SE 2341: Kovina: br. falera (7610), svinčena plomba (t. 8: 7611)

Steklo: igralna žetona (t. 8: 7662, 7679) TS: krožnik oblike Consp. 21.3.1/pad. (t. 8: 7673), krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2.3/pad. (t. 8: 7661) Ostala keramika: reliefna oljenka (7663) skodelici/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 8: 7671, 7672),

Jug Nasutja SE 2422: Keramika: balzamarij (7697) SE 1128= Novci: polovičen republikanski as (7688) 2042: Steklo: igralna žetona (t. 8: 7635; 7675)

TS: nedoločena črepinja/ker. s črnim premazom – B (8039) Ostalo: koščena ploščica – pokrov (t. 8: 7613)

Polnilo SE 2328: Novci: Tiberijev as, 15–16 n. št. (7574) Nasutje SE 3963: Novci: polovičen kovničarski as (7746) Sediment SE 2049: Novci: Avgustov as? (7606)

Steklo: igralni žetoni (t. 8: 7651, 7654; 7652) Keramika: lonec z odebeljenim ustjem/groba ker. (t. 8: 8317)

Drenažni jarek Sediment SE 2063: Steklo: balzamarij (7100)

Amfore: Dr. 2–4 (t. 8: 7127, 7129) Nasutja SE 2332: Novci: republikanski denarij (7631) SE 2324: Novci: kovničarski as (7584)

Kovina: br. fibula tipa A 67 (t. 8: 7591)

JARKI IN VKOPI ZAHODNO OD BARAK Sediment SE 2011: Novci: kovničarski AE (7005) Polnilo SE 2008: Amfore: Lamboglia 2/Dr. 6A (t. 9: 8271, 8272, 8275),

ostenje z vrezanim napisom (t. 9: 8273)

VODNJAK Sediment SE 2464: Novci: Avgustov as – Lugdunum I (7759)

Steklo: skodelica oblike Isings 17 (t. 10: 7757) Amfore: Dr. 6B (t. 11: 8286) Ostala keramika: enoročajni vrči/svetla namizna ker. (t. 11: 8277, 8278, 8280, 8281, 8285, 8287, 8293), dvoročajne skodele/svetla namizna ker. (t. 10: 9991, 9992, 9997, 9998, 10037) Ostalo: koščena igralna žetona (t. 10: 7756, 7758)

Ruševina SE 2099 Novci: zahodnonoriški veliki srebrnik tipa NEMET

(7194), polovičen Avgustov as – Nemausus (7160), polovičen kovničarski AE (7165), nedoločen polovičen AE (7164) Steklo: krožnik (7158) TS: dno/pad. – pravokoten žig C.MVRRI = OCK 1203.8 (t. 11: 7184), skodelica oblike Consp. 26.1.3/pad. (7191), pladenj oblike Consp. 18.2.5/pad. (t. 11: 7191)

Other ceramics: balsamarium (7788), bowl/kitchen ware (Pl. 7: 7795), jug/table ware (Pl. 7: 7787), Celtic pot with horizontal ribs and wavy line (Pl. 7: 7779), pot/table ware (Pl. 7: 7797)

Surroundings of the hearth Fill layers SU 2339: Glass: gaming token (Pl. 7: 7649) SU 2399: Metal: br. phalera mounting (Pl. 7: 7689) SU 2341: Metal: br. phalera (7610), lead seal (t. 8: 7611)

Glass: gaming tokens (Pl. 8: 7662, 7679) TS: Consp. 21.3.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 8: 7673), Consp. 18.2.3 plate/pad. (Pl. 8: 7661) Other ceramics: relief lamp (7663) cups/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 8: 7671, 7672),

South Fill layers SU 2422: Ceramics: balsamarium (7697) SU 1128= Coins: halved Republican as (7688) 2042: Glass: two gaming tokens (Pl. 8: 7635; 7675)

TS: undetermined shard/black-slipped ware – B (8039) Other: bone plaque or lid (Pl. 8: 7613)

Fill SU 2328: Coins: as of Tiberius, AD 15–16 (7574) Fill layer SU 3963: Coins: halved moneyers’ as (7746) Sediment SU 2049: Coins: as of Augustus? (7606)

Glass: gaming tokens (Pl. 8: 7651, 7654; 7652) Ceramics: pot with broadened rim/coarse ceramics (8317)

Drainage ditch Sediment SU 2063: Glass: balsamarium (7100)

Amphorae: Dr. 2–4 (Pl. 8: 7127, 7129) Fill layers SU 2332: Coins: Republican denarius (7631) SU 2324: Coins: moneyers’ as (7584)

Metal: br. A 67 type fibula (Pl. 8: 7591)

DITCHES AND CUTS WEST OF THE HUTS Sediment SU 2011: Coins: moneyers’ AE (7005) Fill SU 2008: Amphorae: Lamboglia 2/Dr. 6A (Pl. 9: 8271, 8272, 8275)

shard with incised inscription (Pl. 9: 8273)

WELL Sediment SU 2464: Coins: as of Augustus – Lugdunum I (7759)

Glass: Isings 17 cup (Pl. 10: 7757) Amphorae: Dr. 6B (Pl. 11: 7756) Other ceramics: one-handled jugs/table ware (Pl. 11: 8277, 8278, 8280, 8281, 8285, 8287, 8293), two-handled bowls/table ware (Pl. 10: 9991, 9992, 9997, 9998, 10037) Other: two bone gaming tokens (Pl. 10: 7756, 7758)

Ruins SU 2099 Coins: large western Norican silver coin of the NEMET

type (7194), halved as of Augustus – Nemausus (7160), halved moneyers’ AE (7165), undetermined halved AE (7164) Glass: plate (7158) TS: base/pad. – rect. stamp C.MVRRI = OCK 1203.8 (Pl. 11: 7184), Consp. 26.1.3 cup/pad. (7191), Consp. 18.2.5 plate/pad. (Pl. 11: 7191)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 42


T. 6/Pl. 6NUK II (2008). 7812 bron; 7776, 7794 in 9801 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7812 bronze; 7776, 7794 & 9801 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

SE/SU2040

7778

7786

7804

7794 7776

7234

8036

8444

7812

9081

SE/SU1135 (XIII)

7785

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 43


SE/SU2399

SE/SU2339

7649 7689

7779

7797

7795

77877751

SE/SU2040

T.7/Pl. 7NUK II (2008). 7689 bron; 7649 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7689 bronze; 7649 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 44


7127 7613

7591

7611 7679

7673

7661

7662

7654

76357129

7651

7671

7672

SE/SU2341

SE/SU2324

SE/SU2063

SE/SU2049

SE/SU2042

8317

T. 8 /Pl. 8NUK II (2008). 7611 svinec; 7591 bron; 7635, 7651, 7654,7662 in 7679 steklo; 7631 kost; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7611 lead; 7591 bronze; 7635, 7651, 7654, 7662 & 7679 glass; 7631 bone; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:08 Page 45


SE/SU2008

8272

8275

8271

8273

T. 9 /Pl. 9NUK II (2008). Keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). Ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:09 Page 46


SE/SU2464

9992

99917756

7757

7758

9997

10037

9998

T. 10 /Pl.10NUK II (2008). 7756 in 7758 kost; 7757 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7756 & 7758 bone; 7757 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:09 Page 47


T. 11/Pl.11NUK II (2008). Keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). Ceramics. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

8280

8281

8285

8277

7184

7191

SE/SU2099

SE/SU2464

82788293

8287

8286

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:09 Page 48


Jugovzhodni vogal večjega pravokotnega objekta in ostanki sočasne lesene arhitekture na območju inzul XVII in XLVI

South-eastern corner of a large rectangular building and remains of acontemporary wooden architecture inthe area of later Insulae XVII and XLVI

Sl. 31/Fig.31Sistem vzporednih jarkov na območju poznejšega jugovzhodnega vogala inzule XXVII pripada večji pravokotni strukturi ali objektu

neznane namembnosti, ki se ni ujemal z rastrom poznejšega mesta(foto: Maja Lavrič)

System of parallel ditches in the area of the later south-eastern cornerof Insula XXVII belongs to a large rectangular structure or building

of unknown purpose that did not correspond with the grid of the latertown (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 32/Fig.32Leseni objekti na območju poznejšega jugozahodnega vogala inzule XLVI so razpoznavni po svetlejših polnilih jarkov za tramove, katerih orientacija se razlikuje od najzgodnejših zidov. Jarki so bili izkopani z nasutja, ki je prekrilo klavikulo in je predstavljalo tudi delovnopovršino za gradnjo temeljev fasade inzule (foto: Maja Lavrič)Wooden buildings in the area of the later south-western corner ofInsula XLVI are identifiable in the light-coloured fills of timber beds, the orientation of which differs from that of the earliest walls.The beds were dug from the fill layer that covered the clavicula andrepresented the working surface for the construction of thefoundations for the façade of the insula (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Roughly contemporary to the huts in Insula XIIIare the features in the south-eastern corner of lat-er Insula XXVII, the south-western corner of Insu-la XLVI and Street H. They take the form of fourlong ditches of rectangular section, 0.2–0.6 m wideand up to 0.7 m deep (Fig. 31). They could not bedocumented on the entire excavated surface due toprevious, 1996–1999 interventions. The southernseries of the parallel linear features (doc. l. 36 m)deviated slightly from the E–W orientation andthereby ran differently from the wooden buildings

Barakam v inzuli XIII so okvirno sočasne še vkopa-ne strukture na območju jugovzhodnega vogalapoznejše inzule XXVII, jugozahodnega vogala in-zule XLVI in ulice H. Gre za sistem daljših štirihjarkov pravokotnega preseka, širokih 0,2–0,6 m inglobokih do 0,7 m (sl. 31), ki ga zaradi posegov vletih 1996–1999 ni bilo mogoče dokumentirati na

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:09 Page 49


Gradnja inzulZidovi vseh raziskanih delov inzul so bili zgrajeniz omenjene izravnave, torej z iste površine kot le-sena arhitektura, razen na vzhodnem delu inzuleXIII, kjer so delovno površino pomenili depoziti od-stranjenih barak. Z izravnave je bila izkopana tudi3,6 x 2 m velika in 0,4 m globoka pravokotna jamas stojkama dvokapnega nadstreška v inzuli XLVI, vkateri je bila na površini celotnega dna ohranjenatanka plast strjene malte (sl. 33).Med uporabljenim gradbenim kamnom se pojavljaizključno grajski skrilavec, pri čemer so bile v enemod lomljencev ugotovljene fosilne praproti, značil-ne za zgornji del Grajskega hriba. Za zasutja vkopa-nih delov temeljev so posamično uporabljali tudipol metra velike lomljence, v zidanih delih temeljevin zidovih pa predvsem kamne do velikosti 0,3x0,2x 0,15 m. V belo sivi malti s primešanimi majhni-mi prodniki zrnatosti do 0,5 cm nastopata apnenovezivo in karbonatni agregat v razmerju 1 : 8,4.21

V zasutju vkopa za temelj južne fasade inzule XLVIje bila najdena čelnica (os frontale) 20–30 let sta-re ženske (sl. 34), radiokarbonsko datirana v čascal BC 90–10 AD (tab. 1). Med ostalimi sledovi lju-di so se na zaglajenih površinah parapetnih zidovvzhodne fasade inzule XIII in južne fasade inzuleXLVI ohranili odtisi nažebljičenih obuval (sl. 35).Njihova artikuliranost je različna, vendar gre v dvehbolje ohranjenih primerih za obuvala stopal z do-bro izraženim lokom in poudarjeno zavito obliko,značilno za prebivalce južne Evrope.22 Prevladujejo

celotni izkopani površini. Južna serija vzporednihlinearnih struktur (dok. d. 36 m) poteka v rahlemodklonu od smeri V–Z, torej drugače od lesenih ob-jektov v inzuli XIII oziroma poznejših zidov. Edenod jarkov je bil na vzhodnem koncu pravokotnozalomljen proti severu, več vzporednih jarkov na se-vernem delu izkopnega polja pa daje slutiti, da greza jugovzhodni vogal večjega objekta neznaneganamena. Polnila naštetih jarkov so podobna tistimv jarkih barak v inzuli XIII in niso vsebovala najdb. Enako orientacijo kot prej omenjen objekt imajodo 0,12 m široki in podobno globoki jarki pravokot-nega preseka na območju nekdanje klavikule (sl.32), ki verjetno pripadajo lesenim stavbam, vkopa-nim s površine prvega nasutja. Pripadajoči sedi-menti se niso ohranili.

in Insula XIII or later walls. One of the ditches di-verged perpendicularly northwards at the easternend. It is several parallel ditches in the northernpart of the excavated area, however, which indi-cates that they represented the south-eastern cor-ner of a large building of unknown purpose. Thefills of the ditches were similar to those in thetimber beds of the huts in Insula XIII and did notcontain finds. Orientation equal to that of the above-mentionedlarge building was documented also in the up to0.12 m wide and similarly deep ditches of rectan-gular section in the area of the former clavicula(Fig. 32). They probably belonged to wooden buil-dings, dug from the surface of the first fill layer.Contemporary sediments were not preserved.

Construction of insulaeThe walls in all the investigated insulae were con-structed from the above-described levelling layer,thus from the same surface as the wooden archi-tecture. The only exception was documented in theeastern part of Insula XIII, where the surface fromwhich construction began was the deposits of theremoved huts. Also dug from the levelling layerwas a 3.6 m long, 2 m wide and 0.4 m deep rec-tangular pit with two post-holes of a gabled pro-jecting roof in Insula XLVI. The pit revealed a thinlayer of hardened mortar across the entire floorsurface (Fig. 33).The stone used in construction is exclusively palae-ozoic conglomerate sandstone from the hill of Graj-ski grič, whereby one of the quarry stones from thewalls revealed fossil ferns characteristic of the up-per part of the hill. The material used for the fillsof the trench foundations at places included alsoquarry stones of up to half a metre in length, whilethe built foundations and walls above them includ-ed primarily stones no larger than 0.3 x 0.2 x 0.15m. The white-grey mortar with small pebbles, upto 0.5 cm in grain size, include lime binding ma-terial and carbonate aggregate in a 1: 8.4 ratio.21

The fill of the foundation trench made for thesouth façade of Insula XLVI revealed a frontal bone(os frontale) of a 20–30 year old female, radio-carbon dated to cal 90 BC–AD 10 (Fig. 34; Tab. 1).As for further human traces, the smoothed surfa-ces of the parapet walls of Insula XIII east façade

21 ZALAR 2008.22 DRIEL-MURRAY 1999, 178. 21 ZALAR 2008.

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:09 Page 50


Sl. 33/Fig.33V severovzhodnem kotu izkopnega polja je bila dokumentirana jama z ostanki apna, verjetno

namenjenega pripravi malte za gradnji prvih zidovinzule XLVI (foto: Maja Lavrič)

The north-eastern corner of the excavation fieldrevealed a pit with the remains of lime for the

preparation of the mortar probably used in the firstwalls of Insula XLVI (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 34/Fig.34V zasutju temelja južne fasade inzule XLVI je bila odkrita čelna kost lobanje mlajše ženske, ki je živela v drugipolovici 1. stoletja pr. n. št. Najdbo lahko morda povežemo z običajem darovanja posamičnih delov skeleta v teku gradnje. Okoliščine napeljujejo na sklep, da gre pri pokojni osebi morda za ujetnico izjužnopanonskega prostora (foto: Maja Lavrič)The fill of the foundation trench for the south façade of Insula XLVI revealed the frontal bone of a youngwoman’s skull who lived in the second half of the 1st century BC. The bone could be connected to the habit of offering individual parts of the skeleton in the course of construction. Circumstances of the find might indicate a female prisoner of war from the southern Pannonian area (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 35/Fig.35Odtisi nažebljičenih podplatov čevljev nazaglajeni površini temeljavzhodne fasade inzule XIII pripadajo stopalom s poudarjenim lokom,značilnim za prebivalceSredozemlja oz. južneEvrope. V razporeditvižebljičkov ni razpoznavnihvzorcev vojaških obuval (foto: Maja Lavrič)Impressions of nailedfootwear on the smoothedsurface of the foundations of the Insula XIII east façadebelong to feet with a welldefined arch characteristicof the Mediterranean orsouthern Europeanpopulation. The naildisposition does not showsimilarities with the patternson military footwear (photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:09 Page 51


globlji vtisi na predelu pet, pri čemer v sicer pra-vilni, a strnjeni razmestitvi žebljev23 ni opazne po-dobnosti z značilnimi križnimi ali krožnimi vzorcižebljičenja, ki se pojavljajo na vojaških obuvalih.24

Zidavo, ki jo lahko na splošno označimo kot zelo ka-kovostno, označujejo povsem ravni poteki konturter natančno zložena in zaglajena lica. Vogali inzulXVII, XLVI in XXVII so zidani v absolutno pravemkotu z 19-stopinjskim odklonom proti vzhodu, iden-tičnim usmeritvi mestnega pravokotnika. Izjemaje rahlo odstopanje vzhodne fasade inzule XIII, kipoteka v azimutu 18° (sl. 36).Južna fasada inzule XLVI ima na območju jugoza-hodnega vogala 0,87 m širok in 0,48 m globok vko-pan del temelja ter 0,59 m širok in 0,24 m visokzidan del temelja, na katerega je bil postavljen 0,31m širok in 0,13 m visok zidec stebrišča z zidanimibazami (sl. 37). S padcem terena proti vzhodu sezidani del temelja okrepi na širino 0,85 m in višino0,58 m. Podobne gradnje je tudi severna fasadaobjekta na vzhodnem delu inzule XVII (sl. 38). Fa-sadi inzule XIII imata ravnemu terenu ustreznomanj masivna temelja z 0,48 m globokim in 0,7 mširokim vkopanim delom ter 0,6 m širokim in 0,45m visokim zidanim delom, na katerega je bil po-stavljen 0,48 m širok zid. Podobne so tudi merevzhodne fasade inzule XXVII z 0,88 m globokim in0,62 m širokim vkopanim temeljem ter 0,44 m ši-rokim zidom. Širine posameznih delov zidov se to-rej gibljejo v ekvivalentih 3 (0,88 m), 2 (0,58 m) in1,5 (0,44 m) čevlja (1 pes monetalis = 0,2941 m).V večini dokumentiranih primerov so bili temeljiobodnih zidov inzul in stene notranjih prostorovšivani oz. zgrajeni v enem koraku, razen v prime-ru zahodnega dela severne fasade inzule XVII, kise je naslanjal na objekt na vzhodnem delu izkop-nega polja.V nasprotju z ureditvijo inzul XXXIX in XXXIIIV, kije bila dokumentirana na lokaciji Šumi in kaženiz prostorov, orientiranih z ožjo stranico protiglavni mestni ulici, v katerih so bile domnevno pe-karne, gostinski obrati in prodajalne (sl. 39),25 vraziskanih delih inzul na lokaciji NUK II ni opazitiponavljajočih se vzorcev. V večjem obsegu raziska-na inzula XLVI kaže ureditev mediteranskega tipas široko vhodno partijo v zahodni fronti, skozi ka-tero se je vstopalo na podolgovato dvorišče širine9,8 m in dokumentirane dolžine 31 m. Stebrišče

and Insula XLVI south façade bore the impressionsof nailed footwear (Fig. 35). They showed differingarticulation, but two of the better preserved exam-ples reveal footwear with soles showing a well de-fined arch and a pronounced curved shape, char-acteristic of southern European population.22 Theimpressions were predominantly deeper on thepart of the heel. The regular though densely spacednail disposition23 does not show similarities withthe characteristic cross or circular patterns thatappear on military footwear.24

The wall construction may generally be describedas of very high quality. It is marked by completelystraight contours and accurately laid and smoothedfaces. Corners of Insulae XVII, XLVI and XXVII werebuilt at a precise right angle with 19° of easterndeviation, which was an orientation identical tothat of the town’s rectangular plan. The only ex-ception was Insula XII east façade, at azimuth 18°(Fig. 36).The Insula XLVI south façade had a 0.87 m wideand 0.48 m deep trench foundations and 0.59 mwide and 0.24 m high built foundations in its south-western corner. Laid on top of that was a low wallwith widened plinths, 0.31 m wide, 0.13 m highand bearing a colonnade (Fig. 37). The eastwardlyfalling terrain caused the built foundations to wi-den to 0.85 m and heighten to 0.58 m. The northfaçade of the building in the eastern part of Insu-la XVII exhibited similar construction (Fig. 38).Correspondingly to the flat terrain, the façades ofInsula XIII stand on less massive foundations, with0.48 m deep and 0.7 m wide trench foundationsand 0.6 m wide and 0.45 m high built founda-tions, which bore a 0.48 m wide wall. The meas-urements of Insula XXVII eastern façade were si-milar, with 0.88 m deep and 0.62 m wide trenchfoundations and a 0.44 m wide wall. The widthsstated above range in the equivalents of 3 (0.88 m),2 (0.58 m) and 1.5 (0.44 m) pedes (1 pes moneta-lis = 0.2941 m).Most documented cases showed the foundationsof the outer walls of insulae and the walls of inte-rior rooms to be running into one another andthus built in a single campaign. The exception wasthe western part of Insula XVII north façade, whichleaned onto a building in the eastern part of theexcavation field.

23 PERNET, CARLEVARO et al. 2006, 475: 5; 496: 8; 527: 6. 24 DRIEL-MURRAY 1999, sl. 1 in 3.25 GASPARI et al. 2007.

22 DRIEL-MURRAY 1999, 178.23 PERNET, CARLEVARO et al. 2006, 475: 5; 496: 8; 527: 6. 24 DRIEL-MURRAY 1999, figs 1 and 3.

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:09 Page 52


Sl. 36/Fig.36Vzhodna fasada inzule XIII je edini dokumentiran zidprve faze, ki ne potekanatančno v osi mestnegarastra (19°), temveč venostopinjskem odklonuproti severu. Na mestupoznejšega pločnika jeviden spodnji del polniladrenažnega jarka iz časagradnje zidov, v katerem je bil najden celoten skeletpsa (foto: Maja Lavrič)The Insula XIII east façadeis the only documented wall of the first phase thatdoes not follow the axis of the town grid (19°)exactly, but rather in a one-degree northwarddeviation. The lower part of the fill of a drainage ditchfrom the time of the wallconstruction is visible on thespot of the later pavement.The fill contained acomplete skeleton of a dog(photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 37/Fig.37Fasadi prostora v jugozahodnem vogalu inzule XLVI sta bili urejeni v nizek zidec s plintami. Glede naodprtost objekta proti ulicam, lokacijo v križišču in bližino vodnjaka gre morda za klasično taberno(taberna), gostilno ali trgovinski lokal mediteranskegatipa za prodajo živil ali izdelkov (foto: Maja Lavrič)The two façade walls of a room in the south-westerncorner of Insula XLVI took the form of a low wall withwidened plinths. The building being opened towards thestreets, its location at the street junction and proximityof the well might point to a standard taberna, inn orshop of the Mediterranean type for selling food or other goods (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 38/Fig.38Vzhodni del severne fasade inzule XVII, ohranjen do današnje hodne površine 3,5 m visoko, razkrivastavbno zgodovino od zgodnjega 1. stoletja do poznega 4. stoletja n. št. Trasirka je prislonjena ob temelj ziduprve faze, ki v spodnji polovici vkopan, v zgornji pa zidan(foto: Maja Lavrič)The eastern part of Insula XVII north façade, preservedto the height of 3.5 m, reveals the building history from the early 1st to the late 4th century. The measuringrod is leaning against the foundations of the first phasewall, composed of trench in the lower and builtfoundations in the upper half (photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 38-53 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 11:10 Page 53


v fasadni steni (prospectus) se je z jugozahodnegavogala podaljšalo na celotno južno fasado, ob ka-teri so se vrstili 10 m dolgi prostori. Ozek hodnikmed ulico F in dvoriščem sta obdajala dva 5,8 m ši-roka prostora. Dokumentirane dele ostalih inzuloznačuje težnja k prislanjanju večjih podolgovatihprostorov ob fasade, kar bi kazalo na skladišča,obrtne obrate ipd.

The disposition of Insulae XXXIX and XXXIIIV(Šumi) showed a series of rooms oriented withshorter sides towards the main town street, whichpresumably hosted bakeries, inns and shops (Fig.39).25 Contrary to these, the investigated areas ofthe insulae at the NUK II site did not show repeat-ing patterns. Insula XLVI, which was investigatedin a large extent, showed a Mediterranean type dis-position with a wide entrance in the western frontthat opened into an oblong courtyard with a widthof 9.8 m and documented length of 31 m. The co-lonnade in the façade (prospectus) was extendedfrom the SW corner to the entire south façade,lined with 10 m long rooms. The narrow passagebetween Street F and the courtyard was surroun-ded on each side by a 5.8 m wide room. The docu-mented parts of other insulae were marked by atendency for leaning larger oblong rooms againstthe façades, which might indicate warehouses,craftsmen’s workshops and similar.After the construction had been completed, thefloors in the eastern part of Insula XIII was levelledusing clay (Fig. 40), while its western part, where anarrow courtyard is posited, was filled with finegravel. The floors in the rooms of Insulae XVII and

25 GASPARI et al. 2007.

Sl. 40/Fig.40Zgornji del amfore tipa Dr. 6B istrske proizvodnje iz

glinastega nasutja ob temelju vzhodne fasade inzule XIII.Terminus post quem za začetek gradnje je Avgustov as

za Tiberija, najden na površini prvega nasutja, ki mu je v stratigrafski sekvenci sledila plast z amforo

(foto: Maja Lavrič)Upper part of a Dr. 6B type amphora of Istrian

production was found in the clayey fill layer whichleaned onto the foundations of the Insula XIII eastfaçade. Terminus post quem for the beginning of

construction is represented by the coin of Augustus forTiberius, which was found on the surface of the first

fill level that was succeeded in stratigraphic sequence by a layer with the amphora (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 39/Fig.39Na lokaciji Šumi je bilo v podolgovatih prostorih zahodnega dela inzule XXXIX, odprtih na cardo maximus, ugotovljenih več gostinskih obratoviz prve polovice 1. stoletja n. št. z ostanki vkopanih amfor, ognjišč,pultov, predelnih sten in odtočnih kanalov (foto: Jernej Bregar)The oblong rooms of the western part of Insula XXXIX at the Šumi site,which opened onto cardo maximus, revealed several inns from thefirst half of the 1st century AD with the remains of dug-in amphorae,hearths, counters, partition walls and sewers (photo: Jernej Bregar)

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 54


Po gradnji je bil vzhodni del inzule XIII izravnanz glino (sl. 40), njen zahodni del, kjer je bilo dom-nevno ozko dvorišče, pa nasut z drobnim prodom.Prostore v inzulah XVII in XLVI ter vmesni del ces-tišča F so na vzhodnem delu izravnali z do 0,7 mdebelim nasutjem iz premešanega humusa, gline-nega melja in proda, ki se je naslonilo na zidanedele temeljev. S površine teh nasutij so bile v obehinzulah zgrajene predelne stene. Zahodni del in-zule XLVI je bil po gradnji nasut z rjavkasto glino,podobno nasutju v inzuli XIII. Rdečkasta patinazunanje površine lomljencev v zidovih vzhodnegadela inzule XVII opozarja na požar, do katerega jeprišlo v 1. stoletju.Širina ulic F in H znaša med 11,65 in 11,85 m, mer-jeno od fasadnih zidov. Izjema je vzhodni del de-kumana F, kjer sta objekt v inzuli XVII in fasadainzule XLVI razmaknjena le za 11,45 m. Na doslejneizkopanem delu pločnika ob vzhodni fasadi inzu-le XIII je bil dokumentiran plitev drenažni jarek ssivim meljastim polnilom. Prvi pločnik je sestav-ljalo nasutje rumenkasto rjave gline, podobne pr-vim nasutjem v notranjosti inzul XIII in XLVI.

Vodnjak na ulici HZ iste površine kot barake in prvi zidani objekti jebil na prostoru med južnima vogaloma inzul XLVIin XXVII zgrajen 6 metrov globok vodnjak s kamni-tim vencem notranjega premera 1,7 m (sl. 41).Na dno vkopa s premerom 7,6 m so postavili prib-ližno 1 m visoko leseno kašto iz 3 ali 4 leg masiv-nih hrastovih tramov. Kašta je bila z notranje stra-ni obdana s kamni. Na tako pripravljen temelj sopostavili venec iz suhega zidu, ki sta ga sestavljalaokoli meter visoka segmenta sodčastega preseka(sl. 42). Okoli dva metra visok zgornji del z nav-pičnim ostenjem je bil vezan z malto. Prostor medvencem in vkopom so med gradnjo sproti zasipalis premešanim materialom iz geološke podlage.Na dnu vodnjaka se je nabral 0,8 m debel sedi-ment iz temno sive meljaste gline z drobci oglja, vkaterega se je pogreznil del ruševinskega zasutja izlomljencev grajskega skrilavca ter večjih in manj-ših kosov tegul in imbreksov. Opečna kritina je gle-de na količino in ohranjenost nedvomno ostaneknadstreška. Med ruševino so bili odkriti del kon-strukcije vitla iz masivnega podolgovatega hrasto-vega tramu s polkrožnim utorom (9201) ter dvaokova iz masivnega železnega traku z dvema rav-nima krakoma in osrednjim delom polkrožnegaobrisa (9158, 9037).

XLVI as well as the intermediary part of street F waslevelled with an up to 0.7 m thick layer of mixedhumus, clayey silt and gravel, which leaned ontothe built foundations. The surface of the above-de-scribed fills served as basis for the partition wallsin both insulae. Once the construction completed,the western part of Insula XLVI was filled withbrownish clay, similar to the one used in the fill ofInsula XIII. The reddish outer surface of the quar-ry stones used in the walls of the eastern part ofInsula XVII suggests a fire, which must have oc-curred during the 1st century.The two streets (F and H) were between 11.65 and11.85 m wide, measured from the façade walls.The exception was the eastern part of DecumanusF, where a building in Insula XVII and the façadeof Insula XLVI lay only 11.45 m apart. The part ofthe pavement along the eastern façade of InsulaXIII, previously unexcavated, revealed a shallowdrainage ditch with a grey silty fill. The first pave-ment was formed by a fill layer of yellowish-brownclay, similar to the first floor fills in the interior ofInsulae XIII and XLVI.

Well on Street HThe surface used as basis for the construction ofthe huts and the first stone buildings was also thesurface from which a well was built between thesouthern corners of Insulae XLVI and XXVII. Thewell was 6 m deep and had a stone lining with aninner diameter of 1.7 m (Fig. 41). The bottom ofthe pit dug for the well, measuring 7.6 m in dia-meter, held approximately meter high wooden boxmade of 3 or 4 courses of massive oak timbers. Theinner face of the box was lined with stones. Foun-dations thus prepared were topped by a dry-walllining composed of two, roughly meter high seg-ments (stepped construction) barrel-shaped in se-ction (Fig. 42). The roughly two-metre high partabove this, with vertical walls, was mortar-bound.The space between the lining and the walls of thewell pit were being filled in, as work progressed,with mixed material from the geological basement. A 0.8 m thick sediment of dark grey silty clay withbits of charcoal accumulated at the bottom of thewell. Sunken into the sediment was part of the ru-ins composed of quarry stones of conglomeratesandstone from the hill of Grajski grič as well aslarge and small fragments of tegulae and imbrices.Based on the quantity and state of preservation,the roof tiles doubtlessly represent the remains of

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 55


Sl. 42/Fig.42Ruševinsko zasutje prvotno več kot 6 m globokegavodnjaka je vsebovalo tudiostanke lesenega vitla inopečnega nadstreška ter del sigilatnega krožnika in okroglo bronasto fibulo, ki dokazujeta, da ga po sredini 1. stoletjaniso več uporabljali (foto: Maja Lavrič)The fill of ruins of theoriginally over 6 m deepwell also revealed theremains of a woodenwindlass and brick roof,fragment of a terra sigillataplate and a round bronzefibula. These prove that ithad no longer been in useafter the mid-1st century(photo: Maja Lavrič)

Zasutja temeljev in sedimenti iz časa gradnje zidovCESTA F Nasutja SE 3174: TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 24.3.1/pad. – ADI/VTOR =

OCK 41/3 (t. 12: 9336)Ostala keramika: vrček/svetla namizna ker. (9337)

SE 3040: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (9457), kovničarski AE (9458)

SE 3039: TS: pladenj oblike Consp. 19.3.2/aret. (t. 12: 9454)SE 3038: Amfore: Dr. 6B z nečitljivim žigom (t. 12: 9453)

CESTA H Sediment jarkaSE 2593: Kovina: br. fibula tipa Langton-Down (t. 12: 8346),

br. fibula tipa A 67 (t. 12: 8233)

Foundation trench fills and sediments from the time of wall construction ROAD F Fill layers SU 3174: TS: Consp. 24.3.1 cup/pad. – rectangular stamp

ADI/VTOR = OCK 41/3 (Pl. 12: 9336) Other ceramics: small jug/table ware (9337)

SU 3040: Coins: undetermined halved AE (9457), moneyers’ AE (9458)

SU 3039: TS: Consp. 19.3.2 plate/aret. (Pl. 12: 9454) SU 3038: Amphorae: Dr. 6B with unreadable stamp (Pl. 12: 9453)

ROAD H Ditch sediment SU 2593: Metal: br. Langton-Down type fibula (Pl. 12: 8346),

br. A 67 type fibula (Pl. 12: 8233)

a projecting roof. Among the ruins part of theconstruction of a windlass was found, made of amassive oak timber with a semi-circular groove(9201) as well as two fittings of a solid iron bandwith two straight prongs and a semi-circular bo-dy (9158, 9037).

Sl. 41/Fig.41Vodnjak na ulici H med inzulama XLVI in XXVII z leseno kašto in z malto vezanim zgornjim delom kamnitega venca je eden najkvalitetneje zidanih med doslej odkritimi v Emoni. Večino vode za pitje in kuhanje so zgodnji Emonci pridobili iz vodnjakov, vodovodi iz Rožnika in Šišenskega hriba pa so verjetno prišli v uporabo šele v 2. stoletju (foto: Maja Lavrič)The well in Street H between Insulae XLVI and XXVII with a wooden box at the bottom and mortar-bound upper lining is one of those withthe highest quality construction among the wells thus far uncovered at Emona. The inhabitants obtained most of the water for drinking and eating from wells, while aqueducts supplying water from Rožnikand Šišenski hrib most probably came into use only in the 2nd century(photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 56


Steklo: igralni žeton (t. 12: 8381)TS: skodelica oblike Consp B 4.4/pad. – pravokoten žig INGENVI = OCK 981.5 (t. 12: 8331), skodelica Consp. 26.1/pad. (t. 12: 8055), skodelica Consp. 26.1.2/aret. (t. 12: 8256), skodelica Consp. 24.3.1/pad. (t. 12: 8058), krožnik z grafitom ..IC../aret. (8056), skodelici Sarius/pad. (t. 12: 8080, 8081), skodelica oblike 26.1.2/aret. (t. 12: 8334 – ista posoda kot 8620, 8628, 8732 iz SE 2653) Ostala keramika: čaša ali lonček /ker. tankih sten – A (t. 12: 8057), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – B (t. 12: 10038)

Sediment SE 3229: Kovina: br. fibuli tipa Aucissa (t. 13: 9082, 9605),

br. luničast obesek (t. 13: 9124)Sediment SE 3186: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (9070)

Kovina: br. prstan (9031) PolniloSE 3188: Novci: republikanski denarij (9042)

Kovina: br. fibula tipa A 237 (t. 13: 9045) Sediment SE 3258: TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 26.1.2/aret. – ppd žig AVILL =

OCK 371/27 (t. 13: 9294), skodelica Sarius/pad. (9293), skodelica oblike Consp. 32.3.1/aret. (t. 13: 9297) Amfore: Dr. 6B (t. 13: 9286, 9300) Ostala keramika: krožnik/svetla namizna ker. (t. 13: 9532), pokrov/svetla namizna ker. (t. 13: 10035), lonec ali skodela/temna namizna ker. (t. 13: 10036), krožnik/pompejska ker. (t. 13: 9295), melnica (t. 13: 9557)

INZULA XLVI Zasutje temelja SE 2772: Kovina: br. aplika (t. 14: 9481)

Ostalo: os frontale mlajše ženske (8651; sl. 33) Polnilo SE 2716: TS: krožnik/ker. s črnim premazom – B (t. 14: 8116),

krožnik oblike Consp. 19.1.1/pad. (t. 14: 8118), krožnik oblike Consp. 18.1.1/pad. (t. 14: 8296), skodelica oblike Consp. 22.1.2/aret. (8120)

INZULA XLVI Sediment SE 3229: Novci: polovičen republikanski as (9888)

Kovina: br. fibula tipa Jezerine (t. 14: 9718), br. spona (t. 14: 9923), br. obročka (t. 14: 9573, 9574), br. prstan (9710), svinčeni želodi (t. 14: 9699, 9715, 9722), svinčnica (t. 14: 9533) TS: skodelica Sarius/pad. (9893)

Polnilo maltne jame SE 3753: Novci: republikanski kvadrans (9899) Polnilo SE 3467: TS: kelih/pad. (t. 14: 9447)

INZULA XLVI NasutjeSE 1197: Novci: republikanski as (9552)

Kovina: br. fibula tipa Aucissa (t. 14: 9553), br. profiliran trak (t. 14: 9508) TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 4.2/pad. – pravokoten žig DASI = OCK 725/1 (t. 14: 9555)

INZULA XXVII NasutjeSE 3260: TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 36.4.3/pad. (t. 14: 9162)

Glass: gaming token (Pl. 12: 8381) TS: Consp B 4.4 cup/pad. – rectangular stamp INGENVI = OCK 981.5 (Pl. 12: 8331), Consp. 26.1 cup/pad. (Pl. 12: 8055), Consp. 26.1.2 cup/aret. (Pl. 12: 8256), Consp. 24.3.1 cup/pad. (Pl. 12: 8058), plate with a graffito inscription ..IC../aret. (8056), Sarius cups/pad. (Pl. 12: 8080, 8081), Consp. 26.1.2 cup/aret. (Pl. 12: 8334 – same vessel as 8620, 8628, 8732/SU 2653) Other ceramics: beaker or cup/thin-walled ware – A (Pl. 12: 8057), cup/thin-walled ware – B (Pl. 12: 10038)

Sediment SU 3229: Metal: two br. Aucissa type fibulae (Pl. 13: 9082, 9605),

br. crescent pendant (Pl. 13: 9124) Sediment SU 3186: Coins: undetermined halved AE (9070)

Metal: br. finger-ring (9031) FillSU 3188: Coins: Republican denarius (9042)

Metal: br. A 236/237 type fibula (Pl. 13: 9045) Sediment SU 3258: TS: Consp. 26.1.2 cup/aret. – ppd stamp AVILL = OCK

371/27 (Pl. 13: 9294), Sarius cup/pad. (9293), Consp. 32.3.1 cup/aret. (Pl. 13: 9297) Amphorae: Dr. 6B (Pl. 13: 9286, 9300) Other ceramics: plate/table ware (Pl. 13: 9532), lid/table ware (Pl. 13: 10035), pot-bowl/dark table ware (Pl. 13: 10036), plate/Pompeian ware (Pl. 13: 9295), mortar (Pl. 13: 9557)

INSULA XLVI Foundation trench fill SU 2772: Metal: br. appliqué (Pl. 14: 9481)

Other: os frontale of a younger woman (8651; Fig. 33) Fill SU 2716: TS: plate/black-slipped ware – B (Pl. 14: 8116),

Consp. 19.1.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 14: 8118), Consp. 18.1.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 14: 8296), Consp. 22.1.2 cup/aret. (8120)

INSULA XLVI Sediment SU 3229: Coins: halved Republican as (9888)

Metal: br. Jezerine type fibula (Pl. 14: 9718), br. buckle (Pl. 14: 9923), br. rings (Pl. 14: 9573, 9574), br. finger-ring (9710), lead glands (Pl. 14: 9699, 9715, 9722), plumb line (Pl. 14: 9533) TS: Sarius cup/pad. (9893)

Fill of a mortar pit SU 3753: Coins: Republican quadrans (9899) Fill layer SU 3467: TS: chalice/pad. (Pl. 14: 9447)

INSULA XLVI Fill layer SU 1197: Coins: Republican as (9552)

Metal: br. Aucissa type fibula (Pl. 14: 9553), br. grooved band (Pl. 14: 9508) TS: Consp. 4.2 cup/pad. – rectangular stamp DASI = OCK 725/1 (Pl. 14: 9555)

INSULA XXVII Fill layer SU 3260: TS: Consp. 36.4.3 cup/pad. (Pl. 14: 9162)

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 57


T. 12 /Pl.12NUK II (2008). 8233 in 8346 bron; 8381 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 8233 & 8346 bronze; 8381 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

9453

83318381

8080

8055

8334

80588233

9454

8081

SE/SU3174

SE/SU3039

8346

SE/SU2593

SE/SU3038

9336

8057 10038

8256

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 58


T. 13/Pl.13NUK II (2008). 9031, 9045, 9082, 9124 in 9605 bron; ostalo keramika. 9557 M.= 1:3; ostalo 1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 9031, 9045, 9082, 9124 & 9605 bronze; all others ceramics. 9557 scale 1:3; all others 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

93009286

9442

10036

9557

9295

SE/SU3229

9082 9605 9124 9031

SE/SU3186

10035

9294

9045

9297

SE/SU3188

SE/SU3258

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 59


T. 14 /Pl.14NUK II (2008). 9533, 9699, 9715 in 9722 svinec; 9481, 9508, 9553, 9573, 9574, 9718 in 9923 bron; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 9533, 9699, 9715 & 9722 lead; 9481, 9508, 9553, 9573, 9574, 9718 & 9923 bronze; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

9573 9574

SE/SU3260

9162

9699

8118

8116

9718

9923

9533 9722

9481

SE/SU2716

SE/SU2772

9447

955595539508

SE/SU3467

SE/SU1197

SE/SU3229

9715

8296

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 60


Prvi depoziti v inzuli XIII POVRŠINA PRVEGA NASUTJA NasutjeSE 1135: Novci: Avgustov dupondij za Tiberija (7393) Polnila vkopovSE 2093: Novci: kovničarski sesterc (7131),

nedoločen polovičen AE (7150) Kovina: br. spona oklepa (t. 15: 7118)

SE 2092: Kovina: br. fibula tipa A 67 (t. 15: 7157) NasutjaSE 1002: Novci: kovničarski as (7196),

Tiberijev as za Avgusta (7111) SE 1162: Novci: mali noriški srebrnik (7447),

republikanski kvinarij (7312), polovičen republikanski as (7480), polovičen kovničarski AE (7641), polovičen kovničarski AE s kontramarkama AV(.) in S(.) (sl. 49: 7426) Kovina: br. fibula tipa Aucissa (t. 15: 7509), br. fibuli tipa A 67 (t. 15: 7311; 7537) Steklo: skodela oblike Isings 3b (t. 15: 7581; 7638), skodelica oblike Isings 17 (7451), igralni žetoni (t. 15: 7545, 7597, 7601) TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 26.1/pad. (8041) Keramika: skodelica/keramika tankih sten – C (t. 15: 7324)

SE 2325: Kovina: br. fibula tipa A 236 (t. 15: 7564), br. okov cinguluma (t. 15: 7569)

SE 764: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (7307), kovničarski sesterc s kontramarko CAE (sl. 49: 7306), polovičen kovničarski AE (7308) Keramika: reliefna oljenka (7309)

SE 1177: Amfore: Dr. 6B (7391; sl. 40) SE 2252: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE s kontramarkama AVG in

TI.CA (sl. 49: 7441), kovničarski as s kontramarko AVG (sl. 49: 7477) TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 27.1.2/pad. (t. 15: 7395)

SE 2314: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (7555) Steklo: skodelica ali skleda oblike Isings 1/18 (7563)

SE 2039: Kovina: br. fibula A 67/68 (7348) Steklo: skodelica oblike Isings 17 (7360), kelih oblike Isings 36a (t. 15: 7471), skodelica (7323), krožnik (7317), posoda (7374), ročaj steklenice (7383) TS: skodelica oblike Consp. B 3.19/aret. – ppd žig GELL = OCK 878.41 (t. 15: 7330), skodelica oblike 34.1.1/aret. (t. 15: 7316)

SE 2291: Novci: kovničarski sesterc (7603) SE 2043: Kovina: br. zajemalka tipa Aislingen (t. 15: 7271),

br. ataša (t. 15: 7269), br. strigilis (t. 15: 7292), br. fibula tipa A 236 (t. 15: 7343), br. okov cinguluma (t. 15: 7042), br. obesek konjske opreme (t. 15: 7384), br. obešalnik čelade oz. držaj (t. 15: 7349), br. fibula (t. 15: 7346), br. obešalnik za oljenko (t. 15: 7344), br. žličast predmet (7352) Steklo: posoda (?) (7345) Ostala keramika: reliefni oljenki (7370, 7385), skodelica tankih sten – C (7359)

First deposits in Insula XIIISURFACE OF THE FIRST FILL LAYERFill layer SU 1135: Coins: dupondius of Augustus for Tiberius (7393) Fills of the pits SU 2093: Coins: moneyers’ sestertius (7131),

undetermined halved AE (7150) Metal: br. cuirass clasp (Pl. 15: 7118)

SU 2092: Metal: br. A 67 type fibula (Pl. 15: 7157) Fill layers SU 1002: Coins: moneyers’ as (7196),

as of Tiberius for Augustus (7111)SU 1162: Coins: small Norican silver coin (7447),

Republican quinarius (7312), halved Republican as (7480), halved moneyers’ AE (7641), halved moneyers’ AE – countermarks AV(.) and S(.) (Fig. 49: 7426)Metal: br. Aucissa type fibula (Pl. 15: 7509), two br. A 67 type fibulae (Pl. 15: 7311; 7537)Glass: Isings 3b cup (Pl. 15: 7581; 7638), Isings 17 cup (7451), gaming tokens (Pl. 15: 7545, 7597, 7601)TS: Consp. 26.1 cup/pad. (8041) Ceramics: cup/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 15: 7324)

SU 2325: Metal: br. A 236 type fibula (Pl. 15: 7564), br. cingulum fitting (Pl. 15: 7569)

SU 764: Coins: undetermined halved AE (7307), moneyers’ sestertius – countermark CAE (Fig. 49: 7306), halved moneyers’ AE (7308)Ceramics: relief lamp (7309)

SU 1177: Amphorae: Dr. 6B (7391; Fig. 40)SU 2252: Coins: undetermined halved AE – countermarks AVG and

TI.CA (Fig. 49: 7441), moneyers’ as – countermark AVG (Fig. 49: 7477)TS: Consp. 27.1.2 cup/pad. (Pl. 15: 7395)

SU 2314: Coins: undetermined halved AE (7555) Glass: Isings 1/18 cup or bowl (7563)

SU 2039: Metal: br. A 67/68 type fibula (7348) Glass: Isings 17 cup (7360), Isings 36a chalice (Pl. 15: 7471), cup (7323), plate (7317), vessel (7374), bottle handle (7383) TS: Consp. B 3.19 cup/aret. – ppd stamp GELL = OCK 878.41 (Pl. 15: 7330), Consp. 34.1.1 cup/aret. (Pl. 15: 7316)

SU 2291: Coins: moneyers’ sestertius (7603) SU 2043: Metal: br. Aislingen type ladle (Pl. 15: 7271),

br. attachment (Pl. 15: 7269), br. strigilis (Pl. 15: 7292), br. A 236 type fibula (Pl. 15: 7343), br. cingulum fitting (Pl. 15: 7042), br. horse gear pendant (Pl. 15: 7384), br. helmet holder or hook (Pl. 15: 7349), br. fibula (Pl. 15: 7346), br. lamp hook (Pl. 15: 7344), br. spoon-like object (7352) Glass: vessel (?) (7345) Other ceramics: two relief lamps (7370, 7385), cup/thin-walled ware – C (7359)

NUK 54-61 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:06 Page 61


T. 15/Pl.15NUK II (2008). 7471, 7545, 7581, 7597 in 7601 steklo; 7316, 7330, 7395 in 8041 keramika; ostalo bron. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7471, 7545, 7581, 7597 & 7601 glass; 7316, 7330, 7395 & 8041 ceramics; all others bronze. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

7118

7509

8041

7395

7569

7157

7311

7324

7581

7601 7597 7545

7564

SE/SU2093

SE/SU1162

SE/SU2252

SE/SU2325

SE/SU2092

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 62


7269

7292

7346

7343

7271

7471

7042

7316 7330

SE/SU2039

SE/SU2043

73497348

7344

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 63


CESTA H Nasutja SE 573: Novci: mali noriški srebrnik (7447),

polovičen republikanski as (8212) Steklo: mozaična skodela ali skleda oblike Isings 1/18 (8216) TS: krožnik/ker. s črnim premazom – B (t. 16: 8087), odlomek dna/pad. – ppd žig C.MVRRI = OCK 1203.27 (t. 16: 8242), skodelica Sarius (t. 16: 10029, 10031, 8054), krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2.5/pad. (t. 16: 10027), pladenj oblike Consp. 19.3.2/aret. (t. 16: 8267), skodelica oblike Consp. 26.1.3/pad. (t. 16: 10028), dno krožnika Consp. B 1.10 (t. 16: 8210), krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2.2/pad. (t. 16: 8213), skodelica oblike Consp. 26.1.3/pad. (8220), vrč/pad. (8224), skodelica oblike Consp. 22.6.1/pad. (t. 16: 8237) Amfore: Dr. 2–4 (8083, 8084), Dr. 7–11 (8085) Ostala keramika: skodelica /ker. tankih sten – C (t. 16:8370), lonček/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 16: 8053), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 16: 10033), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – B (t. 16: 8082), dvoročajna skodela/svetla namizna ker. (8087)

SE 1425: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (8013) Steklo: skodela oblike Isings 3b (8128) TS: krožnik/aret. – ppd žig L.GELL = OCK 879.41 (t. 17: 8134), skodelica oblike Consp. B 4.15/pad. – pps žig HESP = OCK 943.2 (t. 17: 8126), krožnik oblike Consp. 4.6.1/pad. (t. 17: 8132), krožnik oblike Consp. 4.6.1/pad. (t. 17: 8100), krožnik oblike Consp. 20.4, 21.3 ali 21.7/aret. (t. 17: 8140), krožnik oblike Consp. 20.4.2/pad. (t. 17: 8101), vrč/pad. (t. 17: 8099), skodelica Sarius/pad. (t. 17: 8069) Ostala keramika: skodelici/ker. tankih sten – F (t. 17: 8070, 8127), skodelica ali lonček/ker. tankih sten – H (t. 17: 8071), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 17: 8012)

SE 3045: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (9320), kovničarski dupondij (9319), polovičen kovničarski as s kontramarko M (sl. 49: 8847)

CESTA F Nasutja SE 2620: Kovina: br. fibula tipa Aucissa (t. 18: 7414)

Steklo: rebrasti skodeli oblike Isings 3 (t. 18: 8461, 8543), igralna žetona (8464, 8493) TS: skodelica Sarius/pad. (t. 18: 8093, 8497), skodelica oblike Consp. 24.3.1/pad. (t. 18: 10024) Ostala keramika: balzamarij (t. 18: 8505), reliefni oljenki (t. 18: 8462, 8463), skodelica z bradavičastim okrasom/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 18: 8092), skodelici/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 18: 10002, 10003), igralni žeton (t. 18: 8496), dvoročajna skodela/svetla namizna ker. (t. 19: 8495), lonci/groba kuhinjska ker. (t. 19: 8086, 10018, 10019, 10020, 10021; 8266, 8268, 8269), pokrov/groba kuhinjska ker. (t. 19: 10022)

SE 2492: Novci: kovničarski as (8513), nedoločena polovičena AE (7807, 8555) Steklo: skodela oblike Isings 17 (t. 20: 8537) Ostalo: ker. igralni žeton (8554)

SE 2639: Steklo: skodela oblike Isings 3b (8569), skodela oblike Isings 17 (t. 20: 10023)

Polnilo SE 2653: Novci: polovičen kovničarski as (8443)

Kovina: br. certoška fibula (t. 20: 8638), br. fibula tipa A 236 (t. 20: 8451), br. fibula A 237 (t. 20: 8619), br. držaj sklede (t. 20: 8429)TS: nedoločeni črepinji/ker. s črnim premazom – B (8640, 8739),

ROAD H Fill layers SU 573: Coins: small Norican silver coin (7447),

halved Republican as (8212) Glass: mosaic Isings 1/18 cup or bowl (8216) TS: plate/black-slipped ware – B (Pl. 16: 8087), base fragment/pad. – ppd stamp C.MVRRI = OCK 1203.27 (Pl. 16: 8242), Sarius cup (Pl. 16: 10029, 10031, 8054), Consp. 18.2.5 plate/pad. (Pl. 16: 10027), Consp. 19.2.2 plate/aret. (Pl. 16: 8267), Consp. 26.1.3 cup/pad. (Pl. 16: 10028), Consp. B 1.10 base/plate (Pl. 16: 8210), Consp. 18.2.2 plate/pad. (Pl. 16: 8213), Consp. 26.1.3 cup/pad. (8220), jug/pad. (8224), Consp. 22.6.1 cup/pad. (Pl. 16: 8237) Amphorae: Dr. 2–4 (8083, 8084), Dr. 7–11 (8085) Other ceramics: cup/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 16: 8370), small pot/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 16: 8053), cup/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 16: 10033), cup/thin-walled ware – B (Pl. 16: 8082), two-handled bowl/table ware (8087)

SU 1425: Coins: undetermined halved AE (8013) Glass: Isings 3b cup (8128) TS: plate/aret. – ppd stamp L.GELL = OCK 879.41 (Pl. 17: 8134), Consp. B 4.15 cup/pad. – pps stamp HESP = OCK 943.2 (Pl. 17: 8126), Consp. 4.6.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 17: 8132), Consp. 4.6.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 17: 8100), Consp. 20.4, 21.3 ali 21.7 plate/aret. (Pl. 17: 8140), Consp. 20.4.2 plate/pad. (Pl. 17: 8101), jug/pad. (Pl. 17: 8099), Sarius cup/pad. (Pl. 17: 8069) Other ceramics: two cups/thin-walled ware – F (Pl. 17: 8070, 8127), cups or small pot/thin-walled ware – H (Pl. 17: 8071), cup/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 17: 8012)

SU 3045: Coins: undetermined halved AE (9320), moneyers’ dupondius (9319), halved moneyers’ as – countermark M (Fig. 49: 8847)

ROAD FFill layers SU 2620: Metal: br. Aucissa type fibula (Pl. 18: 7414)

Glass: two ribbed Isings 3b cups (Pl. 18: 8461, 8543), gaming token (8464, 8493) TS: Sarius cup/pad. (Pl. 18: 8093, 8497), Consp. 24.3.1/pad. (Pl. 18: 10024) Other ceramics: balsamarium (Pl. 18: 8505), two relief lamps (Pl. 18: 8462, 8463), cup with relief ornament/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 18: 8092), two cups/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 18: 10002, 10003), gaming token (Pl. 18: 8496), two-handled bowl/table ware (Pl. 19: 8495), pots/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 19: 8086, 10018, 10019, 10020, 10021; 8266, 8268, 8269), lid/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 19: 10022)

SU 2492: Coins: moneyers’ as (8513), undetermined halved AE (7807, 8555)Glass: Isings 17 cup (Pl. 20: 8537)Other: ceramic gaming token (8554)

SU 2639: Glass: Isings 3b cup (8569), Isings 17 cup (Pl. 20: 10023)

FillSU 2653: Coins: halved moneyers’ as (8443)

Metal: br. Certosa type fibula (Pl. 20: 8638), br. A 236 type fibula (Pl. 20: 8451), br. A 237 type fibula (Pl. 20: 8619), br. bowl lug (Pl. 20: 8429)TS: two undetermined shards/black-slipped ware – B (8640, 8739),

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 64


skodelica oblike Consp. 26.1.2/aret. (8620, 8628, 8732 – ista posoda kot 8334 iz SE 2593), skodelica oblike Consp. 34.2.1/aret. (t. 20: 8315), krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2.3/pad. (t. 20: 8300), krožnik oblike Consp. 18.2.2/pad. (t. 20: 8454) Amfore: Dr. 6B (t. 20: 8738), pokrovčka (8735, 8736) Ostala keramika: kozarec ali skodelica, okrašena z vbodi/ker. tankih sten – A (t. 20: 8733), kozarec, okrašen z vbodi/ker. tankih sten – A (t. 20: 8734), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – D (t. 20: 8316), skodelica/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 20: 8319), reliefna oljenka (t. 20: 8314), lonca/groba kuhinjska/ker. (t. 20: 8308, 8737) Ostalo: koščena stilusa (t. 20: 8471, 8618)

Sediment SE 449: Novci: Tiberijev as (8130)

Steklo: skodela oblike Isings 3b (t. 21: 8158, 8159; 8143, 8156), skodelica oblike Isings 17 (8389), reticella steklo z zlatim lističem (8388), valjasta jagoda (t. 21: 8186) Kovina: br. okov – opus interrasile (t. 21: 7863), br. fibula tipa A 67 (8411), br. toaletna žlička (t. 21: 8141) TS: dno skodelice oblike Consp. B 4.9 (Consp. 22–25)/pad. – ppd žig MVRRANVS = OCK 1201.3 (t. 21: 8292), krožnik oblike Consp. 20.3.2/pad. (t. 21: 8153), krožnik oblike Consp. 20.3.2/pad. (t. 21: 8163), krožnik oblike Consp. 21.3.1/aret. (t. 21: 9981), krožnik oblike Consp. 4.6.1 ali 6.2.1/pad. (t. 21: 8155), skodelica oblike Consp. 37.1.2 ?/pad. (t. 21: 10017), vrč Consp. K9/pad. (10034), krožnik oblike Consp. 4.3.2/pad. (t. 21: 10015) Amfore: Dr. 6B (t. 22: 9984, 10012), Dr. 2–4 (8147) Ostala keramika: reliefna oljenka (t. 21: 8137), polkroglasta skodelica/ker. tankih sten – C (t. 21: 8073), čaša/ker. tankih sten (t. 21: 10014), dvoročajna skodelica/ker. tankih sten (t. 21: 10016), dvoročajni vrč (t. 21: 10013), dvoročajna skodela/svetla namizna ker. (t. 22: 10009), lonci/groba kuhinjska/ker. (t. 22: 8062, 9983, 10010, 10011)

Consp. 26.1.2 cup/aret. (8620, 8628, 8732 – same vessel as 8334/SU 2593), Consp. 34.2.1 cup/aret. (Pl. 20: 8315), Consp. 18.2.3 plate/pad. (Pl. 20: 8300), Consp. 18.2.2 plate/pad. (Pl. 20: 8454) Amphorae: Dr. 6B (Pl. 20: 8738), two lids (8735, 8736) Other ceramics: beaker or cup, decorated with indentations/thin-walled ware – A (Pl. 20: 8733), beaker, decorated with indentations/thin-walled ware – A (Pl. 20: 8734), cup/thin-walled ware – D (Pl. 20: 8316), cup/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 20: 8319), relief lamp (Pl. 20: 8314), two pots/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 20: 8308, 8737) Other: two bone styli (Pl. 20: 8471, 8618)

SedimentSU 449: Coins: as of Tiberius (8130)

Glass: Isings 3b cup (Pl. 21: 8158, 8159; 8143, 8156), Isings 17 cup (8389), reticella glass with gold leaf (8388), cylindrical bead (Pl. 21: 8186) Metal: br. fitting with opus interrasile decoration (Pl. 21: 7863), br. A 67 type fibula (8411), br. toilet spoon (Pl. 21: 8141) TS: Consp. B 4.9/cup (Consp. 22–25)/pad. – ppd stamp MVRRANVS = OCK 1201.3 (Pl. 21: 8292), Consp. 20.3.2 plate/pad. (Pl. 21: 8153), Consp. 20.3.2 plate/pad. (Pl. 21: 8163), Consp. 21.3.1 plate/aret. (Pl. 21: 9981), Consp. 4.6.1 or 6.2.1 plate/pad. (Pl. 21: 8155), Consp. 37.1.2 ? cup/pad. (Pl. 21: 10017), Consp. K9 jug/pad. (10034), Consp. 4.3.2 plate/pad. (Pl. 21: 10015) Amhorae: Dr. 6B (Pl. 22: 9984, 10012), Dr. 2–4 (8147) Other ceramics: relief lamp (Pl. 21: 8137), semi-globular cup/thin-walled ware – C (Pl. 21: 8073), cup/thin-walled ware (Pl. 21: 10014), two-handled cup/thin-walled ware (Pl. 21: 10016), two-handled jugs (Pl. 21: 10013), two-handled bowl/table ware (Pl. 22: 10009), pots/coarse kitchen ware (Pl. 22: 8062, 9983, 10010, 10011)

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 65


T. 16/Pl.16NUK II (2008). Keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). Ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

8242

8087

8210

8267

8213

10027 8054

1003110029

8053

8237

8082

10033

8370

10028

10030

8220

SE/SU573

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 66


T. 17/Pl.17NUK II (2008). Keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). Ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

8101

8100

8132

8140

81268134

80998069

8070

8071

8127

8012

SE/SU1425

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 67


T. 18/Pl.18NUK II (2008). 7414 bron; 8461 in 8543 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7414 bronze; 8461 & 8543 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

8496

7414

8497

8092

8093

10002

10003

SE/SU2620

10024

8543

8461

8505

8462

8463

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 68


T. 19/Pl.19NUK II (2008). Keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). Ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

10021

8495

8086

10020

SE/SU2620

1001910018

10022

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:12 Page 69


T. 20/Pl. 20NUK II (2008). 8429, 8451, 8619 in 8638 bron; 8471 in 8618 kost; 8537 in 8569 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 8429, 8451, 8619 & 8638 bronze; 8471 & 8618 bone; 8537 & 8569 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

8638 8451

8319

8429

8537 10023 8619

SE/SU2492

SE/SU2639

SE/SU2653

SE/SU2492

8308

8738

8314

8733

8300

8315

8471

8316

8734

8618

8454

8737

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 70


T. 21/Pl. 21NUK II (2008). 7863, 8141 in 8411 bron; 8158, 8159 in 8186 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7863, 8141 & 8411 bronze; 8158, 8159 & 8186 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

8158

9981

8186

8163

8153

8155

10015

10016

8137

10017

8411

7863 8141 8159

8073

8072

10014

8292

SE/SU449

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 71


T. 22/Pl. 22NUK II (2008). Keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). Ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

10011

10010

SE/SU449

10012

10013

9983

8062

10009

9984

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 72


Prvi depoziti v inzuli XLVI Nasutja SE 3176: Novci: nedoločen preluknjan in polovičen AE (9190),

polovičen AE – Nemausus (9204) Steklo: millefiori skodelica (t. 23: 9192) TS: skodelica oblike Consp. 34.1.1/aret. (t. 23: 9173)

SE 1862: Novci: kovničarski dupondij s kontramarko CAE (sl. 49: 9711)Kovina: br. žebelj (t. 23: 9501)

SE 3586= Kovina: br. locen cinguluma (t. 23: 9640) 3006: TS: krožnik/ker. s črnim premazom – B (t. 23: 9642; 9639) SE 3842: Novci: republikanski srebrnik (9897)

Kovina: br. fibula A 236 (t. 23: 9916), br. prstan (9910) žel. zidarska žlica (t. 23: 9909),

Sediment SE 3473: Novci: polovičen republikanski AE (9483),

nedoločen polovičen AE (9630), nedoločen polovičen AE (9627)Kovina: dva br. žeblja (9486), br. spona cinguluma z železnim trnom (t. 23: 9894)žel. falx (9467), žel. fibula (9629), TS: krožnik/ker. s črnim premazom – B (t. 23: 9632), pladenj oblike Consp.18.2.5/pad. (t. 23: 8294)

Nasutje SE 3720: Novci: Livijin dupondij (9705),

kovničarski kvadrans (9702) Kovina: noga br. fibule v obliki človeške glave (t. 24: 9874)

Sedimenti SE 3704: Novci: kovničarski as (9674) SE 3677: Novci: nedoločen AE (9868)

Kovina: br. aplika (t. 24: 9668) SE 3678: Novci: Tiberijev as; 15–16 n. št. (9666) SE 3747: Kovina: br. pokrov črnilnika s pozlačeno rozeto (t. 24: 9716) Žganina SE 3676: Novci: Vespazijanov (?) as (9663)

Kovina: br. zvonček (t. 24: 9660), br. prstan (9661) Steklo: igralni žeton (9870) Ostalo: koščeno šilo (9664)

SedimentSE 3423: TS: dno/ker. s črnim premazom – C (t. 24: 9402),

dno skodelice oblike Consp. B 4.15 (Consp. 25–26)/pad. – ppd žig MVRRANVS = OCK 1201.4 (t. 24: 9808)

SE 3391: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (9395) Kovina: br. obroček (9394)

SE 3209: Novci: republikanski as (9796) Nasutje SE 3206= TS: nedoločena črepinja/ker. s črnim premazom – B (9060) 1220:

Vodnjak na ulici H Sediment SE 3181: Novci: nedoločen polovičen AE (9250)

Keramika: skodela/svetla namizna ker. (t. 24: 8044), dvoročajni vrči (t. 24: 9246; 25: 9029, 9038, 10008) in amfora poznorodoškega tipa (t. 26: 9245)

Zasutje SE 3943: Kovina: br. obroček (t. 26: 9026),

okrogla br. fibula s predrtino (t. 26: 9024) Steklo: skleda oblike Isings 1 (t. 26: 9035) TS: krožnik nedoločljive oblike (9025), pladenj oblike Consp. 18 ali 19/pad. (9028), skodelica Sarius/pad. (t. 26: 9134) Ostala keramika: reliefno okrašena utež (t. 26: 9036)

First deposits in Insula XLVI Fill layers SU 3176: Coins: undetermined perforated and halved AE (9190),

halved AE – Nemausus (9204)Glass: millefiori cup or bowl (Pl. 23: 9192)TS: Consp. 34.1.1 cup/aret. (Pl. 23: 9173)

SU 1862: Coins: moneyers’ dupondius – countermark CAE (Fig. 49: 9711) Metal: br. nail (Pl. 23: 9501)

SU 3586= Metal: br. cingulum loop (Pl. 23: 9640) 3006: TS: plate/black-slipped ware – B (Pl. 23: 9462; 9639) SU 3842: Coins: Republican silver coin (9897)

Metal: br. A 236 type fibula (Pl. 23: 9916), br. finger-ring (9910) iron brick trowel (Pl. 23: 9909),

Sediment SU 3473: Coins: halved Republican AE (9483),

undetermined halved AE (9630), undetermined halved AE (9627)Metal: two br. nails (9486), br. belt buckle with iron tongue (Pl. 23: 9894) iron falx (9467), iron fibula (9629), TS: plate/black-slipped ware – B (Pl. 23: 9632), Consp. 18.2.5 plate/pad. (Pl. 23: 8294)

Fill layer SU 3720: Coins: dupondius of Livia (9705),

moneyers’ quadrans (9702) Metal: foot of a br. fibula in the shape of a human head (Pl. 24: 9874)

SedimentsSU 3704: Coins: moneyers’ as (9674) SU 3677: Coins: undetermined AE (9868)

Metal: br. appliqué (Pl. 24: 9668) SU 3678: Coins: as of Tiberius; AD 15–16 (9666) SU 3747: Metal: br. lid of an inkpot with gilded rosette (Pl. 24: 9716) Burnt remains SU 3676: Coins: as of Vespasian (?) (9663)

Metal: small br. bell (Pl. 24: 9660), br. finger-ring (9661) Glass: gaming token (9870) Other: bone awl (9664)

Sediment SU 3423: TS: base/black-slipped ware – C (Pl. 24: 9402),

Consp. B 4.15 base (Consp. 25–26) cup/pad. – ppd stamp MVRRANVS = OCK 1201.4 (Pl. 24: 9808)

SU 3391: Coins: undetermined halved AE (9395) Metal: br. ring (9394)

SU 3209: Coins: Republican as (9796) Fill layer SU 3206= TS: undetermined shard/black-slipped ware – B (9060) 1220:

Well on Street H Sediment SU 3181: Coins: undetermined halved AE (9250)

Ceramics: bowl/table ware (Pl. 24 : 8044), two-handled jugs (Pl. 24 : 9246; 25: 9029, 9038, 10008) and Late rhodian amphora (Pl. 26: 9245)

Fill layerSU 3943: Metal: small br. ring (Pl. 26: 9026),

round br. fibula with a perforation (Pl. 26: 9024) Glass: Isings 1 bowl (Pl. 26: 9035) TS: plate of undeterminalbe form (9025), Consp. 18 or 19 plate/pad. (9028), Sarius cup/pad. (Pl. 26: 9134) Other ceramics: relief decorated ceramic weight (Pl. 26: 9036)

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 73


T. 23/Pl. 23NUK II (2008). 9501, 9640 in 9916 bron; 9894 bron in železo; 9909 železo; 9192 steklo; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik)NUK II (2008). 9501, 9640 & 9916 bronze; 9894 bronze and iron; 9909 iron; 9192 glass; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

9173

9894

9640

SE/SU3586

SE/SU3842

SE/SU3473

9501

9916

SE/SU1862

SE/SU3176

9632

9642

9909

8294

9192

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 74


T. 24/Pl. 24NUK II (2008). 9660, 9668 in 9874 bron; 9716 bron, pozlata; ostalo keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 9660, 9668 & 9874 bronze; 9716 gilded bronze; all others ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

9874 9716 9660

SE/SU3181

SE/SU3423

9808

SE/SU3720

SE/SU3677

SE/SU3747

SE/SU3676

8044

9246

9668

9402

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 75


T. 25/Pl. 25NUK II (2008). Keramika. M.=1:2 (risba: Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). Ceramics. Scale 1:2 (drawing: Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

SE/SU3181

9029

10008

9038

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 76


SE/SU3181

SE/SU3943

T. 26/Pl. 26NUK II (2008). 9024 bron; 9026 kositer (?); 9035 steklo; ostalo keramika. 9245 M.=1:3; ostalo 1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 9024 bronze; 9026 tin (?); 9035 glass; all others ceramics. 9245 Scale 1:3; all others 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder, Maja Zorec; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

9245

9134

9035

9024 9026

9036

NUK 62-77 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:13 Page 77


Kronologija gradiva iz opisanih kontekstov naka-zuje tesno časovno sosledje vadbenega tabora, pri-prave zemljišča in same gradnje inzul, ki jih lahkozlasti na podlagi novčnih najdb vpnemo med zad-nja leta vladavine Avgusta in zgodnjetiberijsko ob-dobje. Najdbe iz polnil jam iz časa pred gradnjo zi-dov sicer vključujejo nekatere predmete, ki so biliizdelani v drugi polovici 1. stoletja pr. n. št. (npr. fi-buli tipa Jezerine (t. 1: 8172) in Alésia (t. 2: 9077),amfore tipa Lamboglia 2/Dr. 6A (t. 9: 8271, 8272,8275)) ali celo prej, vendar postavlja preostalo gra-divo njihovo odložitev dokaj zanesljivo v čas nepo-sredno pred nasipanjem izravnave. V okviru kronološko najbolj oprijemljivih najdb, kivključujejo republikanske in Avgustove novce inpolovičarje ter sigilatno posodje s pravokotnimi ži-gi, natančnejša datacija ostankov iz časa pred zi-davo trenutno ni mogoča.Glavna opora za datacijo barak v inzuli XIII je Tibe-rijev novec, kovan leta 15–16 n.št. (7574), iz polnilavkopa v eno od pripadajočih hodnih površin na juž-nem delu vzhodnega niza objektov. Vodnjak, ki jebil izkopan z nivoja ostankov lesene arhitekture, terglinena nasutja v prvih zidanih prostorih, ki prekri-jejo že zasut vodnjak, bi lahko nakazovali, da je bi-la inzula XIII zgrajena zadnja med raziskanimi.Dobro kronološko oporo za začetek gradnje zidovponuja Avgustov dupondij za Tiberija iz let 10–12n.št. (7393), ki je bil najden na površini izravnavena notranji strani vzhodne fasade inzule XIII. Na-jdbe iz prvih sedimentov in nasutij v zidanih ob-jektih vključujejo novec s kontramarko TI.CA (sl.49: 7441) in sigilatne posode z žigi in planta pe-dis. Pojav teh žigov se glede na njihovo odsotnostv Halternu in Waldgirmesu, opuščenih leta 9 n. št.,domneva kmalu po tem času,26 verjetno že predkonvencionalnim datumom leta 15 n. št.Najmlajši element v sedimentu iz časa gradnje in-zule XXVII je odlomek sigilatne posode s ppd ži-gom (t. 13: 9294). Najdbe iz depozitov pred grad-njo inzul XLVI in XVII ter nasutij za prve hodnepovršine imajo poznoavgustejsko obeležje, v prvihsedimentih pa se pojavijo predmeti iz Tiberijeve-ga časa. Krožnikom oblik Consp. 18 in 19, skodeli-cam Consp. 22 in 24 ter dvoročnim skodelicamtipa Sarius se v sedimentih iz časa gradnje zidov

The chronology of the material from the above-described contexts indicates a close chronologicalsuccession of a training camp, terrain preparationand construction of insulae. Mainly on the basis ofcoin finds, this succession may be set between thelast years of Augustus’ reign and the Early Tiberi-an period. The finds from the fills of the pits dat-ing from the time prior to wall construction do in-clude several objects produced during the secondhalf of the 1st century BC (for instance, Jezerine (Pl.1: 8172) and Alésia (Pl. 2: 9077) type fibulae, twoLamboglia 2/Dr. 6A amphorae (Pl. 9: 8271, 8272,8275)) or even before. However, the rest of the findssets their deposition fairly reliably to the time justbefore the levelling. The chronologically most sensitive finds, which in-clude republican coins and coins of Augustus (alsohalved ones), terra sigillata ware with rectangu-lar stamps, do not allow, for the time being, a moreprecise date for the remains from the time prior tostone construction to be proposed.The main evidence for the date of the huts in In-sula XIII is provided by a coin of Tiberius mintedin AD 15–16 (7574), which was found in the fill ofa cut into one of the floors on the southern partof the eastern hut row. The well, dug from thelevel of the wooden architecture remains, as wellas the clay fill layers in the first stone built roomsthat covered the already filled well might indicatethat Insula XIII was built last among the investi-gated insulae. Chronological evidence for the beginning of thestone wall construction is offered by a dupondiusof Augustus for Tiberius from AD 10–12 (7393),found on the surface of the levelling on the innerside of Insula XIII east façade. Finds from the firstsediments and fill layers in stone buildings in-clude a coin countermarked TI.CA (Fig. 49: 7441)and terra sigillata vessels with in planta pedisstamps. Considering their absence at Haltern andWaldgirmes, both abandoned in AD 9, the appea-rance of these stamps supposedly occurred soonafter this time,26 probably already before AD 15,the conventional date for the founding of Emona.The latest element in the sediment from whichInsula XXVII was built is a fragment of a terra si-

26 Consp., 6, 147–148. 26 Consp., 6, 147–148.

Datacija posameznih kontekstov

Date of individual contexts

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:16 Page 78

79 Datacija posameznih kontekstov /Date of individual contexts

ali neposredno po njej pridružijo krožnik tipaConsp. 4.6.1 (t. 21: 8155) ter skodelice tipov Con-sp. 32.3.1 (t. 13: 9297) in 36.4.3 (t. 14: 9162), ki sonovost tiberijskega obdobja.V zgornjem delu zasutja vodnjaka na ulici H je bilanajdena okrogla fibula s šarnirjem (t. 26: 9024),27

na podlagi katere lahko datiramo prenehanje upo-rabe vodnjaka med poznoavgustejsko in klavdijskoobdobje. Ulici namenjeni prostor očitno ni imelnikoli funkcije cestišča, saj so ga za Klavdija vsajdelno prezidali s kopališkim kompleksom v inzuliXLVI (sl. 43), zgrajenim hkrati s kloakami in kana-lizacijskim omrežjem (sl. 44).

gillata vessel with a ppd stamp (Pl. 13: 9294).Finds from the deposits that predate the construc-tion of Insulae XLVI and XVII and fill layers for thefirst of their surfaces bear Late Augustan charac-teristics, while the first construction sedimentsreveal objects dating from the Tiberian period.The Consp. 18 and 19 plates, Consp. 22 and 24cups as well as two-handled Sarius cups are jo-ined, in the sediments from the time of the stoneconstruction or directly after it, by a Consp. 4.6.1plate (Pl. 21: 8155) and Consp. 32.3.1 (Pl. 13: 9297)and 36.4.3 cups (Pl.14: 9162), which represent no-velties of the Tiberian period.The upper part of the fill of the well on Street Hrevealed a round hinged fibula,27 on the basis ofwhich the abandonment of the well may be datedinto the time between the Late Augustan and theClaudian periods. The space intended for the streetapparently never functioned as a roadway, since itwas at least partially covered over by a bath com-plex in Insula XLVI in the time of Claudius (Fig.43), built contemporaneously with the cloacae andthe sewage system (Fig. 44).

27 VIČIČ 1994, t. 15: 7; HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, sl. 6: 8955. 27 VIČIČ 1994, pl. 15: 7; HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, fig. 6: 8955.

Sl. 43/Fig.43V sredini 1. stoletja je bilo izvedeno infrastrukturno preopremljanje celotne Emone, ki je v tem času dobila nov kanalizacijski sistem s kloakami in rekreacijsko-kopališke komplekse. Pri gradnji telovadnice(palestra) ter okroglega prostora s privzdignjeno ploščadjo inhodnikom ter apsidalne stavbe (na robu izkopnega polja) v zahodnemdelu inzule XLVI so porušili zidove prve faze in objekt razširili naobmočje karda H (foto: Maja Lavrič)The infrastructure across Emona was rearranged in the mid-1st century.The town was then equipped with a new sewage system with cloacae andrecreational bath complexes. The construction of the palestra and theround room with a raised platform and hallway, as well as apsidalbuildings (at the edge of the excavation field) in the western part ofInsula XLVI demanded the walls of the first phase to be pulled down,after which the building was extended onto Cardo H (photo: Maja Lavrič)

Sl. 44 /Fig.44Kloaka na dekumanu F je bila vkopana v drobnozrnate pleistocenske

sedimente, katerih nepropustnost je preprečevala onesnaženjepodtalnice z odpadnimi vodami iz gospodinjstev in latrin. Po gradnji,

ki se je izvršila v zadnjih letih vladavine Kaligule ali kmalu po nastopuKlavdija, je cestišče dobilo značilno zaobljen profil. Kloaka ima dno

iz dveh vrst opečnih tlakovcev (laterculi), masivni stranici in polkrožno-koničen obok s trikotno zidanim svodom (foto: Maja Lavrič)The cloaca in Decumanus F was dug into the Pleistocene sediments.

Their impermeability prevented the ground water to becomecontaminated with waste waters from households and latrines. After its construction was terminated, either in the last years of Caligula’s

reign or soon after Claudius’ accession, the roadway obtained its typicalcurved cross -section. The cloaca has a floor composed of two rows

of brick laterculi, massive sides and a vault that is almost semicircularon the upper and conical on the lower side (photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:16 Page 79


8524

7954

7884

7859

SE/SU214

8458

7961

8465

8466

8459

8446

SE/SU1231

T. 27/Pl. 27 • Klavdijsko-flavijski konteksti /Claudian-Flavian contexts

NUK II (2008). 7859 in 7954 steklo; 7872, 7884 in 8305 keramika; 8459 kost; 7953 železo; 8458 bron in železo; ostalo bron. M.=1:2 (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder; priprava: Tilen Praprotnik) NUK II (2008). 7859 & 7954 glass; 7872, 7884 & 8305 ceramics; 8459 bone; 7953 iron; 8458 bronze and iron; all others bronze. Scale 1:2(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder; rendering: Tilen Praprotnik)

7968

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:16 Page 80

81 Datacija posameznih kontekstov /Date of individual contexts

7872

9353

7953

9614

SE/SU2611

SE/SU2676

SE/SU3082

SE/SU163

SE/SU2581

SE/SU214

8479

7970 8305 8235

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:16 Page 81


Med rezidualne najdbe latenske provenience izzgodnjerimskih depozitov prištevamo bronasto apli-ko v obliki stilizirane živalske glave (t. 14: 9481),železno fibulo s peresovino (9629) in fragment fi-bule s plastično upodobitvijo moške glave (t. 24:9874), ki spominja na glave poznolatenskih skle-pancev iz Notranjske (sl. 45).28 Na lokaciji Šumisodijo v ta okvir ulita fibula poznolatenske shemevrste Magdalenska gora (t. 29: Š 5513)29 ter okvir-no sočasna bradavičasta obročka (t. 29: Š 4153; Š2859)30 in bronasta zakovica z ostankom železne-ga stebla in polkroglasto glavico (Š 7269). Okrasglavice iz vrezanih šrafur v štirih poljih ima zelodobre primerjave na zakovicah čelade tipa Novomesto iz groba 1/Košak B na Strmcu nad BeloCerkvijo, datiranega v drugo polovico 1. stoletjapr.n. št.,31 in na vrsti drugih poznolatenskih pred-metov. V pozni laten morda sodi tudi svinčenovretence klobučaste oblike (t. 5: 8623) iz lokacijeNUK II, ki ima sicer analogije že v kontekstih iz 5.stoletja pr. n. št. (sl. 45).32

Residual finds of La Tène provenance from theEarly Roman deposits include a bronze appliqué inthe form of a stylized human head (Pl.14: 9481), aniron fibula with spring (9629) and a fragment ofa fibula with a male head rendered in the round(Pl. 24: 9874) that is reminiscent of the heads onthe Late La Tène belt chains from Notranjska (Fig.45).28 At the Šumi site, the chronological frame-work is shared by a cast fibula of Late La Tènescheme, type Magdalenska gora (Pl. 29: Š 5513),29

two roughly contemporaneous small knobbed rings(Pl. 29: Š 4153; Š 2859)30 and a bronze rivet withthe remains of an iron shank and a semi-globularhead (Š 7269). The head bears incised hatched de-coration in four fields and has very good analogieson the rivets of the Novo mesto type helmets fromGrave 1/Košak B at Strmec near Bela Cerkev, datedto the second half of the 1st century BC,31 as wellas on a number of other Late La Tène objects.The same date is perhaps valid also for a lead hat-shaped spindle-whorl (Pl. 5: 8623) from the NUKII site, while its earliest analogies emerged in thecontexts from 5th century BC (Fig. 45).32

The Early Roman deposits on the NUK II, Šumiand forum sites33 have revealed individual vesselsof the Celtic type made of refined, grey or brownfired clay made on a fast turning potter’s wheel(Pl. 7: 7779; Š 1296, Š 2009). They show markedties with the Late La Tène forms of the MokronogGroup. Three biconical jars with horizontal groovesand a burnished wavy line (Fig. 46)34 have a good

Oris izbranihkategorij najdb

Gradivo latenske provenience

Outline of select categories of finds

Material of La Tene provenance

28 BOŽIČ 1999, 202; GUŠTIN 1979, t. 5: 1–2; BAVDEK 1996, sl. 3; 4: 2.29 BOŽIČ 1993a, 146.30 Id. 1993b, 190–193.31 STARE 1973, t. 14: 2–4; BOŽIČ 1999, 199. 32 LAHARNAR 2009, t. 7: 1.

28 BOŽIČ 1999, 202; GUŠTIN 1979, pl. 5: 1–2; BAVDEK 1996, figs 3; 4: 2.29 BOŽIČ 1993a, 146.30 Id. 1993b, 190–193.31 STARE 1973, pl. 14: 2–4; BOŽIČ 1999, 199. 32 LAHARNAR 2009.33 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 30: 7–8; 32: 3–4; 36: 7–8.34 KNEZ 1992, pl. 39: 5; TIEFENGRABER 1998, pl. 8: 4; 12: 2, 6; 17: 1;

19: 8; 20: 11; 21: 1.

Sl. 45/Fig.45Noga fibule v obliki človeške glave izvira glede na slogovne značilnosti izobmočja med Ljubljansko kotlino in jadransko obalo. Skupaj s svinčenimvretencem, kakršna so pogosta v italskem okolju, sodita med izdelkelatenske tradicije severnojadranskega zaledja (foto: Maja Lavrič) The stylistic features observed on the foot of a fibula in the shape of a human head point to an origin in the area between the Ljubljanabasin and the Adriatic coast. This foot and the lead spindle-whorl, the form of which was common in the Italic area, represent products of the La Tène tradition of the northern Adriatic hinterland (photo:Maja Lavrič)

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 82

83 Oris izbranih kategorij najdb /Outline of select categories of finds

V zgodnjerimskih depozitih na območju NUK II,Šumija in foruma33 je posamično zastopano poso-dje keltskega tipa iz prečiščene, sivo ali rjavo žganegline, izdelano na hitro vrtečem se lončarskem vre-tenu (t. 7: 7779; Š 1296, Š 2009), ki kaže izrazitonavezanost na poznolatenske oblike mokronoškeskupine. Bikonični lonci z vodoravnimi kanelura-mi in vglajeno valovnico (sl. 46)34 imajo po oblikiin velikosti dobro vzporednico v posodi iz groba 33na Beletovem vrtu v Novem mestu, ki ga lahko napodlagi pridanih vretenastih kozarcev datiramo vavgustejsko obdobje.35 Okvirno časovno umestitevpodpirata tudi identičen okras na kantarosu izvodnega kultnega mesta na Mariborski cesti v Ce-lju36 in odlomek podobne posode, ornamentiranez vglajeno valovnico med dvema kanelurama, iznaselbine pod Grajskim gričem.37 Tudi za večji bi-koničen lonec z vodoravno izvihanim ustjem innarebrenim vratom iz sedimenta nad prvim ces-tiščem dekumana J (Š 5120) poznamo najboljšeprimerjave v zgodnjerimskih grobovih z Beletove-ga vrta38 in Mihovega,39 podobno profilacijo reberpa kažejo tudi pozne oblike kelihov in loncev.40

V zgodnjih emonskih depozitih so številnejši odlom-ki grobih trebušastih loncev, ki imajo ravna ali pro-filirana izvihana ustja in so okrašeni z globokimivrezi in kanelurami (t. 1: 8173; 5: 9530; 6: 7234,8036; 19: 8086, 10018, 10019, 10020, 10021; 20:8308, 8737; 22: 8062, 9983, 10010, 10011), ki soznačilni za 1. stoletje pr. n. št. in prva desetletja 1.stoletja n. št.41 Med poznolatenskimi oblikami po-sodja v rimskih kontekstih se posamično pojavljajotudi grobi lonci z odebeljenimi ustji (t. 8: 8317).42

parallel, in both their size and shape, in a vesselfound in Grave 33 at Beletov vrt in Novo mesto.The latter vessel can be dated to the Augustan pe-riod on the basis of two spindle-shaped beakersfrom the same grave.35 This chronological frameis confirmed by identical decoration on a kantha-ros from the water cult site at Mariborska cesta inCelje36 and a fragment of a similar vessel decora-ted with a burnished wavy line and two groovesfound in the settlement below Grajski grič in Lju-bljana.37 A large biconical jar with a flat evertedrim and ribbed neck, found at the Šumi site in thesediment above the first roadway of the Decuma-nus J (Š 5120), also has best analogies in the Ear-ly Roman graves from Beletov vrt38 and Mihovo,39

while similar rib moulding can be seen also on thelate forms of chalices and jars.40

More numerous in the early deposits of Emona arefragments of coarse pots with flat or everted rimsdecorated with deep incisions and grooves (Pl.1:8173; 5: 9530; 6: 7234, 8036; 19: 8086, 10018,10019, 10020, 10021; 20: 8308, 8737; 22: 8062,9983, 10010, 10011), characteristic of the 1st cen-tury BC and initial decades of the 1st century AD.41

Late La Tène vessel forms in Roman contexts indi-vidually include also coarse jars with thickenedrims (Pl. 8: 8317).42

33 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 30: 7–8; 32: 3–4; 36: 7–8.34 KNEZ 1992, t. 39: 5; TIEFENGRABER 1998, t. 8: 4; 12: 2, 6; 17: 1;

19: 8; 20: 11; 21: 1.35 KNEZ 1992, t. 11: 4.36 KREMPUŠ, GASPARI, NOVŠAK 2007, sl. 2.37 VIČIČ 1993, t. 20: 13.38 Ib., t. 47: 7; 62: 2; 66: 10; 72: 3.39 WINDL 1976, sl. 4.40 GUŠTIN 1977, t. 20: 10; KNEZ 1992, t. 13: 11; 42: 16; 48: 6; 50: 5;

53: 7; 65: 2; 69: 5 ...41 VIČIČ 1993, t. 2: 8, 20; 3: 11, 12, 15 ...42 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 30: 5–6.

35 KNEZ 1992, pl. 11: 4.36 KREMPUŠ, GASPARI, NOVŠAK 2007, fig. 2.37 VIČIČ 1993, pl. 20: 13.38 Ib., pl. 47: 7; 62: 2; 66: 10; 72: 3.39 WINDL 1976, fig. 4.40 GUŠTIN 1977, pl. 20: 10; KNEZ 1992, pl. 13: 11; 42: 16; 48: 6;

50: 5; 53: 7; 65: 2; 69: 5 and others.41 VIČIČ 1993, pl. 2: 8,20; 3: 11, 12, 15 and others.42 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 30: 5–6.

Sl. 46/Fig.46Keltski lonec iz fine sive keramike, ki je vseboval več kosti drobnice, je bil odkrit v manjši jami, vkopani v prvo nasutje ali prvotna tla na

območju inzule XXXIX (foto: Jernej Bregar)A Celtic jar of fine grey ceramics containing several caprine bones was uncovered in a small pit dug into the first fill layer or original

soil in the area of Insula XXXIX (photo: Jernej Bregar)

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 83


NovciNumizmatične najdbe iz zgodnjih kontekstov obse-gajo 105 novcev, ki vključujejo keltske, republikan-ske, Avgustove in Tiberijeve kove. Med keltskiminovci z lokacije NUK II (sl. 47) so bili poleg zahod-nonoriškega srebrnika tipa NEMET (7194) odkritiše mali srebrnik z rozeto (7447), pomanjšava tav-riskovske tetradrahme kuštrastega tipa (8714) inprimerek s stiliziranim konjičkom (8644). Dejans-ki delež malih srebrnikov v tedanjem denarnemobtoku je težko oceniti, saj moramo računati še sprecejšnim številom spregledanih primerkov.

Najdbe noriških novcev lahko povežemo s stiki medgraditelji oziroma prvimi naseljenci in lokalnimkeltskim okoljem. Njihovo pojavljanje je večinomaomejeno na najzgodnejše depozite, posamično pajih srečamo še v poznotiberijskem – klavdijskemobdobju. Izginjanje keltskih kovancev iz obtoka jev skladu s časovno odmaknjenostjo od domnevne-ga konca kovanja leta 26/25 ali 16/15 pr. n. št.43

Posamične najdbe republikanskih srebrnikov ob-segajo 12 denarijev in kvinarijev iz druge polovice2. st. in 1. stoletja pr. n. št. Pogosti so tudi bronastiasi, uliti med letoma 211 in 146 pr.n. št.; med njimije 5 celih in 9 polovičenih (sl. 48).Med Avgustove kove v bronu oz. medenini sodijodva polovičena novca (7160, 9204) galske kovniceNemausus iz let 28–7 pr. n. št. (RIC 155–157), as(7759) z oltarjem tipa Lugdunum I iz let 7–3 pr. n.

CoinsNumismatic finds from the early contexts are rep-resented by 105 coins that include Celtic, Republi-can, Augustan and Tiberian coinages. Celtic coinsfrom the NUK II site (Fig. 47) include a westernNorican NEMET type silver coin (7194), a smallsilver coin with a rosette (7447), a reduction of aTauriscan tetradrachma (8714) and a coin with asmall stylized horse (8644). The actual share ofsmall silver coins in the monetary circulation ofthe time is difficult to be assessed, since the num-ber of missed coins must be considerable.

The finds of Norican coins can be tied to the con-tacts between the builders or first inhabitants ofEmona and the local Celtic population. They aremostly limited to the earliest deposits, but were in-dividually documented in the Late Tiberian – Clau-dian contexts as well. Celtic coins go out of circu-lation in accordance with the chronological dis-tance from the supposed end of coinage in 26/25or 16/15 BC.43

Individual finds of Republican silver coins include12 denarii and quinarii from the second half of the2nd and from the 1st century BC. Frequent are alsobronze asses, cast between 211 and 146 BC, five ofwhich are complete and nine halved (Fig. 48).Augustan coinages in bronze or brass include twohalved coins (7160, 9204) from the Gaulish mintof Nemausus (RIC 155–157) dated to 28–7 BC, an as

43 KOS 1997, 246. 43 KOS 1997, 246.

Sl. 47/Fig. 47V zgodnjerimskih depozitih na lokaciji NUK II so bilinajdeni tudi zahodnonoriškisrebrnik tipa NEMET (a) intrije mali keltski srebrniki, od katerih prikazuje eden (b) zelo natančnopomanjšavo reverjatavriskovske tetradrahmekuštrastega tipa s konjem(foto: Maja Lavrič)The early Roman deposits on the NUK II site alsorevealed a western Noricancoin of the NEMET type aswell as three small Celticsilver coins, one of whichbears a very accuratereduced version of thereverse of the Tauriscantetradrachma with a horse(photo: Maja Lavrič)

a

b

d

c

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 84


št. (RIC 230), številni kovničarski novci različnihizdaj med letoma 23/18 in 5/4 pr. n. št. (RIC 323–442)44 ter dupondij (7393) za Tiberija iz serije Lu-gdunum II iz let 10–12 n. št. (RIC 236a).

(7759) with an altar depiction of the LugdunumI type from 7–3 BC (RIC 230), numerous mone-yers’ coins of various issues (RIC 323–442) dated to23/18–5/4 BC44 and a dupondius (7393) mintedfor Tiberius from the Lugdunum II series dated toAD 10–12 (RIC 236a).Nine of the 24 moneyers’ coins are halved. Theseshould very probably be added most of the 41 unde-termined finds from the early layers, 28 of whichare halved. Furthermore, the coin of the colony ofCelsa with a depiction of a horseman holding apalm leaf (9564), as well as a provincial coin(9457) are also halved.Ten bronze coins of Tiberius, none of which is hal-ved, include one of posthumous coinage for Augu-stus of the Providentia type (7111) from AD 22–30(RIC 81), RIC 72 (7456), two asses (7331) from AD22–23 (RIC 44), as well as an as (7574) from AD15–16 (RIC 34) and an Alexandrine obol (8214)from AD 18–19 (RPC 5082).

Sl. 48 /Fig.48V izkopavalni kampanji leta 2008 je bilo v zgodnjih depozitih najdenih okoli 130 novcev iz srebra in brona oz. medenine v razmerju 1: 7, kar ustreza numizmatični podobi civilnih naselbin in vojaških taborovzgodnjecesarskega obdobja. Republikanski novci obsegajo srebrnedenarije in bronaste uncialne ase, najbolj številni pa so Avgustovi novcikovničarskih serij iz kovnice Roma. Asi in dupondiji iz južnogalskihkovnic Nemausus (Nîmes) in Lugdunum (Lyon) so redki. Numizmatičnosliko najdišča označuje Emono pogostost polovičnih novcev in prisotnostkontramark, ki sta na območju vzhodnih Alp in zahodnega Balkana ter v Porenju pogosta predvsem v vojaškem okolju poznoavgustejskegačasa (foto: Maja Lavrič)The 2008 excavation campaign revealed, in the early deposits, around 130silver and bronze or brass coins in a 1: 7 ratio, which corresponds to thenumismatic picture of civilian settlements and military camps of theEarly Imperial period. Republican coins include silver denarii and bronzeuncial asses, whereby the coins of Augustus of moneyers’ series from theRoma mint are most numerously represented. Asses and dupondii fromthe south Gaulish mints of Nemausus (Nîmes) and Lugdunum (Lyon)are rare. The numismatic picture of the site is characterized by frequenthalved coins and countermarks, which are common in the easternAlpine area, the western Balkans and in the Rhineland primarily inmilitary environments of the Late Augustan period (photo: Maja Lavrič)

44 KAENEL 1999, 367–368; WIGG-WOLF 2007, 126–128. 44 KAENEL 1999, 367–368; WIGG-WOLF 2007, 126–128.

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 85


Sl. 49 /Fig. 49Kontramarke z okrajšavani imen in titulature vladarjev, poveljnikov ali enot na kovničarskih novcih iz avgustejsko-tiberijskih kontekstov lahko mordapovežemo z izdajanjem denarja za plače ali obdaritev vojakov. Namen žigosanja, ki se je verjetno izvršilo v okviru centralnih uradov poveljstev, je bilo podaljševanje veljavnosti izrabljenega denarja v lokalnem okolju in povečanje nominalne vrednosti novca (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder)Countermarks with abbreviated names and titles of emperors, commanders or units on moneyers’ coins from Augustan-Tiberian contexts might be connected to coins issued to pay or rewards the soldiers. The purpose of countermarking, which probably took place within the central command offices, was to extend the validity of expired coins in a local environment as well as increasing the nominal value of a coin(drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder)

0 1 cm

45 KOS, ŠEMROV 1995, sl. 1: 82.46 Ib., 25–30.

45 KOS, ŠEMROV 1995, fig. 1: 82.46 Ib., 25–30.47 HORVAT et al. 1988; FMRSl III, 83/16.

Six moneyers’ and one undetermined coin arecountermarked: CAE (7306), AVC (7477), MP(8847)45 and CAE (9711). Three coins bear twocountermarks: AV(C) and S(E) (7426), AVC andTI.CA (7441) and AVC and MP (9086). All werefound in deposits from the time after the construc-tion had begun (Fig. 49). The TI.CA stamp couldonly have been impressed under Tiberius, whilethe rough estimate of a Late Augustan-Early Tiber-ian date remains valid for other countermarks.46

The proposed date of the phases of terrain prepa-ration for ensuing construction and the phases im-mediately after it is not refuted by the two groupfinds from the earliest deposits of Emona. The firstwas uncovered during the rescue excavations thattook place in 1987 in Vegova ulica, in the area ofInsula XLIII, when three Republican silver andseven moneyers’ coins were found together in thefirst fill layer, one of which was countermarked.47

The second is a hoard from a small cut into theclay surface of the first phase of the stone-built ar-chitecture in Insula XXXIX, which contained a Ga-ius/Lucius type denarius of Augustus as well as 17worn Republican silver coins (Š 2736). The Gaius/

7306 7477

7426

8847

7441

9711

9086

Od 24 kovničarskih novcev je 9 polovičenih. Zeloverjetno jim moramo prišteti tudi večino od 41neopredeljenih najdb iz zgodnjih plasti, med ka-terimi je 28 polovičenih. Polovičena sta tudi tudinovec kolonije Celse z upodobljenim konjenikom,ki drži palmin list (9564), in še en provincialni no-vec (9457).Med desetimi Tiberijevimi bronastimi novci, medkaterimi ni nobenega polovičenega, sta poleg po-smrtnega kova za Avgusta (7111) tipa Providentia izlet 22–30 n. št (RIC 81), in asa (7331) iz let 22–23n. št. (RIC 44), zastopana še as (7574) iz let 15–16n. št. (RIC 34) in aleksandrijski obol (8214) iz let18–19 n. št. (RPC 5082).Šest kovničarskih in en nedoločen novec nosijokontramarke: CAE (7306), AVC (7477), MP (8847)45

in CAE (9711), od tega v treh primerih nastopa-ta po dve kontramarki na novec: AV(C) in S(E)(7426), AVC in TI.CA (7441) ter AVC in MP (9086).Vsi so bili najdeni v depozitih iz časa po začetkugradnje zidov (sl. 49). Žig TI.CA je bil lahko vtis-njen le pod Tiberijem, za ostale kontramarke pavelja okvirna ocena o nastanku v poznoavgustej-skem-zgodnjetiberijskem obdobju.46

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 86


Predlagani dataciji faz priprave zemljišča za grad-njo zidov in neposredno po njej ne nasprotujetaniti dve skupni najdbi iz najstarejših emonskihdepozitov. Pri zaščitnih izkopavanjih na Vegoviulici leta 1987 so bili na območju inzule XLIII vprvem nasutju skupaj najdeni trije republikan-ski srebrniki in sedem kovničarskih novcev, odkaterih je eden kontramarkiran.47 Depo iz manj-šega vkopa v glineno hodno površino prve faze zi-dane arhitekture v inzuli XXXIX je vseboval Avgus-tov denarij tipa Gaius/Lucius in 17 močno obrab-ljenih republikanskih srebrnikov (Š 2736). Avgus-tovi denariji tipa Gaius/Lucius,48 s katerimi naj bikovnica Lugdunum zadovoljevala potrebe plače-vanja vojakov v času panonsko-delmatskega uporain vojn z Germani, so bili domnevno kovani v letih2–1 pr. n. št., izdaja ali celo nadaljevanje kovanjateh novcev pa sta morda trajala do vpeljave novegatipa denarijev leta 14 n. št.49

Dokumentirano razmerje med srebrniki in brona-stimi novci z NUK II (1 : 7) se približuje povprečjuiz zgodnjecesarskih naselbin in taborov v Porenju,ki znaša okoli 1 : 10, sicer pa sega od 1 : 3 do 1 : 34.50

Skupna značilnost zgodnjih emonskih kontekstovje visok delež polovičenih oz. četrtinjenih novcev.Pogostost polovičenih novcev je kot posledica po-manjkanja drobiža v denarnem obtoku posebej zna-čilna za zadnja leta Avgustove vlade,51 v Italiji pa jepolovičenje republikanskih asov izpričano že preddenarno reformo 23 pr. n. št.52 Polovičeni novciso na NUK II zastopani z 48 od 88 vseh bronastih

Lucius type denarii of Augustus,48 which are be-lieved to have been produced by the Lugdunummint to meet the demand of soldiers’ payments inthe time of the Pannonian-Delmatian rebellionand wars with the Germanic tribes, were suppose-dly minted in 2–1 BC, while issuing or even conti-nued coinage of these coins may have lasted untilthe introduction of a new type of denarii in AD 14.49

The ratio between silver and bronze coins at theNUK II site (1 : 7) nears the mean known from ear-ly Imperial settlements and camps in the Rhine-land, which is around 1 : 10, whereby the ratio ran-ges from 1 : 3 to 1 : 34.50

The common characteristic of the early Emonesecontexts is a large share of halved or quarteredcoins. The frequency of halved coins as a conse-quence of the lack of small change in monetarycirculation is particularly characteristic of the lastyears of Augustus’ reign,51 while halving Republi-can asses in Italy was evidenced already prior tothe monetary reform in 23 BC.52 Halved coinsfrom the NUK II site are represented with 48 of 88or 54.5% of all bronze coins from the Augustan-Tiberian layers, while only two quadrantes werefound (Tab. 2). The material from Emona showsseveral important differences when compared tothe monetary circulation documented in the mil-itary and civilian sites in the Rhineland and theupper Danube basin. Particularly surprising is thealmost complete absence of both series of asses ofAugustus with an altar depiction, which represent

47 HORVAT et al. 1988; FMRSl III, 83/16.48 RIC 207–212.49 BERGER 2007, 115.50 KAENEL 1999, 370; npr. Augsburg-Oberhausen 1: 7; Vindonissa

1 : 18,5; Haltern 1 : 23.51 KOS 1986, 35; KOS, ŠEMROV 1995, 38; KOS 2007, 74.52 KAENEL 1999, 365.

Nemausus I

AEAGAG

kovničarski/moneyers

AE AG AE

AUGUSTUS TIBERIUSREPUBLIKA /

REPUBLICKELTI/CELTS

ostalo /rest

48 RIC 207–212.49 BERGER 2007, 115.50 KAENEL 1999, 370; for instance Augsburg-Oberhausen 1 : 7;

Vindonissa 1 : 18.5; Haltern 1 : 23.51 KOS 1986, 35; KOS, ŠEMROV 1995, 38; KOS 2007, 74.52 KAENEL 1999, 365.

Tab. 2 /Tab. 2

4

12

5

1/11/21/11/21/11/21/21/1

9

2

15

914

28

16

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 87


novcev iz avgustejsko-tiberijskih plasti, kar znaša54,5%, kvadransi pa le z dvema najdbama (tab. 2).V primerjavi z novčnim obtokom na vojaških incivilnih najdiščih v Porenju in zgornjem Podonavjukaže emonsko gradivo nekaj pomembnih razlik.Predvsem preseneča skoraj popolna odsotnost obehserij Avgustovih asov z oltarjem, ki so ena ključnihkronoloških opor za datiranje najdišč iz časa medzačetkom n. št. in zgodnjo Tiberijevo vladavino.53

Velikega števila kovničarskih asov, ki na območjuseverno od Alp dosežejo največji delež v tiberij-skem obdobju, ni mogoče pojasniti z zakonitost-mi normalnega obtoka, temveč prej kot nenadenpriliv v okviru izplačil vojski, kar potrjuje tudipogostost kontramark.54 Verjetno so bili ti novciže več let prej umaknjeni iz obtoka v Italiji, predponovno izdajo pa žigosani na uradnem mestu vspodnjem Porenju.55 D. Wigg-Wolf domneva, da greza Germanikovo izplačilo enotam leta 14 v okviruAvgustove zapuščine.56 Del kontramark na teh nov-cih namreč pripada Tiberiju (TIBAVC, TIBIM, IMPAVC), pri čemer naj bi bile vtisnjene med aklama-cijo leta 14 in letom 16 n. št., v isto fazo pa sodijotudi številnejši žigi iz skupine CAESAR, ki so pripi-sani Germaniku.57 Zelo visok delež kovničarskihnovcev in republikanskih asov v Emoni ter na njihdokumentirane kontramarke bi lahko nakazovalivojaškim plačam namenjeno izdajo že pred smrtjoAvgusta, čeprav bi lahko upor panonskih legij leta14 pomenil enak impulz za izjemno in hitro izpla-čilo denarne nagrade kot v sočasnih okoliščinah vPorenju (Cass. Dio 57, 6,4; Tac. Ann. I, 8; I, 36).58

Vojaška opremaIzkopavanja na lokacijah NUK II in Šumi so potrdi-la udeležbo vojaških enot pri gradnji mesta,59 o če-mer pričajo predvsem najdeni kosi orožja in opre-me ter druge kovinske najdbe, značilne za vojaškookolje (sl. 50), posredno pa tudi rigorozna natan-čnost pri prostorskem umeščanju mestnih karejev

one of the key chronological indications for dat-ing sites from the time between the beginning ofthe 1st century AD and the early Tiberius’ reign.53

The great number of moneyers’ asses, which in thearea north of the Alps appear in greatest numbersduring the Tiberian period, cannot be explained bythe laws of normal circulation. It can rather beseen as a sudden inflow of money within the frame-work of payments to the army, which is confirmedalso by the great frequency of countermarks.54

These coins were probably withdrawn from circu-lation in Italy several years earlier and marked atan official spot in the lower Rhineland before be-ing reissued.55 D. Wigg-Wolf presumes that theyrepresent payment by Germanicus to the troops inAD 14 as part of Augustus’ bequest.56 This is basedon the fact that part of the countermarks on thesecoins belongs to Tiberius (TIBAVC, TIBIM, IMPAVC) supposedly impressed between the acclama-tion in AD 14 and AD 16, while the more numerousstamps from the CAESAR group ascribed to Ger-manicus belong to the same phase.57 A very highshare of moneyers’ coins and Republican asses inEmona as well as countermarks documented onthem might point to an issue intended for militarysalaries even prior to Augustus’ death. Having saidthat, the revolt of the Pannonian legions in AD 14could represent an equally strong impulse for anexceptional and rapid disbursement of financialreward as that during the contemporary circum-stances in the Rhineland (Cass. Dio 57, 6,4; Tac.Ann. I, 8; I, 36).58

Military equipmentExcavations on the NUK II and Šumi sites haveconfirmed the participation of military units inthe construction of the town,59 primarily throughthe uncovered pieces of weapons and equipmentas well as other metal finds characteristic for amilitary milieu (Fig. 50). Indirectly, the evidence

53 Po visoki zastopanosti kovničarskih kovov in republikanskih asov se Emona še najbolj približuje tiberijski utrdbi Trebur-Geinsheim pri Mainzu, kjer pa je v nasprotju z Emono in analogno najdiščemiz časa po letu 9 n. št. izpričan visok delež serije Lugdunum II (WIGG-WOLF 2007, 122–123, sl. 1).

54 Na najdišču Kalkreise je skoraj 90% bronastih novcev kontramarkiranih, kar bi po D. WIGGU pomenilo, da so bili izdani nedolgo pred bitko (1999, 373).

55 Ib., 339.56 WIGG-WOLF 2007, 128–129.57 HEINRICHS 2007, 261–263.58 ŠAŠEL KOS 1987, 196–197.59 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 19, 67.

53 In its high representation of moneyers’ coinages and Republican asses, Emona comes closest to the Tiberian fort of Trebur-Geinsheim near Mainz. Contrary to Emona and comparably to the sites from the time after AD 9, the fort revealed a large share of the Lugdunum II series (WIGG-WOLF 2007, 122–123, fig. 1).

54 Almost 90% of the bronze coins on the site of Kalkriese are countermarked, which D. WIGG interprets as being issued not long before the battle (1999, 373).

55 Ib., 339.56 WIGG-WOLF 2007, 128–129.57 HEINRICHS 2007, 261–263.58 ŠAŠEL KOS 1987, 196–197.59 PLESNIČAR-Gec et al. 2006, 19, 67.

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 88


in pri sami gradnji. Večina vojaških najdb z ob-močja Emone pripada standardizirani opremi zgo-dnjega principata, ki pride v širšo uporabo z Avgu-stovo vojaško reformo. V prikazu gradiva iz zgodnjih depozitov, iz kate-rega je razvidna tako prisotnost legionarjev kotavksiliarnih vojakov,60 smo se opirali zlasti na ob-jave referenčnih vojaških najdišč v Porenju in ju-govzhodnopredalpskem prostoru s poudarkom na

was provided also by a rigorous accuracy in thelayout of town quarters and in the construction it-self. Most of the military finds from the Emonaarea formed part of the standardised equipmentof the Early Principate that became more widelyused with Augustus’ military reform.The overview of the material from the early de-posits, which reveals the presence of legionariesas well as auxiliary soldiers,60 has been based pri-marily on the publications of the reference mili-tary sites in the Rhineland and the south-easternAlpine area with an emphasis on the chronologi-cally well defined complexes of finds from thecamps at Dangstetten (20–11/8 BC), Oberaden(11/10–7 BC) and Haltern (8/7 BC–AD 9), thesite of Varus’ defeat at Kalkriese (AD 9) and settle-ments on Magdalensberg in Carinthia and belowGrajski grič in Ljubljana.

60 FINGERLIN 1999; DESCHLER-ERB 2007, 76–77. 60 FINGERLIN 1999; DESCHLER-ERB 2007, 76–77.

Sl. 50 /Fig.50Med orožjem in vojaško opremo je poleg nosilcev faler in delov nožnic gladijev zanimiva zlasti skupina svinčenih želodov (glandes), ki so bili morda namenjeni urjenju. Pomembna je tudi svinčnica(perpendiculum), ki skupaj s primerki z lokacije Šumi domnevno pričao udeležbi specializiranih enot pri gradnji mesta (foto: Maja Lavrič)The weapons and military equipment include phalera mountings and parts of gladii scabbards, but also a particularly interesting group of lead glandes, possibly used in training. Of importance is also the perpendiculum, which together with other examples from the Šumi site supposedly testifies to the participation of specializedunits in the construction of the town (photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 89


kronološko dobro definiranih sklopih najdb iz ta-borov Dangstetten (20–11/8 pr. n. št.), Oberaden(11/10–7 pr.n.št.) in Haltern (8/7 pr.n.št.–9 n.št.),prizorišča Varovega poraza pri Kalkrieseju (9 n.št.)ter naselbin na Štalenskem vrhu (Magdalensberg)in pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani.Med deli obrambne opreme z lokacije Šumi izsto-pajo trije vrhnji gumbi bronastih čelad, kakršne soglede na lastniške napise nosili predvsem legionar-ji. Gumb iz polnila vkopa za kloako na cesti J lahkona podlagi gobaste oblike pogojno pripišemo pozno-republikanskemu tipu Buggenum (t. 28: Š 1181),61

prisekana stožčasta gumba pa zgodnjecesarskimčeladam tipa Hagenau (t. 28: Š 899, Š 1307).62 Ktem čeladam morda spadajo tudi bronast obročeks trakasto zanko (Š 1323), kakršni se pojavljajo naspodnjem robu naličnic,63 in večja držaja s pol-krožnim lokom rombičnega preseka ter z zavitimain profiliranima zaključkoma z lokacije NUK II (t.1: 9727; 15: 7349).64 V prid interpretacije, da greza obešalnika čelad, bi lahko govorila najdba ene-ga od primerkov v polnilu jarka vadbenega tabora,čeprav srečamo držaje podobne oblike in velikostitudi na stranicah in pokrovih lesenih skrinjic.65

Pri profiliranih bronastih trakovih (Š 5218, Š 5512)bi lahko šlo za robni okras čelad tipa Weisenau,66

ki so večkrat izpričane v grobovih avksiliarnih vo-jakov v Posočju in na Dolenjskem.67 Iz istega kul-turnega okolja izvira tudi okrogla ščitna grba izinzule LIII (sl. 51).68

The defence equipment found at the Šumi site in-cludes three knobs of bronze helmets, such as wereworn, based on the owner’s inscriptions, primarilyby legionaries. The knob from the fill of a cut forthe cloaca on Road J (Pl. 28: Š 1181) might condi-tionally be attributed to the Late Republican Bugge-num type helmet based on its mushroom shape,61

while the two truncated conical knobs (Pl. 28: Š899, 1307) might be attributed to the Early Impe-rial helmets of the Hagenau type.62 The latter hel-mets might further be attributed a small bronzering with a loop made of a metal band (Š 1323),such as appear on the lower edges of cheek pie-ces,63 and two large holders with a semicirculararch of rhombic section and curved moulded ter-minals from the NUK II site (Pl. 1: 9727; 15:7349).64 For the latter, the interpretation of it rep-resenting a helmet hook is supported by the factthat one hook was found in the fill of the ditch ofthe training camp. It is true, however, that hold-ers of similar size and shape may also be found onthe sides and lids of small wooden chests.65

The moulded bronze bands (Š 5218, 5512) mightrepresent edge decoration of Weisenau type hel-mets,66 which have been documented several timesin graves of auxiliary soldiers in the Posočje andDolenjska regions.67 The round shield-boss foundin Insula LIII originates from the same culturalmilieu (Fig. 51).68

Sl. 51/Fig. 51Oblika in profilacija železne ščitne grbe iz polnila vkopa v inzuli XLIII (Vegova ul.) govori o njenem izvoru na območju poznolatenskemokronoške skupine, ki jo pripisujemo keltskim Tavriskom. Udrta kalota in simetrično zavihan krajec sta jasni sledi namernegadeformiranja, ki ima primerjave pri nekaterih obredno uničenih grbah iz grobov na Dolenjskem. Morda gre za ostanek ritualnegadejanja nekdanjega avksiliarnega konjenika (?), ki je daroval orožje ob koncu službovanja v zahvalo za ugoden razplet vojaške kariere.Rekonstruiran premer 24,1 cm (foto: Maja Lavrič)The form and moulding of the iron umbo found in the fill of a cut in Insula XLIII (Vegova ulica) reveals that the object originated in the area of the Late La Tène Mokronog Group ascribed to the Celtic Taurisci. The indented dome and symmetrically bent flanges are clear signs of intentional deformation with analogies in certainritually deformed bosses in the graves of Dolenjska. It may representthe remnant of the ritual act by a former auxiliary horseman (?), who offered his weapons upon concluding his service as an expressionof gratitude for a favourable end to his military career. Reconstructeddiameter of 24.1 cm (photo: Maja Lavrič)

61 SCHAAFF 1986, 325, sl. 9, seznam 8; FEUGERE 1994, 47–50, 79–81.62 WAURICK 1986, 327–333; FEUGERE 1994; RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004,

67–71, sl. 11–13.63 FEUGERE 1994, 82–83.64 Ib., 86; FRANZIUS 1993, 112, sl. 1.65 DEIMEL 1987, 99, t. 92; MÜLLER 2002, 64, op. 319, sl. 77: 829–834;

HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008, 25, t. 30: 413.66 VIČIČ 2002, t. 12: 55–59; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 55: 48.67 WAURICK 1988.68 GASPARI et al. 2010.

61 SCHAAFF 1986, 325, fig. 9, list 8; FEUGERE 1994, 47–50, 79–81.62 WAURICK 1986, 327–333; FEUGERE 1994; RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004,

67–71, figs 11–13.63 FEUGERE 1994, 82–83.64 Ib., 86; FRANZIUS 1993, 112, fig. 1.65 DEIMEL 1987, 99, pl. 92; MÜLLER 2002, 64, note 319, fig. 77:

829–834; HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008, 25, pl. 30: 413.66 VIČIČ 2002, pl. 12: 55–59; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 55: 48.67 WAURICK 1988.68 GASPARI et al. 2010.

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 90

0 5 cm

a

e

h

b

f

i

c

g

j

d

Sl. 52 /Fig.52Zgodnja vojaška oprema iz inzule XXXII (OŠ Majde Vrhovnik) in z območja foruma (Ferantov vrt) obsega dele oklepov, pasov, nosilce faler in dele nožnic, najden pa je bil tudi šotorski klin. Razen pri nekaterih kosih orožja gre pri ostalih vojaških najdbah z območja intra murosvečinoma za fragmentirane kose, ki so bili izgubljeni ali zavrženi. Med prikazanimi predmeti izstopa desni kavelj spone za naramnico verižnegaoklepa (po Plesničar-Gec et al. 1983; Plesničar-Gec et al. 2006)The early military equipment from Insula XXXII (the Majda Vrhovnik elementary school) and the forum area (Ferantov vrt) include parts of cuirasses, belts, phalera mountings and scabbards, but also a tent peg. With the exception of certain pieces, most of the military finds from the intra muros area are fragments that were either lost or cast away. A particularly important piece is the right hook for the button of the doubling on a lorica hamata (after Plesničar-Gec et al. 1983; Plesničar-Gec et al. 2006)


Bronast obroček sploščenega preseka (Š 4441)morda pripada dvodelnemu verižnemu oklepu (lo-rica hamata),69 kar nedvomno velja za kavelj z ob-močja inzule XXXII (sl. 52: a).70 Manjše bronastespone z delom šarnirja (t. 14: 9923; 15: 7118; 28: Š1276)71 in posamični locni (t. 28: Š 2186)72 so bilidel obročastih oklepov (lorica segmentata), naj-verjetneje avgustejskega tipa Kalkriese.73 Kaveljz zaključkom v obliki račje glave iz Šumija (t. 28:Š 1016) spominja na del navpičnega sistema zaobešanje pri oklepih različic tipa Corbridge B inC,74 vendar bi šlo lahko tudi za element konjskeopreme.

A small bronze ring of flattened section (Š 4441)might belong to a lorica hamata.69 Such a deter-mination is doubtlessly valid for a hook found inthe Insula XXXII area (Fig. 52: a).70 Small bronzebuckles with parts of the hinge (Pl. 14: 9923; 15:7118; 28: Š 1276)71 and individual buckle loops(Pl. 28: 2186)72 formed parts of loricae segmen-tatae, probably of the Augustan Kalkriese type.73

Hook with a terminal in the form of a duck’s headfrom the Šumi site (Pl. 28: Š 1016) is reminiscentof a part of a vertical suspension system for inCorbridge B and C cuirasses,74 though it could al-so be a horse gear element.

69 BISHOP, COULSTON 1993, 59–60.70 DESCHLER-ERB 2007, sl. 2: 180,1; 6: 3147; HARNECKER, FRANZIUS

2008, t. 11: 114–116.71 BISHOP 2002, sl. 4.72 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, t. 33.73 MÜLLER 2002, 35–37; BISHOP 2002, 23–30.74 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, t. 31: 658–669; BISHOP 2002, sl. 5.10.

Oblika zaključka ima dobro primerjavo na spojki nožnice iz Ljubljanice (GASPARI 2007, 150, sl. 4: 2).

69 BISHOP, COULSTON 1993, 59–60.70 DESCHLER-ERB 2007, figs 2: 180,1; 6: 3147; HARNECKER, FRANZIUS

2008, pl. 11: 114–116.71 BISHOP 2002, fig. 4.72 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, pl. 33.73 MÜLLER 2002, 35–37; BISHOP 2002, 23–30.74 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, pl. 31: 658–669; BISHOP 2002, fig. 5.10.

The form of the terminal has a good analogy on a scabbard clasp from the Ljubljanica river (GASPARI 2007, 150, fig. 4: 2).

NUK 78-91 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:17 Page 91


Napadalno orožje je zastopano z več odlomki nož-nic gladijev. Večinoma gre za profilirane okove pre-čnih spojk (sl. 52: f; t. 27: 9614; 28: Š 1325; Š 2721,Š 4372),75 nosilne obročke (t. 14: 9573; Š 5129, Š5335)76 in gumbaste zaključke (t. 28: Š 1276).77

Hrbtni strani okova nožnice morda pripada tudibronasta prečka z okroglimi ploščicami (t. 4:8533).78 Naštete dele lahko glede na tipološke zna-čilnosti in julijsko-klavdijske najdiščne konteksteverjetno pripišemo nožnicam gladijev tipa Mainz.Z območja intra muros je znan le en odlomek ko-ničnika s predrtim okrasom (sl. 52: e),79 ki sodi kprestižnejšim izvedbam nožnic legionarjev ali čast-nikov (sl. 53).

Offensive weapons are represented by several frag-ments of gladii scabbards. These are mostly moul-ded transverse fitments (Fig. 52: f; Pl. 27: 9614; 28:Š 1325; Š 2721, Š 4372),75 suspension rings (Pl. 14:9573; Š 5129, Š 5335)76 and knob-like termina-tions (t. 28: Š 1276).77 A bronze band with roundplates could also have belonged to the back side ofa scabbard fitting (Pl. 4: 8533).78 Based on the ty-pological characteristics and Julio-Claudian findcontexts, the above-enumerated parts can pro-bably be ascribed to scabbards of the Mainz typegladii. The intra muros area revealed only onefragment of a scabbard chape with openwork dec-oration (Fig. 52: e),79 which belongs to more pre-stigious versions of scabbards for legionaries orofficers (Fig. 53).According to relief depictions on grave stones andgrave finds, the pugio in a Mainz type scabbard80

with tip broken off, which was uncovered in 1964near the channel under Cardo C between InsulaeXXIII and IX (Fig. 54),81 could be worn by either alegionary or an auxiliary soldier. Two fragments ofmoulded fittings with a loop (Pl. 28: Š 2404; Š 4345)belonged to a dagger scabbard.82 The same could

75 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 24: 14.76 Ib., t. 24: 3.77 DEIMEL 1987, t. 110: 25–27; DESCHLER-ERB 1999, 137, t. 10: 122–133;

MÜLLER 2002, 34, t. 38: 421; RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, t. 11: 43. 78 GUŠTIN 1991, t. 12: 3; 16: 2; FINGERLIN 1998, 757/1.79 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983, 121, t. 30: 25.

75 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 24: 14.76 Ib., pl. 24: 3.77 DEIMEL 1987, pl. 110: 25–27; DESCHLER-ERB 1999, 137, pl. 10:

122–133; MÜLLER 2002, 34, pl. 38: 421; RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, pl. 11: 43.

78 GUŠTIN 1991, pl. 12: 3; 16: 2; FINGERLIN 1998, 757/1.79 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983, 121, pl. 30: 25.80 OBMANN 2000, 8–9, pl. 65.81 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 164, figs 241, 248b.82 FINGERLIN 1998, 507/4; 625B/1 and others; VIČIČ 2002, pl. 12: 48;

RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, pl. 16: 60.83 TURK et al. 2008, cat. no. 68.

Sl. 53 /Fig.53Neprimerno bolje kot vojaške najdbe iz zgodnjih emonskih plasti so ohranjeni predmeti z dna Ljubljanice med Vrhniko in Emono, medkaterimi so zastopane čelade, meči, bodala, sulice in pila, deli noše, odlikovanja in inženirska oprema. Med raziskavami Skupine za podvodno arheologijo ZVKDS je bil avgusta 2006 pri Dolgih njivah na Vrhniki odkrit zgornji del širše različice avgustejskih gladijev tipaMainz z ostankom nožnice. Medeninast okov s predrtim rastlinskimokrasom ima neposredne analogije v najdbah iz Donave pri Dubravici,Rena pri Mainzu in Saône pri Mâconu ter prizorišča Varovega porazapri Kalkrieseju, ki jih lahko morda obravnavamo kot izdelke istedelavnice (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder)Objects found on the bottom of the Ljubljanica between Vrhnika and Emona are incomparably better preserved than the militaryequipment from the early layers of Emona. These objects includehelmets, swords, daggers, spears and pila, but also parts of the costume, military decorations and engineering equipment. Theinvestigations by the Group for Underwater Archaeology of the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia, which took place in August 2006 near Dolge njive at Vrhnika, revealed theupper part of a wide version of the Augustan Mainz type gladius withthe remains of its scabbard. The brass fitting with openwork plantdecoration has direct analogies in the finds from the Danube nearDubravica, the Rhein near Mainz, the Saône near Mâcon and the site of Varus’ defeat near Kalkriese, which might be consideredproducts of the same workshop (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder)0

10cm

NUK 92-97 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:20 Page 92


Pugio v nožnici tipa Mainz80 z odlomljeno konico,ki je bil odkrit leta 1964 v bližini kanala pod kar-dom C med inzulama XXIII in IX (sl. 54),81 bi lah-ko glede na reliefne upodobitve na nagrobnih ste-lah in najdbe v grobovih nosil tako legionar kot av-ksiliarni vojak. Nožnici bodala sta pripadala od-lomka profiliranih okovov z zanko (t. 28: Š 2404;Š 4345),82 morda pa tudi kateri od številnih pre-prostih obročkov.83

Zanimiva je prisotnost svinčenih želodov (glandes)vretenaste oblike (sl. 50). V plasti žganine nad pr-vo hodno površino na Šumiju so bili tesno skupajnajdeni trije površno uliti želodi z ostanki odveč-nega svinca (t. 28: Š 4345a–c) s težami 55,8 g, 58,8g in 74,2 g, ki jih moramo morda obravnavati kotpolizdelke. Na NUK II je bilo najdenih osem želo-dov s težami 65,8 g (t. 5: 8634), 62,97 g (t. 5: 8636),66,96 g (t. 5: 8437), 56,99 g (t. 5: 8633), 65,06 g (t.5: 8438), 60,9 g (t. 14: 9699) ter 58,5 g (t. 14: 9722)in 49,4 g (t. 14: 9715). Prvih pet je bilo odkritih napovršini enega kvadratnega metra v zgornjem deluprve izravnave, ostali pa v bližini. Nobeden izmednajdenih želodov ni žigosan. Emonski primerki sepo teži večinoma gibljejo v razponu želodov s prizo-rišča obleganja na Vrhu gradu pri Pečinah na Šent-viški planoti (29–88 g) in velikega depoja na Dol-gih njivah na Vrhniki (59–78 g),84 ter so v povpreč-ju težji od primerkov z osrednjealpskega območja(najdišča na prelazu Septimer in v okolici CrapSes-Schlucht v švicarskem kantonu Graubünden),ki jih povezujejo s pohodom leta 15 pr. n. št.85

be valid for one of the numerous simple rings.83

Interesting is the presence of spindle-shaped leadglandes (Fig. 50). Three imprecisely cast glandswith remains of superfluous lead were found closetogether in a layer of burnt remains above the firstsurface at the Šumi site (Pl. 28: Š 4345). Theyweigh 55.8, 58.8 and 74.2 g, and must be seen assemi-products. The NUK II site revealed eightglands; they weigh 65.8 (Pl. 5: 8634), 62.97 (Pl.5: 8636), 66.96 (Pl. 5: 8437), 56.99 (Pl. 5: 8633),65.06 (Pl. 5: 8438), 60.9 (Pl. 14: 9699), 58.5 (Pl. 14:9722) and 49.4 g (Pl. 14: 9715), respectively. Thefirst five were uncovered on the surface of onesquare metre in the upper part of the first level-ling, while others were found nearby. None borestamps. The weights of glands from Emona mostlyvary within the range of weights from the siege siteat Vrh gradu pri Pečinah at Šentviška planota (29–88 g) and from the large hoard at Dolge njive inVrhnika (59–78 g).84 They are heavier than the ex-amples from the Central Alpine area (sites on theSeptimer Pass and in the surroundings of CrapSes-Schlucht in the Swiss Graubünden Canton),which are tied to the 15 BC campaign.85

80 OBMANN 2000, 8–9, t. 65.81 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 164, sl. 241, 248b.80 OBMANN 2000, 8–9, t. 65.81 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 164, sl. 241, 248b.82 FINGERLIN 1998, 507/4; 625B/1 ...; VIČIČ 2002, t. 12: 48;

RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, t. 16: 60.83 TURK et al. 2008, kat. št. 68.84 HORVAT 1993, 335–336, sl. 2.85 ZANIER 2006, 197.

84 HORVAT 1993, 335–336, fig. 2.85 ZANIER 2006, 197.

Sl. 54 /Fig.54Bodalo z nožnico zgodnjecesarskega tipa Mainz je bilo

najdeno leta 1964 na območju karda C pri današnjiFakulteti za strojništvo. Orožju, ki so ga nosili tako

legionarji kot pomožni vojaki, je v nedoločenem trenutku pred odkritjem odpadla konica. Razkošen

vložen in emajliran okras na nožnici govori o bodalu kot statusnem simbolu, kar pa ne izključuje njegove

uporabnosti v bližnjem boju. Dolžina 23 cm (Mestni muzej Ljubljana; foto: Matevž Paternoster)

Fig. 54: The dagger in its scabbard of the Early ImperialMainz type was found in 1964 on Cardo C near the

present-day Faculty of Mechanical Engineering. It was a weapon worn by both legionaries and auxiliary soldiers.

Its tip was broken off at an indeterminate moment in the past. The rich inlaid and enamel decoration

marks the scabbard as a status symbol, though this doesnot exclude its use in close combat. Length 23 cm

(City Museum of Ljubljana; photo: Matevž Paternoster)

NUK 92-97 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:20 Page 93


T. 28/Pl. 28Šumi (2004–2007). Izbor kovinskega gradiva iz zgodnjerimskih depozitov. Š 4345a–c svinec; ostalo bron. M.=1:2 (risba: Ida Murgelj; ZVKDS, Arhej d.o.o.) Šumi (2004–2007). Selection of material from early Roman deposits. Š 4345a–c lead; all others bronze. Scale 1:2(drawing: Ida Murgelj; ZVKDS, Arhej company)

Š 1181

Š 2186

Š 899

Š 3108 Š 5217 Š 3132

Š 2738

Š 1276

Š 2075

Š 1016

Š 1307

NUK 92-97 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:20 Page 94


Š 2404 Š 1325

Š 5312

Š 4345a Š 4345b Š 4345c

Š 5402

Š 1324 Š 1276

Š 550 Š 2112

Š 395

NUK 92-97 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:20 Page 95


T. 29/Pl. 29Šumi (2004–2007). Izbor kovinskega gradiva iz zgodnjerimskih depozitov. Š 4258 svinec; ostalo bron. M.=1:2 (risba: Ida Murgelj; ZVKDS, Arhej d.o.o.) Šumi (2004–2007). Selection of material from early Roman deposits. Š 4258 lead; all others bronze. Scale 1:2(drawing: Ida Murgelj; ZVKDS, Arhej company)

Š 5513

Š 5110

Š 2019

Š 4153

Š 5321

Š 5116

Š 1273

Š 5334

Š 5112

Š 7061

Š 5206

Š 1308

Š 4201

NUK 92-97 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:20 Page 96


Š 3262

Š 4421 Š 4258

Š 5224 Š 4171

Š 1325

Š 5243

Š 4238

Š 2114 Š 4357 Š 5496

NUK 92-97 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:20 Page 97


Na splošno veljajo želodi skupaj z ostmi puščic insulic, ki na območju mesta doslej niso bile izpriča-ne, za zanesljivega pokazatelja prisotnosti pomož-nih enot, čeprav so jih dokazano uporabljale tudilegije. V antiki so se želodi najpogosteje lučali na 30do 60 metrov oddaljene cilje, z njimi pa se je daloučinkovito zadevati še na razdaljah okoli 100 m.Po avgustejsko-tiberijskem obdobju je bilo to orož-je večinoma umaknjeno iz uporabe, najverjetnejezaradi negativnih izkušenj v bojih z Germani.86

Iz zgodnjih plasti na obeh lokacijah, pa tudi izdrugih delov mesta izvirajo dokaj številni deli vo-jaških pasov (cingula) (sl. 52: h–j).87 Na Šumijuso bili najdeni spona z masivnim locnom in ploš-čo s šarnirjem (t. 28: Š 395) tipa A88 ter dva širo-ka locna tipa B z okrasom vitic in ostanki pocin-jenja ali posrebritve (t. 29: Š 5312; Š 1415).89 Zaokova pasov gre morda tudi v dveh primerih fra-gmentirane bronaste pločevine z reliefnim kon-centričnim okrasom (t. 15: 7042; 7610).90 Z obehlokacij izvira še serija tanjših locnov preprostejšihspon (t. 23: 9640; 8171; 28: Š 2075, Š 2738; Š 1263,Š 7658).91

Zakovica z masivno kijasto glavico in kratkim tr-nom iz bele kovine (t. 2: 8491), najdena v prvemnasutju na kardu F, je morda služila za pritrditevokova pasu92 ali falere.93 K vojaški noši bi sodil tu-di jermenski obesek s šarnirjem (Š 7650).94

Odkritih je bilo več ploščatih bronastih »gumbov«z eno odprtino (t. 28: Š 3108, Š 3123, Š 5217; Š1188),95 ki so jih uporabljali za zapenjanje plaščev,torb in šotorov ter pri obešanju meča, primerki zdvema odprtinama (t. 7: 7689; Š 7736)96 pa so slu-žili kot nosilci kovinskih faler in steklenih medaljo-nov97 ter kot spone pasov za nošenje gladijev.98

Žebljički s sploščenimi polkroglastimi ali konič-nimi glavicami (7133, 7547, 7678, 7842, 9451), kiso na spodnji strani praviloma opremljene z brada-vicami, se navadno povezujejo z vojaško obutvijo.

Generally, glands are considered, together witharrow- and spearheads not yet found in the Emonatown area, to be reliable indicators of the presenceof auxiliary units, although their use by legions aswell has also been proven. Glands of the Antiquitywere most commonly thrown at targets in the dis-tance from 30 to 60 metres, while they could stillbe used effectively to hit targets roughly 100 maway. After the Augustan-Tiberian period, this wea-pon was mostly withdrawn from use, very probablydue to the negative experience in the battles withthe Germanic tribes.86

The early layers on the NUK II and Šumi sites aswell as in other parts of the town revealed fairlynumerous parts of cingula (Fig. 52: h–j).87 Theyinclude a buckle with a solid loop and hinge plate(Pl. 28: Š 395) of Type A88 and two broad loops ofType B with scroll decoration and remains of tin-ning or silvering (Pl. 29: Š 5312; Š 1415),89 allfound at the Šumi site. Furthermore, there are twofragments of bronze sheet metal with relief con-centric decoration possibly represent belt fittings(Pl. 15: 7042; 7610),90 and a series of thin loops ofsimple buckles found at both sites (Pl. 23: 9640;28: Š 2075, Š 2738; 8171, Š 1263, Š 7658).91

A rivet with a solid club-shaped head and shortshank of white metal (Pl. 2: 8491), found in thefirst fill layer on cardo F, might have been used forattaching a belt fitting92 or a phalera.93 Anotherpossible element of the military costume is ahinged strap pendant (Š 7650).94

Uncovered were also several flat bronze “buttons”with an opening (Pl. 28: Š 3108, Š 3123, Š 5217; Š1188),95 which had been used to button cloaks,bags and tents as well as hanging the sword. Ex-amples with two openings (Pl. 7: 7689; Š 7736),96

on the other hand, served as mountings of metalphalerae and glass medallions,97 but also as buck-les of belts for gladii.98

86 ZANIER 2006, 203 (z nadaljnjo literaturo). 87 PETRU 1972, t. 93: 26; 95: 19; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983, t. 22: 21;

PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 23: 32; 56: 4.88 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, t. 41: 1045–1054.89 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1994, t. 60: 267.8; UNZ,

DESCHLER-ERB 1997, t. 41: 1138–1142; DESCHLER-ERB 1999, t. 16: 241, 242; MÜLLER 2002, 40, tip 2.

90 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, t. 36: 904.91 VIČIČ 1994, t. 3: 21; 15: 6.92 ISTENIČ 2003, 287–288, sl. 4–5.93 KÜHLBORN 1992, t. 34: 75–76.94 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, t. 47: 1300.95 GUŠTIN 1991, t. 17: 9; 33: 12; VIČIČ 2002, t. 13: 6.96 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983, t. 29: 36; VIČIČ 2002, t. 13: 7;

PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 107, sl. 165–166; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 23: 34.

97 MÜLLER 2002, 43–44; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 120.98 DESCHLER-ERB 1999, 63.

86 ZANIER 2006, 203 (with further references). 87 PETRU 1972, pl. 93: 26; 95: 19; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983,

pl. 22: 21; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 23: 32; 56: 4.88 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, pl. 41: 1045–1054.89 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1994, pl. 60: 267.8; UNZ,

DESCHLER-ERB 1997, pl. 41: 1138–1142; DESCHLER-ERB 1999, pl. 16: 241, 242; MÜLLER 2002, 40, type 2.

90 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, pl. 36: 904.91 VIČIČ 1994, pl. 3: 21; 15: 6.92 ISTENIČ 2003, 287–288, figs 4–5.93 KÜHLBORN 1992, pl. 34: 75–76.94 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, pl. 47: 1300.95 GUŠTIN 1991, pl. 17: 9; 33: 12; VIČIČ 2002, pl. 13: 6.96 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983, pl. 29: 36; VIČIČ 2002, pl. 13: 7;

PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 107, figs 165–166; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 23: 34.

97 MÜLLER 2002, 43–44; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 120.98 DESCHLER-ERB 1999, 63.

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 98


V velikem številu se pojavljajo v poznorepublikan-skih in avgustejskih taborih99 ter na drugih vojaš-kih najdiščih,100 razmeroma pogosti pa so tudi vmoških in ženskih grobovih ter drugih civilnih kon-tekstih iz zgodnjecesarskega časa.101

FibuleMed fibulami z lokacije NUK II (sl. 55) sta po naj-diščnem kontekstu najzgodnejša primerek tipa Je-zerine IIb iz vodne kotanje (t. 1: 8172)102 in fibu-la tipa Alésia (t. 3: 9077),103 ki je bila odkrita v eniod jam, izkopanih po jarkih vadbenega tabora inpred nasipanjem izravnave. V nasutjih iz časa predgradnjo zidov so bile najdene fibula različice Go-rica IIa1 (t. 4: 9080)104 ter dve zgodnji različici fi-bul tipa Aucissa (t. 4: 7699, 8534) z dolgim lokomin nerazčlenjeno nogo s cilindričnim šarnirjem.Podobne sponke so razmeroma pogoste v širšemzaledju Akvileje.105 V depozitih barak v inzuli XIIIje bil najden primerek močno profilirane fibuletipa A 67 (t. 8: 7591).106

Sedimenti iz časa gradnje zidov so vsebovali pri-merke tipov Jezerine IIb (t. 14: 9718), Langtown-Down/14b (t. 12: 8346)107 in A 67 (t. 12: 8233) terdvogumbastih fibul tipa A 237 (t. 13: 9045). Zgod-nje variante A 236/237 so izpričane že v drugemdesetletju pr.n.št.108 Zastopane so tudi klasične fi-bule Aucissa z razčlenjeno nogo različice 22b1 in22b2 (t. 13: 9082, 9553, 9605), ki se pojavijo v sre-dnjeavgustejskem obdobju.109

V depozitih iz časa kmalu po gradnji zidov se po-javljajo tipi Aucissa (t. 15: 7509;110 18: 7414), A 67 (t.15: 7157, 7311; 7537, 8411) in A 236/237 (t. 15:7564; 20: 8619, 8451).111

Iz pregleda oblik je razvidna pogostost fibul, ki sepovezujejo z vojsko, večina ostalih pa se pojavljatako v vojaškem kot v civilnem okolju. Značilna

Hobnails with flattened semi-circular or conicalheads (7133, 7547, 7678, 7842, 9451), as a rule fur-nished with protuberances on the underside, areusually connected with military footwear. Theyappeared in large numbers in Late Republicanand Augustan camps99 as well as at other militarysites,100 though they were also relatively common-ly found in male and female graves as well as othercivilian contexts from the Early Imperial period.101

FibulaeThe earliest fibulae from the NUK II site (Fig. 55),according to their find contexts, are a Jezerine IIbfibula from the water basin (Pl. 1: 8172)102 and anexample of Alésia type (Pl. 3: 9077).103 The latterwas found in one of the pits dug after the trenchesof the training camp and before the levelling of theterrain. The fill layers from the time prior to wallconstruction revealed a Gorica IIa1 fibula (Pl. 4:9080)104 and two early variants of the Aucissa fibu-lae (Pl. 4: 7699, 8534) with a long bow and solidfoot with a cylindrical hinge. Similar fibulae ap-pear relatively commonly in the wider hinterlandof Aquileia.105 Apart from these, a strongly profiledfibula of Type A 67 was found in the deposits of thehuts in Insula XIII (Pl. 8: 7591).106

Sediments from the time of the wall constructioncontained examples of Jezerine IIb (Pl. 14: 9718),Langtown-Down/14b (Pl. 12: 8346),107 A 67 (Pl.12: 8233) and A 237 fibulae with two knobs (Pl. 13:9045). The early A 236/237 variants were docu-mented as early as the second decade BC.108 Alsorepresented were the classic Aucissa fibulae of va-riants 22b1 and 22b2 (Pl. 13: 9082, 9553, 9605),which appeared in the Middle Augustan period.109

The deposits dating from the time soon after wallconstruction revealed Aucissa (Pl. 15: 7509;110

99 HARNECKER 1997, 28–29, t. 69: 554–555.100 ISTENIČ 2005a, sl. 5: 1–13; ZANIER 2006, 200, op. 1350;

HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, 66.101 GUŠTIN 1991, t. 21: 3: BAVDEK 2005, t. 5: 2; 8: 10; 10: 4;

POUX 2008, 376–381.102 DEMETZ 1999, t. 25: 5, karta 31.103 FINGERLIN 1986, 404/4; DEMETZ 1999, 157–158, 274, seznam 29,

t. 40: 3; karta 53; ISTENIČ 2005b, 191, sl. 1, t. 1: 1–3.104 DEMETZ 1999, 107–109, seznam 17, t. 27: 2–4.105 KOŠČEVIČ 1980, t. 2: 15; 4: 29; 6: 40, 42; FEUGERE 1985, sl. 43:

1495; GUŠTIN 1991, t. 34: 5; VIČIČ 1994, 31, t. 3: 17; BUORA, SEIDEL2008, št. 168.

106 DEMETZ 1999, 133–134.107 FEUGERE 1985, 266; RIHA 1994, 87–88; MÜLLER 2002, 16–17, t. 7:

62–63.108 DEMETZ 1998, 55–56.109 FEUGERE 1985, 312, 323.110 MÜLLER 2002, sl. 6: 21.111 RIHA 1994, 101–107.

99 HARNECKER 1997, 28–29, pl. 69: 554–555.100 ISTENIČ 2005a, fig. 5: 1–13; ZANIER 2006, 200, note 1350;

HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, 66.101 GUŠTIN 1991, pl. 21: 3: BAVDEK 2005, pl. 5: 2; 8: 10; 10: 4;

POUX 2008, 376–381.102 DEMETZ 1999, pl. 25: 5, map 31.103 FINGERLIN 1986, 404/4; DEMETZ 1999, 157–158, 274, list 29,

pl. 40: 3; map 53; Istenič 2005b, 191, fig. 1, pl. 1: 1–3.104 DEMETZ 1999, 107–109, list 17, pl. 27: 2–4.105 KOŠČEVIČ 1980, pl. 2: 15; 4: 29; 6: 40, 42; FEUGERE 1985, fig. 43:

1495; GUŠTIN 1991, pl. 34: 5; VIČIČ 1994, 31, pl. 3: 17; BUORA, SEIDEL 2008, no. 168.

106 DEMETZ 1999, 133–134.107 FEUGERE 1985, 266; RIHA 1994, 87–88; MÜLLER 2002, 16–17,

pl. 7: 62–63.108 DEMETZ 1998, 55–56.109 FEUGERE 1985, 312, 323.110 MÜLLER 2002, fig. 6: 21.

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 99

elementa nadregionalne (legionarske) noše statipa Alésia (sl. 55: a) in Aucissa (sl. 55: e, f, g),112

fibule tipov Jezerine (sl. 55: b) in Gorica (sl. 55:c) pa bi lahko pričale o lokalno rekrutiranih voja-kih. Postopen upad pojavljanja poznorepublikan-skih fibul v avgustejskih kontekstih odraža spremi-njajoče se razmerje med primerki skupine Alésiain tipa Aucissa, ki znaša v taboru Dangstetten 11 :101, v Halternu pa le še 2 : 290.113

Zgodnje izvedbe dvojnogumbastih in močno profi-liranih fibul (sl. 55: h–l) so pogoste v grobovih zorožjem stopnje Verdun,114 vendar so številne tudiv naselbinskih kontekstih.Italski tip Aucissa, vodilna oblika fibul v zgodnje-cesarskih taborih v Porenju,115 se v jugovzhodno-alpskem prostoru zgoščeno pojavlja v naselbinahmestnega značaja in na vojaških najdiščih.116 PoDemetzu je njihov pojav na naselbinah na Štalen-skem vrhu in pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljanimogoče razumeti kot nadaljevanje trenda prevze-manja rimske noše, ki se je vzpostavil že v pred- alizgodnjeavgustejskem času.117 Pogostost fibul tipa

18: 7414), A 67 (Pl. 15: 7157, 7311; 7537, 8411) andA 236/237 types (Pl. 15: 7564; 20: 8619, 8451).111

The overview of fibula forms reveals a high num-ber of fibulae tied to the army, while most of theothers appear both in military and civilian con-texts. Characteristic elements of the supraregional(legionary) costume are types Alésia (Fig. 55: a)and Aucissa (Fig. 55: e, f, g),112 while the Jezerine(Fig. 55: b) and Gorica (Fig. 55: c) types could beevidence of locally recruited soldiers. The gradualdecrease in the number of Late Republican fibulaein Augustan contexts is reflected in the changingratio between the examples of the Alésia group andthe Aucissa type. This ratio is 11 : 101 at the campat Dangstetten, while it is only 2 : 290 at Haltern.113

Early versions of fibulae with two knobs and ofstrongly profiled fibulae (Fig. 55: h–l) are fre-quent in graves with weapons of the Verdunphase,114 but are numerous also in settlementcontexts.The Italic Aucissa type, the leading fibula form inthe Early Imperial forts in the Rheinland,115 is a

112 ISTENIČ 2005b; POUX 2008, 381–382.113 ISTENIČ 2005b, 189–190.114 WINDL 1976; GUŠTIN 1991, t. 21: 9; 29: 15; 32: 8.115 MÜLLER 2002, 24–25 (polovica primerkov iz Halterna je železnih).116 DEMETZ 1998, 55–56.117 Ib., 167; VIČIČ 1994.

111 RIHA 1994, 101–107.112 ISTENIČ 2005b; POUX 2008, 381–382.113 ISTENIČ 2005b, 189–190.114 WINDL 1976; GUŠTIN 1991, pl. 21: 9; 29: 15; 32: 8.115 MÜLLER 2002, 24–25 (half of the examples from Haltern is made

of iron).

Sl. 55 /Fig.55V zgodnjih depozitih so pogoste italske bronaste fibule tipa Aucissa (e, f, g), ki sodijo med vodilne oblike noše iz avgustejskih taborov, čeprav so jihnosili tudi civilisti. Vojaški noši lahko glede na najdiščne okoliščine pripišemo primerke tipov Jezerine (b) in Alésia (a), ki so v času gradnje Emoneže redkost (foto: Maja Lavrič) The early deposits often revealed Italic bronze fibulae of the Aucissa type (e, f, g), which were one of the leading forms in Augustan camps, thoughthey were also worn by civilians. Based on their find circumstances, fibulae of the Jezerine (b) and Alésia (a) types can also be ascribed to themilitary costume, but these were already rare during the construction of Emona (photo: Maja Lavrič)

a

e

g

j

k

l

l

h

i

f

b

c

d

“APUD HORRIDAS GENTIS ...”Andrej GASPARI, Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona /Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 100


Aucissa v zgodnjih emonskih depozitih bi lahko to-rej interpretirali kot pokazatelja navzočnosti voja-kov in italskih naseljencev, primerek z v keltskemslogu izdelano glavo na zaključku noge, najden vzgodnjih plasteh inzule XXXII (sl. 56: a),118 pa jemorda lokalnega izvora. Med najdbami iz ljubljanskega prostora izstopaše srebrna fibula s plastično modelirano volčjoglavico in okrašenim gumbom iz Ljubljanice priVolarju, ki je bila verjetno del vojaške noše (sl.56: b).119

Fibule tipa Langtown-Down so značilne za zahod-no Evropo in najdišča severno od Alp, pri čemer najbi jih tam praviloma nosile ženske,120 pri nas pa soizpričane npr. v vojaškem taboru pri Čatežu.121

Konjska in konjeniška opremaMed predmete iz okvira konjeniške opreme iz zgo-dnjih depozitov na lokaciji NUK II sodijo jermens-ki zaključek z aplicirano pločevino iz bele kovine(t. 5: 8441),122 luničast obesek (t. 13: 9124),123 jer-menski obešalnik (t. 5: 9537),124 dvokraki faličniobesek (t. 15: 7384)125 in manjši okov z okroglo zan-ko za obešanje (9324).126 Sem sodijo še odlomek

frequent find in the south-eastern Alpine area insettlements of urban character and at militarysites.116 According to Demetz, their appearancein settlements on Magdalensberg and below Graj-ski grič in Ljubljana might be understood as a con-tinuation of the trend of adopting the Roman cos-tume, begun already in the pre- or Early Augustanperiod.117 The frequent appearance of Aucissa fibu-lae in the early deposits of Emona could thereforebe interpreted as an indicator of the presence ofsoldiers and Italic settlers. On the other hand, thefibula with a Celtic style head on the foot termi-nal, which was found in the early layers of InsulaXXXII (Fig. 56: a),118 could be of local origin. An-other fibula that stands out among the finds fromthe Ljubljana area is a silver fibula with a wolf’shead modelled in the round and bearing a deco-rated knob. It was found in the Ljubljanica Rivernear Volar and probably formed part of a militarycostume (Fig. 56: b).119

The Langtown-Down fibulae are characteristic ofwestern Europe and sites north of the Alps, wherethey were supposedly usually worn by women.120

In Slovenia, they were found in the military campat Čatež.121

Horse and cavalry equipmentFinds of horseman’s equipment that were foundin the early deposits on the NUK II site include astrap terminal with applied sheet of white metal(Pl. 5: 8441),122 a crescent-shaped pendant (Pl. 13:9124),123 a strap hook with a duck-head terminal(Pl. 5: 9537),124 a pendant with a pair of antitheticphalli (Pl. 15: 7384)125 and small fitting with round

118 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983, 105, t. 4: 1.119 GASPARI 2007, 150, sl. 4: 3.120 MÜLLER 2002, 16–17, t. 7: 62–63.121 GUŠTIN 2002.122 MÜLLER 2002, 55, t. 64: 687–692; HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008,

t. 11: 126.123 MÜLLER 2002, 48–49, t. 49; DESCHLER-ERB 2007, 80, sl. 2: 1155,2.124 DESCHLER-ERB 1999, t. 35: 669.125 DESCHLER-ERB 1999, 166, t. 27: 539; id. 2007, 82, sl. 3: 47/529;

6: 160.126 Id. 1999, t. 35: 632–635.

116 DEMETZ 1998, 55–56.117 Ib., 167; VIČIČ 1994.118 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 1983, 105, pl. 4: 1.119 GASPARI 2007, 150, fig. 4: 3.120 MÜLLER 2002, 16–17, pl. 7: 62–63.121 GUŠTIN 2002.122 MÜLLER 2002, 55, pl. 64: 687–692; HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008,

pl. 11: 126.123 MÜLLER 2002, 48–49, pl. 49; DESCHLER-ERB 2007, 80, fig. 2: 1155,2.124 DESCHLER-ERB 1999, pl. 35: 669.125 DESCHLER-ERB 1999, 166, pl. 27: 539; id. 2007, 82, figs 3: 47/529;

6: 160.

Sl. 56 /Fig.56Okras na podaljšu noge bronaste fibule tipa Aucissa iz emonske inzule XXXII (a) govori za keltsko poreklo njenega lastnika. Prav tako unikaten je srebrn primerek s plastično modelirano volčjo glavo iz Ljubljanice pri Volarju (b), ki ga lahko glede na uporabo plemenite kovine in okras pogojno prisodimo častniku (a po Plesničar-Gec et al. 1983; b po Gaspari 2007)The decoration on the foot extension of a bronze Aucissa type fibula from Insula XXXII (a) speaks for a Celtic origin of its owner. Just as unique is the silver example with a wolf’s head modelled in the round, which was found in the Ljubljanica river near Volar (b). The use of the precious metal and the decoration might conditionallyindicate that the wearer was an officer (a after Plesničar-Gec et al.1983; b after Gaspari 2007)

ba0 2 cm

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 101


okrasa sedla s predrtim okrasom (t. 21: 7863),127

železne žvale iz sedimenta prvega obcestnega jar-ka na kardu H,128 morda pa tudi manjši zvončekovalno polkroglastega obrisa s šestkotno zanko (t.25: 9660)129 in podoben zvonec z ovalno bazo izpolnila vkopa za kloako (t. 27: 8479).130 Namem-bnost zakovic z okroglimi ploščatimi glavicami skoncentričnimi vrezi (9501) ali izbočenimi in pro-filiranimi glavicami (7610, 8241)131 ni jasna, pravtako ne poznamo načina uporabe prepleta kositr-nih žic z bikoničnimi glavicami iz vodne depresije(t. 1: 8178).132 Poznolatensko gumbasto ostrogo izEmone, kakršne so bile v uporabi do avgustejske-ga obdobja,133 bi lahko povezali s prisotnostjo po-možne konjenice (sl. 57: h).134

suspension loop (9324).126 Also belonging to thisgroup is a fragment of openwork saddle deco-ration (Pl. 21: 7863),127 iron bit found in thesediment of the first roadside ditch in cardo F,128

possibly also a small bell of an oval semi-globularcontour with a hexagonal loop (Pl. 25: 9660)129

and a similar bell with an oval base found in thefill of a cut for the cloaca (Pl. 27: 8479).130 The pur-pose of rivets with concentric incisions on roundflat heads (9501) or convex and moulded heads(7610, 8241)131 is unclear. The manner of use forthe mesh of tin wires with biconic heads (Pl. 1:8178) found in the water basin is also unknown.132

The Late La Tène knob spur from Emona, such aswere in use until the Augustan period,133 on theother hand, could be tied to the presence of theauxiliary cavalry (Fig. 57: h).134

127 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, 49, t. 65: 1878–1884.128 HARNECKER 1997, t. 62.129 MÜLLER 2002, t. 56: 605; 57: 608–612.130 Ib., t. 58–59.131 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, t. 73: 2256; 74: 2284.132 FINGERLIN 1986, 360/5.133 SIVEC, DIRJEC 1998, 37, št. 229.134 FINGERLIN 1999, 10, sl. 12: 4; POUX 2008, 387–388.

126 Id. 1999, pl. 35: 632–635.127 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, 49, pl. 65: 1878–1884.128 HARNECKER 1997, pl. 62.129 MÜLLER 2002, pl. 56: 605; 57: 608–612.130 Ib., pl. 58–59.131 UNZ, DESCHLER-ERB 1997, pl. 73: 2256; 74: 2284.132 FINGERLIN 1986, 360/5.133 SIVEC, DIRJEC 1998, 37, no. 229.134 FINGERLIN 1999, 10, fig. 12: 4; POUX 2008, 387–388.

0 5 cm

Sl. 57/Fig.57Okrasne obeske in okove konjske opreme iz inzule XXXII in z območja foruma lahko obravnavamo kot pokazatelje prisotnosti pomožne konjenice (alae equitate) ali mešanih enot (cohortes equitate), saj je bila legijska konjenica maloštevilna. Konjeniki so bili praviloma oboroženi z okroglimiščiti, dolgimi meči (spathae) in sulicami (po Plesničar-Gec et al. 1983; Plesničar-Gec et al. 2006)Decorative pendants and fittings of horse gear from Insula XXXII and the forum area may be held to indicate the presence of either alae equitateor cohortes equitate, since the legionary cavalry was not numerous. Horsemen were usually equipped with round shields, long swords (spathae)and spears (after Plesničar-Gec et al. 1983; Plesničar-Gec et al. 2006)

a

e

b

f

c

g

d

h

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 102


Ostalo kovinsko gradivoZemljemerski pribor iz zgodnjih depozitov vklju-čuje več stožčastih svinčnic (perpendicula). V pr-vem nasutju so bili na lokaciji Šumi odkriti štirjevitki primerki z ravnim vrhom in odprtino (t. 29:Š 4258; Š 5102, Š 5127, Š 5746), ki imajo dobreprimerjave npr. v najdbah iz taborov Oberaden,135

Dangstetten136 in Rödgen137 ter s prizorišča spopa-dov v okolici Crap Ses-Schlucht v švicarskih Al-pah138 in Kalkreiseja.139 Iz sedimenta iz časa grad-nje zidov na NUK II izvira podobna, nekoliko povr-šneje izdelana svinčnica (t. 14: 9533), širok stožčastprimerek pa je bil najden v sedimentu klavdijske-ga cestišča dekumana F (8527).Iz zgodnjih emonskih kontekstov izvira tudi večprimerkov medicinskega oz. farmacevtskega pri-bora, ki morda pričajo o zdravstveni oskrbi vo-jakov. Med drugim gre za več bronastih pincet sprečno profiliranimi držalkami tipa F (t. 27: 7968;Š 1325),140 skalpel s profiliranim držajem okro-glega preseka (Š 1331),141 bronast tul za shranjeva-nje (t. 29: Š 4238) in spatulaste sonde (t. 4: 8170;Š 4230).142 V ta okvir morda sodi tudi svinčenaokrogla ploščica, ki bi lahko bila pokrov medicin-ske šatulje (8412).143

O navzočnosti legionarjev v času gradnje Emonepogojno pričajo bronasti pečatniki pravokotne obli-ke (t. 2: 8207),144 ki se pojavijo najpozneje v sred-njeavgustejskem obdobju (sl. 58),145 črnilniki tipaBiebrich (t. 2: 8490; 24: 9716)146 in koščen stilus strombastim zaključkom (t. 4: 8434).147 Profiliranopisalo s storžčastim vrhom je bilo najdeno v depozi-tih iz tiberijskega časa (t. 20: 8471).148

V nasutjih in sedimentih iz časa neposredno predgradnjo zidov ali po njej je bilo odkritih več delovbronastih posod. V prvem nasutju prevladujejomanjše peltaste nožice z navznoter zavihanimi

Other metal findsThe early deposits of Emona revealed finds of landsurveying kit, which include several cone-shapedplumbs (perpendicula). The first fill layer at theŠumi site revealed four slender examples with a flattop and an opening (Pl. 29: Š 4258; Š 5102, Š 5127,Š 5746). These have good analogies in the findsfrom the camps at Oberaden,135 Dangstetten136

and Rödgen,137 on battle sites around Crap Ses-Schlucht in the Swiss Alps138 and at Kalkriese.139

A similar, somewhat less accurately made plumbwas found in the sediment from the time of thewall construction at the NUK II site (Pl. 14: 9533),while a wide cone-shaped example was uncoveredin the sediment of the Claudian roadway of decu-manus F (8527).The early contexts also revealed several examplesof medical or pharmaceutical instruments thatpossibly offer evidence of medical care providedto soldiers. These include several bronze tweezerswith transversally moulded prongs of Type F (Pl.27: 7968; Š 1325),140 a scalpel with a profiled han-dle of round cross-section (Š 1331),141 a bronzestorage case (Pl. 29: Š 4238) and a spatula probes(Pl. 4: 8170; Š 4230).142 A round lead plate mightalso belong in this category, possibly as the lid ofa medical chest (8412).143

The presence of legionaries in the time of theconstruction of Emona is conditionally eviden-ced by bronze rectangular seals (Pl. 2: 8207),144

which appear in the Middle Augustan period atthe latest (Fig. 58),145 by Biebrich inkpots (Pl. 2:8490; 24: 9716)146 and by a bone stylus with atrumpet-shaped top (Pl. 4: 8434).147 Further-more, deposits from the Tiberian period revealeda richly moulded writing tool with a pinecone top(Pl. 20: 8471).148

135 KÜHLBORN 1992, 166–167, t. 47: 170–174.136 FINGERLIN 1998, 1337/15 (prevlečena z bronasto pločevino).137 SCHÖNBERGER 1976, t. 7: 79–80.138 ZANIER 2006, 199–200, op. 1348, sl. 57: 7. 139 HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008, t. 22: 315–319.140 RIHA 1986, 37, t. 12: 100; 13: 101–104; DEIMEL 1987, t. 97: 1–2;

SIVEC, DIRJEC 1998, 34, št. 171; GOSTENČNIK 2002, sl. 7.141 HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, sl. 7: 9045; SIVEC, DIRJEC 1998, 34,

št. 177–178; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 24: 54. 142 FINGERLIN 1986, 54/3, 367/1; DEIMEL 1987, t. 100: 6; KÜNZL 1991,

192–193, sl. 9, 11–12. 143 KÜNZL 1991, 186–187, sl. 1.144 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 24: 36.145 FINGERLIN 1998, 658/9, 695/3, 1048/3, 1122/6, 1233/2;

VIČIČ 1993, 165, t. 21: 6–7; MÜLLER 2002, 61, t. 71: 771–787; HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008, t. 22: 320–325.

146 BOŽIČ, FEUGERE 2004, 35, sl. 31.147 GOSTENČNIK 2005, t. 8: 10; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 23: 11.148 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1994, t. 40: 163 A.5; GOSTENČNIK

2005, t. 4: 3; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, t. 14: 22.

135 KÜHLBORN 1992, 166–167, pl. 47: 170–174.136 FINGERLIN 1998, 1337/15 (coated with bronze sheet metal).137 SCHÖNBERGER 1976, pl. 7: 79–80.138 ZANIER 2006, 199–200, note 1348, fig. 57: 7. 139 HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008, pl. 22: 315–319.140 RIHA 1986, 37, pl. 12: 100; 13: 101–104; DEIMEL 1987, pl. 97: 1–2;

SIVEC, DIRJEC 1998, 34, no. 171; GOSTENČNIK 2002, fig. 7.141 HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, fig. 7: 9045; SIVEC, DIRJEC 1998, 34,

nos 177–178; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 24: 54.142 FINGERLIN 1986, 54/3, 367/1; DEIMEL 1987, pl. 100: 6; KÜNZL 1991,

192–193, figs 9, 11–12. 143 KÜNZL 1991, 186–187, fig. 1.144 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 24: 36.145 FINGERLIN 1998, 658/9, 695/3, 1048/3, 1122/6, 1233/2; VIČIČ

1993, 165, pl. 21: 6–7; MÜLLER 2002, 61, pl. 71: 771–787; HARNECKER, FRANZIUS 2008, pl. 22: 320–325.

146 BOŽIČ, FEUGERE 2004, 35, fig. 31.147 GOSTENČNIK 2005, pl. 8: 10; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 23: 11.148 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1994, pl. 40: 163 A.5; GOSTENČNIK

2005, pl. 4: 3; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, pl. 14: 22.

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 103


volutami (t. 29: Š 4357, Š 5496; Š 7085),149 ki soznane iz poznoavgustejskih in mlajših kontekstovdo Klavdija ter verjetno pripadajo korcem z labod-jimi glavicami tipa Eggers 131/Petrovszky II,1a(sl. 59: a in c) ali korcem z lunulastimi odprtina-mi tipa Eggers 137/138. V poznejših sedimentihsrečamo »baročne« primerke tipa Hernandez Pri-eto V s po tremi volutami na vsakega od trehizrastkov. Pojav takih nožic, ki pripadajo korcem zzaključkom ročaja v obliki labodjih glavic (t. 27:9355; 29: Š 2114, Š 4171, Š 5224), se datira v tiberij-sko obdobje.150 Manjši vodoraven držaj z okrasomlabodjih glavic in jajčnega niza (t. 27: 7961) terfragment držaja z okrasom cikcaka in jajčnega

The fill layers and sediments from the time imme-diately before or after wall construction revealedseveral parts of bronze vessels. Small pelta-shapedfeet with in-turned volutes predominate in the firstfill layer (Pl. 29: Š 4357, Š 5496, Š 7085).149 Suchfinds are known from Late Augustan and later con-texts up to the time of Claudius and probably be-longed to saucepans, either of Type Eggers 131/Petrovszky II,1a with swan heads (Fig. 59: a and c)or of Type Eggers 137/138 with crescent-shapedperforations. Later sediments revealed “baroque”examples of Type Hernandez Prieto V with three vo-lutes on each of the three protuberances. The ap-pearance of such feet, belonging to saucepans withhandle terminations in the form of swan’s heads(Pl. 27: 9355; 29: Š 2114, Š 4171, Š 5224), is dated tothe Tiberian period.150 A smaller horizontal han-dle, decorated with swan’s heads and egg-and-dart(Pl. 27: 7961), as well as a handle fragment, deco-rated with zigzag and egg-and-dart motifs (Pl. 27:7970), belong to sheet-metal saucepans of the Eg-gers 135/Petrovszky III,1 form (Blechkasserollen),which stop being produced in the third decadeAD (Fig. 59: b).151 The latest and stylistically po-orer versions of handles with pronouncedly styl-ized heads and ring-and-dot decoration (TypeBCT III b) appear in the Late Augustan period(Pl. 27: 8524).152

The early deposits also revealed several movableD-shaped handles. Such examples were attachedto Augustan bowls with vine-leaf shaped handleattachments of Type E 69 (Pl. 20: 8429; Š 1388)and to bowls with stepped Type Eggers 91/92 han-dle attachments,153 but they could also be foundon some saucepans with swan’s heads.154 Bowls,supposedly serving as washing basins, representcommon finds in military contexts.155

The handle of a jug with an attachment in theform of a lion’s paw (Pl. 29: Š 4421), found in theclayey fill layer for the second floor surface of the

Sl. 58 /Fig.58Pisalni pribor iz zgodnjerimskih depozitov vključuje bronast črnilnik z vsebnikoma za črno in rdeče barvilo, koščeno pisalo, tul zashranjevanje pribora in bronast pečatnik (foto: Maja Lavrič) Writing kit from the Early Roman deposits includes a bronze inkpotwith separate pots for black and red ink, implement bone writing, a storage case and bronze seal (photo: Maja Lavrič)

149 DEIMEL 1987, t. 11: 15–16; SEDLMAYER 1999, 117.150 BREŠČAK 1982, t. 1: 4; PETROVSZKY 1993, t. 11: C.20.04; 28:

T.08.07; SEDLMAYER 1999, 117, t. 51: 18.

149 DEIMEL 1987, pl. 11: 15–16; SEDLMAYER 1999, 117.150 BREŠČAK 1982, pl. 1: 4; PETROVSZKY 1993, pl. 11: C.20.04; 28:

T.08.07; SEDLMAYER 1999, 117, pl. 51: 18.151 PETROVSZKY 1993, 37, pl. 17: H.04.01; 32: Y.43; 35: X.21; DEIMEL

1987, pl. 24: 5.152 SEDLMAYER 1999, 80–81, pl. 30: 12.153 Ib., 78–79, pl. 30: 6–8.154 BREŠČAK 1982, pl. 1: 4.155 SEDLMAYER 1999, 127–128.

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 104


Sl. 59 /Fig.59Tudi bronaste korce iz Ljubljanice v Kaminu pri Bevkah (a, c) in Črne vasi (b) lahko morda povežemo s premiki rimske vojske v avgustejsko-tiberijskem obdobju, pri katerih je prišla do izraza trpežnost tegaposodja. Ni izključeno tudi, da je bil del korcev iz Ljubljanice v resnicinamenjen germanskim veljakom Marobodovega ali Vanijevega kraljestvana današnjem Češkem in zahodnem Slovaškem, ki so cenili estetskodovršene izdelke srednje- in severnoitalskih mojstrov. Kovinsko posodje je v zgodnjih emonskih plasteh praviloma zastopano le s premičnimidržaji, nožicami ter z odlomki ročajev in recipientov (Mestni muzejLjubljana – zbirka družine Potočnik; risba: Janja Tratnik Šumi)The bronze saucepans from the Ljubljanica at Kamin near Bevke (a, c) and Črna vas (b) may also be connected with the movements of the Roman army in the Augustan-Tiberian period, which called for vessels to be of a durable character. It cannot be excluded that part of the saucepans form the Ljubljanica was in fact intended for the prominent Germanic figures of the kingdom of Maroboduus or Vannius in the present-day Czech Republic and western Slovakia,who appreciated the aesthetically pleasing products of central andnorth Italian masters. The metal vessels in the early Emona depositsare predominantly represented by movable lugs and feet as well ashandle and vessel fragments (City Museum Ljubljana – collection of the Potočnik family; drawing: Janja Tratnik Šumi)

151 PETROVSZKY 1993, 37, t. 17: H.04.01; 32: Y.43; 35: X.21; DEIMEL1987, t. 24: 5.

152 SEDLMAYER 1999, 80–81, t. 30: 12.153 Ib., 78–79, t. 30: 6–8.154 BREŠČAK 1982, t. 1: 4.155 SEDLMAYER 1999, 127–128.

0 10 cm

a

c

b

niza (t. 27: 7970) sodita k pločevinastim korcemoblike Eggers 135/ Petrovszky III,1 (Blechkasserol-len), ki se prenehajo izdelovati v tretjem desetletjun. št. (sl. 59: b).151 Slogovno skromnejše izvedbe ro-čajev s poudarjeno stiliziranimi glavicami in punci-ranimi krožci (tip BCT III b) se pojavijo najpozne-je v poznoavgustejskem obdobju (t. 27: 8524).152

V zgodnjih depozitih je zastopanih tudi nekaj pre-mičnih držajev v obliki črke D. Takšni držaji so bilinameščeni na avgustejskih skledah z atašami vobliki trtnega lista tipa E 69 (t. 20: 8429; Š 1388)in skledah s stopničastimi atašami tipa Eggers 91/92,153 srečamo pa jih tudi na posameznih korcih zlabodjimi glavicami.154 Sklede, domnevno namen-jene umivanju, so v vojaškem okolju pogoste.155

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 105


first phase of stone buildings at the Šumi site, hasanalogies in Augustan-Tiberian contexts.156 Alsofound was a number of handles of Radnóti 43/44ladles (Pl. 15: 7271; 5262, Š 1040, Š 1451, Š 2726,Š 2881, Š 7223), which at Magdalensberg belongto Tiberian-Claudian deposits.157 The foot of a Hol-liger/Holliger 41 jug originates from a layer thatrevealed a coin of Claudius (Š 5240).158 Further-more, a solid, sprout-shaped bronze handle (Pl.27: 8466), originally soldered to the lid of a jug,was found in the fill layer of the first roadway ofdecumanus H above the cloaca.159 A bronze discwith concave central part (Š 1300) has compar-isons in Aquileia, where the object was interpret-ed as a castanet. The first fill layer also revealedan elongated lead etiquette (tessera) with an in-cised inscription (8511).Finds of iron implements in the early layers werefew. They include a billhook (9467; Fig. 60),160 aknife with curved blade (9768), a knife for leatherprocessing (Pl. 27: 7953),161 a trowel (Pl. 23:9909)162 and a socketed blade (Š 7732).163

156 DEIMEL 1987, t. 16: 5–6; SEDLMAYER 1999, 39, sl. 8.157 Ead., 57–59, sl. 8, karta 7, t. 22: 5; 23: 4–5.158 Ib., 118, t. 51: 23.159 MÜLLER 2007, 307–308, sl. 3: 13.160 HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, sl. 7: 24083; WIEGELS 2007, 91.161 FINGERLIN 1998, 1039/7; DOLENZ 1998, 213–218, t. 77–78.162 HARNECKER 1997, t. 23: 272; DOLENZ 1998, 223–224, t. 81–82. 163 HARNECKER 1997, t. 9: 68.

156 DEIMEL 1987, pl. 16: 5–6; SEDLMAYER 1999, 39, fig. 8.157 Ead., 57–59, fig. 8, map 7, pl. 22: 5; 23: 4–5.158 Ib., 118, pl. 51: 23.159 MÜLLER 2007, 307–308, fig. 3: 13.160 HARNECKER, MOOSBAUER 2007, fig. 7: 24083; WIEGELS 2007, 91.161 FINGERLIN 1998, 1039/7; DOLENZ 1998, 213–218, pl. 77–78.162 HARNECKER 1997, pl. 23: 272; DOLENZ 1998, 223–224, pl. 81–82. 163 HARNECKER 1997, pl. 9: 68.

Analogije za ročaj vrča z atašo v obliki levje šape(t. 29: Š 4421) iz glinenega nasutja za drugo hodnopovršino prve faze zidanih objektov na lokaciji Šu-mi izvirajo iz avgustejsko-tiberijskih kontekstov.156

Najdena je bila vrsta ročajev zajemalk tipa Radnó-ti 43/44 (t. 15: 7271; 5262; Š 1040, Š 1451, Š 2726,Š 2881, Š 7223), ki jih na Štalenskem vrhu srečamov tiberijsko-klavdijskih depozitih.157 Noga vrča vrsteHolliger/Holliger 41 izvira iz plasti s Klavdijevimnovcem (Š 5240).158 V nasutju prvega cestišča nadkloako na dekumanu H je bil najden masiven bro-nast držaj v obliki brsta (t. 27: 8466), ki je bil prvot-no prilotan na pokrov vrča.159 Primerjava za bro-nast disk s konkavno izbočenim osrednjim delom(Š 1300) iz Akvileje je interpretirana kot kastanjeta.Iz prvega nasutja izvira tudi podolgovata svinčenaetiketa (tessera) z vrezanim napisom (8511).Maloštevilne najdbe železnega orodja iz zgodnjihplasti vključujejo vejnik (9467; sl. 60),160 nož zukrivljenim rezilom (9768), nož za usnje (t. 27:7953),161 zidarsko žlico (t. 23: 9909)162 in rezilo stulastim nasadiščem (Š 7732).163

Sl. 60 /Fig.60Železen vejnik (falx) iz tiberijske plasti v inzuli XLVI ima odlično analogijo v najdbi iz prizorišča poraza treh rimskih legij pod poveljstvom Kvintilija Vara proti Arminijevim Germanom priKalkrieseju leta 9 n. št. (foto: Maja Lavrič) The iron falx from the Tiberian layer in Insula XLVI has an excellent analogy in the find from thesite near Kalkriese where three Roman legions under the command of Quintilius Varus suffereddefeat by Arminius’ Germanic tribes in AD 9 (photo: Maja Lavrič)

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 106


Italska keramikaKeramično gradivo z območja NUK II in Šumija,ki bo izčrpneje obdelano na drugem mestu, nedopušča dvomov, da je bila oskrba v času gradnjemesta in neposredno po njej večinsko vezana naitalski okus naseljencev in iz Mediterana uvoženedobrine. V okviru finega namiznega posodja (sl. 62) so vzgodnjih depozitih na NUK II posamično zastopa-ni odlomki keramike s črnim premazom, medkaterimi gre večinoma za krožnike oz. pladnjeporoznega (B) fabrikata s svetlorjavo-bež prelo-mom in temno sivim ali rdečkastorjavim mat pre-mazom (t. 2: 9496; 3: 8298, 8301; 14: 8116; 8039,8087, 8442, 8640, 8699, 8739, 9060, 9530, 9639,9642), v sedimentu iz časa po gradnji pa je za-stopan tudi odlomek sivega (C) fabrikata sred-njeitalske provenience (t. 24: 9402). Odlomki ter-re sigillate iz kontekstov pred gradnjo pripadajo(vzhodno)padski produkciji srednje- in poznoav-gustejskega časa, aretinska keramika je izpričanašele v sedimentih in nasutjih iz časa po gradnji.Razmeroma maloštevilni ostanki drugega posod-ja iz zgodnjih plasti vključujejo odlomke vrete-nastega kozarca (8225) in polkroglaste skodeliceoksidacijsko žganega (A) fabrikata (8220), cel vr-ček (9337) in posodico (9338) ter odlomek pom-pejanskega pekača (t. 5: 9538). Keramično gradi-vo iz zgodnjih kontekstov obsega še balzamarije(t. 3: 8561; 18: 8505; 7697, 7787), odlomek repu-blikanske svetilke (t. 4: 8743) in več reliefnih ol-jenk (t. 3: 8705; 5: 8819; 18: 8462, 8463; 20: 8314;21: 8137; 7309, 7370, 7385, 7663, 7813).

Italic wareThe ceramic material from the NUK II and Šumisites, which will be analysed in detail elsewhere,clearly indicates that the supply in the time of theconstruction of the town and directly after it waspredominantly tied to the Italic taste of the settlersand to goods imported from the Mediterranean.The fine tableware of the early deposits at theNUK II site (Fig. 62) includes individual fragmentsof black-slipped pottery, mostly plates or plattersmade of porous fabric (B) with a light brown tobeige fracture and dark grey or reddish-brownmatt slip (Pl. 2: 9496; 3: 8298, 8301; 14: 8116;8039, 8087, 8442, 8640, 8699, 8739, 9060, 9530,9639, 9642). The sediment from the time afterconstruction also revealed a fragment of grey fab-ric (C) of central Italic provenance (Pl. 24: 9402).Fragments of terra sigillata from contexts predat-ing the construction belong to the (eastern) Pada-na production of Middle and Late Augustan peri-od, while the Arezzo ware is attested to only in thepost-construction sediments and fill layers. Relati-vely few remains of other wares from the early lay-ers include fragments of a spindle-shaped beaker(8225) and a semi-globular cup of oxidation fired(A) fabric (8220), a whole small jug (9337), a smallpot (9338) and a fragment of a Pompeian bakingdish (Pl. 5: 9538). Ceramic material from earlycontexts furthermore includes balsamaria (Pl. 3:8561; 18: 8505; 7697, 7787), a fragment of a Re-publican oil lamp (Pl. 4: 8743) and several relieflamps (Pl. 3: 8705; 5: 8819; 18: 8462, 8463; 20: 8314;21: 8137; 7309, 7370, 7385, 7663, 7813).

Sl. 61/Fig.61Med standardno opremo legionarja avgustejskega obdobja sodi dolabra, težko kombinirano orodje sekire in krampa. Primerek na sliki izvira najverjetneje iz zbirke družine Lichtenberg, ki je bila nabrana v Ljubljanici v Kaminu pri Bevkah. Predmet brez inventarne številke hrani Oddelek za zgodovino in uporabno umetnost Narodnega muzeja Slovenije (risba: Dragica Knific Lunder) The standard equipment of an Augustan-period legionary includes a dolabra, a heavy implement combining an axe and a pick. The example shownmost probably formed part of the collection of the Lichtenberg family, originating from the Ljubljanica at Kamin near Bevke. The object withoutinventory number is held at the Department of History and Applied Arts of the National Museum of Slovenia (drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder)

0 10 cm

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 107

Sl. 62 /Fig.62Za datiranje opisanih pripravljanih del in same gradnje je posebej izpovedno kronološko občutljivo namizno italsko posodje, ki sega od krožnikov in skodelic iz sklopa padanske produkcije terre sigillate, redkejših kosov krožnikov in skodel s črnim premazom do skodelic in kozarcev tankihsten. Med uvoženim gradivom so zastopane še reliefne oljenke, najden pa je bil tudi odlomek poznorepublikanske svetilke (foto: Maja Lavrič)Particularly revealing for dating the described preparatory work and the construction itself is the chronologically sensitive Italic tableware,ranging from plates and cups of the Padana terra sigillata production, rare black-slipped plates and cups to small thin-walled cups and beakers.The imported material also includes relief lamps and a fragment of a Late Republican lamp (photo: Maja Lavrič)


Med transportnim posodjem (sl. 63) so zastopaniodlomki dvoročajnih vrčev in amfor tipov Dr. 6B(t. 4: 8512; 7: 7751; 11: 8286; 12: 9453; 13: 9286,9300; 20: 8738; 22: 10012, 9984; 7391, 7752), Dr.2–4 (t. 8: 7127, 7129; 8083, 8084, 8147), Dr. 7–11(8085), Camulodunum 189 in poznorodoškegatipa (t. 26: 9245).164 Osamljeni sta dve amforiprehodnega tipa Lamboglia 2 /Dr. 6A s trikotnimvisečim ustjem, ki se pojavi kmalu po sredini 1.st. pr. n. št., najdeni v manjšem polkroglastemvkopu na območju inzule XIII (t. 9: 8271, 8272,8275).165

Med gradivo iz depozitov iz časa gradnje ali nepo-sredno po njej, ki v starejših plasteh ni bilo doku-mentirano, sodijo kozarec tankih sten, okrašen zvbodi (t. 20: 8733, 8734), polkroglaste skodelice izsivo do rdečkasto rjavo žgane, peščene gline (t. 8:

Transport vessels (Fig. 63) are represented by frag-ments of two-handled jugs and amphorae of TypesDr. 6B (Pl. 4: 8512; 7: 7751; 11: 8286; 12: 9453;13: 9286, 9300; 20: 8738; 22: 10012, 9984; 7391,7752), Dr. 2–4 (Pl. 8: 7127, 7129; 8083, 8084,8147), Dr. 7–11 (8085), Camulodunum 189 and aLate Rhodian type (Pl. 26: 9245).164 Separatefrom the rest are two amphorae of the transitoryLamboglia 2/Dr. 6A type with a triangular over-hanging rim that appeared soon after the mid-1st

century BC. They were found in a small semi-cir-cular cut in the area of Insula XIII (Pl. 9: 8271,8272, 8275).165

The material uncovered in the deposits from thetime of the construction or just after it, but not do-cumented in earlier layers, includes a thin-walledbeaker decorated with indentations (Pl. 20: 8733,

164 BEZECZKY 1994; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 100.165 HORVAT J. 1997, 58, sl. 21.

164 BEZECZKY 1994; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 100.165 HORVAT J. 1997, 58, fig. 21.

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:22 Page 108

Sl. 63 /Fig.63Najdene amfore, namenjenetransportu in shranjevanjuvina, olivnega olja, garuma

in suhega sadja, ne odstopajood repertoarja sočasnih

najdišč na severovzhodnimeji Italije in izvirajo izobeh obal Jadranskega

morja, iz Egeje, Pirenejskegapolotoka in južne Galije

(foto: Maja Lavrič)The uncovered amphorae

intended for transport andstorage of wine, olive oil,

garum and dried fruitformed part of the

repertory recorded oncontemporary sites on the

north-eastern border ofItaly and originate from

both coasts of the Adriatic,the Aegean, the IberianPeninsula and southern

Gaul (photo: Maja Lavrič)


7671, 7672; 7324, 7359, 7473), čaše tipa ACO (t. 3:8586) in lonci tipa Auerberg (7830).

StekloSteklene najdbe (sl. 64) so v prvem nasutju zasto-pane z odlomki štirikotne steklenice z enim roča-jem oblike AR 156/Isings 50 (t. 6: 9081),166 rebra-ste skodele tipa Isings 3 iz modrega prosojnegastekla (7230, 7262)167 in v kalup pihane narebre-ne skodelice tipa Isings 17 (t. 5: 9117). Slednje sona Štalenskem vrhu znane izključno iz tiberijskihplasti,168 v Italiji pa se pojavljajo že v zadnjih de-setletjih pr. n. št.169

V depozitih barak v inzuli XIII sta bila najdena od-lomek balzamarija (7100) in v kalup pihana rebra-sta skodela tipa Isings 3c iz modrikastega prosoj-nega stekla (t. 6: 7776, 7794; 7773, 7774), kakršnese pojavljajo od zgodnjeavgustejskega do flavijskegaobdobja,170 iz sedimenta poznejšega vodnjaka paizvira del rebraste skodele iz jantarnega stekla (t.10: 7757). Od skled iz marmoriranega stekla, kiposnemajo oblike posod, izbrušenih v dragocenihmineralih in imajo navadno masivnejše ostenje,171

se razlikuje po gracilnejši izvedbi, podobni skodeli-cam tipa Isings 17.172

8734), semi-globular cups of grey to reddish-brownsandy clay (Pl. 8: 7671, 7672; 7324, 7359, 7473), ACO

GlassGlass finds (Fig. 64) from the first fill layer are re-presented by fragments of a quadrangular one-handled bottle of the AR 156/Isings 50 form (Pl. 6:9081),166 ribbed Isings 3 cup of blue translucentglass (7230, 7262),167 as well as small mould-blownIsings 17 ribbed cup (Pl. 5: 9117). The latter areknown at Magdalensberg exclusively from Tiber-ian layers,168 while they appear in Italy already inthe last decades BC.169

The deposits of the huts in Insula XIII revealed abalsamarium fragment (7100) and a mould-blownIsings 3c ribbed cup of bluish translucent glass(Pl. 6: 7776, 7794; 7773, 7774), such as appearfrom the Early Augustan to the Flavian period.170

The sediment in the later well revealed part of aribbed cup of amber-coloured glass (Pl. 10:7757). It differs from the bowls of marbled glassimitating forms of vessels cut of precious miner-als, and usually of thicker walls,171 by its moredelicate features similar to that of the small Isings17 cups.172

166 RÜTTI 1991, 54, sl. 29. 167 Ead. 1988, 22–30; ead. 1991, 29, 40.168 CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 469–470.169 RÜTTI 1991, 33, sl. 16; ZAMPIERI 1998, 166; LAZAR 2003, 68–71.170 RÜTTI 1991, 40; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 467–468.171 GASPARI 2004.172 ZAMPIERI 1998, 166, št. 275–276; LARESE 2004, t. 28: 289; 92.

166 RÜTTI 1991, 54, fig. 29. 167 Ead. 1988, 22–30; ead. 1991, 29, 40.168 CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 469–470.169 RÜTTI 1991, 33, fig. 16; ZAMPIERI 1998, 166; LAZAR 2003, 68–71.170 RÜTTI 1991, 40; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 467–468.171 GASPARI 2004.172 ZAMPIERI 1998, 166, nos 275–276; LARESE 2004, pl. 28: 289; 92.

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:23 Page 109


V depozitih iz časa tik po gradnji zidov so bili najde-ni številni odlomki skodel iz monohromnega (8128;Š 1327; sl. 64: g) in marmoriranega stekla z lisa-stimi in spiralastimi vzorci oblike Isings 3b (t. 15:7581; 18: 8461, 8543; 21: 8158, 8159; 7638, 8143,8156, 8569; Š 522, Š 944, Š 1159, Š 1233, Š 1273,Š 1286). Ta oblika se prične v izvedbah iz enobar-vnega in žlahtnega stekla izdelovati v zadnji četr-tini 1. stoletja pr. n. št.173 V omenjenih plasteh sozastopane še monohromne (t. 20: 8537) in lisasteskodelice tipa Isings 17 (7360, 7451, 8389; Š 467-d;Š 3833-d), odlomek zaobljenega ostenja (balzama-rija?) iz mozaičnega stekla z vloženo zlato folijo

The deposits from the time just after wall construc-tion revealed numerous fragments of cups of mo-nochrome (8128; Š 1327; Fig. 64: g) and marbledglass with patchy and spiralling patterns of theIsings 3b form (Pl. 15: 7581; 18: 8461, 8543; 20:8537; 21: 8158, 8159; 7638, 8143, 8156, 8569; Š522, Š 944, Š 1159, Š 1233, Š 1273, Š 1286). Thisform first appears in variants of monochromeand precious glass in the last quarter of the 1st cen-tury BC.173 The same layers also revealed mono-chrome (Pl. 20: 8537) and small patchy Isings 17cups (7360, 7451, 8389; Š 467-d; Š 3833-d), a frag-ment of curved vessel walls (of a balsamarium?) of

Sl. 64 /Fig.64Strukturiranost in količina steklenih najdb, med katerimi prevladujejo ostanki namiznega jedilnega posodja iz severnoitalskih delavnic, ustreza dokumentirani sestavi iz zgodnjecesarskih naselbin in taborov. V Emoni so pogoste rebraste skodele iz marmoriranega in monohromnega stekla,pojavljajo pa se tudi sklede iz millefiori in reticella stekla, monohromne skodelice in krožniki ter posamični odlomki posod iz stekla z vloženimizlatimi lističi (foto: Maja Lavrič)The glass finds are mostly represented by the remains of dining tableware made in Italic workshops. Their structure and quantity correspondswith the composition documented in Early Imperial settlements and camps. Common at Emona are ribbed cups of marbled and monochromeglass, while bowls of millefiori and reticella glass, small monochrome cups and plates as well as individual fragments of glass vessels with inlaidgold leaves were also uncovered (photo: Maja Lavrič)

173 CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 467; TREMMEL 2007, 245. 173 CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 467; TREMMEL 2007, 245.

a

b

m

n

o

p

r

s

c

d

e

f

g

h

i

j

kl

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:23 Page 110


(8388; sl. 64: p)174 in odlomek millefiori stekla(7563; Š 955, Š 1010),175 ki najverjetneje sodi kskodeli ali plitvi skledi oblike Isings 1/18 (sl. 64: r).Isti obliki pripadajo še dva odlomka ostenja izstekla z izmenjujočimi se večbarvnimi pasovi(Streifenmosaikglas) in linijami reticella stekla (t.23: 9192; 8216; sl. 64: s) ter ustje posode iz mille-fiori stekla (t. 26: 9035; sl. 64: m). V primerjavi sskledami iz stekla z mozaičnimi in reticella pasovi,ki se pojavijo v poznoavgustejskih kontekstih (Hal-tern, Štalenski vrh, Augusta Raurica /Augst) in jihpo tiberijskem obdobju praktično ne srečamo več,so izvedbe Isings 1/18 v millefiori izvedbi znane žev srednjeavgustejskem času.176

Med zgodnjimi oblikami posod z lokacije Šumi, kina NUK II niso izpričane, omenimo skodelico iztemno vijoličnega stekla s kaneluro oblike Isings12 (Š 5339), jantarno skodelo oblike Isings 3b spoševnim ustjem in brušenim robom (Š 3165)177

ter cilindričen krožnik ali skodelico oblike Isings22 z navpičnim ostenjem iz smaragdno zelenegastekla (Š1018, Š 1020).178 Nekaj odlomkov zaoblje-nih ostenij iz millefiori stekla bi lahko pripadaloskodelicam ali krožnikom oblike Isings 2 (Š 1333),ki se v Italiji pojavijo v 1. stoletju pr. n. št., na Štal-enskem vrhu in v taborih v Porenju pa so prvičizpričani v poznoavgustejskih kontekstih.179

V tiberijsko-klavdijskih sedimentih v inzuli XIII sobili najdeni tudi odlomek klekastega ustja keliha(Carhesia) oblike Isings 36a iz jantarnega pro-sojnega stekla z belimi in modrimi lisami (t. 15:7471),180 skodelica oblike AR 30.1 iz prosojnegazelenkastega stekla (t. 27: 7859),181 skodelica nanogi z ovratnikom oblike Isings 41b/AR 89 (t. 27:7954)182 ter valjasta jagoda iz marmoriranega ste-kla belih lis na temni podlagi (t. 21: 8186; Š 627,Š 5279), ki so jih glede na omejen pojav morda iz-delovali v emonskem agru.183

Pregled stekla kaže izrazito prevlado namiznegaposodja, predvsem skodel in skled za jedi in pijačeter maloštevilnost loncev in vrčev za shranjevanje

mosaic glass with inlaid gold foil (8388; Fig. 64:p)174 and a fragment of a millefiori glass vessel(7563; Š 955, Š 1010).175 The latter most probablybelonged to a cup or shallow bowl of the Isings1/18 form (Fig. 64: r). Two other wall fragmentscan be attributed to this form, with alternatingmulticoloured stripes (so-called Streifenmosaik-glas) and lines of reticella glass (Pl. 23: 9192;8216; Fig. 64: s), moreover a rim of a millefioriglass vessel (Pl. 26: 9035; Fig. 64: m). As opposedto glass bowls with mosaic and reticella stripes,which appear in Late Augustan contexts (Haltern,Magdalensberg, Augusta Raurica/Augst) and prac-tically never after the Tiberian period, the Isings1/18 vessels of millefiori glass are known alreadyin the Middle Augustan period.176

The early vessel forms from the Šumi site, whichare absent at the NUK II site, include a small cupof dark violet glass with a groove of the Isings 12form (Š 5339), an amber-coloured Isings 3b cupwith slanted rims and cut lip (Š 3165),177 as wellas a plate or cup of the Isings 22 form with verti-cal walls of emerald-green glass (Š 1018, 1020).178

There are several fragments of rounded vesselwalls of millefiori glass that could belong to smallcups or plates of the Isings 2 form (Š 1333), whichappear in Italy in the 1st century BC, while they arefirst attested to at Magdalensberg and the Rhine-land camps in Late Augustan contexts.179

The Tiberian-Claudian sediments in Insula XIIIalso revealed a fragment of a carinated rim belon-ging to an Isings 36a chalice (Carhesia) of amber-coloured translucent glass with white and bluepatches (Pl. 15: 7471),180 moreover a small AR 30.1cup of translucent greenish glass (Pl. 27: 7859),181

a small footed Isings 41b/AR 89 cup with a collar(Pl. 27: 7954)182 and a cylindrical bead of marbledglass with white patches on a dark base (Pl. 21:8186; Š 627, 5279). Considering their limited ap-pearance, the latter might have been producedwithin the Emona ager.183

174 Tehnika: CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 465, t. 1: 5; oblika: LAZAR 2003, 44–45, sl. 12: 8.1.1; 70; LARESE 2004, 36, platnica.

175 RÜTTI 1991, t. 207: 701.176 Id. 1988, 17; id. 1991, 40; TREMMEL 2007, 238–243.177 Ib., 245, t. 2: Ha 50.178 RÜTTI 1991, 41, t. 31: 737–738; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 473–474;

LARESE 2004, t. 121: 286; TREMMEL 2007, 246, t. 2: Ha 55.179 RÜTTI 1988, 18–19; id. 1991, 40; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 472–473;

TREMMEL 2007, 246–247.180 RÜTTI 1991, 49; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 470, št. 281; LAZAR 2003,

110–111.181 RÜTTI 1991, 43, t. 44: 972–973; VIČIČ 1994, t. 15: 26.182 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1972, t. 209: 6; 211: 4–5; 223; RÜTTI 1991, 48;

ZAMPIERI 1998, 167, št. 281.183 RIHA 1990, 87, t. 38: 1232.

174 Technique: CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 465, pl. 1: 5; form: LAZAR 2003, 44–45, fig. 12: 8.1.1; 70; LARESE 2004, 36, cover.

175 RÜTTI 1991, pl. 207: 701.176 Id. 1988, 17; id. 1991, 40; TREMMEL 2007, 238–243.177 Ib., 245, pl. 2: Ha 50.178 RÜTTI 1991, 41, pl. 31: 737–738; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 473–474;

LARESE 2004, pl. 121: 286; TREMMEL 2007, 246, pl. 2: Ha 55.179 RÜTTI 1988, 18–19; id. 1991, 40; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 472–473;

REMMEL 2007, 246–247.180 RÜTTI 1991, 49; CZURDA-RUTH 1998, 470, no. 281; LAZAR 2003,

110–111.181 RÜTTI 1991, 43, pl. 44: 972–973; VIČIČ 1994, pl. 15: 26.182 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1972, pl. 209: 6; 211: 4–5; 223; RÜTTI 1991, 48;

ZAMPIERI 1998, 167, no. 281.183 RIHA 1990, 87, pl. 38: 1232.

NUK 98-111 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:23 Page 111


in transport ter toaletnega posodja, kar ustreza ci-vilnim naselbinskim in vojaškim kontekstom zgo-dnjecesarskega obdobja.184 Izvor večine posod lah-ko iščemo v delavnicah severovzhodne Italije, kjerse kot eno glavnih produkcijskih središč zarisujeAkvileja. V zgodnjih depozitih so zelo pogosti okrogli igral-ni žetoni z izbočeno zgornjo in ravno oz. rahlo vbo-čeno spodnjo površino iz zelo temno sive, vijolič-ne, rjave in modre, redkeje bele steklene paste aliprosojnega stekla (t. 7: 7649; 8: 7635, 7651, 7654,7662, 7675, 7679; 12: 8381; 15: 7545, 7597, 7601;7580, 7652, 8413 – mlečno bel, 8464, 8493; Š 1029,Š 4207, Š 5363, Š 5585 – mlečno bel, Š 5623), ploš-čati žetoni s fasetiranima robovoma iz kosti (t. 5:8532; 10: 7756, 7758)185 in keramike (t. 18: 8496;8554, 8601, 8602, 8605). Stekleni žetoni so v tej ob-liki znani že v republikanski Italiji, največjo razšir-jenost pa dosežejo v avgustejskem obdobju. Posebejpogosti so v vojaških taborih,186 kjer v nasprotjuNUK II (sl. 65) nastopajo svetli in temni žetoni vrazmerju 1 : 1.187

The overview of glass finds shows a distinct predo-minance of tableware, mostly cups and bowls forfood and beverage, on the one hand, and scarcity ofjars and jugs for storage and transport as well ascosmetic vessels, on the other. This complies withcivil settlement and military contexts of the EarlyImperial period.184 The origin of the majority of theabove-enumerated vessels can be sought in work-shops of north-eastern Italy, where Aquileia pres-ents itself as one of the main production centres. The early deposits very frequently yielded roundgaming tokens with a convex upper and a flat orslightly concave underside made of very dark grey,violet, brown and blue glass, rarely of glass paste ortranslucent glass (Pl. 7: 7649; 8: 7635, 7651, 7654,7662, 7675, 7679; 12: 8381; 15: 7545, 7597, 7601;7580, 7652, 8413 – opaque, 8464, 8493; Š 1029, Š4207, Š 5363, Š 5585 – opaque, Š 5623). Also foundwere flat tokens with facetted rims made of bone(Pl. 5: 8532; 10: 7756, 7758)185 or fired clay (Pl. 18:8496; 8554, 8601, 8602, 8605). Glass tokens of thisform are known already in Italy of the Republicanperiod, while they witnessed widest distributionduring the Augustan period (Fig. 65). They are par-ticularly frequent in military camps,186 where lightand dark tokens, as opposed to the NUK II site, ap-pear in the ratio of 1 : 1.187

184 RÜTTI 1991, 254–255; TREMMEL 2006, 260–261.185 FINGERLIN 1998, 767/4; GOSTENČNIK 2005, t. 36, 37: 1–20.186 FINGERLIN 1998, 757/7.187 RÜTTI 1988, 100–101.

184 RÜTTI 1991, 254–255; TREMMEL 2006, 260–261.185 FINGERLIN 1998, 767/4; GOSTENČNIK 2005, pl. 36, 37: 1–20.186 FINGERLIN 1998, 757/7.187 RÜTTI 1988, 100–101.

Sl. 65 /Fig.65V sedimentih barak v inzuli XIII je bila odkrita množicaokroglih igralnih žetonov iz steklene paste, kosti inostenij keramičnih posod, kiverjetno pričajo o italskemporeklu prebivalcev.Razprostranjenostprimerjav za valjasto jagodoiz tiberijskega sedimenta na pločniku dekumana F kaže, da so bile morda izdelovane na območjuEmone (foto: Maja Lavrič)The sediments in the hutsof Insula XIII revealed a multitude of roundgaming tokens made ofglass paste, bone and wallsof ceramic vessels, whichprobably point to the Italicorigin of the inhabitants.The distribution of parallels for the cylindricalbead from the Tiberiansediment on the pavementof decumanus F, on theother hand, points to their probable productionin the Emona area (photo:Maja Lavrič)

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:26 Page 112

113

Sistem dveh jarkov s klavikulo na lokaciji NUK IIglede na stratigrafsko situacijo nedvomno sodi včas pred pripravo zemljišča za gradnjo zidov. Zaopredelitev strukture je odločilna clavicula (Ps.-Hyginus, De munitionibus castrorum, 55), edenod dveh tipov dodatne utrditve vhodov pohodnihin oblegovalnih taborov, ki je napadalcu oteževalačelni napad na vhod in ga primorala k izpostav-ljanju desnega, nezavarovanega boka.188

Proti interpretaciji, da gre za sestavni del drenaž-nega sistema, govori natančna izvedba vhoda, med-tem ko skromna širina in globina jarkov vzbujatadvome o obrambni funkcionalnosti. Najbolj verje-ten se zdi vadbeni izkop pomanjšane verzije po-hodnega oz. etapnega tabora (munitio aestivali-um: Ps.-Hyginus, 48; aestiva castra: Tacitus, An-nales I 16, 2). Ti imajo praviloma najmanj 1 mgloboke in 1,5 m široke jarke V-preseka, ki jih nanotranji strani spremlja vsaj 0,6 m visok in 1,5 mširok nasip (agger).189 Morebitni nasip, o kateremna lokaciji NUK II ni sledov, je bil v vsakem prime-ru odstranjen najpozneje pri gradnji inzul. Notranji tip klavikule je arheološko izpričan žemed galskimi vojnami. V ta čas sodijo vhodi v tabo-ra A in C v Alesii (Alise-Sainte-Reine/Mont Auxois,Côte-d’Or),190 eden od vhodov tabora Mauchamppri Berry-au-Bacu (Aisne)191 in dva vhoda v taborFaux-Vésigneul (Marne).192 Podobnih dimenzij inoblike so klavikule dvofaznega kohortnega taborana Obrežju pri Jesenicah na Dolenjskem, datira-nega v (srednje- in) poznoavgustejsko obdobje (sl.66),193 in vzhodnega tabora (Ostlager) v Halternu(Rheinland-Nord Westphalen).194 Odprtina vhodapri omenjenih taborih znaša okoli 10 m, kar ni da-leč od širine vhoda na NUK II. Ob upoštevanju oko-liščine, da so vhodi tega tipa pri utrdbah s tlorisomv obliki igralne karte navadno umeščeni v sredin-sko os ožje stranice, bi krajša južna stranica obrav-navanega tabora merila okoli 80 m. Podobne di-menzije ožje stranice kaže tiberijski avksiliarni

Emona ni bila legijski tabor

Sledovi utrdbenih in vadbenih jarkov

Stratigraphic situation showed that the system oftwo trenches with a clavicula on the NUK II siteundoubtedly belonged to the time prior to the pre-paration of terrain for construction of the walls.Decisive in the determination of the feature is theclavicula itself (Ps.-Hyginus, De munitionibus cas-trorum, 55). It represents one of two types of addi-tional entrance fortification of marching and siegecamps, which hindered frontal attack on the en-trance and forced the attacker to expose the right,unprotected flank.188

The interpretation of the feature as part of thedrainage system is refuted by an accurate execu-tion of the entrance. The narrow width and shal-low depth of the ditches, on the other hand, raisedoubts as to its defence functionality. The mostprobable interpretation therefore seems to be thatof a training construction of a reduced version of amarching or summer camp (munitio aestivalium:Ps.-Hyginus 48; aestiva castra: Tacitus, Annales I16, 2). These normally included at least 1 m deepand 1.5 m wide ditches of a V-shaped section, ac-companied on the inner side by an at least 0.6 mhigh and 1.5 m wide rampart (agger).189 The even-tual rampart at the NUK II site, of which no traceswere found, may have been removed during insulaconstruction at the latest. The internal clavicula type has been archaeologi-cally attested to have existed already during theGallic wars. This time period can be ascribed tothe entrances into Camps A and C at Alésia (Alise-Sainte-Reine/Mont Auxois, Côte-d’Or),190 to oneof the entrances into the camp at Mauchamp nearBerry -au-Bac (Aisne)191 and to two entrances in-to the camp at Faux-Vésigneul (Marne).192 Of si-milar shape and size are the claviculae of the two-phase cohort fort at Obrežje near Jesenice na Do-lenjskem, dated to the (Middle and) Late Augustanperiod (Fig. 66),193 and of the east fortress (Ostla-ger) at Haltern (Rheinland-Nord Westphalen).194

Emona was not a legionary fortress

Traces of fortification and training ditches

188 REDDÉ et al. 2006, 88. 189 JUNKELMANN 1986, 224, sl. 18.190 Ib., 190.191 Ib., 226.192 Ib., 277.193 MASON 2003.194 KÜHLBORN 2007, 209–211, sl. 6.

188 REDDÉ et al. 2006, 88. 189 JUNKELMANN 1986, 224, fig. 18.190 Ib., 190.191 Ib., 226.192 Ib., 277.193 MASON 2003.194 KÜHLBORN 2007, 209–211, fig. 6.


NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 113


kastel Friedberg-Rederzhausen z dvema 1,1 m ši-rokima in 0,9 m globokima jarkoma.195

Lega na območju jugovzhodnega dela vršaja, nepo-sredno nad rečnim prehodom komunikacije protiSegestiki/Sisciji, dopušča sklepanje, da gre za vad-beni izkop v bližini stacioniranih enot. Znano jenamreč, da je v rimski vojski urjenje rekrutov vvojaških veščinah potekalo dvakrat, legionarjev paenkrat dnevno, ne glede na vremenske razmere.196

Postopkom gradnje pohodnega tabora so bili name-njeni posebni manevri (ambulatio: Vegetius I, 25–27), ki so se odvijali trikrat mesečno.197 Vadbenitabori so bili navadno v bližini večjih vojaških opo-rišč, eden najbolj znanih primerov pa so miniatur-ni tabori za vadbo izkopov klavikul in titulov prikraju Llandrindod, nedaleč od avksiliarne utrdbeCastell Collen v Walesu.198

Nejasna je funkcija razsežnejšega jarka na območjumed inzulo XXXIII in severnim obzidjem (sl. 68),dokumentiranega med raziskavami na lokaciji Šu-mi. Jarek lijastega preseka, globok 1,5 m in širok2 m, je bil izkopan iz prvega nasutja. Poteka vzpo-redno z obzidjem in fronto inzule ter je od slednjeoddaljen 7 m, od notranje fasade obzidja pa 13,5 m.Tik ob notranjem robu jarka, ki je bil raziskan vdolžini 15 m, je bil na enem mestu ugotovljen ne-gativ lesenega kola premera 0,1 m. V redukcijskoobarvanem glinenem polnilu na dnu jarka stabila najdena odlomek čaše tankih sten in repu-blikanski uncialni as. Površino izravnave, s kate-re je bil izkopan jarek, in zadnjega od polnil sonasuli s prvim cestiščem, ki je delovalo že z zgra-jeno inzulo.Jarek z lokacije Šumi je po preseku in dimenzijahtipičen Spitzgraben z neposrednimi analogijamiv enojnih ali dvojnih jarkih avgustejskih taborov

The entrance opening in the latter two measuredroughly 10 m, which is close to the entrance widthat NUK II. Considering that entrances of this typein forts with playing-card plans are usually situat-ed in the central axis of the shorter sides, the south-ern, shorter side of the Emona camp would meas-ure around 80 m. Similar width of the shorter sidecan be observed at the Tiberian auxiliary fort atFriedberg-Rederzhausen with two, 1.1 m wide and0.9 m deep trenches.195

The location in the south-eastern part of the Savaalluvial fan, directly above the river crossing of thecommunication line towards Segestica/Siscia,leads us to infer that in Emona we are dealing with

Sl. 66/Fig.66Med zaščitnimi raziskavami območja mednarodnega mejnega prehoda Obrežje na Dolenjskem so bili odkriti ostanki vojaškega tabora izpoznoavgustejskega obdobja, ki je v času operacij na zahodnem Balkanuomogočal nadzor kopenske in vodne komunikacije proti Emoni oz.Sisciji. Pravokotno utrdbo v obliki igralne karte dimenzij 290 x 210 m jeomejeval dvojni jarek z nasipom. Velikost tabora, v katerem so polegbarak in gospodarsko obrtniškega predela odkrili tudi vodnjak in latrineoz. zbiralnike vode, je zadoščala za posadko 1000 mož (po Mason 2006)The rescue investigations at the international border crossing of Obrežjein Dolenjska revealed the remains of a military fort from the LateAugustan period. The fort controlled the land and water communicationtowards Emona and Siscia in the time of the operations in the westernBalkans. The fort with a playing-card plan, measuring 290 x 210 m, was delimited by a double trench with a rampart. The camp includedbarracks, economic and craft areas as well as a well and latrines or watercollectors. Its size sufficed for a crew of 1000 men (after Mason 2006)

195 JUNKELMANN 1986, 73, sl. 17, 19, t. 73b.196 Ib. 1986, 225; DAVIES 1989.197 REDDÉ et al. 2006, 138.198 Ib. 195 JUNKELMANN 1986, 73, figs 17, 19, pl. 73b.

0 50 m

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 114

296,0

295,8

295,9

296,3

f

e

d

b

a

c

g

296,0

295,8

296,5

via sagularis

decumanus K

decumanus J

INZULA XXXIII /INSULA XXXIII

INZULA XXXIX /INSULA XXXIX

card

o m

axim

us

115 Emona ni bila legijski tabor /Emona was not a legionary fortress

(sl. 69).199 Pogojno bi ga lahko interpretirali kotdel provizoričnega obrambnega sistema v časugradnje obzidja ali tik pred njo, in sicer manj vsmislu pokazatelja vojaške utrdbe in bolj v funkcijizavarovanja delovišča. Pogojno zato, ker pri izkopa-vanjih na Veselovi ulici200 in na območju Trga re-publike,201 ki so zajela pas med severnim obzid-jem in prvo vrsto inzul, ni bil dokumentiran.202

a training activity of units stationed in the surroun-dings. It is known that in the Roman army trainingof recruits in military skills took place twice and oflegionaries once daily, regardless of weather condi-tions.196 Special manoeuvres were also devoted tothe procedures of building a marching camp (am-bulatio: Vegetius I, 25–27), which took place threetimes monthly.197 Training camps were usually sit-uated near large military bases and one of the bestknown examples is the miniature camps for trai-ning in digging claviculae and tituli near Llan-drindod, not far from the auxiliary fort at CastellCollen in Wales.198

The function of the more extensive ditch in thearea between Insula XXXIII and the northern de-fence walls (Fig. 68), documented during the inve-stigation at the Šumi site, is unclear. This funnel-shaped ditch, 1.5 m deep and 2 m wide, was dugfrom the first fill layer. It ran parallel to the defence

Sl. 67/Fig.67Tlorisna rekonstrukcija zgodnjih struktur na lokaciji Šumi. Izkopavanja na območju dveh inzul ob severnememonskem obzidju so razkrila več naravnih depresij in vkopanih struktur, med katerimi so nekatere starejše, druge pa okvirno sočasne z gradnjo prvih zidov (zasnova in izvedba: René Masaryk)Ground-plan reconstruction of the early features on the Šumi site. Excavations in the area of two insulaealong the north defence walls of Emona revealed several natural depressions and dug-in features, some of which were earlier and other contemporarywith the construction of the first walls (design andexecution: René Masaryk)

196 Ib. 1986, 225; DAVIES 1989.197 REDDÉ et al. 2006, 138.198 Ib.

199 SCHÖNBERGER 1976, 15–18, sl. 4; WIEGELS et al. 2007, 80, 103–104.200 ŠAŠEL 1953b.201 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, sl. 66.202 Podoben, s prodom zapolnjen jarek nekoliko manjših dimenzij

pred južnim obzidjem je W. Schmid interpretiral kot drenažni kanal cestišča med obzidjem in prvim obrambnim jarkom (SCHMID 1913, 78–79).

0 10 m

jama /pitzid /wallobzidje /defence wallspeč /ovenvodnjak /wellm nm. v. /m asl296,0

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 115


wall and the front of the insula, in the distance of7 m from the latter and 13.5 m from the interiorfaçade of the defence wall. The ditch was investiga-ted in the length of 15 m. A negative of a woodenpile, measuring 0.1 m in diameter, was detected atits inner edge. The reduction-coloured clay fill onits bottom revealed a fragment of thin-walled bea-ker and a Republican uncial as. The surface of thelevelling, from which the ditch had been dug, andthe last of the fills were covered over by the firstroadway, which functioned together with the al-ready built insula.The ditch from the Šumi site represents, in its sec-tion and dimensions, a typical Spitzgraben with di-rect analogies in the single and double trenchesof the Augustan-period forts (Fig. 69).199 Condi-tionally, it could be interpreted as part of a tem-porary defence system in the time of the defencewall construction or immediately before it; less asan indicator of a military camp and more in thesense of protection of the construction site. Theinterpretation is only conditional due to the factthat during the excavations on Veselova ulica200

and Trg Republike,201 which covered the area be-tween the north defence walls and the first line ofinsulae, a similar ditch was not documented.202

Sl. 68 /Fig.68Jarek, ki je bil ugotovljen med obzidjem in inzulo XXXIII (Šumi), ustreza po preseku in dimenzijah jarkom pohodnih oz. poletnih taborovrimske vojske. Izkopan je bil s prvega nasutja, torej z iste površine kot jarka za temelja obzidja in fasadnega zidu inzule ter južneje ležečivodnjaki in latrine. Jarek, ki ga je na notranji strani morda spremljalnasip s palisado, je morda del večje strukture za zavarovanje gradbišča(foto: David Badovinac)The ditch documented between the defence walls and Insula XXXIII(the Šumi site), corresponds in cross - section and size to the ditches of marching or summer camps of the Roman army. It was dug fromthe first fill layer, that is the same surface as the in the case of thefoundation trenches of the walls and façade walls of the insula as well asthe wells and latrines further to the south. The ditch may have had a rampart with a palisade on the interior side. It may have been part of a larger feature intended to protect the construction site(photo: David Badovinac)

199 SCHÖNBERGER 1976, 15–18, fig. 4; WIEGELS et al. 2007, 80, 103–104.200 ŠAŠEL 1953b.201 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, fig. 66.202 A similar, gravel-filled ditch of somewhat smaller dimensions

situated in front of the south defence walls, was interpreted by W. Schmid as a drainage ditch of the roadway between the defence walls and the first defence trench (SCHMID 1913, 78–79).

Sl. 69 /Fig.69Shematiziran prikaz utrdb pohodnega tabora iz zgodnjecesarskega obdobja (po Junkelmann 1987)Schematic illustration of the fortifications in a marching camp fromthe Early Imperial period (after Junkelmann 1987)

Pila muralia

Lorica

Agger

Caespites

Fossa Vallum /Fastigata

0,7 m

1,0 m

0,5 m 1,0 m1,0 m

1,5 m

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 116


Lesena arhitektura iz časa gradnje inzulKasetni prostori lesenih objektov v inzuli XIII spo-minjajo na ureditev dvojnih vrst lesenih barak alipokritih šotorišč za moštvo v vojaških taborih. Vvsakem bloku kasarn cohortes quinquenariae (480mož) je bilo šest centurij, nastanjenih v treh par-nih vrstah barak ali šotorov za en manipel. Po Ps.-Hyginu (6,1) je posamezna striga v stalnem taboruzavzemala 120 čevljev dolg in 60 čevljev širok pro-stor. Širina ceste med dvema vrstama bivališč vstrigi je znašala 12 čevljev. Barake je ločeval dvačevlja širok presledek, prostor med zadnjimi ste-nami vrst barak v sosednjih strigah pa je obsegaltri čevlje širok pas z drenažnim jarkom. Tipsko pre-bivališče oddelka osmih vojakov (contubernium)sta sestavljala manjši predprostor (arma) in večjiprostor (papilio). Na koncu vrste barak za moštvo,ki je bil praviloma na strani bliže okopu, je bilostanovanje centuriona, na nasprotnem koncu paso ležala bivališča nižjih častnikov.203

Pri izkopavanjih avgustejskih taborov v Porenju jebilo ugotovljeno, da znašajo širine kontubernijevod 3,45 do 4,4 m (11 2/3–13 2/3 pm), dolžine pa od6,21 do 9,17 m (21–31 pm), pri čemer je na pa-pilio odpadlo 3,84–4,44 m (13–15 pm). V primerutaborov Dangstetten in Oberaden je čelni objektod 3 m širokih in 4,5 m dolgih barak (šotorov) vposamezni vrsti (hemistriga) ločevala vrzel z vod-njaki in odpadnimi jamami (sl. 70).204

Arhitektura z območja inzule XIII se približuje si-tuaciji v kastelu Rödgen, kjer so bile iz rastra jar-kov in ostankov lesenih tramov ter jam za ver-tikalne nosilce prepoznane 50 m dolge in 12,5 mširoke dvojne vrste 6,12 m dolgih kontubernijev.Ocenjena širina manjkajočih čelnih prostorovznaša 6,5–8 m.205 Podoben objekt s širino 12 min dokumentirano dolžino 35 m je znan tudi izutrjene naselbine Lahnau-Waldgirmes, datiranev čas med letoma 4 pr. n. št. in 9 n. št. Ohranjeniso jarki čelne stavbe s petimi prostori ter vrstejam za stojke barak, interpretiranih kot bivališčposadke, ki je zgradila zemljen nasip s palisadoin jarkom.206

V primeru lesene arhitekture v inzuli XIII ne mo-remo govoriti o strigah, saj manjkajo tako cestakot nedvoumni ostanki čelnih objektov. Prav takobi se ob navedeni širini poznejše inzule (53,95 m)med domnevnim čelnim objektom in južno fasado

203 MOREL 1991.204 KÜHLBORN 1992, 59–72, sl. 31a, b.205 SCHÖNBERGER 1976, 31–34, sl. 5, 7, 8: 2.206 BECKER, RASBACH 2007, 108–109.

203 MOREL 1991.204 KÜHLBORN 1992, 59–72, fig. 31a, b.205 SCHÖNBERGER 1976, 31–34, figs 5, 7, 8: 2.

Wooden architecture from the time of the insula construction The uniform-sized rooms of wooden buildings inInsula XIII are reminiscent of the arrangement ofdouble blocks of wooden barracks or tents for thetroops within military camps. Each block of thebarracks for cohortes quinquenariae (480 men)contained six centuries, lodged in three pairedrows (strigae) of barracks or tents for one mani-ple. According to Ps.-Hyginus (6,1), an individualstriga within a permanent fortress covered a 120feet long and 60 feet wide area. The width of theroad between two rows of soldiers’ quarters with-in a striga measured 12 feet. The barracks wereseparated by two feet of clear space, while theback walls of the barrack rows in adjacent strigaewere separated by a three feet wide strip of clearspace with a drainage ditch. The standard quar-ters of an eight-soldier unit (contubernium) werecomposed of a small front room (arma) and alarger rear room (papilio). One end of the row ofbarracks for the troops, as a rule situated on theside closer to the rampart, held centurion’s quar-ters, while the opposite end held quarters of low-er-ranking officers.203

The excavations of Augustan forts in the Rhine-land revealed that the contubernia measured 3.45–4.4 m in width (112/3–132/3 pm) and 6.21–9.17 min length (21–31 pm), whereby papilio measured3.84–4.44 m (13–15 pm). The fortresses at Dang-stetten and Oberaden showed that the end build-ing was separated from the 3 m wide and 4.5 mlong barracks (tents) in individual rows (hemi-strigae) by a clear space with wells and refuse pits(Fig. 70).204

The architecture from the Insula XIII area isclose to the situation in the fort at Rödgen, wherea web of ditches, remains of wooden timbers andpost holes were identified as 50 m long and 12.5m wide double rows of 6.12 m long contubernia,whereby the width of the missing end rooms isestimated at 6.5–8 m.205 A similar building, 12 min width and 35 m in documented length, is alsoknown from the fortified settlement at Lahnau-Waldgirmes, dated between 4 BC and AD 9. Pre-served there was the ground plan of the endbuilding with five rooms and a series of holes forthe posts of the barracks, interpreted as living

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 117


hipotetično lahko zvrstilo skupno 14 barak, karodstopa od praviloma 10–12 kontubernijev v avgu-stejskih kasarnah. Fragmentarna ohranjenost iz-kopanih ostankov vsekakor preprečuje kakršnekolidokončnejše sklepe v tej smeri, teoretično pa bi šlolahko za barake, namenjene graditeljem, pri čemer,sodeč po provenienci keramičnega, steklenega inkovinskega gradiva, ni dvoma, da gre za ljudi ital-skega porekla. Kratkotrajni značaj objektov je na-kazan tudi s provizoričnostjo izbrane konstrukcije,saj so bili leseni nosilni elementi očitno povsem ne-zavarovani pred vlago.

Vkopane »vojaške« struktureV okviru preteklih raziskav zgodnjih emonskih de-pozitov je bilo dokumentiranih presenetljivo maloodpadnih jam in vkopanih naprav, kot so vodnjakiin latrine, kar lahko deloma pripišemo ohranjanjuelementov iz mlajših faz. Tako je »rdečerjava mast-na zemlja«, ki se pojavlja na celotnem mestnem are-alu,207 pogosto ostala neraziskana – skupaj s kon-teksti, povezanimi z njo. Na lokacijah NUK II in Šu-mi je bilo, nasprotno, odkritih kar nekaj vkopanihstruktur, ki bi lahko pomenile krajše ali daljše

quarters of the troops that built an earthen ram-part with a palisade and a trench.206

The wooden architecture in Insula XIII do not al-low us to speak of strigae, since a road as well asunambiguous remains of end buildings is miss-ing. Moreover, the width of the later insula (53.95m) between the supposed end building and thesouth façade could hypothetically have contained14 barracks in total, which deviates from the usual10–12 contubernia in Augustan barracks. The fra-gmentary preservation of the excavated remainscertainly hinders any more conclusive inferencesin that direction. Theoretically, however, the re-mains could represent barracks intended for buil-ders, whereby the provenance of the ceramic, glassand metal finds leaves no doubt as to the Italic ori-gin of the population. The transitory character ofthe buildings is also reflected by the temporari-ness of the chosen construction, since the woodenelements were obviously fully unprotected againsthumidity.

Cut features of “military” characterPast investigations of the deposits of Emona havedocumented surprisingly few refuse pits and cutfeatures such as wells and latrines. This might inpart be ascribed to the preservation of remainsfrom later phases, which caused the “red-browngreasy soil”, which appears across the town area,207

and contexts related with it to frequently remainuninvestigated. Contrary to this, the NUK II andŠumi sites revealed a number of cut features,which could signify a shorter or longer period of

Sl. 70 /Fig.70Podolgovata tlorisna zasnova avgustejskih kasarn za dve centuriji (striga) v Porenju kaže ločene dvojne pasove bivališč, ki jih sestavljajo čelniobjekti za poveljnike in nizi šotorišč/barak za moštvo. Osnovna bivalnaenota za oddelek osmih vojakov (contubernium) je bila razdeljena nabivalni prostor (papilio) in predprostor (arma) (po Wiegels 2007)Oblong ground-plan of Augustan barracks for two centuries (striga)in the Rhineland shows separate paired rows of soldiers’ quarters,composed of end buildings for officers and rows of tents or barracks for the troops. The basic accommodation for an eight-soldier unit(contubernium) was divided into living quarters (papilio) and a frontroom (arma) (after Wiegels 2007)

207 VIČIČ 2003, 32.206 BECKER, RASBACH 2007, 108–109.207 VIČIČ 2003, 32.

Oberaden Dangstetten Waldgirmes Rödgen0 20 m

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 118


zadrževanje vojske in njeno logistično organizacijo.Poleg peči, ki imajo dobre primerjave v bližini tab-ora na Obrežju,208 so prav vodnjaki in latrine edenod bistvenih pokazateljev trajanja tabora.209 Tudi vprimeru pohodne utrdbe je bila namreč nujna ure-ditev sanitarnih naprav, saj bi nasprotno pomeniloneposredno zdravstveno tveganje za enoto oz.njeno bojno pripravljenost. Naprave, povezane z os-krbo z vodo, lahko tako pričakujemo že v samonekaj tednov trajajočih »poletnih taborih«, kjer stadodaten pomen pridobili higiena in ureditev rav-nanja z odpadki. V zimskih oz. stalnih taborih soimeli vojaki poleg kritih šotorišč in barak na voljotudi bolj dodelane infrastrukturne objekte(vodovod, terme...), kar je bilo vzrok za zmanjšanopotrebo po vkopanih latrinah in vodnjakih.Eden najstarejših raziskanih vodnjakov iz Emoneje bil zgrajen s površine prvega nasutja na območ-ju severnega vhoda v inzulo XXXIX, nekaj metrovod sočasne peči. V navpičnem ostenju okroglegavkopa, ki je segal tri metre globoko v prodno pod-lago, so bili mestoma ohranjeni skromni ostankidog dveh ali treh sodov, poveznjenih drug na dru-gega (sl. 71).210

V osrednjem delu sosednje inzule XXXIII je bila napovršini prvega nasutja odkrita okoli 3 m dolga in1,5 m široka ter okoli 2 m globoka ovalna jama la-trine z vkopanim sodom (sl. 72). Sod, ki se je ohra-nil zgolj s temnejšim pasom organskih ostankov naobodu vkopa, je zapolnjevala značilno sivo rjavaglina, po prenehanju uporabe pa je bila jama zasu-ta z odpadnim materialom.211 Blizu je ležala šemanjša, okoli 1,2 m globoka okrogla jama z nav-pično postavljenim sodom (t. i. Fassgrube),212 ki jevseboval podobno polnilo kot latrina. Na nedavno raziskanih delih mesta na levem bre-gu Ljubljanice je pomenljiva odsotnost pravokot-nih shrambnih jam z zaopaženimi navpičnimi ste-nami in ravnim dnom, namenjenih varovanju živ-il pred vročino in mrazom, ki so v taborih pogoste.Med dokumentiranimi vkopi iz časa pred izravna-vo zemljišča prevladujejo nepravilne jame, v kate-rih je količina klasičnega odpada zelo majhna. Ta,nasprotno, sestavlja pomemben delež polnil večvkopov v zalednem delu inzule XXXIII, medtem kosodi v ta sklop jam na lokaciji NUK II le manjšivkop iz inzule XIII.

army presence and its logistics. Apart from theovens, with good analogies in the ovens near thefort at Obrežje,208 it is the wells and latrines thatrepresent one of the key indicators for the durationof a fort.209 Even in a marching camp, sanitary fa-cilities were a necessity, since their absence wouldrepresent a health hazard for the unit and its com-bat readiness. Facilities connected with water sup-ply can thus be expected in “summer camps” thatexisted for only a few weeks, and where hygiene andwaste-disposal was of high importance. Winter orpermanent fortresses offered to the soldier, besidestents and barracks, also more sophisticated infra-structure (waterworks, baths and others), which di-minished the need for cut latrines and wells.One of the earliest investigated wells of Emonawas built from the surface of the first fill layer inthe area of the north entrance into Insula XXXIX,several metres from a contemporary oven. Thevertical walls of the round cut, reaching 3 m intothe gravel, revealed at places modest remains ofstaves of two or three barrels set one on top of theother (Fig. 71).210

The central part of neighbouring Insula XXXIII re-vealed a roughly 3 m long, 1.5 m wide and 2 m deepoval pit of a latrine with a barrel set in its interior,on the surface of the first fill layer (Fig. 72). The barrel was preserved in the form of a darkerstrip of organic remains on the walls of the cut andwas filled with characteristically grey-brown clay.After falling into disuse, the pit was filled with re-fuse material.211 Another, smaller pit was situatedclose by; it was only 1.2 m deep and contained a ver-tically set barrel as lining (so-called Fassgrube),212

which revealed similar contents as the latrine.The recently investigated parts of the town on theleft bank of the Ljubljanica revealed a conspicu-ous absence of rectangular storage pits with linedvertical walls and flat bottoms designed to protectfoodstuffs from either heat or cold, such as werecommon in camps. The documented cuts fromthe time before terrain levelling are mostly irreg-ular pits, where the quantity of classic refuse isminute. The latter in fact represents an importantpart of the fills of several cuts in the rear part ofInsula XXXIII. At the NUK II site, only a small pitin Insula XIII belongs to this group.

208 MASON 2003, 70–71.209 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1997, 55, 58.210 KÜHLBORN 1992, 102–121, t. 16–17, 19–21; HÄNGGI, DOSWALD,

ROTH-RUBI 1997, 64. 211 KÜHLBORN 1992, 42–49, t. 10: a.212 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1997, 64.

208 MASON 2003, 70–71.209 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1997, 55, 58.210 KÜHLBORN 1992, 102–121, pl. 16–17, 19–21; HÄNGGI, DOSWALD,

ROTH-RUBI 1997, 64. 211 KÜHLBORN 1992, 42–49, pl. 10: a.212 HÄNGGI, DOSWALD, ROTH-RUBI 1997, 64.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 119


Sl. 71/Fig.71V neposredni bližini peči za pripravo hrane je bil na območju inzule XXXIX (Šumi) odkrit provizoričen vodnjak z neposrednimi primerjavamiv zgodnjecesarskih taborih. Vodnjak, vkopan s površine prvega nasutja 3 m globoko v geološko podlago, je bil narejen iz dveh ali treh sodov,postavljenih eden na drugega. V sedimentu in zasutju razen ostankovlesenih dog ni bilo najdb, kar govori za razmeroma kratek čas uporabe(foto: Jernej Bregar)A provisory well with direct parallels in the early Imperial camps was uncovered in the immediate vicinity of the oven for foodpreparation in the area of Insula XXXIX (the Šumi site). It was dug from the surface of the first fill layer 3 m into the geologicalbasement. It was composed of two or three barrels set one on top of the other. Except for the remains of wooden staves, the sedimentwithin and the fill did not contain finds, which speaks for a relativelyshort period of use (photo: Jernej Bregar)

Sl. 73/Fig.73Za razliko od lokacije NUK II je bilo na območju inzul XXXIII in XXXIX (Šumi) najdenih več okroglih jam, zapolnjenih s klasičnim odpadom. Zgornji del polnila jame, ki ga je presekal vkop zidu prve faze, je vseboval več živalskih kosti,fragmentirane amfore tipov Dr. 6B in Dr. 7–11 ter odlomke namizne keramike. Tanko stratificirana polnila spodnjegadela jame so poleg oglja vsebovala kose bronaste žlindre ter odlomke kalupov in talilnih lončkov, ki so verjetno ostanekčiščenja metalurških peči (foto: David Badovinac)As opposed to the NUK II site, the areas of Insulae XXXIII and XXXIX (the Šumi site) revealed several round pits filledwith classic refuse. The upper part of the fill, which was disturbed by a cut for the first-phase wall, contained severalanimal bones, fragmented Dr. 6B and Dr. 7–11 type amphorae as well as tableware shards. The thinly stratified fillsfrom the lower part of the pit contained charcoal as well as pieces of bronze slag and fragments of moulds andmelting pots, which probably represent the remains of cleaning metallurgic furnaces (photo: David Badovinac)

Sl. 72 /Fig.72»Vojaškim« strukturam

prisojamo tudi latrino izosrednjega dela inzule

XXXIII (Šumi). Pod zasutjemvečje ovalne jame sta se

pokazala svetlejše polnilo intemnejši venec preperelega

soda, postavljenega v poglobljen del vkopa

(foto: David Badovinac)The latrine from the central

part of Insula XXXIII (the Šumi site) is also

considered a “military”feature. Underneath the

fill of a large oval pit was a light-coloured fill and

a darker lining of a decayed barrel, set into the

deepened part of the cut(photo: David Badovinac)

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 120


Za polnila teh jam, ki so praviloma cilindričneoblike (sl. 73), sta značilni redkost kovinskih najdb(novci, fibule) in visoka zastopanost tako večjihkot manjših fragmentov amfor in dvoročajnih vr-čev ter posod iz sklopa fine namizne keramike,živalskih kosti, oglja in ostankov metalurških de-javnosti (talilni lončki, kalupi). Glede na odsot-nost notranje stratificiranosti polnil je bila veči-na jam iz časa pred gradnjo zidov zasuta v enemzamahu oziroma razmeroma hitro, kar je mogo-če neposredno povezati s pripravo zemljišča zagradnjo.213 V okvir sledov gradbenih del bi lahkopostavili tudi posamične skledaste vkope z žga-ninskimi polnili in nize jam za nosilce gradbenihodrov na ulici J.

Podatki o t. i. predcivilni fazi iz starejših izkopavanjV objavah starejših izkopavanj Emone večkrat za-sledimo omembe lesenih in zidanih struktur, kiso jih izkopavalci povezovali s taborom oziromabivališči vojakov, vse pa se stratigrafsko navezuje-jo na izravnavo zemljišča intra muros. Omenjeniposeg je prvi razbral J. Šašel ob izkopavanjih naNunskem vrtu in nekdanjem trgu IOOF (območjedanašnjega Maximarketa) leta 1952.214

V opisu situacije pri severnem obzidju (sl. 74) jenad prodom prepoznal »rjavo ilovnato prodnoplast, v kateri še ni najdb, v sredini pa se pojavljajokoščki oglja«. Na njeni površini je ugotovil sklen-jene črte oglja, ki jih zunaj obzidja ni bilo oziromaso bile pozneje odstranjene. Jarek za temelje obzid-ja je bil domnevno izkopan s prve hodne površine,material, pridobljen pri izkopu, pa so nasuli blizunjegovega notranjega roba. V dober meter (1,2 m)visokem nasipu, dokumentiranem v dolžini 5 m, jeŠašel takrat videl del samostojnega obrambneganasipa, pozneje pa ga je interpretiral kot notranjookrepitev obzidja, ki je bila pridobljena z izkopomjarka za njegove temelje.215 Sočasna naj bi bila na-selbinska plast z najdbami,216 ogljem in kosi gli-nastega ometa lesenih sten, v katerih je v objavi izleta 1953 prepoznal ostanke vojaških barak.Težko je soditi tudi o strukturah na območju zahod-no ležeče inzule XXIX, ki jih je L. Plesničar-Gec pri-pisala »temeljem vojaških barak ... predgradbene

The fills of these usually cylindrical pits (Fig. 73)are characterized by rare metal finds (coins, fi-bulae) and a strong presence of large and smallfragments of amphorae and two-handled jugs aswell as fine tableware, animal bones, charcoaland remains of metallurgic activities (meltingpots, moulds). Considering the absence of inter-nal stratification of the fills, most pits from thetime prior to wall construction were filled eitherin one go or relatively quickly, which can be tieddirectly to the preparation of terrain for con-struction.213 Traces of construction work mightfurther include individual bowl-shaped cuts withfills of burnt remains and a series of pits for scaf-folding posts in Street J.

Data on the so-called pre-civilianphase from earlier excavations The publications of earlier excavations of Emonamention wooden and stone-built structures thatthe authors connected with the camp or soldiers’quarters, all stratigraphically tied to the levellingof the terrain intra muros. The latter action wasfirst perceived by J. Šašel during the excavations atNunski vrt and former trg IOOF (present-day areaof the Maximarket department store) in 1952.214

In describing the situation near the north de-fence walls (Fig. 74), he recognized above the riv-er gravel a brown clayey gravel layer devoid offinds with pieces of charcoal in the middle. On itssurface, he identified unbroken lines of charcoal,which were either absent or later removed out-side the defence walls. A foundation ditch for thedefence walls was supposedly dug from the firstsurface and the material thus excavated used asthe fill close to the interior edge of the ditch. The1.2 m high rampart, documented in the length of5 m, was interpreted by Šašel first as part of an in-dependent defence rampart, while he later inter-preted it as interior reinforcement of the defencewalls, constructed with the material that hadbeen gained through the excavation of the de-fence wall foundation ditch.215 Supposedly con-temporary to this was the settlement layer con-taining finds,216 charcoal and pieces of plasterfrom the wooden walls. The latter were identified

213 Ib., 69.214 ŠAŠEL 1953b.215 Id. 1968, 565; enako PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 59. 216 Avtor navaja nož, fibulo tipa Aucissa z napisom CAR FIL in

bronast obroček.

213 Ib., 69.214 ŠAŠEL 1953b.215 Id. 1968, 565; same in PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 59.216 The author states a knife, an Aucissa fibula with a CAR FIL

inscription and a small bronze ring.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:27 Page 121


faze«.217 Meter široki suhi zidovi, ki so bili doku-mentirani na jugozahodnem delu inzule, se v za-hodni in južni stranici pokrivajo s fasadnim zidom,v notranjosti pa so jih prekrili glineni tlaki »prvecivilne« faze. Pripadajoči sedimenti niso bili ugoto-vljeni, iz objavljenega profila pa je mogoče razbra-ti, da je bil južni fasadni zid nad omenjenimi teme-lji iztrgan.218 Na podlagi razpoložljivih podatkov inanalogij iz drugih mestnih predelov se nagibamo kmnenju, da gre za temelje zidov prve faze, vkopanes površine izravnave.Med pokazatelji morebitnih starejših struktur seomenjajo tudi domnevna odstopanja od ortogonal-nega rastra Emone. Večkrat so bili izpostavljeni za-miki v orientaciji zahodnega, severnega in južne-ga fasadnega zidu inzule XX, ki je na severovzhod-ni strani omejevala forumski prostor.219 Sodeč poobjavi izkopavanj v letih 1963–1965 in 1971 je biltudi objekt z dvema dvoriščema, ki ju na vzhodnihin zahodnih stranicah obdajajo podolgovati objek-ti s kasetnimi prostori, zgrajen s prve hodne povr-šine, zato se je do trditev o domnevnih kronološkihrazlikah nasproti ostalim zgodnjim zgradbam tež-ko opredeliti. Glede na osupljivo natančnost rim-skih mensores pri prenosu rastra v prakso se zdijo

by Šašel in his 1953 publication as the remains ofarmy barracks.It is just as difficult to pass judgement on the struc-tures from the area of the western-lying InsulaXXIX, ascribed by L. Plesničar-Gec to the founda-tions of army barracks from the pre-constructionphase.217 Meter-high dry walls that were docu-mented in the south-western part of the said In-sula correspond in western and southern sideswith the façade wall of the Insula, while they werecovered in the interior by clay floors of the “firstcivil” phase. Accompanying sediments were not es-tablished, while it is possible to read from the pu-blished section that the south façade wall above thealready mentioned foundations was ripped away.218

Based on the available data and the analogies fromother parts of the town, we are inclined to the opin-ion that these represent the foundations of thefirst construction phase that were dug from thefirst levelling surface.One of the indicators of possible earlier structuresis the supposed deviations from the orthogonalplan of Emona. Mentioned several times were thedeviations in the orientation of the west, north andsouth façade walls of Insula XX, which delimited

Sl. 74 /Fig.74Ostanki severnih utrdb Emone so bili prvič raziskovani med sondiranji Seminarja za klasično arheologijo Univerze v Ljubljani leta 1952, ki jih je vodil Jaroslav Šašel. Onkraj Nunskega zidu, ki je postavljen na rimskem obzidju, so dokumentirali celotno širino prvega in del drugega jarka, v sondi na Veselovi ulici pa nasip materiala, pridobljenega pri izkopu jarka za temelj obzidja, in depozite na ulici (via sagularis), ki je potekala po nepozidanem pasu med inzulami in obzidjem. Morebitno nadaljevanje jarka z vzhodno ležeče lokacije Šumi ni bilo ugotovljeno (po Šašel 1953b)The remains of the north defence walls of Emona were first investigated during trenching by the seminar for classical archaeology at theUniversity of Ljubljana in 1952, which was led by Jaroslav Šašel. The investigation revealed the whole width of the first and second ditch beyond Nunski zid erected on top of the Roman defence walls, while the trench in Veselova ulica revealed a rampart made of the material gained in digging the foundation trench for the defence walls. It also revealed deposits on the street that ran along the clear space between the insulae and the defence walls (via sagularis). The possible continuation of the ditch from the Šumi site lying to the east has not beenestablished (after Šašel 1953b)

217 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 67–68.218 Ib., sl. 203 in 206: profil 5.219 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 21–27; VIČIČ 2003, 32.

217 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 67–68.218 Ib., figs 203 and 206: section 5.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 122


omenjena odstopanja vprašljiva. Predvsem zaraditežkih pogojev, v katerih so potekala izkopavanja,in znatnih časovnih razmikov med posameznimiraziskovalnimi kampanjami je mogoče, da gre zanapako pri prenosu terenskih dejstev v skupno ko-ordinatno mrežo oz. katastrski načrt.220

Zbrani arheološki podatki zanikajo obstoj večjegatabora na lokaciji poznejšega mesta, saj manjkajotako dokazi za enoten sistem utrdb z jarki in pal-isado kot ostanki poveljniške in logistične arhitek-ture ter barak ali šotorišč za moštvo. Predrt železenklin z vdetim obročkom iz plasti »prve faze« na ob-močju emonskega foruma221 je sicer značilen delvojaške opreme, vendar ne nujno pokazatelj tampostavljenih šotorov. Bivališča vojakov iz časa predsamo gradnjo ali ob njej, o katerih pričajo razme-roma številne najdbe opreme in orožja iz zgodnjihkontekstov intra muros, moramo najverjetneje is-kati v oporišču na desnem bregu Ljubljanice.

Izbrani konteksti in najdbe iz časa gradnjeUrejevanje in pozidava raziskanih delov sta, sodečpo kronološki homogenosti najdb, potekala razme-roma hitro, distribucija najdb v depozitih prvefaze pa priča o dinamiki del in ustalitvi funkcio-nalne izrabe prvih objektov. V nasutjih iz časa nepo-sredno pred gradnjo zidov prevladujejo razpršenenajdbe poškodovanih kovinskih predmetov, malo-številni pa so keramika, kosti ipd., kar pritrjuje do-mnevi, da na ožjem območju ni bilo starejše rim-ske naselbine ali večjega tabora. Praviloma gre za

the forum area in the north-east.219 The publica-tion of 1963–1965 and 1971 excavations revealedthat the building with two courtyards, the lattersurrounded by elongated buildings with uniform-sized rooms on eastern and western sides, was al-so constructed from the first surface. This makesit difficult to pass judgement on the claims ofsupposed chronological differences in relation toother early buildings. Considering the amazing ac-curacy of the Roman mensores in realizing theplanned layout, the above-mentioned deviationsseem questionable, even more so in view of the dif-ficult conditions during excavations and consi-derable lapses of time from one excavation cam-paign to the other. It is therefore to envisage mis-takes during transferring field data into a commongrid or cadastral map.220

The gathered archaeological data refute the exis-tence of a large fortress on the site of the latertown, since both evidence for a uniform fortifica-tion system with trenches, palisade, remains ofcommand and logistic architecture as well as bar-racks or tents for the troops are missing. The per-forated iron peg with a ring, found in the “firstphase” layer in the forum area of Emona,221 is in-deed a characteristic part of military equipment,but does not necessarily point to tents being set upthere. Soldiers’ quarters from the time prior to orduring construction, evidenced by relatively nu-merous finds of military equipment and weaponsfrom the early intra muros contexts, must mostprobably be sought in the base on the right bankof the Ljubljanica.

220 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1992, 80; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 12.221 Ib., 122, t. 25: 6.

219 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 21–27; VIČIČ 2003, 32.220 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1992, 80; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 12. 221 Ib., 122, pl. 25: 6.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 123


Select contexts and finds from the time of the constructionThe chronological homogeneity of finds points tothe preparation and construction on the investi-gated parts taking place within a relatively shortspace of time, while the distribution of finds inthe deposits of the first phase attest to the dynam-ics of the work and the stabilization of the func-tional use of the first buildings. The fill layers ofthe time directly preceding the wall constructionshowed a predominance of dispersed finds of da-maged metal objects, whereby ceramics, bones andother finds were rare. This confirms the supposi-tion of the town area not accommodating an ear-lier Roman settlement or larger camp. The findsare usually broken pieces that were, for the mostpart, accidentally lost or cast away during terrainlevelling prior to or during construction. A moreeven representation of metal, ceramic, glass, boneand other objects is noticeable in the sediments ofthe first buildings and in contemporary fill layersand in the fills of drainage ditches.Besides individual finds from fill layers and sedi-ments, there are several documented cases of spe-cial circumstances that might signify a ritual depo-sition. These are represented by objects found infills of foundation ditches and in fills of cuts andnatural depressions, which do not contain the clas-sic repertory of contemporary refuse pits with theexception of one or more telling finds. The findsfrom the supposed cult contexts include a bundleof medical implements and several halved coinsfrom a large natural depression, but also a preciousgem from a small cut in the central part of the lat-er Insula XXXIX (Fig. 75)222 and an intentionallydeformed round shield-boss from the pit in theInsula XLIII area (Fig. 52).223 The most apparentclue in this direction, however, is provided by thementioned frontal bone of a young female, found inthe fill of the foundation ditch for the south façadeof Insula XLVI. Selective deposition of individualparts of human and animal remains into the foun-dations or other parts of buildings hidden fromview is characteristic cult behaviour of the peoplesof prehistoric Europe and the ancient Mediter-ranean, which can still be encountered in modernpre-industrial societies. Construction offerings canalso be inferred from the cut-away knob of a Hage-nau type helmet, found among the quarry stones in

Sl. 75 /Fig.75Polnilo vkopa v izravnavo na območju inzule XXXIX (Šumi) je poleg nekaj drobcev oglja vsebovalo dragoceno gemo iz karneola z natančnovbrušenim motivom glave v profilu, ki najverjetneje predstavlja menadoali Bakha. Po helenističnem okusu izdelano gemo, ki kaže jasne potezesrednjeitalskega graverstva linearnega sloga, lahko datiramo v drugopolovico 1. stoletja pr. n. št. Lastnik prstana, v katerega je bil vdelan taizjemen pečat, je bil zagotovo precej premožen, morda častnik, članene od trgovskih rodbin ali drug visok obiskovalec (foto: Arne Hodalič)Fill of a cut into the levelling in the area of Insula XXXIX (the Šumisite) contained some charcoal bits and a precious gem of carnelianwith a motif of an accurately engraved head in profile, probablyrepresenting either a maenad or Bacchus. The gem in Hellenistic tastewith distinctive traits of central Italian engraving of the linear style maybe dated to the second half of the 1st century BC. This extraordinary sealwas set into a ring, the owner of which was certainly wealthy, possiblyan army officer, member of one of the merchant families or some otherhigh-ranking visitor (photo: Arne Hodalič)

polomljene kose, ki so bili po večini naključno iz-gubljeni ali zavrženi pri izravnavanju zemljiščapred gradnjo ali med njo. Enakomernejša zastopa-nost kovinskih predmetov, keramike, stekla in kostiipd. je opazna v sedimentih prvih objektov ter vsočasnih nasutjih in polnilih drenažnih jarkov.Poleg posamičnih najdb iz nasutij in sedimentovso v nekaj primerih izpričane posebne okoliščine,ki morda pomenijo odložitev z ritualnim ozadjem.Gre za predmete v zasutjih temeljev ter v polnilihvkopov in naravnih depresij, ki razen ene ali večpomenljivih najdb ne vsebujejo klasičnega reper-toarja sočasnih odpadnih jam. Med najdbe iz do-mnevno kultnih kontekstov prištevamo snopič me-dicinskega orodja in več polovičenih novcev iz večjenaravne poglobitve ter dragoceno gemo iz manjše-ga vkopa v osrednjem delu poznejše inzule XXXIX(sl. 75)222 in namerno deformirano okroglo ščitnogrbo iz jame na območju inzule XLIII (sl. 52).223

222 GASPARI et al. 2008.223 GASPARI et al. 2010.

222 GASPARI et al. 2008. 223 GASPARI et al. 2010.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 124


the foundations of the south side of Insula XXXIX,as well as in several cases of coins from bases formortar paving laid in the Claudian period (Fig. 76).

Najočitnejše sklepe v tej smeri omogoča omenjenačelnica lobanje mlajše ženske iz zasutja temeljajužne fasade inzule XLVI. Selektivno deponiranjeposamičnih delov skeletov ljudi in živali v temeljeali na druga očem skrita mesta v stavbah sodi medznačilne kultne prakse ljudstev prazgodovinske Ev-rope in antičnega Sredozemlja, ki jih srečujemo šepri današnjih predindustrijskih družbah. O gradbe-nih daritvah lahko sklepamo tudi pri odrezanemgumbu čelade tipa Hagenau, najdenem med lom-ljenci v temelju južne stranice inzule XXXIX, in vnekaj primerih novcev iz podlag estrihov, ki so bilipoloženi v klavdijskem obdobju (sl. 76).

Sl. 76 /Fig.76Odlično ohranjen Klavdijev as, ki je bil odkrit pod vogalno izmed podložnic oblic estriha v inzuli XXXIX (Šumi), sodi med referenčneprimere gradbenih daritev. Več najdb novcev v tlakih na isti lokacijikaže, da je bila ta praksa v času gradbenega preurejanja Emone vsredini 1. stoletja n. št. kar pogosta (foto: Jernej Bregar)An excellently preserved coin of Claudius was uncovered underneaththe corner cobble in the base for the mortar paving in Insula XXXIX(the Šumi site) and represents a reference example of constructionofferings. Several coin finds from mortar floors on the same siteindicate that this practice was relatively frequent during the renovationof Emona in the mid-1st century AD (photo: Jernej Bregar)

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 125


Urbs quadrata, prostor in komunikacije

Stara in nova spoznanja o urbanistični zasnovi Terenske raziskave vedno znova potrjujejo primer-nost navajanja Emone kot enega najbolj dovršenihpribližkov idealu rimskega pravokotnega mesta(urbs quadrata). Urbanistična zasnova naselbine,ki jo označujejo obzidje s stolpi in vrati, pravokotnamreža ulic ter forum z javnimi stavbami in inzu-lami, ima dobre vzporednice v poznorepublikan-skih in avgustejskih kolonijah cisalpinske Galije ozi-roma poznejših IX. in X. regije rimske Italije.224

Mesto na levem bregu Ljubljanice je obenem tudinajmlajši primer reinterpretacije helenističniharhitekturnih predlog med severnoitalskimi urba-nimi centri. Med slednjimi se Emona po zamikuglavnega karda225 in pravokotni obliki inzul naj-bolj približuje leta 25 pr. n. št. ustanovljeni koloni-ji Augusta Praetoria Salassorum (Aosta).226

Po tradiciji se ortogonalna zasnova Emone (sl. 77)in nekaterih drugih severnoitalskih mest povezu-je z ureditvijo vojaške utrdbe in predvideva grad-njo kolonije na mestu predhodnega tabora. Baldu-ina Sario sta na to domnevo med drugim navedlapravokotna oblika z indeksom 1,2 in velikost mesta,ki ustrezata prostoru za eno legijo s pomožnimienotami.227 Mehanistično interpretacijo utrjenihpravokotnih mest kot neposredne preslikave tabor-skih tlorisov danes večina avtorjev zavrača.228 Car-lo Carducci je v obravnavi urbanizma AugusteTaurinorum (Torino) izpostavil vlogo mesta kotvozlišča in teritorialne nadzorne točke, značilnoza veteranske kolonije, ter kot razlog za izbiro ta-borskega modela izpostavil psihološke učinke, ki sov smislu podobe reda in discipline, vpete v geome-trizem vojaške prakse, delovali tako na prebivalstvozasedenih območij kot na same koloniste.229 Pravkrepitev kolektivnega duha in reminiscenca vete-ranov na ureditev okolja, v katerem so službovali,naj bi bili eno bistvenih ozadij geometrične orga-niziranosti prostora.V trenutku urbanističnega projektiranja Emone jebila vsekakor aktualna tudi vojaška funkcional-nost izbrane mestne zasnove. Poleg obzidja, ki je

Urbs quadrata, space and communications

Old and new findings on the urban design Time and again, field investigations confirm thesuitability of citing Emona as an example of oneof the most perfected approximations of the idealRoman rectangular town (urbs quadrata). The ur-ban design of the settlement, marked by defencewalls with towers and gates, by a rectangular streetgrid, forum with public buildings and insulae, hasgood analogies in Late Republican and Augustancolonies of the Cisalpine Gaul or later Regionis IXin X of Italy.224 This town on the left bank of theLjubljanica is supposedly the latest example of thereinterpretation of the Hellenistic architecturalmodel among the urban centres of northern Italy.Of the latter, Emona is closest to Augusta Praeto-ria Salassorum (Aosta), a colony founded in 25 BC,in the deviation of the main cardo225 and the rec-tangular plan of insulae.226

The orthogonal plan of Emona (Fig. 77) and sev-eral other northern Italian towns is traditionallytied to the layout of a Roman fort and presumesthe construction of a colony on the spot previous-ly occupied by a fortress. One of the features thatled Balduin Saria to this supposition was the rec-tangular plan with a 1.2 index as well as the sizeof the town, which corresponded to the surfacefor a legion with auxiliary units.227 Nowadays, themechanistic interpretation of fortified rectangu-lar towns as direct reproductions of fortress plansis rejected by most authors.228 In his study of theurbanism of Augusta Taurinorum (Torino), CarloCarducci emphasizes the role of a town as a pointof junction and territorial control characteristicof veteran colonies. He also underlines the psy-chological effect as the reason behind the choiceof the fortress model, which affected the popula-tion of the occupied territory as well as thecolonists themselves by representing an image oforder and discipline as part of the geometrics ofthe military practice.229 Strengthening the collec-tive consciousness and remembering, on the partof the veterans, the spatial arrangement in which

224 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 25; MANSUELLI 1971, 64–79.225 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 27–30; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 13–16.226 CONVENTI 2004, 147–149; CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 17–48.227 SARIA 1939, 121, 123.228 KEPPIE 1984, 38.229 CARDUCCI 1968, 30–31.

224 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 25; MANSUELLI 1971, 64–79.225 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 27–30; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 13–16.226 CONVENTI 2004, 147–149; CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 17–48.227 SARIA 1939, 121, 123.228 KEPPIE 1984, 38.229 CARDUCCI 1968, 30–31.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 126

127 Urbs quadrata, prostor in komunikacije /Urbs quadrata, space and communications

Sl. 77/Fig.77Rekonstrukcija tlorisne zasnove Emone na katastrskem načrtu Ljubljane, dopolnjena z novejšimi meritvami dostopnih delov obzidja in fasadnih zidov inzul. Tloris prinaša del Schmidovega načrta iz leta 1913, na katerem je upodobljen zamik dveh parov inzul ob glavnem kardu in skaterim je mogoče pojasniti osni zamik med severnimi in južnimi mestnimi vrati (izvedba: Luka Šorli)The reconstruction of Emona’s ground-plan on the cadastral plan of Ljubljana, supplemented with recent measurements of the accessible partsof the defence walls and façade walls of insulae. The ground-plan depicts part of Schmid’s plan from 1913 with a deviation of two pairs of insulaealong the main cardo, which would explain the axis misalignment between the north and south town gates (execution: Luka Šorli)

Schmid (1913)Plesničar -Gec (2006)ZVKDS (2004–2008)

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 127


osnovna značilnost italskih mest do Avgusta, izha-ja obrambna sposobnost naselbine iz rastra ulic,ki je skupaj z nepozidanim pasom med zunanjiminizi inzul in obzidjem (via sagularis, intervallum)omogočal hitre premike vzdolž vseh front more-bitnega napada. Simbolna sporočilnost obzidja, kije predstavljala mesto kot varen in utrjen kraj, nibila tuja že propagandi helenističnega obdobja.230

Novejša merjenja ostankov emonskega obzidja231

so pokazala nekoliko drugačne vrednosti od Schmi-dovih navedb, po katerih naj bi bilo mesto dolgo523,6 (522,3) m in široko 435,55 m,232 vendar re-zultati ne spreminjajo ugotovljenih kompozicijskihnačel modularne rekonstrukcije iz leta 1963.233

Izmera razdalje med zunanjima fasadama obzid-ja ob severnih in južnih vratih je pokazala 521,8 mali 352,56 P (1 passus = 1,48 m), razdalja medvzhodno in zahodno stranico pa naj bi po katastr-skem načrtu znašala 433,2 m ali 292,7 P. Indeksrazmerja med krajšo in daljšo stranico znaša 1,204in ustreza mali terci (5 : 6).234 Območje znotrajobzidja235 meri v dolžino 517,19 m (349,45 P), karpomeni ob rekonstruirani širini 429,2 m (290 P)skupno površino nekaj čez 22,27 hektarja ali 88,27iugera (iuger = 2523,34 m2).Skupno pet kardov in sedem dekumanov pretežnoenotne širine 11,84 m (8 P) je oblikovalo raster 47stavbnih četrti (insulae) pravokotne oblike, prikaterih segajo razmerja med krajšimi in daljšimistranicami od 1,05 do 1,9. V nasprotju z ostalimisevernoitalskimi mesti s podobno urbanistično za-snovo so velikosti emonskih inzul različne in pra-viloma manjše od stavbnih četrti v Augusti Prae-torii, Novarii (Novare) ali Augusti Taurinorum.236

Manj strnjeno pozidavo, ki so jo določale skrom-nejše dimenzije inzul in znatna širina vseh mest-nih ulic, ki presega širine glavnih kardov in deku-manov v mestih Transpadane,237 bi lahko poveza-li z načrtovanim številom kolonistov.Po dopolnjeni modularni študiji iz leta 2006,238

ki ponekod precej odstopa od Schmidovih izmer

they served their duty is believed to have been oneof the essential reasons behind the geometric or-ganisation of space. In the moment the urban plan of Emona was con-ceived, the military functionality of the chosentown design was certainly also topical. Apart fromthe defence walls, which represent the basic char-acteristic of Italian towns up to the time of Au-gustus, the defence capability of the settlement isalso based on the street grid, which together withthe clear space between the outer rows of insulaeand the defence walls (via sagularis, intervallum)enabled rapid movements along all fronts of apossible assault. The symbolic significance of thedefence walls that presented the town as a safeand fortified area was propaganda not unknownalready in the Hellenistic period.230

Recent measurements of the remains of Emona’sdefence walls231 have provided values that differsomewhat from those stated by Schmid, name-ly 523.6 (522.3) m in length and 435.55 m inwidth.232 The new results, however, do not alterthe established compositional principles of the mo-dular reconstruction put forward in 1963.233 Thedistance between the exterior façades of the de-fence walls at the north and south gates measured521.8 m or 352.56 P (1 passus=1.48 m), while thedistance between the east and west sides suppos-edly, according to the cadastral plan, measured433.2 m or 292.7 P. The index of the ratio betweenthe town’s short and long sides is 1.204 and thuscorresponds to a minor third (5 : 6).234 The surfaceinside the defence walls235 measured 517.19 m(349.45 P) in length. With the width reconstructedat 429.2 m (290 P), the total surface of the townmeasured just over 22.27 hectares or 88.27 iugera(2523.34 m2).A total of five cardines and seven decumani of pre-dominantly uniform width of 11.84 m (8 P) formeda grid of 47 rectangular insulae, where the width-to-length ratios range from 1.05 to 1.9. As opposed

230 SCONFIENZA 2002.231 Večkrat omenjena odstopanja od pravilnega pravokotnika, ki jih

DETONI in KURENT pripisujeta odmerjanju trikotnika in dolžine na poševnini (1963, 48), bo mogoče preveriti le s sistematičnim zbiranjem geodetskih meritev ostankov obzidja.

232 SCHMID 1919, 164; id. 1941, 50; primerjavo izmer otežuje stopničast profil zunanje fronte.

233 DETONI, KURENT 1963.234 Ib., 66.235 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 45–51; VIČIČ 2003, 27; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al.

2006, 14.236 CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 356.237 CONVENTI 2004, 148, 236–237; CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 356.238 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, sl. 6.

230 SCONFIENZA 2002.231 The already mentioned deviations from a perfect rectangle,

which DETONI and KURENT attributed to the measuring out of a triangle and length on slanted terrain (1963, 48), can only be verified with a systematic collection of geodetic measurements of the defence wall remains.

232 SCHMID 1919, 164; id. 1941, 50; a comparison of measurements is hindered by a stepped profile of the exterior front.

233 DETONI, KURENT 1963.234 Ib., 66.235 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 45–51; VIČIČ 2003, 27; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al.

2006, 14.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 128


stavbnih četrti južnega dela mesta,239 naj bi bileinzule v osi sever–jug praviloma široke 34 P oz.50,32 m z izjemo dveh širših nizov (40 P ali 59,2m), ki sta omejevala glavni kardo. Manj enotnimoduli širin prečnih nizov naj bi segali od 26(38,48 m) do 36 P (53,28 m). Najmanjše inzuleso merile 14 x 34 P (inzuli XXI in XXII), največjepa 40 x 45 P (inzula XLIV) z izjemo dvojne inzuleVII (34 x 59 P).Med izkopavanji na lokaciji Šumi se je izkazalo,da potekata fasadi inzul XXXIII in XXXIX okoli 3,3m zahodneje od modularne rekonstrukcije (sl.77: a), s čimer se novo pridobljena širina niza62,5 m približuje Schmidovi navedbi za širini in-zul XIV in XIII (61,8 m). To seveda vpliva tudi nadoslej domnevano širino glavnega karda (14 P ali20,72 m), ki je bila v rekonstrukciji iz leta 2006dobljena s preslikavo vzhodnih stranic forumskihstavb in inzule XII na drugo stran cestišča. Real-na širina karda je tako bliže meritvi 14,5 m(91/2–10 P), ki jo kot razmik med inzulama XII inXIII podaja Schmid.240

V luči spoznanj iz zaščitnih raziskav na zahodnemdelu Trga francoske revolucije avgusta 2008241 bismeli tudi za decumanus maximus sklepati omanjši širini od domnevane.242 Izkopavanja protipričakovanjem namreč niso zadela na cestišče,temveč na severni fasadni zid inzule XLVI (sl. 77:b). Zunanje lice okoli 0,9 m širokega zidu z vrhomna 296,3 m nm. v. poteka v osi južnih sten hodni-kov porta praetoria in porta decumana. Potek ces-tišča bolj proti severu dokazuje tudi kloaka, na ka-tero so po Schmidovih navedbah naleteli v hišah naseverni strani Rimske ulice in na nekdanjem Napo-leonovem trgu.243 V poznorimskem obdobju se ješirina dekumana povečala na račun južnega nizainzul ob njem, kar dokazujejo cestna nasutja in se-dimenti nad ostanki omenjenega fasadnega zidu.Širini glavnega karda in dekumana sta bili prvot-no morda enaki kot pri ostalih ulicah (okoli 8 Pali 11,84 m), opažanje o dveh širših nizih inzul, kiomejujeta glavni kardo, pa lahko razširimo tudi napozidavo ob decumanus maximus. Širša niza in-zul ob glavnih mestnih ulicah sta v mestnem tlo-risu oblikovala križ.

to other northern Italian towns with similar urbandesigns, the insulae of Emona differ in size and aremostly smaller than the insulae at Augusta Praeto-ria, Novaria (Novare) or Augusta Taurinorum.236 Aless densely built-up surface, which is determinedby a modest size of the insulae and a substantialwidth of all town streets that surpasses the widthsof the main cardines and decumani in the towns ofthe Transpadana,237 could be connected to the pro-jected number of colonists.The supplemented modular study from 2006,238

which at places differs considerably from the mea-surements of the insulae in the southern part ofthe town proposed by Schmid,239 suggests that theinsulae in the north-south axis were mostly 34 Por 50.32 m wide, with the exception of two widerrows (40 P or 59.2 m) that delimited the main car-do. The less uniform width modules of the trans-verse rows of insulae supposedly ranged from 26(38.48 m) to 36 P (53.28 m). The smallest insulaemeasured 14 x 34 P (Insulae XXI and XXII) and thelargest 40 x 45 P (Insula XLIV), with the exceptionof the double Insula VII (34 x 59 P).The excavations at the Šumi site revealed that thefaçades of Insulae XXXIII and XXXIX ran roughly3.3 m more to the west than the modular recon-struction proposed (Fig. 77: a). The newly meas-ured width of the row, namely 62.5 m, nears thewidth of 61.8 m given by Schmid for Insulae XIVand XIII. This naturally influences the width of themain cardo as supposed until now (14 P or 20.72m), gained in the 2006 reconstruction by copyingthe eastern sides of the forum buildings and In-sula XII onto the opposite side of the road. The re-al width of the cardo was thus closer to 14.5 m(91/2–10 P), a measurement given by Schmid as thedistance between Insulae XII and XIII.240

In light of the findings from the rescue excavationin the western part of Trg Francoske revolucije inAugust, 2008,241 the decumanus maximus couldalso have been less wide than previously sup-posed.242 Against expectations, this excavation didnot uncover the roadway, but rather the northfaçade wall of Insula XLVI (Fig. 77: b). The outerface of the roughly 0.9 m wide wall with top-most

239 SCHMID 1913; DETONI, KURENT 1963, 20–21.240 SCHMID 1913, 80.241 Izkopavanja je za ZVKDS, OE Ljubljana, izvajala Barbara

Hofman, s.p.242 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, sl. 8.243 SCHMID 1913, 66, 73, 85, t. 2; MELIK 1929/1930, 104, 110;

HORVAT M. 2002.

236 CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 356.237 CONVENTI 2004, 148, 236–237; CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 356.238 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, fig. 6.239 SCHMID 1913; DETONI, KURENT 1963, 20–21.240 SCHMID 1913, 80.241 Excavations for the Institute for the Protection of Cultural

Heritage, Regional Office Ljubljana, were conducted by Barbara Hofman, private entrepreneur.

242 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, fig. 8.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 129


Lega in orientacija mestaUmestitev pomirja (pomoerium) poznorepubli-kanskih in avgustejskih mest v severni Italiji je bi-la poleg upoštevanja teoretičnih izhodišč modular-nega projektiranja osnovana z ozirom na topograf-ske značilnosti kraja, sončno obsevanost in zašči-to pred vetrovi, obstoječo mrežo komunikacij innačrtovano število prebivalcev ter v skladu s speci-fičnimi politično-vojaškimi in ekonomskimi oko-liščinami.248 Formalna rimska praksa je velevalanaprej izbiro in zamejitev pomirja, ki se mu je gle-de na obliko prilagodila notranja inzularna razde-litev (Vitruvius, De architectura I, 6). Določitev po-mirja in sukcesivna postavitev obzidja (sulco ductoloca murorum designabant: Varr., De lingua lat.V, 134) sta bili od samega začetka v območju svete-ga in v globokem stiku z etruščansko kulturo.249

Kateri dejavniki so bili odločujoči pri prostorskiumestitvi Emone? Prehod med južnim in severnimdelom Ljubljanske kotline v ožini med Šišenskimhribom (429 m) in Grajskim gričem (366 m), skozikatero teče Ljubljanica, pomeni strateško po-membno križišče nadregionalne komunikacije izsevernega Sredozemlja proti Podonavju z odcepo-ma proti Brežiškim vratom in naprej proti Siscijiter Gornjesavski dolini in povezavi na Koroško.250

Podolgovato obliko mesta in njegovo lego v pro-storu je narekovala razmeroma ravna površina

Geodetske meritve v letu 2008 so potrdile že do-kumentiran244 zamik med južnimi in severnimivrati. Sredinska os 3,5 m širokega hodnika južnihvrat, ki ga omejujeta vzporedna, naknadno dozi-dana kontraforja,245 poteka v osi vzhodnega kon-traforja severnih vrat. Zaščitna izkopavanja leta1963 so pokazala, da se lijakasto zidan hodnik se-vernih vrat zoži s 3,5 m na zunanji strani na 3 mna južnih delih kontraforjev, ki sta bila grajenahkrati s stolpoma.246 Omenjeno odstopanje lahkozelo verjetno pojasnimo z očitnim zamikom pa-rov inzul na obeh straneh karda pri južnih vratih(III in IV ter XIV in XV), ki ga upodablja Schmidovnačrt Emone in v poznejših objavah ni bil upo-števan (sl. 77: c).247

Location and orientation of the townLocating the pomoerium in the Late Republicanand Augustan towns in northern Italy was basedon theoretical principles of modular design, butalso on the topographical characteristics of thearea, insolation and protection against winds, onthe existing communication network and projected

point at 296.3 m asl ran in the axis of the southwalls of the passageways of porta praetoria andporta decumana. The course of the road more tothe north is evidenced also by the cloaca, which,according to Schmid, was uncovered under thehouses on the north side of Rimska ulica and atformer Napoleonov trg.243 The decumanus waswidened in the Late Roman period and extendedonto the southern row of insulae flanking it, whichis evidenced by road fill layers and sediments abovethe remains of the said façade wall.The widths of the main cardo and decumanus mayoriginally have been the same as of the otherstreets (around 8 P or 11.84 m). The observation oftwo wider rows of insulae that delimit the cardocan be extended to the insulae along the decuma-nus maximus, whereby the wider rows of insulaealong the main town streets formed a cross in thetown’s plan.Geodetic measurements in 2008 confirmed the al-ready documented244 misalignment between thesouth and north gates (Fig. 79). The central axis ofa 3.5 m wide passageway of the south gate, delimi-ted by parallel subsequently built buttresses,245 ranin the axis of the east buttress of the north gate.The 1963 rescue excavation showed that the fun-nel-shaped north-gate passageway narrows from3.5 m on the outer to 3 m on the southern parts ofthe buttresses that were built together with thetowers.246 This misalignment can very probably beexplained with an apparent misalignment of thepairs of insulae on both sides of the cardo at thesouth gate (III and IV; XIV and XV), which was de-picted on the plan of Emona by Schmid but nottaken into consideration in later publications (Fig.77: c).247

244 Odstopanje je prvič kartografsko dokumentirano pri PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, sl. 8.

245 SCHMID 1913, 77–78, sl. 10.246 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1964, 68.247 SCHMID 1913, t. 3.248 MANSUELLI 1971, 64; TREVISANATO 1999, 132–135; BEDON 1999,

279, op. 108.249 ROSADA 1990, 366–367.250 RAKOVEC 1955, 45, sl. 25.

243 SCHMID 1913, 66, 73, 85, pl. 2; MELIK 1929/1930, 104, 110; HORVAT M. 2002.

244 The deviation was cartographically first documented in PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, fig. 8.

245 SCHMID 1913, 77–78, fig. 10.246 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1964, 68.247 SCHMID 1913, pl. 3.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 130


skrajnega južnega dela pleistocenskega vršaja Sa-ve med močvirnimi pobočji Rožnika in Šišenskegahriba, brežino proti Ljubljanici in teraso, ki se ju-žno od Mirja preveša proti Ljubljanskemu barju.251

Ožja lokacija mestnega pravokotnika in potek obehglavnih ulic nakazujeta, da je imela pri umeščanjupomembno ali celo odločujočo vlogo takrat aktual-na vojaška povezava med Navportom in Siscijo,252

ki se je po vstopu v ožji ljubljanski prostor nasloni-la na najvišji del vršaja in prečkala Ljubljanico objugozahodnem vznožju Grajskega griča. V prid do-mnevi, da je lokacija mestnega središča neposred-no povezana s potekom dekumana v bližini robasavskega zasipa, govori tudi višinska razlika mednasutji v ravnini severno od forumskega prostora(295,79–296,26 m nm.v.) in meter nižjim terenomna območju NUK II (294,92–295,22 m), ki potrju-jejo, da se je južni del pomirja prvotno izrazitejespuščal proti zamočvirjenemu barjanskemu obrob-ju ob Gradaščici in Malem Grabnu in so ga moralizato ponekod nasuti za dva metra.253

Decumanus maximus, praviloma urbani segmentglavne komunikacije (Hyginus, De limitibus consti-tuendis),254 je s svojim severnim robom tvoril sre-dinsko os mesta v smeri V–Z (sl. 2 in 77).255 Tezi oključni vlogi decumanus maximus v času usta-novitve mesta pritrjujeta tudi prevladujoča orien-tacija inzul per scamna, pri kateri daljše stranicepotekajo vzporedno z glavno mestno osjo,256 terinvalidnost cardo maximus proti jugu, kjer se je vrimskem obdobju širilo močvirsko zemljišče. Vlo-go glavne mestne ulice je decumanus maximuspripisoval že W. Schmid, ki je v vzhodnih vratih vi-del porta praetoria,257 torej vrata, ki po Ps.-Hygi-nu semper hostem spectare debet (56), po Vegeci-ju pa ad orientem spectare debet aut illum locum,qui ad histem respicit (Veg., Epitoma rei milita-ris I 23).Usmeritev mestnega pravokotnika, katerega daljšistranici potekata v 19-stopinjskem odklonu od seve-ra proti vzhodu, ni daleč od Vitruvijevih priporočil

number of inhabitants, all this in accordance withthe specific political, military and economic cir-cumstances.248 The formal Roman practices dic-tated first to select and delimit the area of the po-moerium. It was to its form that the internal divi-sion into insulae then conformed (Vitruvius, Dearchitectura I, 6). The definition of the pomoeri-um and the subsequent construction of the de-fence walls (sulco ducto loca murorum designa-bant: Varr., de lingua lat. V, 134) were, from thevery beginnings, in the sacred sphere and in closerelation with the Etruscan culture.249

The location of Emona was determined by seve-ral factors. The passage between the southern andnorthern part of the Ljubljana basin in the straitsbetween Šišenski hrib (429 m) and Grajski grič(366 m), through which flows the Ljubljanica, re-presents a strategically important point on thesupra-regional communication coming from thenorthern Mediterranean and continuing towardsthe Danube basin. It is at this point that the saidroad forked; one fork led towards the Brežice Gateand further on to Siscia and the other along the up-per reaches of the Sava to Carinthia.250

In a narrower sense, the elongated form of thetown and its location was dictated by the relativelyflat surface of the southernmost part of the Pleis-tocene alluvial fan of the Sava between the marshyslopes of Rožnik and Šišenski hrib, the Ljubljanicabank and the terrace that inclines towards theLjubljansko barje south of Mirje.251

The precise position of the town and the coursesof its main streets indicate that locating the townwas greatly or even decisively influenced by themilitary communication between Nauportus andSiscia, which was of great importance in that pe-riod.252 This communication entered the centralLjubljana area by leaning onto the highest part ofthe Sava alluvial fan, after which it crossed theLjubljanica at the south-western foot of Grajskigrič. The supposition that the location of the town

251 SCHMID 1913, 63; MELIK 1929/1930, 101–102; ŠAŠEL 1950, 194. 252 Prim. PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 23.253 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 30, sl. 27; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 16.254 Misurare, 125.255 SCHMID 1919, 159; id. 1924, 202–203; MELIK 1929/1930, 103;

PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, sl. 26.256 MANSUELLI 1971, 65; CONVENTI 2004, 230, 236; pri kolonijah iz

4. in 3. stoletja pr. n. št. prevladuje orientacija per strigas, ki je značilna za grške kolonije arhajskega obdobja, pri tistih iz 2. in 1. stoletja pr. n. št. pa se obe orientaciji pojavljata v izenačenem številu. To naj bi nakazovalo premik od upoštevanja religioznih zahtev k funkcionalnosti, povezani z izbrano lokacijo. Misurare, 22.

257 SCHMID 1940, op. 18.

248 MANSUELLI 1971, 64; TREVISANATO 1999, 132–135; BEDON 1999, 279, note 108.

249 ROSADA 1990, 366–367.250 RAKOVEC 1955, 45, fig. 25.251 SCHMID 1913, 63; MELIK 1929/1930, 101–102; ŠAŠEL 1950, 194. 252 Cf. PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 23.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 131


centre was directly tied to the course of the decu-manus near the edge of the Sava fan is supported bythe difference in altitude between the fill layers onthe flat terrain north of the forum (295.79–296.26m asl) and the one meter lower-lying terrain atNUK II (294.92–295.22 m). This confirms that thesouthern part of the pomoerium originally slopedmuch steeper towards the marshy edge of the Lju-bljansko barje along the Gradaščica and Mali Gra-ben and at places necessitated an additional, two-metre high fill layer.253

Decumanus maximus as a rule represented theurban segment of the main communication (Hygi-nus, De limitibus constituendis).254 With its north-ern edge, it formed in Emona the central axis ofthe town running from E to W (Figs 2 and 77).255

Its crucial role during the time of the town’s found-ing is further supported by the prevalent per scam-na orientation of insulae with the longer sides run-ning parallel to the main town axis256 and the in-validity of the cardo maximus southwards wheremarshy terrain extended in the Roman period. Thedecumanus maximus was seen as the main townstreet already by Walter Schmid. He also definedthe east gate as porta praetoria,257 the gate de-scribed by Ps.-Hyginus as semper hostem spectaredebet (56) and by Vegetius as ad orientem spectaredebet aut illum locum, qui ad histem respicit (Veg.,Epitoma rei militaris I 23).The orientation of the town with longer sides run-ning at 19°of N–E deviation is not far from Vitru-vius’ recommendations (Vitr., De architectura I,6). According to this Roman architect, the idealdeviation of streets that enabled to dissipate theviolence of the winds at the angles was that of22.5 degrees NNE. In reality, the comparative stu-dy of the town grids in Italy has not revealed a pre-dominance of a specific orientation in relation tothe insolation or astronomical position. If Emonawere located in accordance with the Italian ritu-al, the orientation of the decumanus (299°) couldsignify that positioning of the town took place on

258 OPDENBERG 2007, 102; v primeru Trierja je glavni dekuman usmerjen proti točki nad okoliškim hribovjem, kjer vzide sonce na 23. september, Avgustov rojstni dan (GOETHERT 2003, 250, sl. 6). V primeru Emone vzhaja sonce v horizontalnem azimutu 109° na 30. november. 23. septembra ima na sečišču karda in dekumana (umbilicus) ta azimut ob 836, torej eno uro in 46 minut po sončnem vzhodu.

259 Na to dejstvo me je leta 2002 opozorila Darja Grosman, predavateljica na Oddelku za arheologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, za kar se ji najlepše zahvaljujem.

260 DETONI, KURENT 1963, 66.261 CONVENTI 2004, 17; BEDON 1999, 270–292.

253 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 30, fig. 27; PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 16.254 Misurare, 125.255 SCHMID 1919, 159; id. 1924, 202–203; MELIK 1929/1930, 103;

PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, fig. 26.256 MANSUELLI 1971, 65; CONVENTI 2004, 230, 236; the colonies

of the 4th and 3rd centuries show prevalent per strigasorientation, characteristic of the Greek colonies of the Archaic period, whereas in the colonies of the 2nd and 1st centuries BC both orientations are used in an equal number of cases. This supposedly indicates a shift from following religious practice towards functionality connected with the selected location. Misurare, 22.

257 SCHMID 1940, note 18.

(Vitr., De architectura I, 6). Po antičnem arhitektuje idealni odklon mestnih ulic, ki naj bi omogočaldušenje vetrov ob hišnih vogalih, znašal 22,5 sto-pinje SSV. Kljub priporočilom primerjalna študijarastrov rimskih mest v Italiji ni ugotovila prevladedoločene orientacije glede na sončno obsevanostali astronomski položaj. Če je bila Emona vendar-le umeščena v skladu z italskimi ritualnimi prak-sami, bi orientacija dekumana (299°) lahko po-menila, da se je to zgodilo na 28. julij, ko sonce za-haja v horizontalnem azimutu 298.92°. Kako sobile določene horizontske koordinate sonca, ko jepogled na zahodno obzorje zakrival relief, v antič-nih virih ni sporočeno.258

Zanimiv topografski detajl in morda več kot samoposledica naključja je približno ujemanje potekasevernega emonskega obzidja z namišljeno premi-co, ki povezuje vrhova Grajskega griča (376 m) inRožnika (393 m).259 Odstopanje, ki pri jugovzhod-nem vogalu znaša okoli 12 m, na severozahodnempa le 3 m, bi lahko omogočalo razlago, da sta biliza orientacijo mestnega rastra oz. zamejitev njego-ve severne stranice izbrani dva in pol kilometrarazmaknjeni vzpetini, ki obvladujeta veduto Lju-bljane iz južne smeri (sl. 2).Vnaprejšnji izbiri dimenzij pravokotnika in orien-taciji na terenu je sledilo trasiranje z najverjetnej-šim izhodiščem v sečišču glavnih osi na vzhodnemdelu bodočega forumskega območja, nadaljnja čle-nitev mestnega rastra pa naj bi po Detonijevi inKurentu potekala z dinamično delitvijo osnovneproporcije.260 Lineamenta urbis so praviloma vo-dili vojaški zemljemerci (castrametatores) in legi-jam priključeni arhitekti.261 V nasprotju z zemljiščina pobočjih oziroma težavnejšem reliefu, na kate-rega se obrisov naselbine ni dalo učinkovito in na-tančno prenesti brez grome, so v ravnini polegkrede, merilnih vrvi (funiculus), količkov, 10 čevl-jev dolge late (pertica decempeda) in palice za pre-nos (meta ali signa) potrebovali le poznavanje os-nov geometrije, predvsem pravila za pridobivanjepravega kota iz enakostraničnega ali Pitagorovega

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 132


Gradbeni materialPri gradnji obzidja in inzul so uporabljali večino-ma lomljence karbonskega skrilastega peščenjakaiz Grajskega griča.266 Kamnolome moramo zeloverjetno iskati na pobočjih med Mestno hišo inTrančo, ki jih prav zaradi obsežnosti posega danesoznačuje velika strmina z mestoma navpičnimikaskadami. Grob izračun potrebnih količin kamna za gradnjoobzidja in inzul ob upoštevanju 30–40-odstotnegadeleža malte in drugega gradiva pokaže, da sovgradili skupno 28.000 m3 lomljenca, kar zneseokoli 19.500 m3 raščene skale.267 Količina dejansko

trikotnika, delo pa sta olajšala preprost lesen aliželezen križ in nivelir (chorobates).262 Rezultatianalize proporcev pomirja (sl. 77: d) bi lahko na-kazovali, da je bil pri umeščanju mestnega rastrauporabljen trikotnik 3 : 4 : 5 z osnovnim modulom220 čevljev (1 čevelj = 0,2941 m). Krajše stranice(3) ustrezajo razdalji med sečiščem sredinskih osiin sredino premic, ki povezujeta fasade skrajnihvzhodnih in zahodnih inzul (660 čevljev/193,88m), daljše (4) pa razdaljam med sečiščem in sre-dinama notranjih fasad severnega in južnega ob-zidja (880 čevljev /258,8 m).Pozidava obzidja in javnih stavb ter urejevanjeulic z odtoki sta verjetno stekla, še preden so men-sores končali svoje delo. Sledila je gradnja zaseb-nih objektov, in sicer najprej ob glavnih ulicah, na-to pa v preostalih predelih.263 To so potrdila izko-pavanja na lokaciji Šumi, kjer je bilo iz zaporedjagradbenih korakov razvidno, da so v inzulah XXXI-II in XXXIX najprej pozidali objekte ob glavnemkardu.Gradnja mesta naj bi praviloma trajala okoli tri le-ta,264 divisio agraria pa od dve do pet let. Uradnidatum ustanovitve je sovpadal z objavo forma co-loniae, bronastih tablic z dimenzijami parcel inpodatki o ljudeh, ki so jim bile dodeljene, ter kopi-jo lex colonica na forumu.265

July 28th, when the sun set at 298.92° of horizon-tal azimuth. Ancient sources do not reveal, how-ever, the manner according to which the horizoncoordinates of the sun were determined when theview over the western horizon was blocked by sur-rounding hills.258

An interesting topographical detail and possiblymore than a mere coincidence is the approximateagreement of the course of Emona’s north defencewalls with the imaginary line connecting the sum-mits of Grajski grič (376 m) and Rožnik (393 m).259

The deviation, roughly 12 m at the south-easternand only 3 m at the north-western corner, mightreadily be explained by the choice of the two ele-vations, lying two and a half kilometres apart anddominating the view over Ljubljana from the south,as the basis for orientating the town grid and de-fining its north walls (Fig. 2).The definition of the town size and orientation onsite was followed by laying out the grid with themost probable starting point at the intersection ofthe main axes in the eastern part of the future fo-rum area. According to Detoni and Kurent, thetown grid was divided according to a dynamic di-vision of the basic proportion.260 Lineamenta ur-bis were usually performed by castrametatoresand architects that accompanied the legions.261

As opposed to slopes or other difficult terrains,where the outlines of the settlement could not ef-fectively and accurately be transferred with the useof a groma, a flat terrain necessitated only chalk,measuring ropes (funiculi), stakes, 10 feet longrods (perticae decempedae), transferring rods (me-tae or signae) and the basic knowledge of geome-try, primarily of the rules for obtaining the rightangle from an equilateral triangle, while the workwas facilitated by the use of a simple wooden oriron cross and a level (chorobates).262 The resultsof the proportion analysis of the pomoerium (Fig.77: d) indicate that laying out of the town gridcould have been performed by using a 3 : 4 : 5 tri-angle with the basic module of 220 feet (1 foot =

262 BEDON 1999, 295, op. 247; OPDENBERG 2007, 106. 263 ŠAŠEL 1951, 224.264 KEPPIE 1983, 87–100.265 BEDON 1999.266 RAKOVEC 1955, 14; ŠAŠEL 1968.267 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 43.

258 OPDENBERG 2007, 102; at Trier, the main decumanus was oriented towards the point above the surrounding hills where the sun rises on September 23rd, the birthday of Augustus (GOETHERT 2003, 250, fig. 6). At Emona, the sun rises at 109° of horizontal azimuth on November 30th. On September 23rd, this azimuth is attained at the intersection of cardo and decumanus (umbilicus) at 836, that is one hour and 46 minutes after sunrise.

259 My attention was drawn to this fact in 2002 by Darja Grosman, lecturer at the Department of Archaeology at the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, for which I am sincerely thankful.

260 DETONI, KURENT 1963, 66.261 CONVENTI 2004, 17; BEDON 1999, 270–292.262 BEDON 1999, 295, note 247; OPDENBERG 2007, 106.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 133


odstranjenega materiala je verjetno precej večja,kar bi lahko pomenilo, da se je zahodno pobočjeGrajskega griča prvotno položneje spuščalo kLjubljanici in da je bil posledično del srednjeveš-ke Ljubljane zgrajen v rimskem kamnolomu.Karbonatnih kamnin med gradbenim materialomza inzule in obzidje ni zaslediti, verjetno so bileuporabljene le za izbrane arhitekturne elementejavnih zgradb. V opaznejši meri se apnenec pojaviz lomljenci v kloakah in s pokrovi za kanale, za ka-tere so uporabili neobdelane plošče iz Polhograj-skega hribovja.268 Kamen iz Podpeči se kot grad-beni material za zidove začne uporabljati šele posredini 2. stoletja n. št.Tamponska nasutja za hodne površine v zidanihobjektih najzgodnejše faze ustrezajo peščeno-prod-nim in meljastim sedimentom iz geološke pod-lage. Enako velja za obsežen nasip na notranjistrani severnega obzidja, ki ne vsebuje praktičnonobenih najdb in je bil verjetno pridobljen priizkopu zgodnjega obrambnega jarka pred obzid-jem (sl. 78).269

0.2941 m). Shorter sides (3) corresponded to thedistance between the intersection of the central ax-es and the centre of the lines that connected thefaçades of the easternmost and westernmost in-sulae (660 feet/193.88 m), while the longer sides(4) corresponded to the distances between the in-tersection and centres of the interior façades of thenorth and south defence walls (880 feet/258.8 m).The construction of defence walls and public buil-dings along with the arrangement of streets andsewage system were probably commenced beforethe mensores finished their work. This was fol-lowed by the construction of private buildings,first along the main streets and then in otherparts.263 This was confirmed by the excavations atthe Šumi site, where the construction sequencerevealed that the first buildings to be erected inInsulae XXXIII and XXXIX were those along themain cardo.The construction of the town, according to Law-rence Keppie,264 took around three years whiledivisio agraria took from two to five years. Theofficial founding date coincided with a public dis-play of the forma coloniae, bronze tablets contain-ing lot size and information on the people to whomthe lots were allocated, as well as displaying a co-py of the lex colonica at the forum.265

Construction materialBuilders of defence walls and insulae mostly usedquarry stones of Carboniferous sandstone fromGrajski grič.266 Its quarries must very probably besought on the slopes between Mestna hiša (townhall) and Tranča, which is nowadays character-ized by extreme steepness, at places with verticalstepped walls caused by extensive quarrying. The construction of defence walls and insulae ne-cessitated a rough total of 28,000 m3 of quarrystones, taking into account a 30–40 % share of mor-tar and other material, which signifies roughly19,500 m3 of rock.267 The amount of material actu-ally extracted is probably much larger. This couldindicate that the west slope of Grajski grič origi-nally fell much more gently towards the Ljublja-nica and, consequentially, that a part of medievalLjubljana was built within the Roman quarry.

268 Podatek T. Verbič.269 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1964, 71, op. 17; prim. PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 59.

263 ŠAŠEL 1951, 224.264 KEPPIE 1983, 87–100.265 BEDON 1999.266 RAKOVEC 1955, 14; ŠAŠEL 1968.267 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 43.

Sl. 78 /Fig.78Material za nasip, ki je na notranji strani omogočal lažji pristop na obzidje, so najverjetneje pridobili pri izkopu prvega obrambnega jarka.Na posnetku z lokacije Šumi je vidna tudi najmlajša ohranjena fazautrjenega cestišča obodne ulice z ostanki kolesnic, ki jo prečka več modernih infrastrukturnih napeljav (foto: David Badovinac)The material for the rampart that enabled easier access to the defencewalls from the interior side was probably gained through digging the first defence ditch. The photo of the Šumi site also shows the latest preserved phase of the reinforced roadway of the perimeterstreet with the remains of road ruts, which is crossed by severalmodern infrastructural installations (photo: David Badovinac)

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 134


Dosedanji raziskovalci so tudi zaradi uporabe graj-skega skrilavca domnevali, da je bil kanalizacij-ski sistem s kloakami zgrajen hkrati z obzidjemin inzulami.270 Izkopavanja ulic F, J in K so, nas-protno, opozorila, da vkopa za kloaki presekataeno do dve starejši cestišči (sl. 79),271 najdbe nov-cev iz nasutja prvega cestišča nad kloako in sprem-ljajočih pločnikov pa zanesljivo datirajo v (zgodnje)klavdijsko obdobje. V vseh dokumentiranih pri-merih je bilo tudi jasno razvidno, da so pri gradnjipriključkov na kloake prebili temelje fasadnihzidov.

Komunalna infrastruktura The construction material for the defence wallsand insulae did not reveal carbonate stones; thesewere probably used only for select architecturalelements of public buildings. Limestone appearsin more substantial amounts together with quar-ry stones in the cloacae and canal lids, wherebythe stone from Polhograjsko hribovje in the formof unworked slabs was used for the latter.268 ThePodpeč stone began to be used as building mate-rial for walls only after the mid-2nd century AD. The fill layers for the floors in stone-built edificesof the earliest phase correspond to the sandy-gra-vely and silty sediments from the basement. Thesame is true of the large rampart in the interiorof the north defence walls. The rampart materialincluded practically no finds and was probablygained through the excavation of the early defenceditch in front of the walls (Fig. 78).269

Town infrastructureResearchers of Emona up to the present supposed,also on the basis of the use of sandstone, that thesewage system with cloacae was built togetherwith the defence walls and the insulae.270 Con-trary to this, excavations at Streets F, J and K haveshown that the two cuts made for the cloacae dis-turbed one or two earlier roadways (Fig. 79),271

while the coin finds from the fill layer of the firstroadway above the cloaca and from the flankingpavements doubtlessly date to the (Early) Claudi-an period. Moreover, all the documented exam-ples clearly show that foundations of façade wallswere pierced during the construction of cloacaconnections.Two canals from the time prior to cloaca con-struction were investigated in Insula XXXIX. Oneled into a septic pit or latrine in the courtyardand the other towards the main cardo. None ofthe two canal lids was preserved and were veryprobably made of wood. The canal leading to-wards the cardo could be connected with an out-let in the foundations of the defence walls, whichwas documented in 1963 just east of the tower of

270 ŠAŠEL 1968; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1979, 46.271 Po Šmidu je iz situacije na cesti E pri inzuli X jasno, da je kloaka

zaradi lege visoko nad nivojem cestišča pomenila prometno prepreko, ki je delila cesto na dve polovici (SCHMID 1913, 85). Vkop za kloako, ki preseka starejša cestna nasutja, je bil dokumentiran tudi pri inzuli XXIII (PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, sl. 248a).

268 Information by T. Verbič. 269 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1964, 71, note 17; cf. PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 59.270 ŠAŠEL 1968; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1979, 46.271 According to Schmid, the situation in Street E and Insula X

clearly showed that the cloaca represented a road block due to its position high above the level of the roadway and divided the street in two halves (SCHMID 1913, 85). The cut for the cloaca, which disturbed earlier road fill layers, was also documented in Insula XXIII (PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, fig. 248a).

Sl. 79 /Fig.79V profilu dekumana J (Šumi) lahko razberemo zgodnja cestna nasutja in sedimente, ki jih je presekal širok jarek vkopa za kloako z glinenim in prodnim polnilom. Na vrhu profila je vidna plastutrjenega cestišča iz proda in večjih oblic, s katerega je bila v poznorimskem obdobju izkopana velika jama skozi obok kloake (foto: Jernej Bregar)The cross - section of Decumanus J (the Šumi site) reveals the earlyroad layers and sediments disturbed by a wide ditch of the cut for the cloaca with a clay and gravel fill. A layer of reinforced roadwaycomposed of gravel and large cobbles is visible at the top of the cross - section. A large pit was dug from the surface of the roadway in the Late Roman period, reaching through the vault of the cloaca(photo: Jernej Bregar)

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 135


Eden od dveh raziskanih kanalov iz časa pred grad-njo kloake v inzuli XXXIX je bil speljan v septičnojamo oz. latrino na dvorišču, drugi pa celo protiglavnemu kardu. Pokrova obeh kanalov nista bilaohranjena, zelo verjetno pa sta bila lesena. Kanalproti kardu bi lahko morda povezali s prepustomv temeljih obzidja, ki je bil dokumentiran leta1963 tik zraven vzhodno ob stolpu glavnih sever-nih vrat.272 Še več podobnih kanalov na drugihpredelih obzidja bi lahko pomenilo, da je bil delkanalizacije pred gradnjo kloak speljan skozi vna-prej predvidene prepuste.W. Schmid je domneval, da so bila v vzhodnem ob-zidju na vseh dekumanih s kloakami vrata,273 zakar pa še manjkajo dokazi. Teza je vsekakor verjet-na, še posej v luči težav, s katerimi bi se rimski in-ženirji soočili bodisi pri prilagajanju nagiba kloakže vnaprej pripravljenim prepustom bodisi pri nji-hovem morebitnem naknadnem urejanju.Predlagana datacija dograditve kanalizacijskega si-stema sovpada z domnevano obnovo obzidja in ge-neralno prenovo inzul v sredini 1. stoletja,274 kinakazujeta večjo investicijo v mesto. Razcvet Emo-ne, ki je v tem času dobila prve terrazzo estrihe inkopališke komplekse, dokumentira tudi pogostostnovcev Kaligule in Klavdija.275

Število naseljencevŠtevilo prebivalcev Emone lahko okvirno ocenimona podlagi deleža stanovanjskih površin, ki je vkoloniji Iader (Zadar) z ortogonalnim rastrom po-merija primerljive velikosti ocenjen na 56% pozi-danih delov mesta, ter domnevnega števila stano-valcev v posameznih četrtih. Glede na verjetnost, da so v Emoni prevladovalepritlične do enonadstropne stavbe,276 sklepamo, daje v posamezni inzuli s povprečno uporabno povr-šino brez dvorišča in hodnikov okoli 1800 m2 lahkostanovalo 90 do 180 ljudi.277 Kontingent prvih na-seljencev tako verjetno ni štel več kot 2500–3000oseb, ob upoštevanju nižjega bivalnega standardapa bi Emona lahko sprejela do 4800 prebivalcev.

the main north gate.272 Additional similar canalsin other parts of the defence walls could signifythat part of the sewage system prior to the con-struction of the cloaca led through outlets plannedin advance.W. Schmid supposed that the eastern defence wallson all the decumani with cloacae were equippedwith gates,273 which is yet to be proven by eviden-ce. This supposition is certainly credible, particu-larly in light of the difficulties that the Roman en-gineers would face either in having to adapt theinclination of the cloacae to the already preparedoutlets or in having to arrange the latter subse-quently.The proposed date of the additions to the sewagesystem coincides with the supposed renovation ofthe defence walls and a general renovation of theinsulae in the mid-1st century AD,274 which pointto a high investment into the town. The time frameof this prosperous period for Emona, which getsits first terrazzo floors and bath complexes, is fur-ther documented by the frequency of the coins ofCaligula and Claudius.275

Number of inhabitantsThe number of Emona’s inhabitants can be rough-ly estimated on the basis of the share of the resi-dential areas in the town and the supposed num-ber of inhabitants within individual insulae. Inthe colony of Iader (Zadar) with an orthogonalgrid of the pomoerium of comparable size, for in-stance, this share is estimated at 56% of built-upareas. It is probable that Emona showed a prevalence ofsingle- to two-storey building.276 On that basis itis supposed that 90 to 180 people could have resi-ded in an insula with an average surface of appro-ximately 1800 m2 excluding courtyards and hall-ways.277 The number of initial inhabitants couldthus not have surpassed 2500–3000. Consideringthe low living standards, however, Emona couldhave housed up to 4800 individuals.

272 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1964, 70–71; ead. 1976, 388, sl. 1. 273 SCHMID 1913, 76.274 ŠAŠEL 1968, 550.275 Ib., 559; KOS 1986, 57–61, tab. 2.276 ŠAŠEL 1968, 552.277 Ocena temelji na podmeni o 10–20 m2 uporabne površine na

prebivalca.

272 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1964, 70–71; ead. 1976, 388, fig. 1.273 SCHMID 1913, 76.274 ŠAŠEL 1968, 550.275 Ib., 559; Kos 1986, 57–61, tab. 2.276 ŠAŠEL 1968, 552.277 The estimate is based on a supposed 10–20 m2 of usable surface

per inhabitant.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 136


The Emona–Savo fluvio road and the question of centuriationThere can be almost no doubt that a large part ofthe Ljubljansko polje, as the most fertile land in theimmediate vicinity of Emona, was included intothe ager centuriatus. However, clear surface tra-ces of Roman land allotment are lacking. The ide-al plan of the Roman gromatics (costituendorumlimitum ratio pulcherrima) foresaw that the cen-tre of the town also represented the starting pointfor the division of the rural hinterland (Hyginus,De limitibus constituendis).278 Cases in Roman Ita-ly show that the spot usually chosen as the startingpoint was situated on the road leading from the set-tlement, while examples of differing orientations ofthe town grid and centuriations supposedly eitherindicated that the two were not performed concur-rently or were the result of adaptation to topo-graphical characteristics (loci natura).279

The feature that presents itself as the most proba-ble starting point for the division of the town agerof Emona is the main road communication to-wards Celeia, which is traditionally shown as astraight-line continuation of the cardo maximus(Fig. 80).280 In spite of the extensive building in-terventions along Dunajska cesta in the recentperiod, the above-mentioned road north of thetown has so far been directly documented only atthe Evropa coffeehouse in 1910281 and during theexcavations of the northern cemetery of Emona inthe area of Gospodarsko razstavišče at the end ofthe 1960s (Fig. 80: a). The continuation of the Ro-man road northwards from there may be supposedon the basis of graves uncovered at the formerinn “pri Urbančku”(Fig. 80: c),282 the remainsof a large building northwest of the church of St.George in Dunajska cesta at Stožice (Fig. 80: d),inhumation cemetery near the branch leading to-wards the parish church at Ježica (Fig. 80: e) andthe Roman bridge at Črnuče (Fig. 80: f). The existing archaeological data imply that theEmona–Savo fluvio road, in the section betweenthe north gate and the bridge at Črnuče, correspon-ded for the most part if not entirely with the courseof modern Dunajska cesta.283

Cesta Emona–Savo fluvio in vprašanje centuriacijeČeprav skoraj ne moremo dvomiti, da je bil večjidel Ljubljanskega polja kot najkakovostnejšegazemljišča v neposredni okolici Emone vključen vager centuriatus, pa očitni površinski sledovi rim-ske parcelacije manjkajo. V idealni shemi antičnegromatične vede (costituendorum limitum ratiopulcherrima) je bilo središče mesta tudi izhodiš-če razdelitve ruralnega zaledja (Hyginus, De lim-itibus constituendis).278 V rimski Italiji je bila zaizhodišče navadno izbrana točka na cestni trasi zu-naj naselbine, primeri različne orientacije mest-nega rastra in centuriacije pa naj bi bili bodisi po-kazatelj kronološkega zamika v njunem nastankubodisi rezultat prilagajanja topografskim značil-nostim (loci natura).279

V primeru Emone se kot najverjetnejše izhodiščerazdelitve mestnega agra kaže glavna cestna po-vezava proti Celeji, ki se tradicionalno prikazujekot premočrtno nadaljevanje cardo maximus (sl.80).280 Kljub obsežnim gradbenim posegom vzdolžDunajske ceste v novejšem času je bilo cestiščeseverno od mesta doslej neposredno dokazano lepri kavarni Evropa leta 1910281 in pri izkopavan-jih severnega emonskega grobišča na območju Gos-podarskega razstavišča konec šestdesetih let prej-šnjega stoletja (sl. 80: a). O nadaljevanju rimsketrase proti severu je mogoče domnevati na podla-gi grobov pri nekdanji gostilni »pri Urbančku« (sl.80: c),282 ostankov večjega objekta severozahodnood cerkve sv. Jurija ob Dunajski cesti v Stožicah(sl. 80: d), skeletnega grobišča v bližini odcepaproti farni cerkvi na Ježici (sl. 80: e) in rimskegamostu pri Črnučah (sl. 80: f). Obstoječi arheološki podatki dajejo slutiti, da setrasa ceste Emona–Savo fluvio na celotnem od-seku med severnimi vrati in mostom pri Črnu-čah večinoma, morda celo popolnoma prekriva spotekom Dunajske ceste.283

Na katastrskih mapah in topografskih načrtih iz19. stoletja, ki podajajo njen potek med južnim ro-bom Kongresnega trga in robom pleistocenske te-rase na Ježici, se zarisujeta dva ločena premočrt-na odseka različnih usmeritev, ki kažeta tendenco

278 Misurare, 23, 102.279 CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 379–383. 280 HITZINGER 1861, 66; MÜLLNER 1879, t. 2; MELIK 1929/1930, 102;

KLEMENC 1955, 348; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 23. 281 SCHMID 1913, 78, op. 1.282 ANSl 1975, 191; glej karto Rudolfa Degna iz sredine 19. stoletja

(KOROŠEC 1991, 126–127).283 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1972, 10.

278 Misurare, 23, 102.279 CHRZANOWSKI 2006, 379–383. 280 HITZINGER 1861, 66; MÜLLNER 1879, pl. 2; MELIK 1929/1930, 102;

KLEMENC 1955, 348; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 23. 281 SCHMID 1913, 78, note 1.282 ANSl 1975, 191; compare map by Rudolf Degen from the

mid-19th century (KOROŠEC 1991, 126–127).283 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1972, 10.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:28 Page 137


zmanjševanja azimuta. Arheološko potrjen je le pr-vi, okoli 1600 m dolg odsek rimske trase med sev-ernimi emonskimi vrati in nekdanjim odcepompoti proti Klečam284 (križišče z današnjo Linhar-tovo cesto) oz. zadnjimi grobovi severno od nek-danje cerkve sv. Krištofa, ki v celoti leži pod desnimvoziščem današnje Dunajske ceste.285 Mikrotopo-grafski potek trase definirajo presledki med skupi-nami grobov in posamični objekti na obeh stranehcestišča.286 Datacija najstarejših grobov in njihovarazprostranjenost po vsej dolžini grobišča nakazu-jeta, da sta bili gradnja ceste in parcelacija ne-kropole izvedeni hkrati z naselitvijo mesta.287 Do-mnevno premočrten potek najzgodnejšega cestiščana območju nekropole, ki ne poteka v smeri cardomaximus (19°), temveč z enostopinjskim odklo-nom proti severu (18°), se je s širitvijo pokopališč-nega prostora mestoma deformiral, o čemer pri-čajo zožitve med skupinami grobov in kratek zavojproti vzhodu na območju med križiščem današnjeDunajske in Tivolske ceste ter cestnim podvo-zom.288 V nadaljevanju trase je iz nekaterih načr-tov razviden 500 m dolg odsek do križišča pri da-našnjem bežigrajskem stadionu, kjer se začne ra-ven del trase v azimutu 9°, ki po nekaj manj kotdveh kilometrih doseže novo spremembo smerivzporedno s cerkvijo sv. Jurija. Nadaljevanje pote-ka točno proti severu (0°) in po okoli 650 m dose-že pomol terase na Ježici.Glede na ugodne geomorfološke pogoje oziromaodsotnost naravnih preprek se zastavlja vprašanje,zakaj cesta Emona–Savo fluvio ne poteka niti v osi

Sl. 80 /Fig.80Potek Dunajske ceste med ljubljanskim Gradiščem in Ježico na

franciscejskem katastru. Glede na dokumentirano razprostranjenostgrobov na severni emonski nekropoli in druga najdišča se ta odsek

Dunajske zelo verjetno v celoti pokriva z rimsko traso proti črunuškemumostu. Sledovi morebitne antične parcelacije območja vzdolž ceste, ki je bila v rimskem obdobju praviloma vezana na modul centurije

s stranico 710,4 m in površino 200 iugera (iuger=2523,34 m2), in bi jobilo mogoče teoretično razpoznati po rastru parcelnih mej, kolovozov

in jarkov na zemljiških mapah in načrtov iz 18. in 19. stoletja, niso biliugotovljeni (izvedba: Miran Erič)

Course of Dunajska cesta between Gradišče in Ljubljana and Ježica on the Franciscean cadastre. The documented distribution of graves

in the northern cemetery of Emona as well as other sites indicate that this section of Dunajska cesta very probably corresponds exactly

with the Roman road towards the bridge at Črnuče. Traces of thepossible Roman land allotment of the area along this road were not

established. The allotment in the Roman period was usually tied to the model of a century with the side of 710.4 m and the surface

of 200 iugera (iuger=2523.34 m2). It is theoretically identifiable in the grid of plot borders, cart tracks and ditches on the land mapsand plans from the 18th and 19th centuries (execution: Miran Erič)

284 KOS 1955, 39, 51.285 PETRU 1972, sl. 20.286 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1972, 10; PETRU 1972, 110–115, 123–125, sl. 20;

PLESNIČAR-GEC 1992, 94–95.287 Ead. 1972, 12.288 Ib., 10. 284 KOS 1955, 39, 51.

The cadastral maps and topographic plans fromthe 19th century, which depict the course of theroad between the southern edge of Kongresni trgand the edge of the Pleistocene terrace at Ježica,show two separate straight sections of differing di-rections with apparent tendencies towards a de-creasing azimuth. Of the two, only one is archae-ologically confirmed, namely the roughly 1600 mlong section of the Roman road between thenorth gate of Emona and the former branch to-wards Kleče284 (now crossroads of Dunajska and

0 1000500 m

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 138


mestnega pravokotnika niti naravnost proti Ježicioziroma proti rimskemu mostu (sl. 81),289 še pose-bej ob upoštevanju velike verjetnosti, da je bil takot ključni del komunikacije proti severovzhodnoležečim središčem zgrajen okvirno sočasno z na-selbino, kot to sugerirata že Pick in Schmid. Kljubnerešeni dilemi se zdi smiselno opozoriti na spletantropogenih in naravnih okoliščin, po katerem jemesto okvirno usmerjeno proti najprimernejše-mu kraju za gradnjo mostu čez Savo na vsem Lju-bljanskem polju. Med Ježico in Črnučami namreč

Linhartova cesta), which is confirmed by the north-ernmost graves to the north of the former churchof St. Christopher, today sunk beneath the rightlane of Dunajska cesta.285 The microtopographiccourse of the Roman road is defined by gaps be-tween groups of graves and individual buildings onboth sides of the road.286 Date of the earliest gravesand their distribution along the entire length of thecemetery indicates that the construction of theroad and allotment of the cemetery was conductedconcurrently with the settlement of the town.287

The supposedly straight course of the earliestroad in the cemeterial area, which did not followthe orientation of the cardo maximus (19°), butrather deviated by one degree northwards (18°),came to be deformed at places with the spread ofthe cemetery. The latter is evidenced by the nar-rowing between individual groups of graves and ashort bend eastwards in the area between thecrossroads of Dunajska and Tivolska cesta and theroad underpass.288

After this part, some plans show a 500 m long sec-tion up to the crossroads at modern Bežigrad Sta-dium, where the straight part of the course beganat azimuth 9°. The course changed again after lessthan two kilometres and ran parallel to the churchof St. George, after which it continued directlynorthwards (0°) and after roughly 650 m reachedthe terrace promontory at Ježica.The advantageous geomorphologic conditions, thatis absence of natural barriers, raise the question asto why the Emona–Savo fluvio road did not run ei-ther in the axis of the town or straight towards Je-žica and the Roman bridge (Fig. 81).289 This ques-tion is particularly pertinent when considering thehigh probability of the road as the key part of thecommunication towards the centres to the northbeing built at approximately the same time as thetown, as was suggested already by Pick and Schmid.Though the question must remain unsolved fornow, it seems reasonable to draw attention to theseries of anthropogenic and natural circumstan-ces that caused the town to be oriented approxi-mately towards the most suitable spot on the Lju-bljansko polje for crossing the Sava. Between Ježicaad Črnuče, for example, the Pleistocene terraceand the slope of Stražni hrib narrow the floodplain

289 MÜLLNER 1901; PICK, SCHMID 1913.

285 PETRU 1972, fig. 20.286 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1972, 10; PETRU 1972, 110–115, 123–125, fig. 20;

PLESNIČAR-GEC 1992, 94–95.287 Ead. 1972, 12.288 Ib., 10.289 MÜLLNER 1901; PICK, SCHMID 1913.

Sl. 81/Fig.81Rimski most med Ježico in Črnučami je prečkal Savo okoli 90 m nad današnjim cestnim mostom. Glede na širino ožine med Ježiško teraso inpobočjem Stražnega hriba sta avtorja objave sklepala, da je most merilokoli 300 m. Na podlagi izmerjenih medosnih razdalj (okoli 12,3 m) naj bi imel most poleg dveh obrežnih opornikov še 24 zidanih stebrov z lesenim temeljem. Zidane dele z značilnim petkotnim tlorisom, ki je konstrukcijo razbremenjeval pritiska vode ter odvračal plavajoč les in led, sta tvorila obloga iz klesanih blokov in notranje polnilo iz kamenja, vezanega z malto. Pravokotne temelje, ki so bili verjetnodelno vkopani v karbonsko skalno podlago, so sestavljali vodoravnozloženi tramovi (po Pick, Schmid 1913)The Roman bridge between Ježica and Črnuče crossed the Sava roughly 90 m upstream the modern road bridge. The width of thestraits between the terrace at Ježica and the slopes of Stražni hrib leadsto the assumption that the bridge measured around 300 m. Based on the measured wheelbases (approx. 12.3 m), the bridge is supposedto have two bank abutments as well as 24 stone-built pillars withwooden foundations. The stone-built pillars of a characteristic lozenge-shaped plan with angular cutwater relieved the water pressure and at the same time diverted the floating wood and ice. The pillars werecomposed of a face of worked blocks and a fill of mortar-bound rubble.The rectangular foundations, probably partly dug into the bedrock,were composed of horizontally laid timbers (after Pick, Schmid 1913)

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 139


290 RADINJA 1951, 77, karta 1.291 RESMAN 2002, 73, 82.292 Npr. sistem kanalov za odvodnjavanje (fossae finales ali

communes), groblje iztrebljenega kamna in komunikacije (Misurare, 261; OPDENBERG 2007, 100).

290 RADINJA 1951, 77, map 1.291 RESMAN 2002, 73, 82.292 For instance the system of drainage canals (fossae finales

or communes), heaps of cleared-out stones and lines of communication (Misurare, 261; OPDENBERG 2007, 100).

Sl. 82 /Fig.82Podoben pogled na Ljubljansko polje s Šmarne gore, kot ga je okoli 1866 upodobil Marko Pernhart, se je verjetno odpiral tudi v rimskem obdobju, ko je bila ravnica med Emono in Savo kot najkvalitetnejše zemljišče v okolici mesta razdeljena med naseljence. V času prihoda Rimljanovje večji del Ljubljanskega polja zaraščal bukov gozd. Olje na platnu, 84 x 143 cm (Narodna Galerija, inv. št. NG S 288; foto: Bojan Salaj).A similar view over the Ljubljansko barje from Šmarna gora as that depicted by Marko Pernhart around 1866 was to be had also in the Romanperiod, when the plain between Emona and the Sava as the best land around the town was divided among the inhabitants. Most of the Ljubljanapolje was overgrown by beech forest in the time of the arrival of the Romans. Oil on canvas, 84 x 143 cm (National Gallery, inv. no. NG S 288;photo: Bojan Salaj).

pleistocenska terasa in pobočje Stražnega hriba po-plavno območje Save zožujeta na minimum290 terskupaj z izpostavljenimi permo-karbonskimi ka-mninami v strugi ustvarjata pogoje za vzpostavitevtrajnejšega prehoda. Na istem mestu je bil leta1724 zgrajen lesen most, dobro desetletje poznejšiposkus postavitve kamnitega mostu po tehnologijigradnje s kesoni, ki so jo uspešno uporabili Rim-ljani, pa se je izjalovil.291

Na podlagi povedanega je jasno, da tehtnejša raz-prava o sledovih antične zemljiške razdelitve Lju-bljanskega polja zaenkrat ni mogoča. Razbiranjesledov morebitne ortogonalne razdelitve zemljiš-ča otežujeta diskontinuiteta ekonomske izrabeprostora, ki ga je v postantičnem obdobju zelo ver-jetno prerasel gozd, in odsotnost obstojnejše fiz-ične zamejitve potekov limites,292 na katero bi seteoretično lahko oprli mlajša parcelacija ali pote-ki komunikacij (sl. 82).

of the Sava to its minimum290 and together withthe exposed Permian-Carboniferous rocks in theriverbed create the conditions for a more perma-nent passage. A wooden bridge was built in thatspot in 1724, while an attempt at constructing astone bridge using the caisson constructionmethod, otherwise successfully used by the Ro-mans, just over ten years later failed.291

The above clearly shows that it is too early for amore serious discussion on the traces of the Ro-man division of the Ljubljansko polje. Reading thetraces of the possible orthogonal land allotment isimpeded by the discontinuity of the economic ex-ploitation of space, which was most probably over-grown by forest in the post-Roman period, and theabsence of a more durable physical markers ofthe limites,292 onto which the later land allotmentor lines of communication could theoreticallyhave leaned (Fig. 82).

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 140

141

293 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 26, 65–67, 74–75, 92–93.294 ŠAŠEL KOS 1986, 183–184.295 ŠAŠEL 1955, 112; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 101–108; VIČIČ 2003, 28;

PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 19.296 HVALEC et al. 2009, 3–4.297 TURK et al. 2009.

293 PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 26, 65–67, 74–75, 92–93.294 ŠAŠEL KOS 1986, 183–184.295 ŠAŠEL 1955, 112; PLESNIČAR-GEC 1999, 101–108; VIČIČ 2003, 28;

PLESNIČAR-GEC et al. 2006, 19.296 HVALEC et al. 2009, 3–4.

Sklep s sintezo virov

Arheološki, literarni in epigrafski viri pričajo omočni koncentraciji vojaških enot na območjuEmone in Navporta v srednje- in poznoavguste-jskem času. Čeprav je prisotnost vojaških enot nalevem bregu Ljubljanice dokazana najpozneje odzačetka našega štetja naprej, rezultati raziskavkažejo, da urbs quadrata nima predhodnika vvečjem vojaškem taboru ali naselbini in da jegradnja mesta potekala ex novo. Najdbe datirajoizravnavo in okvirno sočasne depozite na obehlokacijah okvirno v zadnje desetletje vladavine ce-sarja Avgusta, gradnja raziskanih delov inzul paje bila zaključena kmalu po Tiberijevi aklamaci-ji, kar se na splošno ujema z ugotovitvami analizenovcev in fine namizne keramike iz forumskegaprostora.293

Odločitev za investicijo je bila morda posledicaocene o nezadostni zavarovanosti območja Ljub-ljanskih vrat v času panonsko-delmatskega upo-ra, morda prav v prizmi sporočene namere upor-nikov, da prek Navporta in Tergesta vdrejo v Ital-ijo.294 Po J. Šašlu je imela Emona v času uporavojaško posadko, hkrati pa naj bi služila kot oskr-bovalna baza in etapna postaja za dovoz rez-ervnih enot.295 Napovedno moč njegovih domnevso potrdili ostanki utrdbe z dvema jarkoma in na-sipom ter mlajšega tabora z vrstami barak indrugimi objekti na lokaciji Tribuna pod Grajskimgričem,296 ki skupaj z odkritji vojaških utrdb vz-dolž dolenjskega kraka AC pri Sv. Urhu in Vihrahpri Drnovem, Srednem polju pri Čatežu in naObrežju opozarjajo na pomembno vlogo kopen-ske komunikacije (via militaris) Nauportus–Sis-cia. Glede na intenzivno vojaško uporabo plovnepoti po Ljubljanici, ki jo poleg lokacije utrjenenaselbine v rečnem zavoju na vrhniških Dolgihnjivah in ostankov dveh tovornih ladij iz pozno-republikanskega/zgodnjecesarskega časa potrju-jejo tudi številni kosi orožja, noše in druge opre-me iz rečne struge,297 je imelo oporišče na Tribu-ni nedvomno svoj pristaniški del. Tam se je deloskrbe zaradi zahtevnosti plovbe skozi savsko so-tesko prenesel na kopenski transport.

Conclusion with a synthesis of sources

Archaeological, literary and epigraphic sourcestestify to the great concentration of military unitsin the area of Emona and Nauportus during theMiddle and Late Augustan periods. The presenceof military units on the left bank of the Ljubljani-ca is proven from the beginning of the 1st centuryAD onwards at the latest. However, investigationresults show that the urbs quadrata did not havea predecessor in either a large military fortress orsettlement and that the town was constructed exnovo. Finds date the levelling layer and contempo-rary deposits on the NUK II and Šumi sites roughlyto the last decade of Augustus’ reign, while the con-struction of the investigated parts of insulae wasterminated soon after Tiberius’ acclamation. Thisgenerally corresponds with the findings from theanalysis of coins and fine tableware from the fo-rum area.293

The decision to invest in the construction of a townmay have been brought about by the estimate thatthe Ljubljana Gate, in the time of the Pannonian-Delmatian rebellion, was insufficiently protected,possibly in view of the intention declared by the re-bels to enter Italy via Nauportus and Tergeste.294

According to J. Šašel, Emona hosted a military unitduring the rebellion while at the same time servingas a supply base and a station for support units.295

The correctness of his assumption was confirmedby the remains of a fort with a double ditch andrampart as well as the remains of a later campwith rows of barracks and other buildings on theTribuna site at the foot of Grajski grič.296 Togetherwith the uncovered military forts along the route ofthe Dolenjska motorway at Sv. Urh and Vihre nearDrnovo, Sredno polje near Čatež and at Obrežje,these remains illustrate the important role of theland communication (via militaris) Nauportus–Siscia. The navigable way along the Ljubljanicawas also in intense military use, which is con-firmed by the fortified settlement within a riverbend at Dolge njive in Vrhnika, the remains of twocargo ships from the Late Republican/Early Im-perial period and numerous pieces of weapons,


NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 141


Ostanke vadbenega tabora s klavikulo ter peči nalokaciji NUK II pogojno povezujemo s srednjeav-gustejsko fazo oporišča na Tribuni, dele orožja inopreme ter značilne jarke, vodnjake in latrine izpoznoavgustejskega horizonta na levem bregu Lju-bljanice pa z nekaj mesecev ali let trajajočo udelež-bo vojske pri gradnji mesta. Zagotovo gre za specia-liziran kader iz vrst immunes (metatores, groma-tici, fabri) in nedoločeno število pripadnikov dru-gega moštva, vključno z avksiliarnimi konjeniki inpračarji, ki so bili morda nastanjeni v mlajšem ta-boru na Tribuni ali na drugih bližnjih lokacijah.Sodeč po skromni zastopanosti značilnega gradivav najzgodnejših mestnih depozitih in grobovihemonskih nekropol298 je bilo med naseljenci maloTavriskov oz. keltiziranih staroselcev. Večino fizič-nih del, od pridobivanja gradbenega materiala dosame zidave, so verjetneje kot domače prebivalstvoali celo italski kolonisti opravili vojni ujetniki.Slednji so v arheološkem zapisu praktično nepre-poznavni, teoretično pa bi lahko z njimi povezalitako najdbo ženske čelnice iz zasutja temelja kotostanke barak na lokaciji Šumi. Sklepanje o pris-otnosti ujetnikov iz južnopanonskega in severno-balkanskega prostora, kjer je bilo žarišče upora,podpira kenotaf iz Putincev v Sremu, postavljenza desetletnega dečka, talca iz plemena Amanti-nov (CIL III 3223), ki je utonil v Ljubljanici ( flu-men Hemona). Čeprav povezava kenotafa z eno odstarejših rimskih intervencij ni popolnoma izklju-čena, se verjetno nanaša prav na panonsko-del-matski upor. Po M. Šašel Kos centuria secunda iznapisa zelo verjetno pomeni rimsko razvrstitev večsto otrok višjih slojev iz enega ali več plemen.299 Niizključeno, da so bili talci oz. ujetniki konfiniraniv Emoni, pri čemer se je njihova razvrstitev v stot-nije lahko odražala tudi v tipiziranih namestitve-nih objektih.Lokacija poznoavgustejskega zimskega tabora (hi-berna) XV. legije Apollinaris ostaja predmet dis-kusije, zelo verjetno pa ga ne smemo iskati v oko-lici Emone300 ali celo v sami Emoni,301 temvečbliže tedanjim kriznim žariščem v južni Panoniji.Glavna oporišča v regiji so bila od zasedbe zahodnePanonije leta 16 pr.n. št. in zadušitve uporniških gi-banj v letih 13–8 pr.n.št. naprej najverjetneje locira-na vzdolž Save na območju Siscije in Sirmija (Sir-mium), na trasi proti severu pa na desnem bregu

costume and other equipment from the bed of theLjubljanica.297 In view of that, the base at Tri-buna undoubtedly had its own dock area. There,part of the supply was transferred to land trans-port due to the difficult navigation through theSava gorge.The training camp with a clavicula and ovens, theremains of which were uncovered at the NUK IIsite, is possibly connected with the Middle Augus-tan phase of the military base at Tribuna. Finds ofweapon and equipment parts as well as character-istic trenches, wells and latrines from the LateAugustan horizon on the left bank of the Ljublja-nica, on the other hand, are connected with the ar-my participation in the construction of the town,whereby the said participation lasted from severalmonths to several years. This presence doubtlesslyinvolved specialised cadre from the ranks of the im-munes (metatores, gromatici, fabri) as well as anindeterminate number of other troops, includingauxiliary horsemen and sling-throwers. All thesemay have been lodged at the later camp at Tribu-na or at other neighbouring locations.The modest representation of characteristic mate-rial in the earliest deposits of the town and gravesof Emona’s cemeteries298 indicates that the set-tlers included few Taurisci or Celticised native po-pulation. Most of the physical work, from extract-ing construction material to the construction it-self, was probably executed by prisoners of warrather than local inhabitants or even Italic colo-nists. Prisoners of war are practically unidentifi-able in the archaeological record. Theoretically,however, the find of the female frontal bone fromthe foundation fill as well as the remains of thehuts on the Šumi site could be connected withthem. The presence of prisoners from southernPannonia and the northern Balkans, the seat of therebellion, is confirmed by a cenotaph from Putinciin the Serbian region of Srem. It was erected for aten-year-old boy, hostage from the Amantini tribe(CIL III 3223), who drowned in the Ljubljanica(flumen Hemona). Although it cannot be excludedthat the cenotaph was connected with one of theearlier Roman interventions, it is nevertheless pro-bable that it is tied to the Pannonian-Delmatianrebellion. According to M. Šašel Kos, centuria se-cunda in the inscription very probably refers to the

298 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1977, 61–62.299 ŠAŠEL KOS 2005, 455–458.300 KUBITSCHEK, RITTERLING 1924/25, 1748.301 SARIA 1938.

297 TURK et al. 2009.298 PLESNIČAR-GEC 1977, 61–62.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 142

143 Sklep s sintezo virov /Conclusion with a synthesis of sources

Drave pri Petoviji (Poetovio).302 Prehod od mrežezačasnih pohodnih utrdb ekspedicijskih enot izokupacijske faze k trajnejšim legijskim taboriš-čem, ki ga je narekovala Avgustova vojaška refor-ma, je prišel do izraza šele s konsolidacijo rimskeoblasti po panonsko-delmatskem uporu. Tiberijevostrategijo v boju z uporniki, v kateri se je opiral naže obstoječa oporišča, osvetljuje primer novood-kritega tabora z dvojnim jarkom na Obrežju, ki jezavzemal dominantno lego na južnem dostopu vBrežiška vrata, nedvomno glavni smeri eventual-nega vpada upornikov. Kastel z dimenzijami 290 x210 m, interpretiran kot tabor 750- do 1000-glaveformacije pomožnih enot (milliaria), je bil opuš-čen ob koncu upora.303 O defenzivni naravi taborav času, ko je Ljubljanska kotlina z Emono ležala žegloboko v zaledju konfliktov, pričajo tudi groboviavksiliarnih vojakov iz dolenjskih nekropol, ki sobili, sodeč po pridanem orožju, rekrutirani predAvgustovo reformo vojske ali kmalu po njej.304

Najpozneje ob koncu panonsko-delmatskega upo-ra, zelo verjetno pa že prej, moramo zimski taborXV. legije Apollinaris iskati na območju Siscije, odkoder izvirata Avgustov as z legijsko kontramarkoAPOL in nagrobnik s 25 leti umrlega centurionaTi. Klavdija Poncija (CIL III 10853), ki ga M. Mos-ser s pridržkom datira v tiberijsko obdobje. Predla-gano ubikacijo podpira tudi nagrobnik veterana,postavljen na začetku 2. stoletja, iz bližnjega To-puskega, rimskega Ad fines.305 Ostali trije novci zlegijsko kontramarko iz Emone in Sotina (Corna-cum) na donavski meji306 bi lahko nakazovali ob-seg takratnega območja, ki ga je operativno pokri-val tabor v Sisciji. Stabilizacija regije in prerazpo-rejanje armade po uničenju Varovih legij leta 9 n.št. sta v zgodnjetiberijskem obdobju privedla dokoncentriranja enot na severnopanonskem odse-ku donavskega limesa in s tem tudi do premestit-ve XV. legije, najverjetneje v Vindobono. Gradnjatabora z zemljenim nasipom in palisado v Kar-nuntumu, kjer je legija ostala vse do odhoda naVzhod leta 63, je arheološko izpričana v letih39/40 n. št.307

Po uspešni zadušitvi uporniških gibanj ob koncuprvega desetletja n. št. so vojaki panonskih legijverjetno pričakovali ustrezna nadomestila in ugod-nosti, namesto tega pa je dal Avgust leta 5 ali 6

Roman classification of several hundred childrenfrom higher classes of one or more tribes.299 It can-not be excluded that the hostages or prisoners ofwar were confined at Emona, whereby their classi-fication into centuries might have been reflectedalso in standardised accommodation facilities.The location of the Late Augustan winter fortress(hiberna) of Legio XV Apollinaris remains the sub-ject of discussion. It should most probably not besought in the surroundings of Emona300 or even inEmona itself,301 but rather closer to the seats ofwar in southern Pannonia. From the occupationof western Pannonia in 16 BC and the suppres-sion of the 13–8 BC rebellion onwards, the mainbases in the region were most probably locatedalong the Sava in the area of Siscia and Sirmiumand on the right bank of the Drava near Poetovioon the route northwards.302 The transition fromthe network of temporary marching camps of ex-pedition units from the occupation phase to per-manent legionary fortresses, imposed by Augus-tus’ military reform, came to be more apparentonly with the consolidation of the Roman powerafter the Pannonian-Delmatian rebellion. Tiberi-us’ strategy in fighting the rebels, which foresawthe use of the already existing bases, is illustratedby the newly-uncovered fort with a double ditch atObrežje. This camp enjoyed a dominant positionat the southern approach into the Brežice Gate,doubtlessly the main direction of a possible rebelincursion. It measured 290 x 210 m and was in-terpreted as a camp for 750 to 1000-men-strongformation of auxiliary units (milliaria). It wasabandoned at the end of the rebellion.303 The de-fensive nature of the camp in the period when theLjubljana basin with Emona lay far in the hinter-land of conflicts is evidenced also by graves of aux-iliary soldiers from the cemeteries of Dolenjska.Judging from the weapons offered as grave-goods,these soldiers were recruited before or soon afterAugustus’s military reform.304

The winter fortress of Legio XV Appolinaris at theend of the Pannonian-Delmatian rebellion at thelatest, but very probably earlier, must be soughtin the area of Siscia. This area is the origin of acoin of Augustus with a legionary countermark ofAPOL and of a tombstone of centurion Ti. Claudius

302 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 237, 243.303 MASON 2003.304 GASPARI 2008.305 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 237; MOSSER 2005, 103, 141, 261, št. 182, 188.306 KOS 1986, 44, 51, op. 51.307 MOSSER 2005, 144–145.

299 ŠAŠEL KOS 2005, 455–458.300 KUBITSCHEK, RITTERLING 1924/25, 1748.301 SARIA 1938.302 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 237, 243.303 MASON 2003.304 GASPARI 2008.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 143


podaljšati službovanje s 16 na 20 let. Nezadovolj-stvo vojakov, ki je privedlo do znanega upora ma-niplov v Navportu, poslanih v ta prostor zaradi iz-boljšanja prometne infrastrukture in drugih nalog(Tac. Ann. I 16–29), je povečalo še pomanjkanjezemlje v Italiji, kar je skupaj s politično-strateški-mi razlogi botrovalo dodeljevanju zemljišč na no-vopridobljenih ozemljih.308 Čeprav so sporočenepritožbe v zvezi z nizko kakovostjo zemljišč splošnein se nanašajo na različne dežele,309 glede na ome-njanje močvirij in nerodovitnih hribov popolnomaustrezajo okolici Emone.310

Sodeč po epigrafskih in novčnih najdbah skoraj nidvoma, da so pri gradnji Emone sodelovali pripad-niki XV. legije Apollinaris. O prisotnosti aktivnih vo-jakov te enote pričata žrtvenik obveščevalca (fru-mentarius) Vibija (CIL III 3835)311 in nagrobnikiz severne emonske nekropole, ki je bil najden le-ta 1872 pri širitvi pokopališča ob cerkvi sv. Krišto-fa (CIL III 10769). Iz napisa na nagrobniku, ki gaMosser glede na tipološki in epigrafski paraleli izTergesta in Mediolana datira v poznoavgustejskoobdobje, izhaja, da je C. Clodius Secundus, aktiv-ni vojak XV. legije, najverjetneje doma iz Akvileje,dovolil pokopati svojo sestro Klodijo Tercijo v Emo-ni, njegova omemba na prvem mestu pa pomeni,da je tudi sam želel biti pokopan ob njej. Pokopiaktivnih vojakov skupaj s člani družine so bili mo-goči le v zgodnjem obdobju, ko se je legija zadrže-vala bližje nabornemu območju, v času legijske-ga tabora na limesu pa so izpričani le individual-ni nagrobniki, ki svojce omenjajo le kot dediče.Sobivanje aktivnega vojaka s sestro v Emoni bi poMosserju lahko nakazovalo, da so bili sorodnikomlegionarjev obljubljeni posest ali vsaj ugodni po-goji za naselitev v bližini službujočega sorodni-ka.312

Emona bi bila torej lahko veteranska kolonija zaodslužene vojake VIII. in XV. legije, čeprav so večjidel naseljencev sestavljali civilisti iz Akvileje in dru-gih mest severne Italije.313 Možnost, da gre za ve-teransko kolonijo, potrjuje tudi datacija nagrobni-kov veteranov L. Oklacija (CIL III 3845) in Varija(CIL III 3847), ki je na podlagi stilističnih kriteri-jev za prvega zamejena v tiberijsko, za drugega pav poznoavgustejsko-zgodnjetiberijsko obdobje.314

Pontius (CIL III 10853) that Mosser, with reser-vations, dates into the Tiberian period. The centu-rion died aged 25. The proposed ubication of thelegion is supported by the tombstone of a veteranfrom nearby Topusko (Roman Ad fines), erected atthe beginning of the 2nd century.305 Moreover,three other coins bearing legionary countermarksfrom Emona and Sotin (Cornacum) on the Danu-bian frontier306 could indicate that the area wasunder operative control of the camp at Siscia inthat period. The stabilization of the region andtransfer of the army in the wake of the annihila-tion of Varus’ legions in AD 9 have brought about,in the early Tiberian period, a concentration ofunits in the north Pannonian section of the Danu-bian limes, whereby Legio XV was also transferred,most probably to Vindobona. The construction ofa camp with an earthen rampart and palisade atCarnuntum, where the legion remained until itsdeparture to the East in AD 63, is archaeologicallyproven for AD 39/40.307

After successfully suppressing the rebellions at theend of the 1st century AD, the soldiers of the Pan-nonian legions probably expected appropriate com-pensations and privileges. Instead, Augustus in AD5 or 6 prolonged the military service from 16 to 20years. This caused discontentment among the sol-diers, which led to the well-known uprising of themaniples at Nauportus that had been sent there toimprove the communication infrastructure andother tasks (Tac. Ann. I 16–29). The situation wasaggravated by the lack of land in Italy, which to-gether with political and strategic motives causedland to be allotted on newly conquered territo-ries.308 In connection with that are reports of com-plaints of a poor quality of land. These are generaland refer to different regions,309 but the mention ofmarshes and infertile hills would correspond per-fectly with the land in the vicinity of Emona.310

The epigraphic and coin finds leave almost nodoubt that Emona was constructed with the par-ticipation of the members of Legio XV Apollina-ris. The presence of its active soldiers is attestedto by a votive altar of a frumentarius Vibius (CIL III3835)311 and a tombstone from Emona’s north ce-metery. The monument came to light in 1872 with

308 Ib., 140–141.309 MRÁV 2001, 96.310 ŠAŠEL 1970, 122–124.311 ŠAŠEL KOS 1999, 133–136; MOSSER 2005, 266, št. 200.312 Ib., 42, št. 4.313 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 223; MOSSER 2005, 94–95.314 Ib., 95, št. 5, 19.

305 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 237; MOSSER 2005, 103, 141, 261, nos 182, 188.306 KOS 1986, 44, 51, note 51.307 MOSSER 2005, 144–145.308 Ib., 140–141.309 MRÁV 2001, 96.310 ŠAŠEL 1970, 122–124.311 ŠAŠEL KOS 1999, 133–136; MOSSER 2005, 266, no. 200.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 144


Arheološka dognanja o nastanku mesta zaokrožagradbeni napis, ki omenja že pokojnega Avgusta innjegovega naslednika Tiberija ter se morda nana-ša na dokončanje gradnje obzidja (sl. 83). Po Zsol-tu Mrávu sta vsebinsko in tipografsko identičen na-pis prinašali dve pravokotni plošči z različno robnoprofilacijo. Odlomki prve plošče iz belega marmor-ja (CIL III 10768 = AIJ 170a = ILJug 303) so bili naj-deni leta 1887 pri polaganju vodovoda na križiščudanašnje Salendrove in Gosposke, odlomek druge(AIJ 170b = ILJug 304), ki je podobne debeline kotprva in na pogled kaže enako kamninsko tek-sturo, pa med Schmidovimi izkopavanji inzule IVob glavnem kardu. Lokaciji bi lahko nakazovali,da sta bili plošči prvotno nameščeni nad glavnimivzhodnimi in južnimi vrati. Na novo rekonstrui-ran napis, ki po Mrávu vključuje titulaturo, ki jo je

the expansion of the cemetery beside the church ofSt. Christopher (CIL III 10769) and is dated by Mos-ser into the Late Augustan period on the basis of apair of typological and epigraphic parallels fromTergeste and Mediolanum. Its inscription revealsthat C. Clodius Secundus, active soldier of LegioXV and most probably from Aquileia, gave permis-sion that his sister Clodia Tertia be buried at Emo-na, while the mention of his name first signifiesthat he wished to be buried by her side. Burials ofactive soldiers together with members of their fa-milies were only possible in the early period, whenthe legion was stationed near the area of recruit-ment. During the existence of the legionary campon the limes we know only of individual tombstonesthat mentioned their relatives, and even then onlyas heirs. The presence of an active soldier and his

Sl. 83 /Fig.83Ostanki marmorne plošče z napisom, ki omenja cesarja Tiberija in že pokojnega Avgusta (a), so bili najdeni leta 1887 na Salendrovi ulici, v neposredni bližini vzhodnih mestnih vrat. Beseda dederunt se nanaša na podarjeno monumentalno gradnjo, najverjetneje obzidje s stolpi oz. vrati.Podobne plošče z identičnimi napisi so bile morda nameščene nad odprtinami vseh štirih mestnih vrat. To možnost nakazujeta odlomka plošče s cesarskim napisom v podobni tipografiji in s podobno robno profilacijo (b), odkrita leta 1911 med Schmidovimi izkopavanji inzule IV, blizuglavnega južnega vhoda v mesto (rekonstrukciji napisov: a po Šašel 1953a/NMS inv. št. L 57; b po Mráv 2001/NMS inv. št. L 81. Foto: Tomaž Lauko)The remains of the marble inscription slab mentioning Emperor Tiberius and already deceased Augustus (a) were found in 1887 in Salendrovaulica, in the immediate vicinity of the east town gate. The word dederunt in the inscription refers to a monumental construction, most probablythe defence walls with towers or gates. Similar slabs bearing identical inscriptions may have been placed over all four town gates. This possibility is indicated by two fragments of a slab with an imperial inscription of similar typography and moulded frame (b) uncovered in 1911during Schmid’s excavations in Insula IV, close to the main south entrance into the town (inscription reconstructions: a after Šašel 1953a/NMSinv. no. L 57; b after Mráv 2001/NMS inv. no. L 81. Photo: Tomaž Lauko)

0 50 100 cmb

a

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 145

Sl. 84 /Fig.84V okviru dokončanja izkopavanj preostalih depozitov in struktur mlajših emonskih faz v inzuli XIII nas je presenetil sekundarno uporabljenzgodnjerimski nagrobnik v impluviju objekta iz prve polovice 4. stoletja. V treh delih ohranjen nagrobnik iz apnenca, ki ga je dal Lucius CantiusFidus nekje v sredini 1. stoletja postaviti sebi in hčerki, umrli s 6 leti,označuje školjčna niša z doprsno upodobitvijo moškega. Gre za nagrobnikosvobojenca ene od bogatih italskih rodbin, ki je prvotno najverjetneje stalna nekropoli ob cesti proti Sisciji. Na isti nekropoli je bil pokopan tudibližnji sorodnik Fidusovega osvoboditelja, katerega nagrobnik je bilnajden pri izkopavanjih za temelje križevniške cerkve leta 1717 in jedanes vzidan v fasado cerkve Marije pomočnice (foto: Tine Benedik)The Early Roman tombstone in secondary use within an impluvium of a building from the first half of the 4th century was a surprising find thatcame to light only towards the end of the excavations of the remainingdeposits and features of the late phases of Emona in Insula XIII. The tombstone was broken in three parts. It was made of limestone anderected by Lucius Cantius Fidus around the mid-1st century for him andhis daughter, who died at the age of 6. It bears a conchoidal niche with a male bust. The deceased was a freedman of one of the wealthy Italicfamilies and the tombstone originally probably stood in the cemetery thatextended along the road towards Siscia. The same cemetery also held the burial of a close relative of Fidus’ former master, whose tombstonewas uncovered in 1717 during the excavations for the foundations of the Church of the Knights of the Cross and is now immured into thefaçade of the Church of Our Lady of Mercy (photo: Tine Benedik)


sister at Emona could, according to Mosser, indi-cate that the relatives of legionaries were promisedland or at least favourable conditions for settlingclose to a serving relative.312

Emona could therefore have been a veteran colo-ny for the retired soldiers of Legionis VIII andXV, although the majority of the inhabitants weremade up of civilians from Aquileia and other nor-thern Italian towns.313 The possibility of a veterancolony is further supported by the dates of thetombstones of veterans L. Oclatius (CIL III 3845)and Varius (CIL III 3847), namely the Tiberianperiod for the former and the Late Augustan-Ear-ly Tiberian period for the latter, on the basis of sty-listic criteria.314

Archaeological findings on the beginnings of thetown are rounded off by the building inscriptionthat mentions already deceased Augustus and hissuccessor Tiberius and may refer to the termina-tion of the defence wall construction (Fig. 83).According to Z. Mráv, an identical inscription incontent and typography was recorded on two rec-tangular slabs with differing mouldings. Frag-ments of the first slab of white marble (CIL III10768=AIJ 170a=ILJug 303) were found in 1887during waterworks installation on the crossroadsof modern Salendrova and Gosposka ulica, while afragment of the second slab, which is of similarthickness and shows the same marble texture asthe first one (AIJ 170b=ILJug 304), was uncoveredduring Schmid’s excavations in Insula IV besidethe main cardo. The two locations could indicatethat the slabs were originally placed above themain east and south gates. Mráv noted that thenewly reconstructed inscription includes the ti-tle bestowed upon Augustus at his death and themention of Tiberius’ pontificate, which gives thebasis for a date between March 10th and the ear-ly summer of AD 15.315 Mráv also suggests that Au-gustus’ name in initial position would signify thathe ordered the construction of the defence wallsduring his lifetime and took on most of the expen-ses as well. The author concludes that the workhad been in full swing at the time of his deathand Tiberius only had to see to the works beingfinished.316 The decision for the constructionduring the last years of Augustus’ reign, probably

312 Ib., 42, no. 4.313 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 223; MOSSER 2005, 94–95.314 Ib., 95, nos 5, 19.315 MRÁV 2001, 81–93.316 Ib., 94–95.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 146


immediately after the suppression of the Pannon-ian-Delmatian rebellion, could also signify the ter-minus ad quem for the foundation of the colony atEmona.317 Having said that, M. Šašel Kos notedthat granting the colonial rights was not necessari-ly concurrent with issuing the permission for theconstruction of the defence walls.318

The first to express the supposition of Emona as anOctavian colony was Theodor Mommsen.319 Later,J. Šašel320 and M. Šašel Kos considered this sup-position possible.321 In view of the findings in thispublication, however, this status could only havebeen conferred in mentioned period to the settle-ment at the foot of Grajski grič,322 where rescueexcavations by the Institute for the Protection ofCultural Heritage revealed a strong presence ofItalic merchants already from the mid-1st centuryBC onwards.323 This presence was confirmed bya Republican tombstone of a sevir from Aquileia(AIJ 176).324 Not much is known of this settlement,characterized by simple wooden architecture inthe early phases. For it, the half-urban formal sta-tus of conventus or conciliabulum civium roma-norum would be much more fitting. In any case,the ideological and propagandistic effects of foun-ding colonial settlements as symbols of the ca-pability and primacy of the Roman civilisation,325

followed by the Roman administration, were ful-filled only with the construction of the town on theopposite bank of the Ljubljanica. It is telling, how-ever, that neither Velleius Paterculus (II 110, 4) norTacitus (Ann. I 20, 1), mention Emona in their de-scriptions of the soldiers’ rebellions in spite of it be-ing located on the main axis of the events the twoauthors wrote about. The absence of settlement structures from thetime prior to the Late Augustan period, the date ofthe termination of the defence walls that coinci-des with the archaeologically evidenced finishedrealisation of the insular plan, the town’s size,which enabled a colonist group typical of thistime to be settled, and the appearance of the ear-liest graves on town cemeteries represent, in our

Avgust dobil ob smrti, in omembo Tiberijevegapontifikata, je avtor datiral med 10. marec in zgod-nje poletje leta 15.315 Avgustovo ime na prvem mes-tu bi po Mrávu pomenilo, da je še za svojega živ-ljenja naročil gradnjo obzidja in prevzel tudi večjidel stroškov. Avtor sklepa, da so bila ob njegovi smr-ti dela že v polnem teku, Tiberij pa je moral po-skrbeti le še za njihovo dokončanje.316 Odločitevza gradnjo v zadnjih letih Avgustove vlade, verjet-no takoj po zadušitvi panonsko-delmatskega upo-ra, bi tako pomenila tudi terminus ad quem zaustanovitev kolonije v Emoni,317 čeprav je M. Ša-šel Kos opozorila, da podelitev kolonialnih pravicni nujno sovpadala z izdajo dovoljenja za gradnjoobzidja.318

Domnevo o Emoni kot oktavijanski koloniji je prviizrazil Theodor Mommsen,319 kot verjetno pa sta joobravnavala tudi J. Šašel320 in M. Šašel Kos.321 Zozirom na najdbe, predstavljene v pričujoči publi-kaciji, bi lahko tako zgodaj kolonialni status prejelale naselbina na vznožju Grajskega griča,322 kjer sozaščitne raziskave ZVKDS opozorile na močno pris-otnost italskih trgovcev že od sredine 1. stoletja pr.n. št. naprej,323 potrjeno tudi z republikanskim na-grobnikom akvilejskega sevira (AIJ 176).324

Sicer slabo poznani naselbini, ki jo v zgodnjih fa-zah označuje preprosta lesena arhitektura, bi boljustrezal polurbani formalni status conventus aliconciliabulum civium romanorum, medtem ko sobili ideološko-propagandni učinki ustanavljanjakolonialnih naselbin kot simbola zmožnosti in pri-mata rimske civilizacije,325 ki jim je sledila rimskaadministracija, v celoti izpolnjeni z gradnjo mestana nasprotnem bregu Ljubljanice. Pomenljivo je,da v opisih upora vojakov Emone ne omenjata neVelej Paterkul (II 110, 4) ne Tacit (Ann. I 20, 1),čeprav je bila locirana na glavni osi dogajanj, kijih opisujeta oba avtorja.Odsotnost naselbinskih struktur iz časa pred po-znoavgustejskim obdobjem, datacija dograditveobzidja, ki sovpada z arheološko izpričanim za-ključkom ureditve inzularne zasnove, velikost mes-ta, ki je omogočala nastanitev za ta čas značilnega

315 MRÁV 2001, 81–93.316 Ib., 94–95.317 KEPPIE 1984, 77; MRÁV 2001, 95.318 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 228.319 CIL III, 489.320 ŠAŠEL 1970, 123–124.321 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 232–234; ead. 1998, 110; ead. 2000, 296.322 K lokaciji predrimske Emone MELIK 1929/1930, 114 (s starejšo

literaturo).323 VIČIČ 1993; id. 1994; id. 2002.324 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 235.325 GROS 1991.

317 KEPPIE 1984, 77; MRÁV 2001, 95.318 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 228.319 CIL III, 489.320 ŠAŠEL 1970, 123–124.321 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 232–234; ead. 1998, 110; ead. 2000, 296.322 On the location of pre-Roman Emona MELIK 1929/1930, 114

(with earlier references).323 VIČIČ 1993; id. 1994; id. 2002.324 ŠAŠEL KOS 1995, 235.325 GROS 1991.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 147


opinion, a firm enough support for the suppositionthat the decision for deduction was reached in thelast years of Augustus’ reign, while the founding actitself was monopolised by Tiberius. Moreover, thedecision to found a colony being reached alreadyunder Augustus might be supported by the fact thatthe inhabitants of Emona were registered into thevoting tribe of Claudia, to which one third of the 28towns of Regio X founded prior to AD 14 as part of auniform colonisation programme also belonged.326

Together with the founding, which gave the nameColonia Iulia, conferred to towns already by Caesaror Octavian (up to 27 BC), the town’s ager was ad-ministratively joined to Italy. This is attested to bythe stone marking the boundary between the townareas of Aquileia and Emona, which was found inthe Ljubljanica near Bevke.327

kontingenta kolonistov, in sočasen pojav najsta-rejših grobov na mestnih nekropolah so po našemmnenju dovolj trdna opora domnevi, da je bila odlo-čitev za dedukcijo sprejeta v zadnjih letih Avgustovevladavine, sam akt ustanovitve pa je monopoliziralTiberij. O tem, da je bila odločitev o ustanovitvi ko-lonije sprejeta že pod Avgustom bi lahko govorilo tu-di dejstvo, da so bili prebivalci Emone uvrščeni v vo-lilno okrožje Claudia, v katero je sodila tretjina od28 mest X. regije, ki so bila očitno v okviru enotnegakolonizacijskega programa ustanovljena pred le-tom 14 n.št.326 Hkrati z ustanovitvijo, s katero je do-bila ime Colonia Iulia, ki sta ga podeljevala žeCezar in Oktavijan (do leta 27 pr. n. št.), je bil njenager administrativno priključen k Italiji, o čemerpriča mejnik med mestnima območjema Akvilejein Emone iz Ljubljanice pri Bevkah.327

326 FITZ 2003, 47–48.327 ŠAŠEL KOS 2002; ead. 2003, 12.

326 FITZ 2003, 47–48.327 ŠAŠEL KOS 2002; ead. 2003, 12.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 148


Literatura /References

ANDRIČ, Maja, 2008: Poro≠ilo o palinolo∏ki analizi na lokaciji Ljubljana NUK II, 2008. – Elaborat na ZVKDS OE Ljubljana, Ljubljana. ANSl: Arheolo∏ka najdi∏≠a Slovenije. – Ljubljana 1975.BAVDEK, Alma, 1996: Fundorte aus spätrepublikanischer und frührömischer Zeit in Razdrto am Fuße Nanos. – Arheolo∏ki vestnik 47,

str. 297–306. BECKER, Armin, in RASBACH, Gabriele, 2007: »Städte in Germanien«. – V: Rainer Wiegels (ur.), Die Varusschlacht. Wendepunkt der Geschichte?,

str. 102–116, Stuttgart.BEDON, Robert, 1999: Les villes des trois Gaules de César à Néron dans leur contexte historique, territorial et politique. – Paris. BERGER, Frank, 2007: Unverändert: Die Datierung der Varusschlacht. – V: Lehman, Wiegels 2007, str. 113–117.BEZECZKY, Tamás, 1994: Amphorae from the forum of Emona. – Arheolo∏ki vestnik 45, str. 81–93. BISHOP, Mike C., 2002: Lorica segmentata 1, A Handbook of Articulated Roman Plate Armour. – Journal of Roman Military Equipment

Studies, Monograph 1. Chirnside. BOŽIČ, Dragan, 1993a: Slovenija in srednja Evropa v poznolatenskem obdobju. – Arheolo∏ki vestnik 44, str. 137–152.BOŽIČ, Dragan, 1993b: O latenskih najdbah na območju Ptuja. – Ptujski arheolo∏ki zbornik ob 100-letnici muzeja in Muzejskega dru∏tva,

str. 189–201, Ptuj.BOŽIČ, Dragan, 1999: Die Erforschung der Latènezeit in Slowenien seit Jahr 1964. – Arheolo∏ki vestnik 50, str. 189–213.BOŽIČ, Dragan, in FEUGERE, Michel, 2004: Les instruments de l’ècriture. – Gallia 61, str. 21–41. BREŠČAK, Danilo, 1982: Anti≠no bronasto posodje Slovenije. – Situla 22, Ljubljana.BUORA, Maurizio, in SEIDEL, Stefan, 2008: Fibule antiche del Friuli. – Cataloghi e Monografie Acheologiche dei Civici Musei di Udine 9, Roma.CARDUCCI, Carlo, 1968: Arte romana in Piemonte. – Torino. CHRZANOWSKI, Laurent, 2006: L’urbanisme des villes romaines de Transpadane (Lombardie, Piémont, Vallé d’Aoste). – Archéologie et

Histoire Romaine 16, Montagnac.Consp.: Elisabeth Ettlinger et al., Conspectus formarum terrae sigillatae italico modo confectae. – Materialien zur römisch-germanischen

Keramik 10, Bonn 1990.CONVENTI, Marta, 2004: Città romane di fondazione. – Studia archaeologica 130, Roma. CZURDA-RUTH, Barbara, 1998: Die römische Gläser vom Magdalensberg. – Kärntner Museumsschriften 65, Klagenfurt.DAVIES, Roy W., 1989: Service in the Roman army. – New York.DEIMEL, Martha, 1987: Die Bronzekleinfunde vom Magdalensberg. – Kärntner Museumsschriften 71, Klagenfurt. DESCHLER-ERB, Eckhard, 2007: Bemerkungen zu den Militaria von Kalkriese. – V: Lehman, Wiegels 2007, str. 75–88.DETONI, Milica, in KURENT, Tine, 1963: Modularna rekonstrukcija Emone. – Situla 1, Ljubljana. DRIEL-MURRAY van, Carol, 1999: Dead Men’s Shoes. – V: Schlüter, Wiegels 1999, str. 169–189.FEUGERE, Michel, 1985: Les fibules de la Gaule méridionale de 120 av. j.-c. à 500 ap. j.-c. – Aix-en-Provence.FEUGERE, Michel, 1994: Les casques antiques. Les visages de la guerre de Mycènes à la fin de l’Empire romain. – Paris.FEUGERE, Michel, 2002: Weapons of the Romans. – Charleston.FINGERLIN, Gerhard, 1986: Dangstetten I. – Forschungen und Berichte zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Baden-Württemberg 22, Stuttgart.FINGERLIN, Gerhard, 1998: Dangstetten II. – Forschungen und Berichte zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Baden-Württemberg 69, Stuttgart.FINGERLIN, Gerhard, 1999: Römische und keltische Reiter im Lager der XIX. Legion von Dangstetten am Hochrhein. – Archäologische

Nachrichten aus Baden 60, str. 3–18.FITZ, Jenö, 2003: Die Städte Pannoniens. – V: Marjeta Šašel Kos in Peter Scherrer (ur.), The Autonomus Towns of Noricum and Pannonia,

Pannonia I, Situla 41, str. 47–52, Ljubljana.FMRSl III: Peter Kos in Andrej Šemrov, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Slowenien III. – Berlin 1995.FRANZIUS, Georgia, 1992: Die Fundgegenstände aus Prospektion und Grabungen in der Kalkriese-Niewedder Senke bei Osnabrück. –

V: Wolfgang Schlüter, Archäologische Zeugnisse der Varusschlacht, Germania 70/2, str. 349–383.FRANZIUS, Georgia, 1993: Die römischen Funde aus Kalkriese. – V: Wolfgang Schluter (ur.), Kalkriese – Römer im Osnabrücker Land:

archäologische Forschungen zur Varusschlacht, str. 107–198, Bramsche.GASPARI, Andrej, 2004: Mozaična skleda iz Ljubljanice. – V: Irena Lazar (ur.), Drobci anti≠nega stekla, str. 51–55, Koper.GASPARI, Andrej, 2007: The Ljubljanica River. Evidence for a Late Iron Age Ritual Site in the Southeastern Alps (Slovenia). – V: Stefan Groh

in Helga Sedlmayer (ur.), Blut und Wein, Keltisch–römische Kultpraktiken, Akten des Kolloquiums am Frauenberg bei Leibnitz (A) im Mai 2006, Protohistoire Européenne 10, str. 141–153, Montagnac.

GASPARI, Andrej, 2008: Posoški bojevniki med samostojnostjo in rimsko vojaško službo. – V: Karla Kofol (ur.), Vojske, oroæje in utrdbeni sistemi v Poso≠ju, str. 29–48, Tolmin.

GASPARI, Andrej, MASARYK, René, in NOVŠAK, Matjaž, 2010: Keltska ščitna grba iz emonske inzule XLIII. - V: Monografije Centra za preventivno arheologijo 1, 2010, v tisku.

GASPARI, Andrej, et al., 2007: Ljubljana. – Varstvo spomenikov 43, str. 112–115.GOETHERT, Klaus-Peter, 2003: Untersuchungen zum Gründungsschema des Stadtplanes der Colonia Augusta Treverorum. – Archäologisches

Korrespondenzblatt 33, str. 239–258.GOSTENČNIK, Kordula, 2002: Medizinische Instrumente vom Magdalensberg in Kärnten. – V: Giuseppe Cuscito in Monika Verzár-Bass (ur.),

Bronzi di età romana in Cisalpina, Novità e rilleture, Antichitą Altoadriatiche 51, str. 161–177, Trieste.GOSTENČNIK, Kordula, 2005: Die Beinfunde vom Magdalensberg. – Kärntner Museumsschriften 78, Klagenfurt.GROS, Pierre, 1991: Noveau paysage urbain et cultures dynastiques: remarques sur l’ideologie de la ville augustéene ą partir des centres

monumentaux d’Athenes, Thasos, Arles et Nîmes. – V: Les villes augustéennes de la Gaule, str. 127–140, Autun.GUŠTIN, Mitja, 1977: Relativna kronologija grobov »Mokronoške skupine«. – V: Keltske øtudije, Posavski muzej Brežice 4, str. 67–104, Brežice.GUŠTIN, Mitja, 1979: Notranjska. K za≠etkom æelezne dobe na severnem Jadranu. – Katalogi in monografije 17, Ljubljana.GUŠTIN, Mitja, 1991: Poso≠je. Poso≠je in der jüngeren Eisenzeit. – Katalogi in monografije 27, Ljubljana.GUŠTIN, Mitja, 2002: Il campo militare romano a Čatež presso Brežice (Slovenia). – Quaderni friulani di archeologia 12, str. 69–75.HACQUET, Balthasar, 1781: Oryctographia Carniolica, oder Physikalische Erdbeschreibung des Herzogthums Krain, Istrien, und

zum Theil der benachbarten Länder. Zweyter Theil. – Leipzig.HÄNGGI, René, DOSWALD, Cornel, IN ROTH-RUBI, Katrin, 1997: Die frühen römische Kastelle und der Kastell-Vicus von Tenedo-Zurzach. –

Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft pro Vindonissa 11, Brugg. HARNECKER, Joachim, 1997: Die römischen Eisenfunde von Haltern aus den Grabungen der Jahre 1949–1994. – Bodenaltertümer

Westfalens 35, Mainz.HARNECKER, Joachim, in MOOSBAUER, Günther, 2007: Die Fundregion »Kalkrieser-Niewedder Senke«. – V: Lehman, Wiegels 2007, str. 47–73.HARNECKER, Joachim, in FRANZIUS, Georgia, 2008: Kalkriese 4: Katalog der römischen Funde vom Oberesch: Die Schnitte 1 bis 22. –

Römisch-germanische Forschungen 66, Mainz am Rhein.HITZINGER, Peter, 1861: Pläne römischer Orte in Krain. – Mittheilungen des Historischen Vereins für Krain 16, str. 46–47.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 149


HOLLIGER, Christian, in HOLLIGER, Claudia, 1984: Bronzegefaße aus Vindonissa 1. – Jahresbericht der Gesellschaft pro Vindonissa, str. 47–70.HORVAT, Jana, 1990: Nauportus (Vrhnika). - Dela 1. razreda SAZU 33, Ljubljana.HORVAT, Jana, 1993: Svinčeni izstrelki za pračo na jugovzhodnoalpskem področju. – Ptujski arheoloøki zbornik ob 100-letnici muzeja

in Muzejskega druøtva, str. 331–340, Ptuj.HORVAT, Jana, 1997: Sermin. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 3, Ljubljana.HORVAT, Martin, 2002: Rezultati raziskav arheoloških izkopavanj na območju Turjaške palače. – V: Taja Vovk Čepič et al., Preobrazbe Turjaøke

pala≠e, str. 51–89, Ljubljana. HORVAT, Martin, et al., 1988: Vegova – Turjaøka neko≠ in danes. – Ljubljana. HVALEC, Samo, et al., 2009: Utrip Tribune. Doæivetja arheoloøkega vsakdana. – Ljubljana. ISINGS, Clasina, 1957: Roman Glass from Dated Finds. – Archaeologica Traiectina 2, Groningen.ISTENIČ, Janka, 2003: The Early Roman “Hoard of Vrhnika”: A Collection of Finds from the River Ljubljanica. – Arheoloøki vestnik 54,

str. 281–298. ISTENIČ, Janka, 2005a: Evidence for a very late Republican siege at Grad near Reka in Western Slovenia. – V: »Archäologie der Schlachtfelder –

Militaria aus Zerstörungshorizonten«, Carnuntum Jahrbuch, str. 77–87, Wien.ISTENIČ, Janka, 2005b: Brooches of the Alesia group in Slovenia. – Arheoloøki vestnik 56, str. 187–212. JUNKELMANN, Marcus, 1986: Die Legionen des Augustus. Die römische Soldat im archäologischen Experiment. – Kulturgeschichte

der antiken Welt 33, Mainz am Rhein.KAENEL, Hans-Markus, 1999: Zum Münzumlauf im augusteischen Rom anhand der Funde aus dem Tiber – mit einem Nachtrag zur

Geldgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der Münzfunde in Kalkriese. – V: Schlüter, Wiegels 1999, str. 363–379.KEPPIE, Lawrence, 1983: Colonisation and Veteran Settlement in Italy. 47–14 B.C. – London. KEPPIE, Lawrence, 1984: The making of the Roman Army. From Republic to Empire. – London. KLEMENC, Josip, 1955: Zgodovina Emone. – V: Ivan Rakovec in Sergij Vilfan (ur.), Zgodovina Ljubljane, 1. knjiga, Geologija in arheologija,

str. 331–426, Ljubljana.KNEZ, Tone, 1992: Novo mesto II. – Carniola archaeologica 2, Novo mesto.KOROŠEC, Branko, 1991: Ljubljana skozi stoletja. Mesto na na≠rtih, projektih in v stvarnosti. – Ljubljana. KOS, Milko, 1955: Srednjeveøka Ljubljana, Topografski opis mesta in okolice. – Knjižnica »Kronike« 1, Ljubljana. KOS, Peter, 1986: The Monetary Circulation in the Southeastern Alpine Region ca. 300 b. c.– a. d. 1000. – Situla 24, Ljubljana.KOS, Peter, 1997: Leksikon anti≠ne numizmatike s poudarkom na prostoru jugovzhodnih Alp in Balkana. – Ljubljana.KOS, Peter, in ŠEMROV, Andrej, 1995: Rimski novci in kontramarke iz 1. stoletja. – Situla 33, Ljubljana.KREMPUŠ, Robert, GASPARI, Andrej, in NOVŠAK, Matjaž, 2007: Die neuen spätkeltischen und frühkaiserzeitlichen Heiligtümer von Celeia. –

V: Friderich W. Leitner (ur.), Götterwelten. Tempel-Riten-Religionen in Noricum, str. 39–44, Klagenfurt.KUBITSCHEK Wilhelm, in RITTERLING, Emil, 1924/25: RE XII 24/25, str. 1186–1837, s. v. Legio.KÜHLBORN, Johann-Sebastian, 1992: Das Römerlager in Oberaden III. – Bodenaltertümer Westfalens 27, Münster.KÜHLBORN, Johann-Sebastian, 2007: Die Ausgrabungen in den frühkaiserzeitlichen Militärlanlagen an der Lippe 1995–2004. –

V: Lehmann, Wiegels 2007, str. 201–211.KÜNZL, Ernst, 1991: Die medizinische Versorgung der römischer Armee zur Zeit des Kaiser Augustus und die Reaktion der Römer auf die

Situation bei den Kelten und Germanen. – V: Bendix Trier (ur.), Die römische Okkupation nördlich der Alpen zur Zeit des Augustus, Kolloquium Bergkamen 1989, Vorträge, Bodenaltertümer Westfalens 26, str. 185–202, Münster.

LAHARNAR, Boštjan, 2009: The Iron Age hillfort Žerovnišček near Bločice in the Notranjska region. – Arheoloøki vestnik 60, str. 97–157.LARESE, Annamaria, 2004: Vetri antichi del Veneto. – Corpus delle Collezioni Archeologiche del Vetro nel Veneto 8, Venezia-Murano.LAZAR, Irena, 2003: Rimsko steklo Slovenije. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 7, Ljubljana.LEHMANN, Gustav Adolf, in WIEGELS, Rainer (ur.), 2007: Römische Präsenz und Herrschaft im Germanien der augusteischen Zeit.

Der Fundplatz von Kalkriese im Kontext neueren Forschungen und Ausgrabungsbefunde. – Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historiche Klasse, Dritte Folge, Band 279, Göttingen.

LEONARDI, Giovanni, 1993: Un complesso votivo a nord di Padova. – Quaderni di archeologia del Veneto 9, str. 130–147.MANSUELLI, Guido A., 1971: Urbanistica e architettura della Cisalpina romana fino al III sec. e.n. – Collection Latomus 111, Bruxelles.MASON, PHIL, 2006: Vojaški tabor in rimska cesta pri Obrežju. – Rast 2 (104), str. 66–69.MELIK, Anton, 1929/1930: Razvoj Ljubljane. – Geografski vestnik 5/6, str. 93–137.Misurare, Misurare la terra: centuriazione e coloni nel mondo romano. – Modena 1984. MOREL, J.-M. A. W., 1991: Tents or barracks? – V: Valerie A. Maxfield in Michael J. Dobson (ur.), Roman Frontier Studies, Proceedings of the

XVth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies (1989, Canterbury, England), str. 376–386, Exeter. MOSSER, Martin, 2003: Die Steindenkmäler der legio XV Apollinaris. – Wiener Archäologische Studien 5, Wien.MRÁV, Zsolt, 2001: Die Gründung Emonas und der Bau seiner Stadtmauer. – Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 41, str. 81–98.MÜLLER, Martin, 2002: Die römischen Buntmetallfunde von Haltern. – Bodenaltertümer Westfalens 37, Mainz.MÜLLER, Martin, 2007: Die römischen Buntmetallgefäße von Oberaden. – V: Katrin Roth-Rubi et al., Varia Castrensia. Haltern, Oberaden,

Anreppen, Bodenaltertümer Westfalens 42, str. 305–315, Mainz am Rhein.MÜLLNER, Alfons, 1879: Emona, archäologische Studien aus Krain. – Laibach.MÜLLNER, Alfons, 1901: Die Römerbrücke bei Tschernutsche. – Argo 9, str. 193–195.OBMANN, Jürgen, 2000: Studien zu römischen Dolchscheiden des 1. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. Archäologische Zeugnisse und bildliche

Überlieferung.– Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der römischen Provinzen 4, Rahden/Westf.OPDENBERG, Georg, 2007: Die Groma aus der Sicht eines Landvermessers: Messinstrument oder Kultgerät? – Archäologisches

Korrespondenzblatt 37, str. 95–108.PERNET, Lionel, et al., 2006: La necropoli di Giubiasco (Ti), Vol. II, Les tombes de La Tène finale et d’époque romaine. – Collectio

Archaeologica 4, Zurich.PETROVSZKY, Richard, 1993: Studien zu römischen Bronzegefäßen mit Meisterstempeln. – Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der Römischen

Provinzen 1, Espelkamp.PETRU, Sonja, 1972: Emonske nekropole. – Katalogi in monografije 7, Ljubljana.PICK, Karel, in SCHMID, Walter, 1913: Die römische Savebrücke bei Tschernutsche. – Jahrbuch für Altertumskunde 7, str. 190–192.PLESNIČAR-GEC, Ljudmila, 1964: Severna emonska vrata pod traso Titove ceste v Ljubljani. – Kronika 12/1, str. 67–73.PLESNIČAR-GEC, Ljudmila, 1972: Severno emonsko grobiø≠e. – Katalogi in monografije 8, Ljubljana.PLESNIČAR-GEC, Ljudmila, 1976: Porta praetoria – severna emonska vrata. – Arheoloøki vestnik 25, str. 387–391.PLESNIČAR-GEC, Ljudmila, 1992: Antično obdobje. – V: Reøena arheoloøka dediø≠ina Ljubljane, str. 41–119, Ljubljana.PLESNIČAR-GEC, Ljudmila, 1999: Urbanizem Emone. – Ljubljana.PLESNIČAR-GEC, Ljudmila, et al., 1983: Starokrø≠anski center v Emoni. – Katalogi in monografije 21, Ljubljana.PLESNIČAR-GEC, Ljudmila, et al., 2006: Emonski forum. – Annales Mediterranea, Koper.POUX, Matthieu, 2008: L’empreinte du militaire tardo-républicain dans les faciès mobiliers de La Tène finale. – V: Matthieu Poux (ur.),

Sur les traces de César. Militaria tardo-républicains en contexte gaulois, Bibracte 14, str. 299–432, Glux-en-Glenne.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 150

151 Literatura /References

PUŠ, Ivan, 1971: Æarnogrobiø≠na nekropola na dvoriø≠u SAZU v Ljubljani. Izkopavanja v letih 1964–1965. – Razprave 1. razreda SAZU 7/1, Ljubljana.

PUŠ, Ivan, 1982: Prazgodovinsko æarno grobiø≠e v Ljubljani. – Razprave 1. razreda SAZU 13/2, Ljubljana.PUŠ, Ivan, 1992: Prazgodovinsko obdobje. – V: Reøena arheoloøka dediø≠ina Ljubljane, str. 16–39, Ljubljana.RADINJA, Darko, 1951: Sava na Ljubljanskem polju. – Geografski vestnik 23, str. 67–84.RADNÓTI, Aladár, 1938: Die römischen Bronzegefäße von Pannonien. – Dissertationes Pannonicae II 6, Budapest.RAKOVEC, Ivan, 1955: Geološka zgodovina ljubljanskih tal. – V: Ivan Rakovec in Sergij Vilfan (ur.), Zgodovina Ljubljane, 1. knjiga, Geologija

in arheologija, str. 11–207, Ljubljana.REDDÉ, Michel, et al., 2006: Les fortifications militaires. L’architecture de la Gaule romaine. – Documents d’archéologie française 100,

Bordeaux.RESMAN, Blaž, 2002: Bibiena in drugi arhitekti nesojenega črnuškega mostu. – Acta historiae artis Slovenica 7, str. 71–92.RIC: Carol Humphrey Vivian Sutherland, Robert Andrew Glindinning Carson (ur.), The Roman Imperial Coinage, Vol. I: From 31 BC to

AD 69. – London 1984.RIHA, Emile, 1986: Römische Toilettgerät und medizinische Instrumente aus Augst und Kaiseraugst. – Forschungen in Augst 6, Augst. RIHA, Emile, 1990: Die römische Schmuck aus Augst und Kaiseraugst. – Forschungen in Augst 10, Augst.RIHA, Emile, 1994: Die römischen Fibeln aus Augst und Kaiseraugst. Neufunde seit 1975. – Forschungen in Augst 18, Augst. RÍHOVSKÝ, Jirí, 1996: Die Lanzen-, Speer und Pfeilspitzen in Mähren. – Prähistorische Bronzefunde V/2, Stuttgart.ROSADA, Guido, 1990: Mura, porte e archi nella Decima Regio: significati e correlazioni areali. – V: La città nell’Italia settentrionale in

età romana, Morfologie, struture e funzionamento dei centri urbani delle Regiones X e XI, Atti del convegno organizzato dalDipartimento di scienze dell’Antichità dell’Università di Trieste e dall’École française de Rome, Trieste, 13–15 marzo 1987, Collection de l’École française de Rome 130, str. 365–409, Trieste-Roma.

RPC: Andrew Burnett, Michel Amandry, Pere Paul Ripollès, Roman Provincial coinage I, from the death of Caesar to the death of Vitellius (44 BC–AD 69). – London 1992.

RUDNICK, Bernhard, 2006: Terra-Sigillata-Stempel aus Haltern. – V: Katrin Roth-Rubi et al., Varia Castrensia. Haltern, Oberaden, Anreppen,Bodenaltertümer Westfalens 42, str. 29–161, Mainz am Rhein.

SARIA, Balduin, 1938: Emona als Standlager der Legio XV. Apollinaris. – V: Laureae Aquincenses 1 (Diss. Pann. 2), str. 245–255.SARIA, Balduin, 1939: Doneski k vojaški zgodovini naših krajev v rimski dobi. – Glasnik Muzejskega druøtva za Slovenijo 20, str. 115–151.SARIA, Balduin, 1941: Emona ni bila vojaški tabor? – Glasnik Muzejskega druøtva za Slovenijo 22, str. 55–57.SCHLÜTER, Wolfgang, in WIEGELS, Rainer (ur.), 1999: Rom, Germanien und die Ausgrabungen von Kalkriese, Internationaler Kongress

der Universität Osnabrück und des Landschaftsverbandes Osnabrücker Land e.V. vom 2. bis 5. September 1996. – OsnabrückerForschungen zu Altertum und Antike-Rezeption 1, Osnabrück.

SCHÖNFELDER, Martin, 2002: Das spätkeltische Wagengrab von Boé (Dép. Lot-et-Garonne): Studien zu Wagen und Wagengräbern der jüngeren Latènezeit. – Monographien/Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Forschungsinstitut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 54, Mainz.

SCHMID, Walter, 1913: Emona. – Jahrbuch für Altertumskunde 7, str. 61–217.SCHMID, Walter, 1919: Ausgrabungen in Emona 1916. – Jahresheft des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 19–20,

Beiblatt, str. 155–164.SCHMID, Walter, 1924: Emona. – V: Edvard Nowotny in Walter Schmid, Römische Forschungen in Österreich 1912–1924, Bericht der Römisch-

Germanischen Kommission 15, str. 202–204.SCHMID, Walter, 1941: Emona ni bila vojaški tabor. – Glasnik Muzejskega druøtva za Slovenijo 22, str. 44–54.SCHÖNBERGER, Hans, 1976: Römerlagen Rödgen. – Limesforschungen. Studien zur Organisation der römischen Reichgrenze an Rhein

an Donau 15, Berlin.SCONFIENZA, Roberto, 2002: Torino in etą augustea, problematiche storiche e archeologiche. – Bollettino della Società Piemontese

di Archeologia e Belle Arti 1999, str. 49–75.SEDLMAYER, Helga, 1999: Die römischen Bronzegefaße in Noricum. – Monographies Instrumentum 10, Montagnac.SIVEC, Irena, in DIRJEC, Božena, 1998: Iz Vulkanove delavnice. – Ljubljana. STARE, Vida, 1973: Prazgodovina Ømarjete. – Katalogi in monografije 10, Ljubljana. STRAZZULLA, M. José, 1989: In plaudibus moenia constituta: problemi urbanistici di Aquileia in età repubblicana alla luce della documentazione

archeologica e delle fonti scritte. – V: Aquileia repubblicana e imperiale, Antichità Altoadriatiche 35, str. 187–228.ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1950: Nekaj novih momentov na tleh nekdanje Emone. – Arheoloøki vestnik 1, str. 194–204. ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1951: Pogled v emonske plasti. – Arheoloøki vestnik 2, str. 221–226. ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1953a: Vodnik po Emoni. – Ljubljana.ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1953b: Prerez severnih utrdb Emone. – Arheoloøki vestnik 4, str. 294–318. ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1955a: O najstarejšem napisu iz Emone. – Kronika III/2, str. 110–113.ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1955b: Vodnik po Emoni. – Ljubljana.ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1968: RE Suppl. 11, s.v. Emona, str. 540–578 (= Opera Selecta, str. 559–579). ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1970: Drusus Ti. f. in Emona. – Historia 19, str. 122–124 (= Opera Selecta, str. 285–287).ŠAŠEL, Jaroslav, 1974: Pro Legato. – Chiron 4, str. 467–477 (= Opera Selecta, str. 305–315).ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 1986: Zgodovinska podoba prostora med Akvilejo, Jadranom in Sirmijem pri Kasiju Dionu in Herodianu. – Ljubljana.ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 1995: The 15th Legion at Emona – some thoughts. – Zeitschrift für Epigrafik und Papyrologie 109, str. 227–244. ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 1997: The Roman Inscriptions in the National Museum of Slovenia. – Situla 35, Ljubljana.ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 1998: Caesarian inscriptions in the Emona basin? – V: Gianfranco Paci (ur.), Epigrafia romana in area adriatica,

Actes de la IXe recontre franco-italienne sur l’épigraphie du monde romain, Macerata, 10–11 Novembre 1995, str. 101–112, Pisa-Roma.ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 2000: Caesar, Illyricum, and the hinterland of Aquileia. – Gianpaolo Urso (ur.), L’ultimo Cesare, Scritti riforme progetti

poteri congiure, Atti del convegno internazionale, Cividale del Friuli, 16–18 settembre 1999, Monografie /Centro ricerche edocumentazione sull’antichità classica 20, str. 277–304, Roma.

ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 2002: The boundary stone between Aquileia and Emona. – Arheoloøki vestnik 53, str. 373–382.ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 2003: Emona was in Italy, not in Pannonia. – V: Marjeta Šašel Kos in Peter Scherrer (ur.), The Autonomus Towns of

Noricum and Pannonia, Pannonia I, Situla 41, str. 11–19, Ljubljana.ŠAŠEL KOS, Marjeta, 2005: Appian and Illyricum. – Situla 43, Ljubljana.TERŽAN, Biba, 1976: Certoška fibula. – Arheoloøki vestnik 27, str. 317–536.THIEL, Andreas, in ZANIER, Werner, 1994: Römische Dolche – Bemerkungen zu den Fundumständen. – Journal of Roman Military Equipment

Studies 5, str. 59–81. TIEFENGRABER, Georg, 1998: Spätlatènezeitliche Keramik von Frauenberg bei Leibnitz aus der Grabung 1987. Vorschlag einer Typologie. –

Fundberichte aus Österreich 36, str. 681–721.TOMAZO-RAVNIK, Tatjana, 2008: Antropološka analiza žganih človeških kostnih ostankov iz žare v grobu 1, NUK II-2008. – Elaborat na ZVKDS

OE Ljubljana, Ljubljana.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 151


TREMMEL, Bettina, 2006: Glasgefäße und Glasperlen aus Haltern, Anreppen und Oberaden. – V: Katrin Roth-Rubi et al., Varia Castrensia. Haltern, Oberaden, Anreppen, Bodenaltertümer Westfalens 42, str. 235–285, Mainz am Rhein.

TREVISANATO, Andrea, 1999: Cinta muraria e porte urbiche di Iulia Concordia. Analisi strutturale ed ipotesi di ricostruzionearchitettonica. – Fondazione Antonio Colluto, Collana «L’album» 6, Portogruaro.

TURK, Peter, et al., 2009: Ljubljanica. Kulturna dediø≠ina reke. – Ljubljana. VERBIČ, Tomaž, 2008: Poro≠ilo o ogledu arheoloøkih izkopavanj na lokaciji NUK 2. – Elaborat na ZVKDS OE Ljubljana, Ljubljana.VIČIČ, Boris, 1993: Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani. Gornji trg 15. – Arheoloøki vestnik 44, str. 153–201.VIČIČ, Boris, 1994: Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani. Gornji trg 30, Stari trg 17 in 32. – Arheoloøki vestnik 45, str. 25–80.VIČIČ, Boris, 2002: Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani. Gornji trg 3. – Arheoloøki vestnik 53, str. 193–221.VIČIČ, Boris, 2003: Colonia Iulia Emona, 30 Jahre später. – V: Marjeta Šašel Kos in Peter Scherrer (ur.), The Autonomus Towns of Noricum and

Pannonia, Pannonia I, Situla 41, str. 21–45, Ljubljana.WAURICK, Götz, 1988: Römische Helme. – V: Antike Helme, Sammlung Lipperheide und andere Bestände des Antikenmuseums Berlin,

Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum. Forschungsinstitut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Monographien 14, str. 327–364.WHEELER, Everett L., 2000: Legio XV Apollinaris: from Carnuntum to Satala – and beyond. – V: Yann Le Bohec (ur.), Les légions de Rome

sous le Haut-Empire, Actes du Congrés de Lyon 1998, Collection du Centre d’Études Romaines et Gallo-Romaines, Nouvelle série 20, str. 259–308, Lyon.

WIGG, David G., 1999: Die Rolle des Militärs bei der Münzversorgung und Münzwirtschaft am Rhein in der frühen Kaiserzeit. – V: Schlüter,Wiegels 1999, str. 327–346.

WIGG-WOLF, David, 2007: Dating Kalkriese: the numismatic evidence. – V: Lehmann, Wiegels 2007, str. 119–134.WINDL, Helmut, 1976: Zur Chronologie des Gräberfeldes von Mihovo, Unterkrain (Dolenjsko). – Annalen des Naturhistorischen Museums

in Wien 80, str. 977–894.ZALAR, Vesna, 2008: Rimskodobne malte v Sloveniji. – Seminarska naloga na Oddelku za geologijo Naravoslovnotehniške fakultete Univerze

v Ljubljani, Ljubljana.ZANIER, Werner, 2006: Das Alpenrheintal in den Jahrzenten um Christi Geburt. – Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 59,

München.ZAMPIERI, Girolamo, 1998: Vetri antichi del Museo Civico Archeologico di Padova. – Corpus delle Collezioni Archeologiche del Vetro

nel Veneto 3, Venezia-Murano.

NUK 112-152 P 5405.qxd 2/4/10 12:29 Page 152

(2010) "Apud horridas gentis ..." Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona

Documents

Transcript of (2010) "Apud horridas gentis ..." Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona