Post on 24-Feb-2023
Studies of Islam: dealing with divergence
In the following section I shall review a brief selection of the
academic literature that has been written on the topic of Islam,
exploring the key themes considered de rigueur. For those studying
Islam, manifold polemics have arisen at the nucleus of the subject
matter itself, viz., defining what constitutes Islam. This has
been difficult owing to what Asad has called the 'problem of
diversity' (Asad 1986:386). I shall look at the different
approaches to this topic, which touch upon the argument about pure
Islam versus syncretic Islam. Equally contentious, once the
subject matter has been conceptualised, is to look at the
different methods of 'making sense' of Islam (Manger 1999). Soares
reminds us that 'discourses or understandings of Islam have been
valued over others' (Soares 2005:9). Initially scholars may have
made overarching conjectures about Islam, assuming that all
Islamic groups would evolve in similar fashions (Soares 2005:4).
Yet as studies of Islam have proliferated over time,
Islamologists, Anthropologists, Sociologists and other scholars of
Islam, have tended to focus on the divergences of Islam in local
contexts, noting the differences in beliefs, how Islam has
'developed in manifold and sometimes incongruous ways' (Eickelman
1982:1).
Meanwhile, recognition of the importance of global factors, which
influence local contexts, has permitted discourses to better
explore the conditions and multiple ways in which Islamic
discourses have emerged. Such accounts focus on local contexts but
also emphasise the interplay between the local and the global,
viewing Islam as a dynamic, heterogeneous entity. More recent
publications also see it as a priority to represent Islam from a
multitude of viewpoints, taking into consideration the voice not
only of elders or authority figures, but also of women and youth
(Berliner 2005, Bayart, Janson 2005, Toulabor 2008, Durham 2000,
Mahmood 2005).
As El-Zein has pointed out, there are many different forms of
Islam and all have to be treated as equally real (El-Zein 1977).
However, the first problem with such an approach, as Asad remarks,
is that we cannot, therefore, argue that there is no such
analytical category as otherwise there cannot be an anthropology
of Islam (Asad 1986:8). As scholars of Islam, it would be an
egregious error to reject any one form of Islamic belief on the
basis that it is not 'pure' or 'true' Islam (Gilsenan 1973).
Instead it behooves us to accept that Islamic belief and practice
may be manifested in varying and differing ways by believers. Such
modes of belief and practice must be situated within their
sociocultural contexts. The Mouride religion is Islamic; it may
differ greatly from Wahhabi Islam for example, yet both are Islam.
Scholars, however, warns Asad, must be wary of defining Islam as
being whatever 'people say it is … if only because there are
everywhere Muslims who say that what other people take to be Islam
is not really Islam at all … a Muslim's beliefs about the beliefs
and practices of others are his own beliefs, they animate and are
sustained by his social relations with others' (Asad 1986:2).
This brings us to the crux of the matter, what it means to be a
Muslim and how Islam is defined can be understood by scholars only
by examining the societies within which such beliefs have evolved
and the social relationships that form the context of the
validation, or not, of the said beliefs. As mentioned in the
introduction to this section, these relationships may be local but
also extend into the global arena. We cannot prioritise the
authority of one group of people in defining what is a religion or
how it is practised. Berliner points out in his work on religious
transmission that academics favouring the testimonies of elders
have 'neglected the supporting and active role of young people
within society … as active agents in regenerating older …
religious practices' (Berliner 2005:578).
By accepting that there are many forms of Islam and focusing on
the local contexts where Islam is practised in alternative ways by
different groups of people we arrive at an impasse. Treating Islam
as an object of study that is plural in nature is theologically
questionable, as such an assertion is contrary to the notion held
by all Muslims, that Islam is a unitary belief system, and the
globally held notion of the umma (Soares 2005:6). By underlining
the differences between various forms of Islam we fail to treat
Islam as a world religion in the Weberian sense and risk
'overlooking … the historic connections across different Muslim
societies' (Bowen 1993:7). Organising such diversity in terms of
logical paradigms has been the challenge faced by those dealing
with the subject.
In 'Muslim Society', a series of diverse essays based on his work in
North Africa, Gellner conceived of Islam as a distinct historical
entity which shaped society. He presented a general model of
Islam, within which religious belief, social structure and
political activities combined with each other to form a Muslim
whole. Gellner described a set of rules independent of the control
of man, which, he stated, existed externally and were spiritual in
nature. Comparing Islam with Christianity, his suggestion that the
former was less concerned with the uses of political power than
the latter earned him criticism. Asad accused Gellner of
Orientalism (Asad 1986:2-4). Furthermore Gellner came under fire
for his model which attempted to provide a general interpretation
of all Islamic societies, past and present. This model, according
to Said and El-Zein, reduced Muslim faith down to a series of
idealised and predictable paradigms (Said 1979, El-Zein 1977). The
model that received this criticism described fixed features: a
dichotomy between city and village, each with its own particular
form of religion. The ”great” tradition Gellner described as the
urban form of Islam, puritanical and dominated by the ulama and
consisting of a community whose beliefs rested upon scripture and
Divine Law. The “little” tradition of the village, was a distinct
form of Islam which, owing to the illiteracy of the village people
remained mired in ritual and superstition including saint-
worshipping idolatry1. Although it is useful to follow Gellner's
1 This model was actually based on categories introduced by the sociologist
Robert Redfield in 'Peasant Society and Culture' (1956) in which he used them to
differentiate between the major, continuing components of a religious
approach to trace the history and examine the social context of
Islam, it is erroneous to associate particular types of social
settings with specific types of Islam. I feel that Gellner's
approach towards outlining the history of a religious grouping is
essential for an understanding of said grouping, which is why in
chapter two I provide a history of the Mouride order.
Gellner was criticised for asserting that there was an analogy
between ideological superstructure and societal base (Asad
1986:7). Asad argues that Islam as the object of study must be
treated as a discursive tradition 'that connects variously with
the formation of moral selves, the manipulation of populations, or
resistance to it and the production of appropriate knowledges'
(ibid). A deterministic model of Islam causes scholars to overlook
the diversity of the Muslim religion. Furthermore, the dichotomy
between great and little traditions causes Gellner to run the risk
of assuming that one form of Islam is more pure than the other. No
one form of Islam can be seen to be more real, as they are formed
in 'different ways in different conditions' (Asad 1986:10).
Rather, academics must examine the conditions that permit the
emergence and success or failure of unique religious discourses,
for example by tracing transformations in ideas, practices,
tradition and the appropriation of them at local or village level.
institutions (Soares 2005:6). This is what I aim to do in this
thesis as I explore the concatenation of circumstances and events
that led to the rise of neoteric Mouride orders in Dakar.
Furthermore, by exploring the situations pertaining to Islamic
Mouride disciples in Dakar, recounting their life stories as I
detail the limited opportunities they possess, it is my goal to
demonstrate how successful Mouride movements today have
metamorphosed in consonance with 'different ways' and 'different
conditions' within the global Islamic ecumene (see above, Asad
1986:10).
My work is influenced by Gellner's notion in that I feel that it
is crucial to trace a historical trajectory of the Mouride
religion, underlining how this is intimately related to power and
knowledge in Mouridiyya. Nonetheless, particular versions of Islam
are not merely about acquiring social, political or economic
power, although this is often the case. Versions of Islam, as Le
Blanc's work on Islamic identity in Côte d'Ivoire attests, should
also be understood in terms of everyday practices, social
visibility and self-identification (Le Blanc 1999: 488-489). The
idea of great traditions versus little traditions is one that, as
this thesis will make clear, is not relevant. According to
Gellner's model, as already described, saint-worshipping and
idolatry would be confined to rural areas whilst in the urban
areas faith would be puritanical and based upon scripture. Amongst
the two groups of Mourides in Dakar, that are the subject of this
thesis, the Thiantistes and followers of Kara, belief shows
multiple faces for different members of the order. For some it
revolves around ritual, around worship of the two Cheikhs or
'saints' who lead the orders. Many followers have limited
education, therefore textual and scriptural sources are of lesser
importance. However yet others fervently spend time pouring over
texts written by Cheikh Amadou Bamba, the founder of the Mouride
order. It is hence perhaps not useful to try to make clear cut
distinctions.
As this thesis makes clear, in Dakar, those practices which
Gellner named 'traditional' are enduring in the face of modernity
and indeed flourishing yet novel forms of worship are also melding
with these, to form new Mouride movements that go beyond straight-
cut divisions and definitions. There are multiple and competing
forms of Islam in Dakar. Wahhabi2, Salafi and other reformist
2 Wahhabi Islam is a term often misused to designate all reformist Muslims,
however amongst Muslims it refers solely to the followers of Mohammed ibn
'Abd al-Wahhabi (d. 1787) who created his own community in Arabia. His
movements, have also gained success in Senegal, in particular
amongst university students (Villalon 2004:62-64, Soares 2005:5-9,
181-211, Diouf 1998). Regardless of numbers, it is important to
emphasise that distinctions are often blurred as the maraboutic
and other popular movements have borrowed or incorporated ideas
such as the institutionalisation of the dahira3 model (ibid).
Geertz's work, which also followed the great traditions versus
little traditions model, differed from Gellner's work in that it
was more concerned with cultural meaning rather than social
structure. In 'Islam Observed' Geertz laid out a comparative analysis
of Islam in two locations: Morocco and Indonesia. Geertz traced
the history and evolution of Islam in the two settings, taking
note of the striking differences. His approach, influenced by
teachings were spread by the House of Sa'ud and these emphasised the oneness
of God and the need to eradicate unislamic practices.
3 7 A dahira refers to a grouping of Mouride disciples according to various
affinities - (see Guèye 2002:515).
Wittgenstein4 and Weber5, was to treat religious behaviour as a
theatre of expression, a symbolic screen. In Morocco, Geertz
believed that the Islamic conception of life was associated with
individuality, morality, activity, while in Indonesia the same
concept, he believed, resonated with the radical dissolution of
personality and an inward-facing spirituality. Geertz's approach
was highly textual and concerned with hermeneutics, cultural
analysis and the role of symbols in organising human experience.
Geertz has been criticised for his representations of Islam that
are 'constructed along the lines of an action play (and) have ….
no place for peasants. Peasants … like women, are not depicted as
doing anything' (Asad 1986: 8).
As Beinart and Bundy (1986) have argued, African religions inhabit
4 His (Wittgenstein’s) attack upon the idea of a private language, which
brought thought out of its grotto in the head into the public square where
one could look at it, and his proposal of 'forms of life' as (to quote one
commentator) the 'complex of natural and cultural circumstances which are
presupposed in … any particular understanding of the world,' seem almost
custom-designed to enable the sort of anthropological study I, and others of
my ilk, do. (Geertz 2000b:xii)
5 Geertz has praised Weber for the invention of an interpretative social
science (Geertz 1973f:5). Geertz clearly sees his own work as interpretative
social science.
a complex universe within which many layers of society are
involved. Peasants and migrants have to be included as actors and
shapers (Ranger 1986:21). Women are also denied a place in
Geertz's account. Work by Mahmood on the role of women as shapers
of Islam in Egypt (Mahmood 2004) and research carried out by Deeb
in Lebanon (Deeb 2006) attests to the fact that women play a
crucial role in shaping, transmitting and transforming religious
belief. Youth, as I have mentioned and detail further in a section
dedicated to the topic, have often been ignored as agents of
change, it is the aim of this thesis to provide a voice for youth
in the rich corpus of work on Mouridiyya.
Even if Geertz has been excoriated for ignoring large sections of
populations, his work on symbolism and the acting out of beliefs
is very useful in the analysis of religion, in fact many of these
ideas inspire this thesis. I detail, in particular in chapter
four, how both marabouts and politicians make use of symbols
whether it be through the vector of language or attire or
otherwise, to make appeals to their audiences. In chapters five as
well as six, I detail how disciples are affected by the use of
Mouride religions symbols and in turn use them to choreograph
their lives as they navigate their way through the challenges of
life.
Geertz's approach treated culture as a text. Based on the idea of
first analysing the meaning contained within symbols, his work
related such symbols to systems of meaning which are incorporated
in the symbols and linked to sociocultural and psychological
processes (Geertz 1973:125). Said criticised this approach for
focusing too much on semantic concerns: 'Islam is seen to be about
texts rather than people' (Said 1979:317). El Zein raised similar
concerns, arguing that the lives of Muslims should not be reduced
to idealistic patterns (El Zein 1977:227-54). Abu-Lughod states:
if cultures are treated as texts, then who is doing the reading?
She suggests that there may be uncertainty about meanings for
groups or individuals (Abu-Lughod 1989:272). Yet, as I have noted
here above Geertz's methodology, which involves interpreting
people's actions 'in terms of systems of publicly shared
symbols... to seek to understand how these symbols shape people's
understandings and feelings' (Geertz 1979: suq) provides a
thought-provoking method of investigation which is dealt with in
chapter four. This chapter explores how Mourides have been
imagined and imagine themselves, using a rich repertoire of ever-
changing symbols to define their religion and religious identity.
Such themes are primordial to my work, I suggest throughout this
thesis that new Mouride movements provide youth not only with
practical methods to deal with their circumstances but also with
new ways to both imagine themselves as individuals and as a
collective group within today's globalised world as they search
for and define an alternative modernity that aligns with their
experiences and desires. Jean Comaroff's work on Tshidi religious
ideas demonstrates the need to understand signs and symbols as
being caught up in dynamic models (Comaroff 1985). Complexes of
signs are often 'disengaged from their former contexts and take on
transformed meanings in their new associations' (Comaroff
1985:53). In chapter six, which examines the Mouride diaspora, I
will examine how Mouride paradigms no longer in situ, exposed to new
situations in their host country, morph. Divorced from their home
country signs and symbols may take on new meanings thus altering
the way in which the faith is practised. Much of the modern work
on Islam deals with the importance of symbols and signs.
It is beyond the scope of this thesis to review the modern work on
Islam so I shall now briefly look at a few important contributions
that are particularly relevant. Cruise O'Brien, who has worked
extensively on Mourides in Senegal, follows Geertz's idea of using
symbols to examine religious processes. Cruise O'Brien utilises
this to examine how religious symbols are implicitly political
(Cruise O'Brien 2003). Cruise O'Brien argues that in dealing with
the government, religious leaders may deploy symbolic language to
gain power. Such symbolic religious language not only arouses
passionate belief amongst believers but is also relevant to and
readable by Mourides, many of whom feel that the modern state is
an alien institution with little legitimacy. Cruise O'Brien
concludes that symbolic confrontations between the Senegalese
state and the Mouride leaders, serve to 'strengthen the state as
an institution with a place in the citizen's imagination' (Cruise
O'Brien 2003:27) whilst masking the truth of intimate ties between
government and religious leaders. This idea is explored with
regards to new Mouride marabouts as well as politicians in chapter
four. Tapper concludes that it is the anthropologist's job to ask
the awkward questions, such as examining what the economic,
political and other interests are, that adherents may have at all
levels of society (Tapper 1995). By looking into these questions
with regards to politicians and religious leaders in Dakar,
Senegal it will allow me to better understand how ideologies are
created, changed and how language and 'systems of symbols are
manipulated' (Tapper 1995:188).
In chapter five I look at the charismatic nature of the Islamic
leaders and the Heads of State, that were the object of study
during my fieldwork. My analysis of the notion of charisma has
been influenced by writers such as Villalon (1993) who follow the
Weberian prototype. Villalon's study of charisma in Senegal,
examines the 'construction of charisma in accordance with
interests of a clientèle' (Villalon 1993:82). Villalon argues that
charisma should not merely be treated as a quality belonging to an
individual, as conjectured by Weber. Villalon builds on this idea
to describe charisma as 'an aspect of a type of relationship
between leaders and followers' (ibid), following Bensman and
Givant (Bensman and Givant 1975:581-2) who describe charisma as
inherent in the belief of followers and not necessarily a quality
of leaders. Villalon concludes that charisma is rendered concrete
via a symbiotic relationship whereby marabouts, religious leaders,
make use of genealogical and other methods of legitimisation to
appeal to their followers, who then affirm that charisma (or not)
and by extension the powerful role of that cheikh. Villalon
proposes that charisma is a construct which is created in
accordance with the interests of a clientèle.
In chapter four, following both Weber and Villalon, I suggest that
the new Mouride marabouts, as well as political leaders, in
particular, the President at the time of my fieldwork, Abdoulaye
Wade6, borrow and manipulate the religious lexicon in order to
attempt to construct charisma, to ensure an aura of legitimate
power for themselves. However, charisma and legitimacy, as
Villalon suggests, are not endemic to Cheikh Bethio Thioune, Serigne
Modou Kara nor Wade. The charisma that appears to appertain to
these leaders is only actualised through the followers' acceptance
and belief in the symbolic structures which the leaders make use
of. Such symbols, as already pointed out earlier, must be seen as
dynamic as well as having multiple and changing meaning (Comaroff
1985). Ranger describes how the strength of religion in Africa and
important role of religious leaders is that both draw 'on all the
ambiguous power of myth, symbol and ritual because they could mean
many things at once and contain many potentialities' (Ranger
1986:51). As the testimonies of Dakarois youth make clear, these
symbols are also a very important part of identity formation.
Launay, like Gellner before him, states that Islam must be
6 Since my fieldwork took place Wade is no longer president and as I will
detail in the conclusion, has been replaced by Macky Sall.
understood historically. As I will demonstrate in chapter four,
symbols are constantly changing and being recycled to fit the
changing times. Islam itself, as Launay remarks, is always in
transition (Launay 1992:223, Gellner 1981). 'Beliefs and practices
are constantly shifting - subject to re-evaluation if not
rejection - though not necessarily in uniform and entirely
predictable ways' (ibid). This thesis will demonstrate throughout
how Mouride Islam has constantly shifted and how youth in Dakar as
well as overseas have choreographed novel changes to the faith.
The legacy of 19th century social theory, Launay argues that, is
that academics have often attempted, erroneously, not only to
predict the organisation of Islam but also to try compartmentalise
Islam into predictable dichotomies: great traditions versus little
traditions, universal modes of Islam versus particular modes of
Islam, macrocosm versus microcosm, global community versus local
community. Launay conducted fieldwork in the Côte d'Ivoire. He
based his investigation of Islamic practices on his experiences
amongst the Dioula, in Koko, in the neighbourhood of Korhogo, Côte
d'Ivoire. Launay suggests that scholars must not see the above-
described terms as antithetical.
Launay notes how the Dioula have their own 'version' of Islam.
Changes in belief and practice over time have come to be
synonymous with a uniquely Dioula identity. Yet despite adapting
everyday religious practices to the local context, these Muslims
retain strong ties to the universal Islamic tradition and do not
consider themselves as separate from it. Highlighting the tension
between particular and universal beliefs, Launay demonstrates how
the community of Korhogo is continuously and simultaneously
immersed in the local context and a larger global arena. As we
will see throughout this thesis, whether disciples are residents
of Senegal or living in the diaspora, in Brussels they are always
involved in a local that is also global (see Piot 1999:1973).
'Every citizen ... is involved to one extent or another in both
areas. No one can choose between particularism and universalism.
In any case particularism and universalism do not really exist …
There are only particularisms and universalisms' (Launay
1992:224).
Throughout this thesis it is clear that both followers and
leaders of these new Mouride movements inhabit local and global
arenas, taking from both as their points of reference. Soares
notes that idealising Islam is not useful; in Senegal scholars
have overlooked the diversity of beliefs 'if in earlier periods,
some lamented the Mouride's economic exploitation of ordinary
Senegalese, today commentators are more likely to laud the
positive character … of the Mourides with their protestant-like
work ethic' (Soares 2007:324).
Buggenhagen, like Launay and Soares, also aims to dispel myths
regarding the Mouride order. Looking at Mourides at home in
Senegal and in the diaspora, she utilises examples from her
fieldwork to dislodge ideas that have permeated much of the
literature on Mouridiyya (Buggenhagen 2009). Firstly she
demonstrates how women, whose participation was often viewed as
minimal, hold a crucial role within the tariqa. Buggenhagen
demonstrates how in the search for tuyaaba, religious merit, women
participate in vital ways to the functioning of the order. For
example, women organise prayer sessions, provide free labour on
marabout's farms and make many offerings of food as well as gifts
for religious ceremonies whether these be pilgrimages to Touba, at
Tabaski (Eid al-Adha), or during life cycle rituals (Buggenhagen
2009:191).
Secondly Buggenhagen, argues that contrary to popular belief,
Mouride disciples do not give all their riches to their marabouts
and that there are clear cut limits to their generosity. Certain
mechanisms, in particular those controlled by women, serve to
ensure funds get diverted into social capital as well as personal
material gains. Buggenhagen describes how mass migration amongst
the Mouride entails that many women have had stay behind whilst
their husbands, brothers, fathers work abroad. Disciples abroad
have contributed significantly, as we shall see in chapter six, to
the building of the Mouride city of Touba and have been able to
give more money to their marabouts than many disciples at home.
Buggenhagen describes how women have developed mechanisms to
ensure funds get diverted to their households 'to secure processes
of social production at home in Senegal, through remittences of
cash and cloth for birth, marriage and mortuary rituals' (ibid).
The complaints of the Mouride hierarchy who claim that 'women's
demands for valued objects for family ceremonies' take resources
away from the spiritual Mouride order and men's critique that
women use remittences destined for schooling, medications etc for
lavish displays of wealth on their bodies and during ceremonies,
remain unheeded by women (ibid). Men in the diaspora, Buggenhagen
notes, despite such disapprobations continue to assist women in
Senegal, by sending them remittances and goods such as cloth and
items which are used by women in ritual exchanges and reproductive
activities. These activities are primordial in the creation of
social status and regenerating 'essential ties of kinship'
(Buggenhagen 2009:200). Women's social labour and the financial
resources invested in the process of both reproducing kinship
relations and a sense of spiritual communitas, concludes
Buggenhagen, limit the potential for men's gifts in the religious
sphere 'to spin out of control' (Buggenhagen 2009:196). Despite
their role in diverting funds towards rites involving lineage
identity, Buggenhagen believed that women must still be seen as
key contributors to the religious order for socially visible acts
such as gift-giving and food offerings proved vital during Mouride
ritual events.
Le Blanc examines Islamic rites and practises. Much like
Buggenhagen she notes how these are socially visible acts,
functioning as key markers (Le Blanc 1999:489). However, Le Blanc
notes how different modes of belief and ways of practising Islam
are not merely to be viewed as a way of gaining prestige and
power, whether economic, social or political (Le Blanc 1999).
Villalon's study of the Mouride asserts 'a ritual has two
audiences, inside members of the group and outsiders or members of
competing groups … the intent is to dramatise the difference
between these … to establish the exclusiveness of the group … to
demarcate the distinctiveness of a marabout's following … to
reinforce internal cohesion of that group … rituals (act) as
rallies' (Villalon 1999:430-433). As will be clear in the
descriptions of Serigne Modou Kara's Press Conference and Cheikh
Bethio Thioune's thiant7, rituals serve very much as markers of a
particular kind of Mouride identity, as well as acting as 'on-
going maraboutic 'electoral' campaigns' (Villalon 1999:434-435).
Le Blanc, most importantly, brings up the fact that methods of
practising Islam and forms of belief are a key means for young
people to acquire an identity with which they can face
gerontocratic power systems and structural changes (Le Blanc
1999:500). Much like the youth in Le Blanc's study, Dakarois youth
have meagre choices and very little if any access to adulthood.
This thesis details how youth adopt and adapt Mouride ideologies,
identities and practises to deal with their socio-structural
dilemmas.
In Le Blanc's work, she describes how, faced with limited choices,
the capacity to control religious choices enables youth in Bouaké
to guarantee their agency in certain social and family situations,7 Mouride rite with food, drink (non-alcoholic), prayer and music.
in particular given that the experiences that young Muslims have
nowadays differ dramatically from those of their parents. For
example, young men and women in Bouaké have invoked new forms of
Islam to reject arranged marriages. Marriage is a key part of
young people's lives, permitting young people to make the
transition towards adulthood. The capacity to choose when and whom
one weds is of great value to youth in Bouaké. As this thesis will
examine, in the case of the bride-wealth-free marriages offered by
Cheikh Bethio Thioune in Dakar, marriage as a means to transition
to adulthood provides a crucial form of socio-political
empowerment for young people.
Masquelier's book 'Women and Islamic Revival in a West African Town' focuses
on the gendered dimension of Islam. Masquelier's research centres
on the role of women and new Islamic movements in the city of
Dogondoutchi, Niger (Masquelier 2009). Masquelier focuses on the
Izala reformist and Awali Muslim groups that have replaced the
Bori possesion cults that were once a prominent dimension of life
in Dogondoutchi. The Islamic reformist groups have been a mixed
blessing for women, who have simultaneously gained new rights and
understandings of their place in Muslim society but have also had
to acquiesce to tighter controls on their bodies, their sexuality
and their visibility.
Womens' bodies have become the site par excellence, upon which the
moral paradigms of religious reform are played out. For example,
Masquelier argues that wearing the hijabi has become a prerequisite
for women who wish to adhere to religious norms. This, the author
argues, is not so much due to the hijabi's ability to conceal a
women but largely because it marks her 'as a moral person'
(Masquelier 2009:225). Masquelier describes how reformist tenets
have impacted many areas of womens' lives, not only the sartorial
choices of women but also wedding prestations, formerly an area of
female power. Masquelier demonstrates how the Mawri women of
Dogondoutchi have displayed varying reactions in response to the
reformist demands made upon their womanhood. Some have embraced
ideals whilst others have contested them. For example some women,
despite the reformist guidelines to the contrary, have continued
to hold lavish wedding prestation rites, in a bid to preserve
their control over a space where women have typically been able to
generate both social and material capital. Furnishing the reader
with such examples, Masquelier expounds how women have not been
passive victims of reformist activities but have actively
negotiated their role in such a way as to balance religious
requirements and their need for autonomy.
Masquelier states that hijabi were once worn in dull colours such as
black and brown, have been turned by young women wishing to be
seen as pious yet still stylish into embellished fashion
accoutrements. Many young women choose to wear hijabi, Masquelier
tells us, made of brightly coloured fabrics, adorning these with
lace trim and other decoration. Masquelier portrays women's
'strategic efforts to defend their interests and agendas when
these are threatened by emergent ideologies centred on the re-
definition of Islamic orthodoxy (Masquelier 2009:277). Ultimately,
Masquelier's work reveals the agentive capacity women have to
reconfigure their roles within the confines of reformist Islam
according to their own concerns and needs thus redefining their
position within society. Masquelier's work is pertinent to this
study given how, as we shall see, young Mouride adherents in
Dakar, both male and female, continuously 'carve out spaces of
self-determination' through the medium of Islam (Masquelier
2009:193).
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