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Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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NETWORKING OR NOT WORKING?
A Comparison of Arab Spring Coverage in Belgian
Newspapers and TV News
Sarah Van Leuven, Annelore Deprez, and Karin Raeymaeckers
This paper examines journalists’ changing sourcing practices in the context of an
emerging media ecology initiated by processes of globalisation, digitalization,
commercialism and concentration. Social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter
or YouTube provide the means to access a more diverse range of sources, including
civil society organisations and ordinary citizens. We developed a quantitative content
analysis to examine to what extent Belgian news coverage showed signs of diverse
sourcing practices during the 2011 uprisings in three Arab countries. We analysed a
total sample of 1121 news items about the street protests in Syria, Egypt and Tunisia,
in four Belgian newspapers (two popular and two quality dailies) and two Belgian
broadcasters (the public broadcaster VRT and the commercial channel VTM). The
analysis shows that ordinary citizens and non-mainstream groups are important news
sources and that social media platforms are relatively often consulted compared to
everyday foreign news coverage. In terms of inter-media differences, the findings
show that broadcasters’ dependency on video footage and eyewitness accounts is
reflected in their use of ordinary citizen sources and amateur footage. Moreover, the
analysis confirms that the quality newspapers display more diverse and more
innovative sourcing practices than the popular newspapers do.
KEYWORDS Arab Spring; content analysis; network journalism; news access;
social media; sourcing practices
Introduction
In the contemporary context of an emerging media ecology initiated by processes of
globalisation, digitalization, commercialism and concentration, many authors are pessimistic
about the future of democratic news provision. In Flat Earth News, Davies (2008) describes
how traditional media brands increasingly cut costs for purely economic reasons, resulting in
“churnalism”, or the production of stories in “greater numbers at greater speed and of much
worse quality” (Davies 2008, 62). Journalists’ workload has increased even more due to the
increasing number of pages, supplements and online editions (Franklin and Carlson 2011;
Lewis et al. 2006). In these circumstances, “desktop news production” increasingly
substitutes active news gathering outside the newsroom (Van Hout, Pander Maat, and De
Preter 2011, 1876). Foreign coverage is often one of the first victims, as research has shown
that news organisations increasingly replace their network of correspondents with news
agency copy (Hafez 2009; Rantanen and Boyd-Barrett 2004). The traditional use of news
agency copy and recycled news articles from other media brands has moreover been
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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expanded with the application of public relations (PR) content, which strengthens the
privileged news access of elite or mainstream sources, such as politicians, multinationals,
and experts (Davies 2008; Franklin and Carlson 2011).
Nonetheless, this approach to journalist-source relations is increasingly criticised. In light of
recent advancements in digital technologies, the empowering capacities of social media
applications may constitute a key element for more balanced news access in the field of
foreign coverage. In accordance with the work of Castells (2008, 2011), some scholars state
that the network is the “new dominant social structure in contemporary societies […] in which
our ability to connect beyond time and space constraints takes center stage” (Heinrich 2011,
23-24). The growing gap between the global scene, where problems such as environmental
pollution or terrorism arise, and the nation-state, where these problems need to be managed,
has induced the rise of a global civil society, which might broaden the spectrum of actors with
a voice in the media (Castells 2008, 2011). Some authors claim that in order for this capacity
to be fully realized the new, global environment is—or should be—characterized by a novel,
networked mode of communication that can be described as a synthesis of interpersonal and
mass communication (Castells 2008; Hafez 2009; Hermida 2010; López-Rabadán 2011). In
the context of news production, Heinrich (2011) contends that journalistic organisations
should go through a structural transformation and adapt to the sphere of “network journalism”
in order to allow journalists to navigate the new global information map. The increased speed
of information dissemination and the connectivity within the network sphere allow for non-
linear, decentralized and multi-directional information flows between the (almost)
uncountable nodes in the network. “A large array of potential new sources can now be
reached via many connection points other than (traditional) official sources such as
governmental institutions or press offices. Instead of a rather ’closed’ system of
newsgathering, production and distribution, in which only a limited number of partakers had
the power to make and shape news, the network journalism sphere is an open space of
information exchange” (Heinrich 2012, 767). Some authors state that today more than ever
before, non-mainstream sources—as nodes in the network—have at their disposal the
channels necessary to gain access to journalists, namely the Internet and especially social
media applications (Hermida, Lewis, and Zamith 2012; McNair 2013; Russell 2011). Social
media, a term that has been broadly used since 2005, are applications that are typical of the
new, interactive Web 2.0 as they enable the production and distribution of user-generated
content (Kaplan and Haenlein 2010). Well-known examples are weblogs, Wikipedia,
YouTube, Flickr and social networking sites such as Facebook or Twitter. In contrast with the
traditional means for information dissemination such as press releases, social media allow
users to spread information cheaply and instantaneously throughout their network. As a
result, they can open the news gates for non-mainstream sources (Castells 2008; Kaplan
and Haenlein 2010; Webster 2011). “Many of the information providers who run these blogs,
Twitter accounts or Facebook pages are citizen journalists, pressure groups or private
persons whose intention is not necessarily to act as journalists. However, they have access
to pieces of information that potentially add to the overall picture of news stories” (Heinrich
2012, 766-767). This new information context offers the potential for journalists to revise their
sourcing practices in light of the often cited dangers of heavy reliance on elite or mainstream
sources that may lead to manipulation in favour of those in power (Gans 1979). Allowing a
greater diversity of sources into the news production process might help to establish greater
diversity in viewpoints and thus assist to balance agenda setting interests of different groups.
The sourcing opportunities on offer within the global, network journalism sphere do
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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correspond with the claim for “multiperspectival news” made by Gans (2011) who demands
that news coverage should represent the general public and make their views and voices
heard to foster public discourse. In terms of international news coverage, social media
availability and digital networks offer new opportunities to approach the news from the
perspective of local sources (including non-mainstream sources) as journalists can get more
easily in touch with foreign sources in a virtual manner (Heinrich 2011). Yet the question
remains whether news outlets make full use of the new possibilities for news gathering
available through social media, and whether their newsroom management is adapted to the
conditions of the network sphere.
Several studies illustrate that in the everyday (foreign) news production process, social
media are rarely used as a means to access alternative sources (Van Leuven, Deprez, and
Raeymaeckers 2013). Many journalists admit they struggle with “information overload”,
language hurdles, and the doubted reliability of online information (Hafez 2009; Lariscy et al.
2009; Paulussen and Ugille 2008). News gathering routines, often impacted by
organisational imperatives, have become established over decades and are ways for
journalists to deal with time and resource limitations while ensuring credibility (Gans 1979;
Hall et al. [1978] 1999; Shoemaker and Reese 1996). Standardized sourcing practices, in
particular relying on official and other mainstream sources, are meant to ensure objectivity
and productivity (Sigal [1973] 1999). In contrast, case studies point out that journalists might
be more inclined to “practice” network journalism in the context of breaking news or media
restrictions where they cannot (immediately) access the area themselves and therefore try to
learn from on-the-ground sources (Lotan et al. 2011). In some cases, such as the Boston
Marathon bombings in April 2013, news organisations published unverified videos and
anonymous tweets from ordinary citizens in addition to traditional coverage. The uprisings in
several Arab countries in early 2011, often termed “Facebook Revolutions” due to the central
role of social media in cases such as Egypt, serve as another example in this regard (e.g.,
Russell 2011). Bloggers, Twitterers and activists, demonstrating for democratic rights, sent
messages from inside the crowd. “Each of these information providers were just a few of
many. What could be witnessed on TV or online, on traditional news outlets, or on Twitter,
were numerous updates roaming through the global information space. They all contributed
to a mix of perspectives contextualizing the events. Each provider added just one piece to
the complex, unfolding story line” (Heinrich 2012, 768). The analysis presented in this article
rests on a quantitative content analysis to examine to what extent Belgian news coverage of
the uprisings in three Arab countries has tapped into this new type of source material.
Methodology
The analysis presented in this article discusses if and how Belgian news coverage of the
2011 uprisings in Arab countries shows signs of diverse sourcing practices. These events
are related to a wave of democratic grass roots revolts in many North-African
countries─often called the “Arab Spring”─but we specifically focus on three cases─Egypt,
Tunisia and Syria─that were the scene of major protests whereas other countries such as
Sudan or Saudi Arabia only knew minor protests. Moreover, the selected cases are often
termed “Facebook Revolutions” due to the central role of social media in the production and
distribution of information about the street protests. Pieces of information were roaming
social media platforms such as Twitter, YouTube and Facebook, available not only to the
local network of activists, but also in the global information sphere, waiting for close
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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observers to be picked up and to be further distributed to activists and newsrooms all over
the world. Due to these specific circumstances, the findings of our study cannot be
generalized to everyday foreign coverage. However the relevance of our case lies in the fact
that it allows to measure to what extent the network sphere offers opportunities for more
diverse sourcing practices. From this point of departure, we formulate the following two
research questions:
RQ1 – Are ordinary citizens and non-mainstream groups important sources in Belgian
news coverage of the Arab Spring?
RQ2 – How often are social media used as information channels in Belgian news
coverage of the Arab Spring?
In order to search for inter-media differences or similarities, the focus is set on two popular
(Het Nieuwsblad and Het Laatste Nieuws) and two quality (De Standaard and De Morgen)
newspapers, Belgium’s four most important Flemish language newspapers. We furthermore
included both Flemish newscasts at the public broadcaster Eén and the commercial
broadcaster VTM.
RQ3 – Can we observe different sourcing practices in newspapers and TV news?
Based on the assumption that quality newspapers and the public broadcaster are believed to
save more resources for quality and innovation in foreign coverage (Joye 2010; Wolfsfeld
2011; Wouters, De Swert, and Walgrave 2009), we formulate a fourth research question:
RQ4 – Can we find more signs of diverse sourcing practices in quality newspapers
and the public broadcaster compared to popular newspapers and the commercial
broadcaster?
We developed a quantitative content analysis to examine coverage of the selected cases.
The first focus of the study lies with sources: the people and organisations that are quoted in
the news (RQ1). We developed a categorization of eight types of sources, grouped along
elite/mainstream and non-mainstream sources. The group of mainstream sources
categorizes politicians, government institutions, companies (and umbrellas), journalists,
experts (e.g., scientists, universities), and a remainder category of other mainstream sources
(e.g., celebrities). The group of non-mainstream sources consists of ordinary citizens and
non-mainstream groups (e.g., non-governmental organizations (NGOs), groups of
demonstrators). Ten sources (0.5% of all sources) could not be identified as mainstream or
non-mainstream sources (e.g., anonymous sources) and are therefore not taken into
consideration. A second focus of this article lies with the use of social media (e.g., Facebook,
Twitter, weblogs, YouTube, WikiLeaks) as an information channel to access a greater
diversity of sources (RQ2).
We applied selective sampling1 to collect all articles in the time frame of the actual street
protests because at those moments demonstrators took reporting matters into their own
hands, therefore acting as a potential networked news source for foreign reporters (Heinrich
2012). All newspaper articles were collected via Mediargus (Belgian equivalent of
LexisNexis), all broadcast items via the Electronic News Archive2. In total, 1121 news items
were selected and analysed by a team of four trained coders. A coding guide and registration
form were developed to ensure uniformity in the selection and analytical choices. A critically
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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composed sample of 40 articles was tested for intercoder reliability with an outcome of
Cohen’s Kappa values ranging from 0.76 up to 1.00. Analysis was carried out using PASW
Statistics 18.
Results
Despite the shorter sample period, the uprising in Egypt generated the highest percentage of
articles in the total sample (45.3%) followed by Syria (24.4%) and Tunisia (16.4%). A total of
13.9% of the articles combined coverage of one of these countries with coverage of street
protests in one or more other Arab countries and are therefore more generally categorized as
“Arab Spring”. The main body of 1121 analysed news items consists of newspaper articles
(79.5%) compared to 20.5% broadcast pieces, which is related to the bigger publication
volume in newspapers (RQ3). 70.8 per cent of all news items about the Arab uprisings
appear in the quality newspapers and the public broadcaster, which confirms that these news
media save more space for international news than the popular newspapers and the
commercial broadcaster do (29.2%) (RQ4).
RQ1 – The role of non-mainstream sources
With a total of 723 ordinary citizens in 1121 articles, or 36.9% of all 1961 sources, ordinary
citizens outnumber all other sources. In contrast to everyday foreign news coverage (Van
Leuven, Deprez, and Raeymaeckers 2013), then, news about the selected cases seems to
respond to Gans’ (2011) call for multiperspectival news that represents the general public.
Political sources (26.3%) follow at the second rank. Non-mainstream groups such as NGOs
or groups of demonstrators are ranked third (10.0%). The top three is followed by
government sources (7.0%), journalists (6.6%), companies (6.0%), experts (5.4%), and a
remainder category of mainstream sources (1.3%). A more broad comparison of mainstream
(52.6%) and non-mainstream (46.9%) sources further reflects the balance between different
types of sources. Nonetheless we also found signs of traditional sourcing practices as, in
accordance with a content analysis of everyday foreign coverage (Van Leuven, Deprez, and
Raeymaeckers 2013), the analysis shows that most mainstream sources (besides experts)
are relatively more present in factual news reports where journalists have less room for
active news gathering and prefer to rely on official sources (Gans 1979). In contrast, ordinary
citizens are relatively more present in background articles.
Figure 1. Media type versus % of sources (N=1961), M=mainstream
30%
16%
26%
30%
60%
37%
11%
9%
10%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Newspapers
Broadcasters
All CoveragePolitical
Government
Companies
Journalists
Experts
Other M source
Ordinary Citizen
Non-M Group
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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Dominant sources - Our original optimism is further tempered as 32.1% of all 763 sources
that are firstly quoted in each article (“dominant” sources) are political sources. This finding
exemplifies that journalists still prefer to place authoritative sources first to introduce an issue
and thereby set its interpretation framework, which is in line with traditional literature on
source selection (Gans 1979; Hall et al. [1978] 1999). This conclusion is confirmed if we
make a more broad comparison between mainstream (61.9%) and non-mainstream (37.9%)
dominant sources. Nonetheless, further signs of diverse sourcing practices can be found in
the fact that ordinary citizens (25.7%) and non-mainstream groups (12.2%) follow at rank two
and three as dominant sources. This latter finding is especially important as NGOs, social
movements and groups of demonstrators are more important as dominant news sources
compared to the overall coverage (10.0%), which especially for NGOs points to their
development as authoritative news sources in given fields of discourse (Davis 2000).
Relation of sources to the event - The majority of all sources are personally involved in the
event (45.9%) or provide eyewitness reports (34.8%). If we set the focus specifically on
ordinary citizen sources, they are seldom quoted as vox pop (11.5%) merely to add colour to
mainstream sources’ standpoints. Instead most of them are consulted as eyewitnesses
(78.6%), mainly Arab demonstrators testifying about their participation in the street protests
or Belgian tourists talking about their evacuation from holiday resorts. Although we cannot
conclude solely based on these findings that every eyewitness account brings more
viewpoints and story angles on board (as envisioned by the network journalism concept), the
findings do reveal that ordinary citizens are more often heard compared to everyday foreign
coverage (Van Leuven, Deprez, and Raeymaeckers 2013; Gans 2011).
Differences between newspapers and broadcasters (RQ3) - Figure 1 points out that
mainstream sources (especially political sources, 29.6%) are outstanding in newspapers
(59.1% of all sources in newspapers) while non-mainstream sources are outstanding in
broadcast news (68.9%). If we set the focus specifically on ordinary citizen sources, we see
that in newspaper articles their presence is much more limited (29.7%) while in broadcast
news they are overwhelmingly present (60.4% of all sources in broadcast news). A possible
explanation can be found in the bigger publication space of newspapers that allows for a
more contextual treatment of events while broadcasters are faced with limited airtime and are
therefore often forced to treat the news in a more superficial manner. Combined with the
higher importance of the visual element in broadcast news these differences result in a
higher emphasis on spectacle in television news and more references to ordinary people that
eye witnessed or experienced the dramatic event. Indeed, the finding that most sources in
television news are eyewitnesses (62.4%) from Belgian, Egypt, or Tunisian origin indicates
that many of the sources in broadcast news of the revolts are Arab demonstrators or Belgian
tourists in Egypt and Tunisia. This conclusion is important as it shows how television news,
by interviewing tourists, or more importantly by interviewing local demonstrators in the streets
“grants authority to the subjects of this coverage because of its use of film as a mode of
‘eyewitness’ observation” (Peer and Chestnut 1995, 83).
Differences between quality newspapers / public broadcaster and popular newspapers /
commercial broadcaster (RQ4) - As expected, non-mainstream sources are significantly
(p=0.000) more prominent in quality newspapers and the public broadcaster (48.7% of all
sources in these media) compared to popular newspapers and the commercial broadcaster
(40.3%). The relatively higher prominence of ordinary citizens in quality newspapers and the
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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public broadcaster therefore seems to be inspired by network journalism practices rather
than by a commercial strategy to attract a bigger audience that is often applied by popular
newspapers and the commercial broadcaster.
RQ2 – The role of social media and amateur footage3
Social media are consulted in 10.3% of the articles which is a substantially higher proportion
compared to everyday foreign coverage (Van Leuven, Deprez, and Raeymaeckers 2013). A
total of 79 of 128 quotes (61.7%) sourced via social media are attributed to ordinary citizens.
Eleven social media quotes are attributed to non-mainstream groups. Most sources that were
contacted via social media are Egyptian (34), Tunisian (7) and Syrian (12), which indicates
that social media are mainly used to get in touch with local, non-mainstream sources (as
envisioned by the network journalism concept). However, examples where social media
sourcing adds value to the coverage are exceptional (e.g., references to nawaat.org, a
website run by Tunisian activists outside the country). In most cases, Belgian journalists
struggle with social media sourcing. For example, De Standaard repeatedly displayed Twitter
and Facebook quotes in a separate column to illustrate the content of news articles about the
Egypt uprising (44 quoted sources in total). Most of the quotes express the experiences and
emotions of participants in the Egyptian uprising (e.g., “You can do it!!! Tunisia supports u!
Good luck ”). Viewed from the perspective of network journalism, one could interpret this
shift in sourcing practices as a move to allow more non-mainstream sources in the coverage.
Conversely, one can still question how far these personal comments add depth and new
viewpoints to the coverage, especially when they are not integrated in the news article but
instead “packaged away from traditional media coverage” (Heinrich 2012, 769).
Inter-media differences (RQ3 and RQ4) - As expected, the analysis showed that quality
newspapers and the public broadcaster significantly more (p=0.006) than the popular
newspapers and the commercial broadcaster consulted social media sources (RQ4).
Furthermore, we found that the newspapers consulted significantly more (p=0.003) social
media sources than the broadcasters did (RQ3). However, we did not count amateur videos
in broadcast news as social media sources because it was not explicitly mentioned how
these videos were distributed. It is yet highly presumable that most of these were distributed
via social media platforms. As 17.5% of broadcast news or 3.6% of the total coverage
contains amateur footage, the combined count of social media sources and amateur footage
results in a considerable 13.9% of all coverage where journalists make use of social media
sources. From this point of view it is clear that broadcasters significantly more than
newspapers made use of user-generated content and social media platforms. This is again
related to the high importance of the visual element in broadcast news that prompts
journalists to use non-official footage when no other footage is available (35 of 40 uses of
amateur footage occur in coverage on the Syrian uprising, mainly on the public broadcaster).
In the case of newspapers, we analyzed the sources of pictures separately. 403 of 892
newspaper articles (45.2%) contained one or more pictures. Most pictures are delivered by
(photo) news agencies (81.1%) and professional photographers (6.7%). Copyright of the
picture(s) is unknown in another 6.7% of the cases. Most importantly, we see that social
media (4.2%) and other internet (1.2%) photographs are rarely used.
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
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Conclusion
The analysis presented in this article focused on the questions whether Belgian news
coverage of the Arab Spring shows signs of more diverse sourcing practices (RQ1-2) and
whether we can find inter-media differences (RQ3-4). The findings are mixed.
On the one hand, we found signs of more diverse sourcing practices compared to everyday
foreign coverage (Van Leuven, Deprez, and Raeymaeckers 2013). Ordinary citizens and
non-mainstream groups are important news sources, and social media are relatively often
used in the news gathering process (RQ1-2). On the other hand, our original optimism needs
to be toned down, as it appears that Belgian journalists mainly turn to official political sources
to introduce the news and set the interpretation frame for the article. Moreover, non-
mainstream sources may be important news sources in quantitative terms, but it seems that
ordinary citizens (as eyewitnesses) and social media are mainly consulted to illustrate the
information in the news article. In a recurring critique on sourcing ordinary citizens in the
news, some authors state that this approach does not add depth and new viewpoints to the
message (as envisioned by the network journalism concept) but rather dumbs-down the
information in the news article (Habermas 1974). In contrast, Gans (2011) demands that
news media should represent the general public and make their voices heard to foster public
discourse. Other authors stress that this approach allows more ordinary people to
understand the news from real-life experiences. Eyewitness accounts may not add a well-
considered argument to the public debate about the uprisings, but they can still add a new
layer to the discussion (Dahlgren and Gurevitch 2005; McNair 2009).
From this perspective, it is important to keep in mind that non-mainstream sources are most
prominent in quality newspapers and the public broadcaster, which goes against complaints
of dumbing-down the news that are mainly directed towards popular newspapers and the
commercial broadcaster (Joye 2010). Instead, the relatively higher prominence of ordinary
citizens in quality newspapers and the public broadcaster seems to be inspired by network
journalism practices (RQ4). We also found more signs of network journalism practices in TV
news compared to newspaper articles. Our analysis suggests that social media do not only
play an important role as information provider, but also as visual evidence in broadcast news
by showing the viewer what is happening on the ground (RQ3). Because of the word limit
there was no room for a detailed country comparison, but in summary, we did find more
characteristics of network journalism practices in news about the Syrian uprising. It seems
that strict media restrictions inspired Belgian journalists to rely more on on-the-ground, non-
mainstream sources that circumvented the restricted information access by means of digital
networks and social media platforms. This finding indicates that in a situation of information
chaos (McNair 2013), the network sphere offers opportunities for sources and journalists to
connect on a global scale and exhibit power abuse to a global audience. In this sense, our
analysis challenges traditional political-economic conceptions of international news coverage
as a means of “global dominance” by those in power (Cottle 2009).
Despite the fact that our analysis suggests that Belgian journalists are taking baby steps in
the direction of network journalism practices under certain circumstances, we need to add
two important comments to put our findings in the right perspective. First, a similar content
analysis of the Arab uprisings in Belgian TV news showed that most journalists relied on
international news media to verify the reliability of user-generated content before they
incorporated it in the news output (De Dobbelaer, Paulussen, and Maeseele 2013). Although
this finding suggests that most Belgian TV journalists did not yet actively “practice” network
journalism during the Arab uprisings, it cannot be denied that a change is already visible in
Van Leuven et al., Journalism Practice (2014) DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2014.894325
9
the news output. Second, our findings cannot be generalized because of the specific
character of the Arab uprisings compared to everyday foreign coverage. The Arab uprisings
dominated the media agenda for several weeks and therefore most news media had a
correspondent at the spot (except for Syria) while instead, everyday foreign reporting is
predominantly desk-bound work. In the case of Egypt and Tunisia, journalists had the
opportunity to go out there and talk to the people in the streets, therefore the higher
prominence of ordinary citizen sources and other non-mainstream sources in this case study
might not (only) be the result of the availability and use of social media material. Moreover,
ordinary people played a central role in the Arab uprisings as they were demonstrating in the
search for political change. In contrast, most everyday foreign coverage stems from an
institutional background such as economic negotiations between government leaders or
election coverage, where mainstream sources are the key players. Ethnographic studies in
newsrooms may be a good starting point to examine how far sourcing practices in this study
can be explained by network journalism practices or by the deviation from everyday desk-
bound sourcing practices where journalists may be more inclined to rely on mainstream
sources (e.g., news agencies, government). The paradigm of network journalism suggests
that news organizations develop new and continuous links with mainstream and non-
mainstream sources. Social media can in this respect add to a more diverse news map and
further research will help to assess how journalistic organizations cope with the new sources
at hand, and how much of an influx they allow into their network.
Notes
1 Sample periods: Tunisia (18 December 2010-28 February 2011), Egypt (25 January 2011 -
- 15 February 2011), Syria (15 March 2011 - 18 July 2011). 2 We used the following keywords: Egypt*, Tahrir*, Moebarak, Caïro (Egypt); Tunes*, Tunis,
Ben Ali (Tunisia); Syri*, Damascus, al-Assad (Syria). All news items that did not discuss the
uprisings in the respective countries were deleted from the sample. 3 It is important to keep in mind that we only counted social media sources as far as they
could be observed in the news output. This is an important limitation of quantitative content
analysis as journalists do not always explicitly mention their sources.
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AUTHOR INFORMATION
Author 1: Dr. Sarah Van Leuven
Affiliation: Ghent University, Department of Translation, Interpreting and Communication
Phone: +32 9 33 11 968
E-mail: Sarah.VanLeuven@UGent.be
Homepage: http://www.cjs.ugent.be/members/sarah-van-leuven
Author 2: Prof. Dr. Annelore Deprez
Affiliation: Ghent University, Department of Communication Sciences
Phone: +32 9 264 68 84
E-mail: Annelore.Deprez@UGent.be
Homepage: http://www.cjs.ugent.be/members/annelore-deprez
Author 3: Prof. Dr. Karin Raeymaeckers
Affiliation: Ghent University, Department of Communication Sciences
Address: Korte Meer 7-9-11, 9000 Ghent, Belgium
Phone: +32 9 264 84 29
E-mail: Karin.Raeymaeckers@UGent.be
Homepage: http://www.cjs.ugent.be/members/karin-raeymaeckers