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Newspaper and urban life

Will Straw. English original of a text published in French as Les journaux et la vie urbaine.

Citation: Will Straw, «Les journaux et la vie urbaine», Médias 19 [En ligne], Le périodique en contexte : logiques et configuration du journal, Publications, Micheline Cambron et Stéphanie Danaux (dir.), La recherche sur la presse : nouveaux bilans nationaux et internationaux, mis à jour le : 06/12/2013, URL : http://www.medias19.org/index.php?id=15558.

This article summarizes, in a modest and necessarily incomplete fashion, a variety of ways in which scholars have conceived the relationship between newspapers and urban life. Following Karllheinz Stierle (who invokes the ideas of Jean De La Bruyère), we may see the newspaper as one of those “milles choses extérieures” which, in the life of cities, have displaced monumental structures as the defining features of urban life1.

The newspaper is not an exclusively urban cultural form, of course. In the United States, the small-town community newspaper remains a much studied (and cherished) object of analysis. Conversely, major newspapers in countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom and France and elsewhere are national in their focus and readership, even when their editorial offices are located in those countries’ major cities. Nevertheless, I would argue, the key developments in the history of newspapers since the 19th century have been bound up with the expansion of urban life. The growth of a mass audience for newspapers since the 1830s, the development of tabloid forms near the turn of the last century and the imbrication of newspaper reading and distribution with patterns of urban mobility have rendered the newspaper a forceful symbol of city-based modernity.

Amidst the myriad of treatments of the newspaper’s relationship to urban life, we have isolated three tendencies. The first of these positions the newspaper within the circulation of speech and other forms of cultural expression in cities. As we shall see, the modern newspaper is often said to draw upon the orality of such urban institutions as the bourgeois salon or political meeting. The newspaper is sometimes seen as transforming this orality, stabilizing it by inscribing its traces upon the material surfaces of the newspaper page. At the same time, the short-lived ephemerality of the newspaper may be set against more durable inscriptions of text within urban life, such as advertising billboards or public notices whose durability is normally greater than that of any single newspaper.

A second set of treatments of the urban newspaper is concerned with the variety of ways in which the very form of newspapers may be seen as offering models of urban space and urban experience. Within these treatments, a number of questions are posed repeatedly. In what ways, for example, does the relationship between a newspaper’s various elements (its themes, styles and modes of organization) mirror the interconnections and hierarchies characteristic of urban life more generally? As a means of mapping the city, does the

1 Karlheinz Stierle, La capitale des signes : Paris et son discours, trans. Marianne Rocher-Jacquin (Paris: Ed. de la

Maison des sciences de l'homme, 2002). P. 47.

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metropolitan newspaper serve as an agent of orientation, rendering the city intelligible? Or, on the contrary, does the newspaper enhance the disorientation of urban life, highlighting the city’s disorder and its juxtapositions of seemingly unrelated phenomena.

A third way of conceiving the newspaper’s place within urban life addresses the patterns by which the newspaper as an object moves through the spaces of urban life. The newspaper is imbricated within broader systems for the distribution of printed materials and other commodities. A range of occupational roles and built structures have emerged to facilitate the distribution of newspapers, from the late 19th century newsboy through the 20th century news kiosk. Practices of newspaper reading themselves take place within a wide range of urban institutions, like cafés and subway cars, which have shaped the newspaper’s status as both leisurely distraction and hastily-consumed source of the information necessary for urban life.

1. The newspaper as discursive crossroads

The urban newspaper, Corinne Saminadayar-Perrin has suggested, sits at the intersection of

multiple forms of speech2. While this claim may be uncontroversial, it is at the heart of some of

the most interesting research on the place of newspapers within urban life. Schematically, we

may say that this research works “backwards” from the newspaper, into the oral discourse which

is seen as one of its raw materials, and “forwards,” from newspapers into more fixed forms of

public textuality (such as advertising billboards) which are seen as extending some of the

newspaper’s functions. Newspapers are surrounded by oral discourses of all sorts, from gossipy

speech to intellectual debates conducted within public spaces such as cafés. At the same time,

the urban newspaper circulates in the world amidst other fixed forms of graphic and printed

discourse, such as books and signage. The newspaper is both more material and long-lasting

than any given instance of speech and transitory relative to more durable forms of printed or

graphic communication.

The movement of oral discourse into the spaces of journalism is often described as an effect of

shifting relationships between social classes in the 18th

and 19th

centuries. Vaillant suggests that

the spaces of modern media took shape when the expansion of the bourgeoisie rendered this

class unable to contain its sociability within private contexts. The speech constitutive of this

sociability spilled first into salons, then into “cafés et autres lieux semi-publics”3. In these semi-

public spaces, Saminaday-Perrin notes, social speech came to circulate within discursive

networks which include those of journalism4. Newspapers became a key medium for absorbing

2 Corinne Saminadayar-Perrin, , 1836-1885, e e

si cle en repr sentation s aint- tienne ublications de l ni ersit de aint-Etienne, 2007). P. 173.

3 Alain Vaillant , «Le double jeu du journal, entre communication médiatique et correspondance privée», Médias

19 [En ligne], Publications, Guillaume Pinson (dir.), La lettre et la presse po tique de l’intime et culture

médiatique, 1. LA LETTRE, MÉDIATION MÉDIATIQUE, mis à jour le : 19/04/2012, URL :

http://www.medias19.org/index.php?id=341.

4 Saminadayar-Perrin, p. 173.

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this speech, reducing the distance between their own, journalistic erudition and the stylized

forms of exchange characteristic of public sociability.

Within the newspaper and the journalistic networks which sustain it, the life of oral discourse is

extended, even as that discourse is transformed. As Guillaume Pinson observes, speaking of the

1ate 19th

century French newspaper, “[l]a presse mondaine reste fascin e par l’oralit , comme si

celle-ci demeurait son origine profonde. Elle cherche à la mettre en scène directement

(dialogues, citations) ou de façon détournée par certaines formes de microrécits qui sont

diss min s dans l’espace du journal.5”. The newspaper, in Vaillant’s words, ser es as a relay,

prolonging the forms of oral exchange typical of urban social life within forms of reporting

which become ever more lively with time6.

This emphasis on journalism’s debts to the oral communication of bourgeois sociability is most

common in treatments of the French press. In American research, such as the influential work of

the early 20th

century sociologist Robert Park, the newspaper does not absorb the erudition of the

literary salon so much as it seeks to approximate the popular language of the street. For Park, the

evolution of the newspaper in the late 19th

and early 20th

centuries was marked by on ongoing

reduction of the distance between journalism and an everyday oral communication marked

precisely by its low levels of erudition.. In the early decades of the 20th

century, journalism in

the U.S. came to be colonized by the forms and styles of slangy, street-level speech 7.

We may incorporate these various insights within a broader theory of the circulation of speech

and knowledge within cities. Pinson notes that the movement of speech through the city

produces specific forms of urban knowledge, some of which come to be fixed in print form8.

The newspaper “bre ity” and the gossipy society column are simultaneously journalistic formats

and distinct ways of rendering “knowable” the sociability of urban life. n a more general sense,

Karhlheinz tierle has written of the discourse of the city as a “sa oir nomade”, which seeks its

appropriate forms of expression. The city, in tierle’s worlds, speaks endlessly to itself. The

newspaper is one among many channels through which this speech travels and, at the same time,

a device for stabilizing this speech in durable forms9.

If, for Park, the newspaper reduced the social distance between journalistic and everyday speech,

Stierle sees urban life as bringing about a general equivalence between ways of knowing the city:

the knowledge produced by the flâneur, the amateur historian and the specialized administrator

5 Guillaume Pinson, Fiction du monde : de la presse mondaine à Marcel Proust, Socius (Montréal: Presses de

l'Université de Montréal, 2008).p. 169.

6 Vaillant , op. cit.

7 Robert Park, quoted in James Miller, "Mainstream journalism as anti-vernacular modernism," Journalism Studies

13, no. 1 (2012). P. 9.

8 Pinson, op. cit., 73.

9 Stierle, op. cit, p. 173.

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assume equal legitimacy10

. Similar claims are offered by Géraldine Muhlmann, for whom the

newspaper challenged distinctions between the perspectives on urban life offered by journalists,

literary authors and sociologists11

. Journalism takes its place among other forms of urban

knowledge, both as the generator of its own distincti e ways of “knowing” the city and through

the ways in which it grants equal value to all the others.

n the city, then, orality is drawn into practices of writing, subject to a “transfiguration

heuristique” aminadayar-Perrin, 1974) which settles upon the pages of the newspaper.

Likewise, as Vaudevan suggests, just as the newspaper works upon gossip and other oral

communication to stabilize and standardize its forms – within the feuilleton or the society

column – journalism’s own heteroglossia becomes the raw material for other forms of public

textuality, like the “billboards, placards, and neon signs which co ered the facades of city

buildings”12

. This sense of the newspaper as an intermediary point in the circulation of urban

discourse, between the uncontrolled flow of speech and the publically inscribed forms of

information and publicity, is central to Da id Henkin’s analysis of the 19th

century city.

By the 1920s or 1930s, one could trace a passage from the exclamatory speech of the city street

to the sensational headlines of the tabloid newspaper and, from there, to the sloganistic

exhortations of the advertising sign or billboard. This passage is described in rich detail in

studies of the Times Square area in New York city, wherein the specialized slang of show

business and low-level commercial culture was absorbed within the journalistic styles of

Broadway chroniclers such as the columnist Walter Winchell, whose writing in turn influenced

contemporary forms of advertising rhetoric13

.

2. Newspaper form and city form

In his influential work on nationality, Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson argued that the newspaper plays a key role in producing a sense of cohesion across disparate populations. Like the novel, the newspaper inspires a sense of collective belonging through the simultaneity and interconnection which it ascribes to disparate events. The newspaper binds major upheavals and minor faits divers within the coherent image of a shared homogenous time14. Political revolutions, random crimes and economic 10

Stierle, op. cit., 34.

11 raldine uhlmann, Du journalisme en démocratie : essai (Paris: Payot, 2004).

12 A. Vasudevan, "Writing the asphalt jungle: Berlin and the performance of classical modernity 1900 - 33,"

Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 21, no. 2 (2003). P. 175.

13 See, for example Neal Gabler, Winchell : gossip, power, and the culture of celebrity, 1st ed. (New York: Knopf,

1994). And William R. Taylor, "A Place That Words Built: Broadway, Damon Runyon, and the Slanguage of

Lobster Alley," in In Pursuit of Gotham: Culture and Commerce in New York ed. William R. Taylor (New York and

Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992). And, for my own examination of this phenomena, Will Straw, "Squawkies

and Talkies," Parallax 14, no. 2 (2008).

14 Benedict Anderson, Imagined communities reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (London: Verso,

1991). P. 31.

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fluctuations all come to be interwoven as elements within the unfolding of a uniform history.

While Anderson is writing of the newspaper in relation to the nation rather than the city, others have argued that the newspaper produces a similar image of the interconnected character of urban life. In the late 19th century New York newspaper, as David Henkin observes, the simultaneity of disparate events within urban life is realized as the proximity of different kinds of journalistic coverage within the pages of the newspaper:

“We might add that in the case of antebellum New York, the daily newspaper connected its subjects by presenting them as contiguous. The metropolitan press organized a community (and a public) around metaphors of space as well as metaphors of time, depicting people, events, products, and ideologies as sharing a crowded public space strikingly evocative (but not accurately reflective) of the city itself15.”

If the newspaper offers an image of the continguities of urban life, it does so, it is argued, through the development of new graphic forms which efficiently convey this contiguity. While the novel joined together disparate phenomena by interweaving them over the unfolding of narrative temporality, the modern newspaper employs the graphic forms of the table and the grid to express simultaneity in spatial terms. In its feature articles, columns and standardized features (such as movie listings and death notices), the newspaper organizes the events of the city within contiguous graphic containers (boxes, tables and lists) which function both to isolate these distinct elements of urban life and to offer an image of their simultaneous existence within a totalizing urban cartography. For Philip Fisher, the city and the newspaper are both bearers of information organized in

“The city itself is (. . . ) a tabulation that records and stores in its physical appearance tens of thousands of separate decisions: alterations, facts of care and neglect, decisions to build and destroy, all in a retrievable form. The city and its small, temporary, hand-held image – the newspaper – satisfy the two goals of completeness and order. . .16.”

One of the questions posed by such analyses is whether these homologies between the city and the newspaper render the latter an efficient tool of orientation for urban dwellers. In an influential work on print culture of the 19th century, Richard Terdiman argued that the newspaper functions above all to produce a false “totalization” of the social realm. By presenting events and issues side by side – spatially contiguous but thematically separated – the newspaper neutralizes sociopolitical contradiction. Its very form thus acts as a barrier to a comprehensive understanding through which the urban subject would grasp the casual connections which link political and economic events or tie the faits divers to the social conditions which render it possible. The newspaper, in Terdiman’s words, “instructs

15

David M. Henkin, City reading : written words and public spaces in antebellum New York (New York: Columbia

University Press, 1998). P. 129.

16 Philip Fisher, "Torn Space: James Joyce's Ulysses," in The Novel. Volume 2: Forms and Themes, ed. Franco

Moretti (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006). P. 668.

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us in the apparently irreducible fragmentation of daily experience, and by its normalization prepares us to live it”17.

This sense of the newspaper as a pedagogical instrument, training its readers in the perceptual skills required for urban life, is developed in a variety of writings on the daily press. In more sociological accounts of this training, journalism works as an instrument of assimilation for people newly arrived in cities, “integrating and acculturating new immigrants to local and national culture.” The newspaper accomplishes this through the dissemination of factual information and clues through which the behaviours of immigrants might be calibrated and transformed18

In more elaborate terms, Peter Fritzsche has argued that the newspaper, by highlighting the relevant details of city life and obscuring others, helped to regulate the vision and attention of the mobile city-dweller. In early 20th century Berlin, the newspaper ““trained readers how to move through streets and crowds in addition to guiding them among sensational sights”19. Fisher, likewise, sees the newspaper as training the inhabitants of the city in the perceptual habits which urban life requires. With its different stories and themes competing for attention, the newspaper page is like the city itself, both requiring that we scan them quickly, in a distracted fashion20. Two Canadian scholars and poets, Steve McCaffrey and b.p. nichol, push these analogies even further: with its front page offering multiple openings into stories continued and completed at very different points in its interior pages, the newspaper assumes some of the labyrinthian character of the city itself21.

3. The newspaper as urban object

More than most other forms of print culture, the newspaper is promoted, sold and read in public spaces. This characteristic of the newspaper has assured its presence within emblematic images of urban life, particularly those produced within the first half of the 20th century. Visual representations of the newshawker, periodical kiosk and sensational front page are familiar elements of the visual culture of the modern city, preserved within

17

Richard Terdiman, Discourse-counter-discourse the theory and practice of symbolic resistance in nineteenth-

century France (Ithaca ; London: Cornell university press, 1985), .p. 131.

18 Eric Klinenberg, "Convergence: News Production in a Digital Age," The ANNALS of the American Academy of

Political and Social Science 597, no. 1 (2005). P. 59.

19 Peter Fritzsche, Reading Berlin 1900 (Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1996), .p. 15.

20 Fisher, 669.

21 Steve and bp Nichol McCaffrey, "The Book as Machine," in A Book of the Book: Some Works & Projections

About The Book & Writing, ed. Jerome and Steven Clay Rothenberg (New York, New York: Granary Books, 2000).

P. 21.

7

entertainment films and in the work of street photographers22. In this imagery the newspaper is seen, as a material form occupying urban space, more than it is read, as a textual artefact of city life.

The act of reading newspapers in public places has been a familiar feature of urban life since the 19th century. As Sansot suggests, the locations in which a newspaper is read may render it an encouragement or impediment to sociability. At the bistro, in his account, the newspaper acts as the stimulus for exchange with others, prompting discussion, debate and the sharing of information. The bistro thus takes over some of the functions of the coffee houses so central to Jurgen Habermas’ account of the rise of the European public sphere. In the modern café, in contrast, the newspaper becomes a device for protecting one’s privacy; the act of reading signals one’s desire to maintain a social distance, to retreat into non-sociability23. As such, the newspaper functions to partially detach or transport urban subjects from the physical places in which they find themselves, a feature of media which will be the focus of a critical tradition enduring through the age of contemporary wireless devices. In 1920, John Dewey had written of periodicals designed for the “intermediate state of existence” of train and streetcar passengers. Reading their newspapers within the transitional zones of urban transportation, city dwellers consumed journalism which itself moved in indeterminate fashion between the paces of the local, national and international24.

Newspapers and people move within cities along complex circuits that regularly meet and overlap. In the late 19

th century, in major cities such as New York or London, newspapers were

sold by newshawkers typically called “newsboys”in North America, who sold newspapers,

usually on a commission basis, to those travelling on foot on city streets. Newsboys perpetuated

the practices of the crieurs who, in earlier periods, had sold other forms of print culture (such as

songsheets) or publicized the offerings of taverns, rag merchants and other commercial

establishments25

. As Henkin suggests, the newsboy was a traditional figure, carrying on these

older traditions of oral promotion while participating, through their military-like organization

and efficiency, in the expansion of the newspaper as a distinctly modern, industrialized cultural

form26

.

By the early decades of the 20th

century, the original newshawker had lost its pre-eminence to the

22

See, for example, V. Penelope Pelizzon and Nancy Martha West, Tabloid, Inc. : crimes, newspapers, narratives

(Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2010).

23 Pierre Sansot, , ollection d esth tique, 8 (Paris,: Klincksieck, 1971). P. 26. See also rgen

Habermas, The structural transformation of the public sphere : an inquiry into a category of bourgeois society

(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1989). And Vaillant, op. cit.

24 John Dewey, "Americanism and Localism," The Dial 1920. Pp. 684-688.

25 See, for a discussion, Danièle Alexandre-Bidon, "À cor et à cri. La communication marchande dans la ville

médiévale," Communications (2012).

26 Henkin, op cit, p. 111.

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newsstand, the street-corner kiosk from which foot travelers could purchase newspapers

alongside chewing gum, cigarettes and other amenities of urban life. The newsstand preceded

the 20th

century, of course. Indeed, he installation of news kiosk throughout Paris was a widely-

recognized feature of Haussmann’s standardization and modernization of that city. 27

By the

early 1900s, as Gregory Shaya has shown in his analysis of the Parisian crowd, periodical

illustrations showing urban-dwellers gathering at the site of sensational events (like murders or

fires) had been partially displaced by engravings of crowds grabbing newspapers whose

headlines annunced similar events28

. It is in such images that one reading of the newsstand takes

shape – that which sees the newspaper kiosk as a symbol of urban chaos and mixing, a social

carrefour attracting customers from all classes. Reu eni’s analysis of periodical kiosks in

Germany in the early 20th

century makes similar claims about the capacity of these points de

ente to bring about “the mingling and free movement of readers belonging to different social

groups29

.

For Sansot, the archetypical newsstand customer was “l’homme press , l’homme sans racine”,

the travelling city-dweller who grabbed reading material while moving rapidly from one one

place to another. The buying of newspapers involved little of the social interaction characteristic

of other forms of commerce; rather, it exemplified the speed and anonymity of urban life30

. An

alternate vision of the newspaper kiosk would stress its quiet tolerance, its status as emblem of

urban pluralism. In the 1920s, the German social theorist Siegfried Kracauer, wrote that the

newspaper kiosk offered an image of the city’s capacity to hold different iews of the world

together in harmony. That harmony was concretized in the capacity of newsstands to contain

newspapers and periodicals of distinct, even opposed political opinions in quiet proximity:

“Au milieu du tourbillon se dressent les kiosques à journaux, minuscules temples où les

publications du monde entier se donnent rendez-vous. Ceux qui dans la vie se combattent comme

des adversaires se trouvent imprimés côte à côte, l'entente ne saurait être plus grande. Là où les

organes de presse yiddish, s'appuyant sur des textes arabes, sont au contact de gros titres

polonais, la paix est assurée. Mais il reste que les journaux ne se connaissent pas. Chaque

exemplaire est plié sur lui-même et se contente de la lecture de ses propres colonnes.

Indépendamment de l'étroite relation matérielle entretenue par les feuilles de papier, les

nouvelles qu'ils diffusent sont si dépourvues de rapport qu'ils n'en donnent même pas sur leur

propre compte. Dans les intervalles, c'est le démon du vide spirituel qui règne sans partage31

.

(Kracauer, 1995: 43).

27

Gregory Shaya, "The Flaneur, the Badaud, and the Making of a Mass Public in France, circa 1860-1910," The

American Historical Review 109, no. 1 (2004).

28 Ibid.

29 Gideon Reuveni, "Reading Sites as Sights for Reading. The Sale of Newspapers in Germany before 1933:

Bookshops in Railway Stations, Kiosks and Street Vendors," Social History 27, no. 3 (2002).p. 275.

30 Sansot, op cit, p. 183.

31 Siegfried Kracauer, ’ . E w , trans. Sabinne Cornille (Paris:

Editions de la découverte, 2008).

9

Writing many years later, but of roughly the same period, Adrian Rifkin would see the news

kiosk’s array of offerings “ordered by their price and appearance [as] itself a ersion of the social

space of the city, of its day-to-day circulations and crossing tracks of physical proximity and

social distance” Rifkin, 1993 109 . Recognizing the political divisions endemic to the periods

described here (Berlin in the 1920s for Kracauer, Paris in the 1930s for Rifkin), we might see

the newsstand as an agent of mystification, hiding conflict within the comfortable juxtaposition

which it makes possible. Alternately, in the spirit which Kracauer offers, we may see it as an

emblem of the city’s tolerance, of its reduction of political conflict to the harmonious proximity

of multiple voices. This peaceful proximity is one of the key messages of Métropole/Montreal

by Night, produced by the Office national du film du Canada in 194732

. Early in this film, we

see a newskiosk at the corner of Peel and St. Catherines streets. Anglophone and Francophone

newspapers sit beside each other, as hands enter from off-screen and grab copies of each, their

buyers addressing the vendor in the appropriate language. The proximity of newspapers in each

language is offered here as emblematic of the seamless bilingualism offered up as characteristic

of Montreal.

Concluding remarks

The last three decades have witnessed ongoing polemics over the extent to which the city is a

text or a medium33

. This issue, perennially unresolved, remains less useful than the less

essentializing question of how forms of textuality and mediality structure the practices and

sensations of urban life. It is common, in recent scholarship, to speak of the contemporary city

as “known” through its tele isual and cinematic representations more than through forms of print

culture such as the newspaper34

. The views of city skylines seen at the beginning of

entertainment films, or captured in the “skycams” employed by tele ision news organizations

may well have displaced the tabular spaces of the modern newspaper as dominant means by

which the city is mapped and made intelligible.

Even as the future of the conventional newspaper remains uncertain, however, the enormous

growth in the early 21st century of newspapers (like Métro or 24 heures) distributed by an

immigrant workforce to those using urban transit systems suggests an ongoing reinvention of the

32

Burrows, Arthur and Jean Palardey, producers. Métropole/Montreal by Night. Montreal: Office national du film,

1947. 11 min.

33 See, for example, Friedrich A. Kittler, "The City is a Medium," New Literary History 27, no. 4 (1996).; David

Frisby, "The metropolis as text Otto Wagner and Vienna s ‘second renaissance’," Renaissance and Modern Studies

40, no. 1 (1997).

34 See, among many other examples Maria; Kennedy Balshaw, Liam, "Introduction: Urban Space and

Representation " in Urban Space and Representation, ed. Maria Balshaw and Liam Kennedy (London: Pluto Press,

2000); Alain Mons, La traversée du visible: Images et lieux du contemporain (Paris: Editions de la passion

2002).

10

newspaper in response to shifts in the social and technological composition of cities35

. At the

same time, we are living amidst the ongoing proliferation of large-scale public screens with

scrolling text and the ubiquity of handheld devices in which texts remain central. These

technologies remind us that urban life is still marked by practices of what David Henkin called

“city reading” and by the “small bits and rich streams of text” that eter Fritzsche saw as

constitutive features of urban modernity 36

.

Translated by Marion Froger

35

For a study of these newspapers, see Will Straw, "Hawkers and public space: Free commuter newspapers in

Canada," in How Canadians Communicate III: Contexts of Canadian Popular Culture, ed. Derek Briton Bart Beaty,

Gloria Flax and Rebecca Sullivan (Athabasca, Canada: Athabasca University Press, 2010).

36 Henkin, op cit.; Fritzsche, op cit, p. 1.

11

Alexandre-Bidon, Danièle. "À Cor Et À Cri. La Communication Marchande Dans La Ville

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Dewey, John. "Americanism and Localism." The Dial, 1920, 684-88.

Fisher, Philip. "Torn Space: James Joyce's Ulysses." Chap. In The Novel. Volume 2: Forms and

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before 1933: Bookshops in Railway Stations, Kiosks and Street Vendors." Social History

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12

Saminadayar-Perrin, Corinne. D D E M D S ,

1836-1885. e ixe i le n Repr entation . aint- tienne ublications de

l ni ersit de aint-Etienne, 2007.

Sansot, Pierre. D . ollection D esth Tique, 8. Paris,: Klincksieck, 1971.

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