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Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014
1-1-1993
Constructive-developmental theory : an application to Constructive-developmental theory : an application to
motherhood. motherhood.
Ellen, Doyle University of Massachusetts Amherst
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CONSTRUCTIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY: AN
APPLICATION TO MOTHERHOOD
A Dissertation Presented
by
ELLEN DOYLE
Submitted to the Graduate School of theUniversity of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
MAY 1993
School of Education
CONSTRUCTIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY: AN
APPLICATION TO MOTHERHOOD
A Dissertation Presented
by
ELLEN DOYLE
Approved as to style and content by
Y Carey
Maurianne Adams, Member
*
Susan Whitbourne, Member
-Bai ley W.Jacksoi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to acknowledge the
contributions of Jay Carey to this work. His consistency,
editorial skill and unflappable confidence in my competence
has been a major source of support both in completing this
dissertation and in my studies in general.
Maurianne Adams and Gerry Weinstein encouraged my
interest in developmental theory by their teaching and
enthusiasm. Susan Whitbourne's support and interest in
women's development is also appreciated.
The many colleagues with whom I have shared research
groups have made contributions to this project along the
way. I would especially like to acknowledge Marcia Black,
Linda Pratt and Bonnie Alpert for discussion that helped me
clarify my thinking.
My husband Bob Bence has been my mainstay in this
project. His understanding and confidence in me, as well as
his ungrudging financial support, made it possible for me to
achieve. My son, John, whose birth changed me and whose
presence in my life is a constant challenge to development,
is also acknowledged.
I would like to thank my friend, Barclay Braden, not just
for her support in this research and in graduate school, but
mostly for her respectful insistence that I find a way to
earn a doctorate. She helped me get started and the rest has
iv
been easy in comparison! Teresa Mayo and Mary Pat Treutharthave also empathized with and supported my aspirations.
Finally, the new mothers who participated in this
research are very important to me. Their warmth and candor
in talking to me about deeply personal, sometimes difficult
and always joyous issues is acknowledged.
V
ABSTRACT
CONSTRUCTIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY: AN
APPLICATION TO MOTHERHOOD
MAY 1993
ELLEN DOYLE
B.S., BLOOMSBURG UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
M.A., STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK AT ALBANY
Ph.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS
Directed by: Jay Carey
This study examines the relationship between
developmental stage and psychological experience in the
transition to motherhood. Kegan's constructive-developmental
theory (1982) is used to divide new mothers into groups
according to developmemtal position. The issues and themes
that emerge as salient for women at different developmental
positions are then contrasted.
Constructive-developmental theory describes the evolution
of stages of cognitive making meaning. The theory focuses on
underlying structural change in subject-object balance, a
balance which influences the manner in which individuals
experience themself and their environments.
Two semi-structured interviews provided data about
women's experiences in the transition to motherhood. The
content interview elicited information about the changes in
a woman's identity, her relationships and the integration of
vi
motherhood into her life structure. The Subject-Object
interview was conducted and scored for developmental
position. Participants also completed a demographic
questionnaire, a projective instrument and the MAACL-R.
Twelve first time mothers between the ages of 25 and 33 with
infants between the ages of 2 months and one year
participated.
The women in the sample are in the Interpersonal (3)
balance in Kegan's model so that relationships are an
important source of identity for them. The evolution through
the constructive-developmental continuum is confirmed by the
differentiation of two developmental groupings combining
Imperial (2) and Institutional (4) structures with the
Interpersonal (3). These groups vary in: their ability to
take perspective, the source of their identity and the
meaning of relationships in their lives. One women for whom
the Imperial (2) dominated is discussed separately.
The results are discussed in terms of connections to
previous research on motherhood, specifically 1.) the
ability to express anger 2) the impact of motherhood on
self-esteem and 3) motherhood and employment. Implications
of the study for providing services to new mothers are
discussed • Also ^ the theoretical implications of Imperial
(2) structures in normal adults and the application of
constructive-developmental theory to women's lives are
discussed.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS....IV
ABSTRACTvi
LIST OF TABLES . . .
X
Chapter
!• INTRODUCTION^
Purpose of the Study .
Theoretical Background 1Significance of the Study 6Focused Research Questions 9Definition of Terms 10
2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE nResearch Using Constructive-Developmental Theory . . 11Research on the Transition to Motherhood 15
Identity 26
Symbiosis 25"Old" Feelings
. . . 18Self-esteem 21Autonomy 23
Relationships 24
Husbands 24Mothers Own Mothers 29Social Network 30
Integration of Motherhood 31
Social Context of Motherhood 31Motherhood and Employment 32Work/Family Decision-making 34
3. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS 46
The Content Interview 47The Subject-Object Interview 50The Sample 52Data Management 54Data Analysis 55
Limitations of Study 58
viii
The SampleDevelopmental Data . ! !
Themes Which Differentiate *Dev4lopmentaliy* [ [ \ , [ 65
IdentityRelationships n\Integration into Life I ', 70Open-ended Questions
. . 79Results of Instruments onSummary of Developmental Differences 81
Common and Descriptive Themes 32
IdentityRelationships !!!!!*** 87Integration into Life giOpen-ended
[ 95Results of Instruments 99Summary of Common and Descriptive Themes , . . . 102
The Imperial (2) Balance 106
5. DISCUSSION -^-^^
Evolution of the Interpersonal (3) Balance 116
Taking Perspective 119Identity and Relationships *
12
1
Understanding Women as Mothers 124Connections with Motherhood Research 126
Anger 126Self Esteem 128Motherhood and Employment 129
Implications 132
Practice 132Theory I35
Further Research 140
APPENDICES
A. CONTENT INTERVIEW PROTOCOL 143B. INSTRUMENTS 144C. CONSENT FORM 146
BIBLIOGRAPHY 147
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Table1. Summary of Motherhood Research-
^^^^
Identity
2. Summary of Motherhood Research-Relationships
4 "1^
3. Summary of Motherhood Research-Integration 43
4. Demographic Variables
5. Distribution of Developmental Positions .. 63
6. Demographic Variables x DevelopmentalPosition 54
7. MAACL-R Scores by Group 100
8. MAACL-R Scores for Individual 2/3 110
9. Themes which DifferentiateDevelopmental ly HI
10. Common Themes 113
11. Descriptive Themes 114
X
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Purpose of the Study
The research question in this project is: What is the
relationship between a woman's developmental stage and her
psychological experience in the transition to motherhood?
This study examined the relationship between developmental
stage and the transition to motherhood by first
differentiating among women using constructive-developmental
theory (Kegan, 1982), and then comparing the developmental
data to the issues and themes that emerged as salient for
women at different developmental positions.
Until recently, the study of this transition point in
women's lives has been characterized by a focus on the
mother as an instrument of infant development (Gerson,
Alpert, Richardson, 1984). While the mother's relational
capacities were stressed and her affective states measured,
the major dependent variable has been the infant's behavior
and well being. In contrast, the woman and her experience in
relating to an infant and in changing her life and
relationships to make room for the infant is at the center
of concern in this study.
Theoretical Background
Kegan's constructive-developmental theory (1982) is a
general model of adult development that describes the
evolution of stages of making meaning. A stage theory of
development, the model describes psychological structures
which underlie the development of the self. These structures
combine the cognitive and affective by describing
increasingly complex cognitive capacities to reflect on the
psychological experience of the self and relationships with
others. A general model of adult development, the theory
describes the stages through which these psychological
structures evolve by mapping underlying structural change.
Kegan describes this change in terms of subject-object
balance which influences the manner in which individuals
experience themselves and their environments.
Constructive-developmental theory is a stage theory in
the Piagetian tradition. Piaget ' s stages describe
children's increasing capacity to understand principles of
the physical world. This capacity is driven by the
development of underlying cognitive capacities. A group of
theorists, collectively referred to as neo-Piagetian, have
applied the logic of these stages to describe development
in a variety of domains. Selman (1980) describes perspective
taking and Perry (1970) and Belenkey, Clinchy, Goldberger
and Tarule (1986) describe intellectual development in men
and women respectively. Kohlberg (1984), Gilligan (1982) and
Lyons (1983) have described stages in the development of
moral reasoning.
2
Kegan's theory is somewhat akin to Loevinger's (1976)
theory of ego development in that both are attempting a
broader application of the stage paradigm. Rather than
focusing on a particular domain of human behavior, these
theories describe the organization of broad band concepts,
the "self" for Kegan and the "ego" for Loevinger. In
particular, Kegan integrates cognitive structures, best
described by Piaget, and the psychodynamic psychology of
object relations theory. His theory
describes five stages in the development, or evolution, of
subject-object relationships, which are the individual's
manner of understanding his or her interpersonal and
intrapersonal experience. Each stage refers to a particular
"balance" of subject-object relationship. Subject refers to
that in which the person is embedded and cannot take
perspective. Object refers to material that the person can
think about and manipulate. Development is seen as
increasing one's ability to take perspective and reflect on
aspects of the self, relationships and experiences. The
theory is constructive-developmental in that the meaning of
experience is construed by the individual.
In developmental theory, an important distinction is made
between stage models which describe underlying structural
organizations and phase models which describe maturation and
the accomplishment of life tasks. A third factor, referred
to alternately as style and orientation, describes enduring
personality characteristics which cut across both stages andphases (Noam, 1985). In the paradigm of stage developmental
theory, the focus is on the deeper level of psychological
structure which does develop and change over time as
differentiated from stylistic characteristics which do not
change, thereby providing continuity to the self. This
stylistic continuity rests on the tradition of trait
psychology which studies enduring dispositions in order to
describe and better understand individual differences. In
the stage developmental paradigm, these varying styles are
seen as independent of stage structure.
The distinctions among stage, phase and style can be
somewhat confounded in developmental theory. An important
example is in the work on gender differences in development.
Researchers have noted differences in the way in which men
and women approached moral dilemmas, men as a group being
oriented to abstract principles and women toward
relationships (Gilligan, 1982) and the acquisition of
knowledge (Belenky et al, 1986), in which a contrast between
"separate and connected knowing" is drawn. General models of
adult development tend to include these two orientations as
stylistic differences that may be correlated with gender but
are not definitive of either group. In Kegan's theory, the
five stages or "balances" alternate between two poles of
inclusion and independence, with one or the other being
relatively more important to people in a particular balance.
Many women, because of their socialization, may be morelikely to spend longer periods of their lives at the
positions at the pole of inclusion while men may favor the
independence pole. This difference can be conceptualized as
a stylistic differencewhich is interacting with stage
development but not subsumed by it. A person, man or woman,
can have a relational style at any developmental position in
this model.
The Kegan stages or balances which are likely to
characterize young women making the transition to motherhood
are Stage 2, the Imperial, Stage 3, the Interpersonal and
Stage 4, the Institutional. A person in the Imperial (2)
balance is subject to and embedded in his or her own needs,
wishes and interests. They understand other people's
perspectives but only in light of their own purposes. This
balance is at the pole of independence.
Individuals in the Interpersonal (3) are subject to and
embedded in relationships. While they are able to take their
needs, wishes and impulses as object by reflecting on
themselves, they are unable to hold a self perspective that
is separate from other's perspectives on them. They do not
independently develop ideas and standards but adopt the ways
of various "shared realities", or interpersonal contexts.
Conflict results from the pull of these relational contexts.
This balance is at the pole of inclusion.
5
Individuals in the Institutional (4) can take as objectthe relational world. They have developed a set of
standards, a "theory" about the world. People in this
balance are not as buffeted by the perspectives and
expectations of others. However, they often adhere quite
rigidly to their self generated standards which can be held
as the "right" way. (Kegan, 1982)
In addressing the issue of how people change or evolve
through this sequence, Kegan borrows from Winnicotfs (1965)
concept of the "holding" environment. The context in which
people live, their jobs, relationships and life tasks,
creates what he calls a "culture of embeddedness" . This
culture confirms, contradicts or provide continuity, thereby
promoting either evolution to a new balance or integration
at the current level of meaning making.
Significance of the Study
Historically, women's lives and experiences have been
under- represented or completely ignored during the
conceptualization of social cognitive developmental models.
Many of our models of adult development have either been
developed initially on a male sample (Gould, 1978; Levinson,
1978; Perry, 1970) or have stressed issues of separation and
autonomy (Kohlberg, 1984) over connection and relationships
(Gilligan, 1982). Recent work that has looked exclusively at
women has identified a relational focus as being more
typical of women (Miller, 1984; Lyons, 1983; Belenkey et.
al., 1986). It seems that removing men from samples alloweda perspective to emerge that, while more prominent in
women, also is present and heretofore undervalued in men as
well
.
Constructive-developmental theory has been criticized as
reinforcing the male bias in developmental theory
(Attanucci, 1984) since the Interpersonal (3) is positioned
before the Institutional (4) and adult women are more likely
to remain at the Interpersonal (3) than adult men (Kegan,
1982). Carlson (1988) suggests that the "tensions of
differentiation and embeddedness" are lived differently by
women and men because the culture has shaped them
differently. However, I have chosen to use Regan's theory
because it takes what I see as the next step in the
evolution of developmental theory, the integration of these
two perspectives. The self focused style of the Imperial
(2), the relational perspective of the Interpersonal (3) and
the more autonomous style of the Institutional (4) are
positions that both women and men experience. Constructive-
developmental theory describes the movement between the
poles of connection and separation as part of the pattern of
life for all adults. Applying this theory to a sample of
women in a uniquely womanly transition is an extension of
the theory that has the potential to both deepen our
understanding of this transition for women and judge the
adequacy of this model of general adult development for
capturing the issues in women's lives.
From the point of view of utility, I propose that Kegan'stheory is helpful in identifying constructs which will
describe important individual differences among women as
mothers. Focusing on the women's construction of the
experience and the meaning of motherhood in her life will
help those who deliver services to better understand and
design services to support these women. The work of
counselors, therapists and other helping professionals will
be assisted by having a deeper understanding of the
challenges that motherhood presents to women
psychologically. Descriptors of different dilemmas and
resolutions and their meanings for women will be developed.
Finally, the work of researchers on infant and family
development will potentially be enriched by having assess to
a fuller picture of salient developmental variables of
mothers
.
I have chosen to study the transition to motherhood as
an example of a moment of change in women's lives, change
that is both common and rather standard and cuts across a
number of domains. The magnitude of the change in this
transition is great and affects fundamental aspects of daily
life. The demands of physically caring for an infant are
enormous and are so unlike life before the birth of a child
that anticipation can only underestimate the change.
8
Socially, the transition to a new societal role is occurringas new mothers join the community of women who are mothers.
Relationships shift to make room for the new, intense
relationships with the baby. Psychologically, the mother
needs to integrate this new relationship and role into her
sense of self. Because of the magnitude of this change, I
see this particular moment in these women's lives as one
where the issues of development and change are more likely
to be in the forefront and available for study.
Focused Research Questions
The following focused research questions will be
addressed:
What themes emerge as new mothers talk about changes that
occur in their identity, relationships and life structure as
a result of the transition to first-time motherhood?
What themes emerge when new mothers respond to open-
ended questions about the most difficult, rewarding,
unexpected and important part of motherhood for them?
Of these themes, which differentiate between women who
utilize a combination of Kegan's Imperial (2) and
Interpersonal (3) balances and those for who Interpersonal
(3) is combined with Institutional (4) balances?
Of these themes, which do not differentiate between the
women in these developmental groups?
9
What general hypotheses are supported by this data to
describe the strengths and challenges for new mothers at
each of these developmental positions?
Definition of Terms
For the purposes of this study, the transition to
motherhood is defined as the time period from birth to the
infant's first birthday. However, I focus on women with
babies at least 2 months old, who have had some time to get
organized in their new life as mothers. I also limit myself
to talking about biological mothers since the transition
issues might be somewhat different for adoptive mothers who
have not had the pregnancy period to prepare themselves
psychologically.
In discussing the transition, I am referring to the
changes in a woman's life that she perceives as stemming
from having become a mother. These changes are biological,
social, psychological, emotional and environmental. Life
events which stem from the transition, for instance leaving
a job to stay home full-time, are also considered part of
the transition.
10
CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
In this chapter, I will first discuss the literature on
the application of constructive developmental theory to
issues in the lives of adults. I will then summarize
selected motherhood literature focusing on research results
that shed light on the experiences of non-clinical
populations of adult women. I will not review research on
teenage mothers since different psychosocial issues are
likely to shape their experience. I will also not review the
research on psychopathological reactions to childbirth since
the focus of this study is on a "normal" sample. The
research findings of the motherhood literature are the
basis of the content interview protocol in this study.
Building the interview on the results of previous motherhood
research will help assure that data on relevant issues is
generated.
Research Using Constructive-Developmental Theory
Kegan's constructive-developmental theory has been useful
in providing theoretical constructs that add to the
understanding of adult development and increasing
sophistication in working with adults in various contexts.
Carlson (1988) applies this theory to a model of
developmental therapy. She conceptualizes therapy as a
"holding environment" that facilitates development by
confirming, contradicting and allowing for the continuationof ways of making meaning. She also sees therapy as
facilitating subject-object transition, describing the
process of change in therapy as helping the client take new
perspective so that they experience "no longer being the
problem, but having the problem"
.
In the management field, Torbert (1987) uses the Kegan
stages as a rough template for describing managers
developmental stages as well as the developmental stages of
organizations. Kegan and Lahey (1984) have also studied
organizational leadership and describe how the interaction
of the employer and employees developmental stages of
meaning making shape the effectiveness of leadership. The
most effective leaders were able to provide support in
varying forms tailored to the developmental capacities of
each employee. Daloz (1986) uses constructive developmental
theory to describe the development of returning adult
students and the role of mentors in light of this theory.
Constructive-developmental theory has also been applied
to the study of family life. Kegan and Lahey (1984),
discussing parenting as a form of leadership, describe the
parental role of limit setting in terms of the strengths and
weaknesses of parents at different developmental positions.
They point out the Interpersonal (3) parent's potential
difficulty with setting limits and, conversely, the
Institutional (4) parents' tendency to expect the child to
12
"join" their system of meaning making without enough
opportunity for personal exploration. In a qualitative studyof mothers relationships with their adolescent daughters,
Repetto (1988) noted the role of the mothers' anger as
daughters break with parent/child mutuality in favor of the
peer culture. The experience of feeling and trying to
understand their anger seems to have provided a
developmental push for many of these women. In Kegan's
theory, beginning to experience anger is a hallmark of the
emergence from interpersonal embeddedness
.
Jacobs (1984) studied well functioning marriages
utilizing the concepts of "holding environments" and
developmental stages from constructive developmental theory.
She found that marital partners "recruit each other to enact
a role in their central psychic drama" and can provide
"holding" for "earlier selves" and/or current development.
In her research, relationships which spanned different
developmental positions. Interpersonal (3) and
Institutional (4), were more stressful than those in which
the couples were similar. When one partner was in
transition, the "stable" partner experienced that as
unsettling. Allison (cited in Carlson, 1988) found that
partners in the Interpersonal (3) balance want security and
protection in their marital relationship and those in the
Institutional (4) balance accept the dynamics of process
(change, growth, development and transitional pain) and so
13
are also able to acknowledge and accommodate their partner'sneeds. These research findings support Carlson's (1988)
conclusion that "Developmental differences in marital
partners contribute to some of the unique, contrasting
interpretations of the marital world and it's functions in
the lives of partners... those very contrasts .. .contribute to
marital tension and disruption."
Finally, constructive developmental theory is
increasingly applied to the study of psychopathology in
order to better understand the uses of this theory in
therapy. Rogers and Kegan (1990) studied the relationship
between psychiatric symptomatology and development. They
found a developmental continuum of symptoms from "immediate,
behaviorally expressed symptoms to more mediated symptoms of
ideational disturbances expressed in delusional thinking and
self deprecation" or from active to more thought oriented
symptoms. They did not find a relationship between
developmental position and diagnostic category. However,
within each diagnosis the form of disturbance was related to
development
.
The usefulness of constructive developmental theory in
better understanding the experiences of adults in various
life circumstances: marriage and parenting, work
environments and therapy is illustrated by the above
research. The application to women in the transition to
motherhood both builds on this previous research and
14
explores new dimensions of development since the work on
parenting to date has been with older children.
Research on the Transition to Motherhood
Previous research on the transition to motherhood has
documented many of the changes and challenges that women
experience as they become mothers. I will review the
literature on motherhood in order to build upon the issues
that have already been explored. My interview protocol on
the content of the transition to motherhood (Appendix A) was
developed based on the findings of the research I will cite.
Specifically, the literature on these changes are organized
into three areas. In the first section about changes in
identity, the concept of symbiosis, "old" feelings, self-
esteem and autonomy are discussed. The second section deals
with changes in women's relationships with their spouses,
mothers and other members of their social network. Finally,
research on how women integrate motherhood into the rest of
their life will be reviewed, focusing specifically on
motherhood, employment and work/ family decision-making. The
research populations, design, instrumentation and findings
of these studies are summarized in Tables 1 to 3 at the end
of the chapter.
15
Identity
Symbiosis. The human baby's utter helplessness and
dependency and total need of the mother or caretaker seems
to be the trigger for many of the emotions the women feel on
becoming mothers. Given the nature of an infant's needs, it
is often very difficult for woman to find room for her own
needs; they are subordinated to the greater neediness of the
infant (Heffner, 1978). The imbalance of this relationship
is inherent and unlike almost any other relationship we will
have
.
To put this another way, the woman must learn to cope
with the merging with and soon the separation from her
infant (Walter 1986). Some theorists describe late
pregnancy and very early motherhood as requiring a woman to
literally lose her self. Winnicott (1957) describes the
"primary maternal preoccupation" of this period as a
heightened sensitivity that would be thought of as an
illness or fugue state in another context and which allows a
mother to "provide a setting" for the infant's rudimentary
development. In this state, the woman lets go of many of
her ordinary ego functions and is totally preoccupied with
her baby. He stresses that a woman needs to be mentally
healthy in order to let go like this and sees it as a normal
process for the woman that is crucial for the child's
development
.
16
The symbiotic relationship between mother and infant hasbeen described as necessary for the development of the
infant. It is characterized by a sense of oneness for the
infant and is often captured by the image of mother and
child gazing at each other and seeing themselves reflected
in the others eyes (Mahler, Pine & Bergman, 1975).
Egan (1985) studied new mothers by conducting and
analyzing in depth, open-ended interviews. She writes about
the experience of symbiosis from the mother's perspective
saying that in this phase mothers are more interested in
their babies than anything else. She defines symbiosis as a
stage from two months to the end of the fourth month. Women
seem to vary in their emotional reaction to this stage, some
feel euphoric while others chafe under the demands. However,
in her observations of mothers and analysis of their
interviews, even those with negative feelings about the
symbiotic demands seemed to be able to engage with the baby
in this way.
The capacity of a mother to engage in this symbiotic
relationship with an infant is seen by Bowlby (1984) as
rooted in her own early experience. He says the mothers
care for their babies as they were cared for themselves.
Sadow (1984) proposes a model of the origins of parenthood
which encompasses three different developmental domains.
First, parents draw on their early sensory-motor memories of
being held, fed, handled which set the pattern for their own
17
care-taking behavior. Their identification with their own
parents as well as their ego ideal of the "good parent-
provide a second influence on the development of parenting.
Finally, people will conform in their parenting to practices
and beliefs endorsed by their social group in order to gain
approval and support. These three influences are all
coordinated within one person and are probably sometimes
contradictory
.
"Old" Feelings . Bringing very old experiences to bear on
the new challenges of parenthood not only relates to
resources and patterns of behavior, but also old emotions
and conflicts. According to psychodynamic models, children's
developmental issues spark in parents the memories of old
conflict and gives them a second chance to work them through
(Benedek 1959, Elson 1984). Being in touch with these
conflicts helps healthy parents understand better their own
childhood needs and also helps them to be empathic to their
child's needs. Touching on these conflicts in this way does
not necessarily imply psychological regression, but can
represent a "revisiting" and an opportunity for growth.
The emotions most frequently mentioned in the literature
pertaining to motherhood are overwhelming love, anger and
conflict about dependency and guilt. These feelings all
seem related in the present day to the infant's
helplessness and the push/pull of competing needs. They may
18
also be echoes of the same feelings from when the mother washerself the infant half of a couple. And, equally
important, they are related to women's self evaluations
about the extent to which they are living up to a societally
inspired view of the selfless ideal mother who is always
available.
Breen (1975) studied the change process in the transition
to motherhood in groups of well adjusted and ill-adjusted
mothers. The groups were formed using the results of a
doctor's report about the delivery, a postpartum depression
questionnaire by Pitts and the Neonatal Perception
Inventory. She found that when new mothers compare
themselves to their maternal "ideal", well adjusted mothers
seem to have changed the idealized descriptions they gave
during pregnancy (nurturing, warm) to include more
pragmatic qualities after the birth of their babies (hard
working, busy), thereby making their ideal more attainable.
The ill-adjusted mothers in her sample were less likely to
have shifted their ideal. Their difficulties with the
mothering experience may be in part related to their
perceived deficits as a result of not living up to their
less malleable ideal.
In a large scale study of couples, Grossman, Eichler &
Winickoff (1980) contrast "coping" styles. Some new parents
seem to have an overly optimistic approach, for instance,
saying everything is "perfect" and only mentioning fatigue
19
or other more negative aspects when probed. Women who deniedexperiencing anxiety and difficult moments in this way hadan easier time in the transition to motherhood according tomeasures of maternal adaption. Other mothers seemed to be
more acutely sensitive to the conflicts involved in becoming
a parent and they did indeed have a more difficult
transition as measured by both quantitative instruments and
qualitative and clinical analysis of interview data.
However, the authors conclude that the non-denier s had a
richer experience because they had access to all aspects of
the experience, including fears, doubts and conflicts.
Grossman, et al (1980) acknowledge that "deniers" may also
actually have different, more positive, experiences or may
label stress differently.
Walter (1986) conducted a group interview/discussion
study of older (age 30 to 41) and younger (age 19 to 25)
mothers. Shefound evidence that a more realistic self
assessment, such as being able to admit to feelings of
dependency, helps a woman feel more positively about herself
as a mother. The author differentiates this quality by age,
reporting that older mothers are able to balance personality
variables such as aggressive striving and dependency. They
seem to be able to live with these feelings and traits and
not see them as contradictory. Younger mothers were less
likely to talk about feelings of dependency and were more
reluctant to share feelings in group discussions and to ask
20
for help which she attributes to their not having a strongsense of self.
Self-esteein. Changes in self-esteem or feelings about the
self is another impact of motherhood which is discussed in
the literature . The data on self-esteem is variable.
Leifer (1980) reported an increase in self-esteem in new
mothers as measured by interview analysis and the Pearson
Self-Concept Instrument which compares actual self
descriptions with an "ideal". This change seemed to result
from a new sense of purpose generated by motherhood.
In contrast, Rossi (1968) hypothesized that women of
child-bearing age experience a depressed sense of self worth
and "losing ground in their twenties and thirties in
personal development and self-esteem" relative to men. While
she does not tie this to motherhood, it is interesting to
think about that result in relation to Mercer's (1986) large
study of maternal adaption in which she found that 64% of
her sample experienced a decrease in positive self concept
as measured by the Tennessee Self Concept Scale.
The decrease in self concept reported by Mercer (1986)
was correlated with increasing maternal age, the older the
mother, the likelier that she scored lower on a self concept
scale at 8 months postpartum than prior to giving birth.
Walter (1986) characterized older mothers as presenting a
mixed picture. While they experience joy and a sense of
enrichment as a result of nurturing their children, theyalso reported drops in self-esteem and in general had a moredifficult time with the transition to motherhood. Walterproposes that they may be experiencing a "transition in the
source of feedback for their self-esteem. " This transitionmay be triggered because of the lack of structure and
feedback in mothering compared to work roles but at a deeper
level may reflect learning to look at self-esteem as
something that emanates from within as opposed to being
attached to an external role.
In a study of the cognitive processes career women use in
adapting to motherhood, Pickens (1982) also noted
disequilibration resulting from discontinuity with the
woman's former attributes: "The competent self becomes the
incompetent self, the independent self becomes the dependant
self." Reactions to the "abrupt social discontinuity" of
the transition to motherhood (Leifer, 1980) may be at the
root of the self-esteem issue for new mothers.
On the other hand, Mercer (1986) noted a general trend of
younger mothers being more positively impacted by
motherhood in terms of self-esteem. She found a very high
correlation between age and increased self-esteem indicating
that the younger the woman, the more she feels that her
self-esteem has improved as a result of becoming a mother.
These young women feel more responsible and autonomous as
mothers than they had previously. In contrast to their
22
lives before the baby, motherhood has conferred adult statusfor the first time.
In a review article, Cowan and Cowan (1988) comment on
these contradictory results saying "it is not clear whether
this inconsistency is due to differences between cross-
sectional and longitudinal methods, cohort effects,
differences in measurement of self-esteem or sample
differences, including the age of the child when parents
were studied." They cite a study (Reilly, Entwisle and
Doering, 1987) reporting that drops in self ratings
characterize women in early postpartum, but self-esteem
returns to the normal level by the baby's first birthday.
Autonomy. Although much of the literature stresses the
importance of the emotional and affiliative capacities of
women in the transition to motherhood, autonomy is also
mentioned as an important pre-condition for mothering
because it helps the woman avoid the "submerging of self in
the needs of others" (Guttman, 1983). Fedele, Golding,
Grossman & Pollack (1988) analyzed interviews in a
longitudinal study, rating women and men's degree of
autonomy and affiliation prior to the birth of their child.
They found that high affiliation scores correlated with
positive maternal adjustment in the early months postpartum
and high autonomy scores with adjustment in the second half
of the child's first year. They conclude that both autonomy
23
and affiliation are important in order to accomplish thetasks inherent in the transition such as the woman coming toterms with a changing role and finding and accepting her
degree of motherliness
.
Changes in a sense of personal efficacy or the feeling of
being in control of one's life accompany the transition to
motherhood (Antonucci & Mikus, 1988). Mothers of young
children are less likely to report experiencing this feeling
than similar women without children (Mikus, 1981). This low
sense of personal efficacy was not correlated with low self-
esteem, depression or negative opinions of themselves,
however. In this study, a high sense of control of one's
life prior to motherhood predicted a more negative response
to motherhood. A moderate sense of personal efficacy prior
to motherhood seemed to predict the best adaption.
Relationships
Husbands. Many of the studies that have looked at overall
adjustment to motherhood conclude that the relationship to
the husband has a major impact on this adjustment. Grossman
et al, (1980) assessed marital quality using the Revised
Locke-Wallace Marital Adjustment Inventory, self reports of
sexual activity and satisfaction and a rating of marital
style. Marital quality was one of the two strongest
predictors of women's psychological adaption to motherhood
24
as measured by rating of emotional well-being and anxietyand depression scales.
In her large scale longitudinal study, Mercer (1986)
found that a "good relationship with mate buoyed women's
feelings about motherhood and the infant." This
relationship was characterized by emotional as well as
financial and practical support and positively impacted the
mother's attitudes, satisfaction with parenting and positive
mother/child interactions. She measured the women's
relationship with their husbands by an content analysis of
interviews about support which mothers receive and a
subscale of the Hobbs Checklist of Bothersome Factors which
relates to changes in the marital relationship.
Similarly, Shereshefsky , Leibenberg and Lockman (1973)
conducted a longitudinal study and analyzed interview data
using interview rating systems and factor analysis. They
found that husbands' responsiveness to wives correlated with
measures of the women's acceptance of the infants. Factors
concerned with the husband-wife relationship were
significantly related to ten of twelve scales measuring
maternal adaption which assesses a woman's ability to
integrate the role of mother and care for her baby.
The three studies cited above tend to have the maternal
role at their center and conclude that husbands are
important in supporting women in adapting to the maternal
role. Maternal adaption generally seems to be defined as a
woman's ability to feel positively about herself and takegood care of her baby. The following researchers put the
marital relationship more at the center of concern and
focuses on the interaction between the parents.
In a qualitative analysis of interviews with couples
(Daniels and Weingarten, 1982) found that they need to "make
room in the relationship" for the infant. The couples in
their sample accomplished this shift in two different ways.
Some preserved the intimacy of the marital dyad and made it
the focus of the emotional intensity in the family. For
these couples, becoming parents intensified their emotional
relationship. Other couples make the entire family unit the
focus of the intimacy and their marital relationship
sometimes suffered.
Robinson, Olmsted, Gardner and Gare (1988) reported a
decrease in marital intimacy across the transition to
parenthood as measured by the Social Intimacy Scale (SIS), a
self report measure of perceived intimacy with a significant
other. In a seeming contradiction, they also found an
increase in marital satisfaction in women postpartum on a
self report questionnaire. They hypothesized that while the
couple has less time for closeness, the addition of a new
member to the family enhances the marital relationship.
Belsky, Lang and Huston (1986) assessed new mothers for
stereotyped masculine and feminine personality attributes
and then assessed the marital relationship and division of
26
household labor and child care pre and postpartum. Theyfound that the more the division of labor shifted towardtraditionalism, meaning the wife does most of it, the
greater the decline in wives evaluation of positive aspectsof the marriage. They conclude that this effect is both
related to women having less time for spousal activities and
to the potential for conflict and dissatisfaction resulting
from the woman's disproportionate share of the work.
Ruble, Hackel. Fleming and Stagnor (1988) describe the
role of violated expectations regarding equal distribution
of parental and household tasks. Those women who reported
higher expectations of gender equality in division of
housework and child care during pregnancy were less
satisfied with their marriages postpartum than were women
who had low expectations of husband's participation in these
tasks. The authors stress, however, that the decrease in
marital satisfaction is generally moderate and most women
reported feeling close to their husbands both before and
after becoming parents together.
In a study to assess change in five domains of family
life across the transition to parenthood. Cowan and Cowan
(1988) conducted group and individual interviews and
administered questionnaires to new parent couples. In the
domain of the marital relationship, they report that labor
in the home is divided along more traditional sex role lines
after the birth of the first child regardless of whether
27
couples had egalitarian ideas in late pregnancy. Theirfinding is consistent with other research that indicatesthat women take on more housework as well as a greater
proportion of child care on becoming mothers. They found
that satisfaction with rather than the actual division of
labor correlated with marital satisfaction at 6 and 18
months postpartum. An increase in conflict was experienced
by 90% of the couples and the division of labor was the
number one issue. In their qualitative analysis, they note
that whether and how these issues were discussed was more
important than the actual division of labor in predicting
marital satisfaction.
Rossi (1968) hypothesizes that delayed child bearing and
women's continued employment after motherhood "presses for a
greater egalitarian relationship between husband and wife"
which strengthens the martial dyad in relation to the
children. A qualitative analysis of interviews by Walter
(1986) looked specifically at differences in maternal age
and found that marriages with an egalitarian supportive
marital relationship at the center of the family were much
more typical for older mothers. She describes the marital
relationship of her younger mothers as weak. The younger
mothers were primarily responsible for child care with
little support from their husbands. The marriages of these
younger parents was weak relative to the mother-child dyad.
28
The woman often took care of her husband but intimacybetween them as a couple was missing.
Mothers Own Mothers . The changes in the relationship witha woman's own mother is another often cited factor in the
transition to motherhood. The quality of the relationship
with parents appears to correlate with adaption to pregnancy
and parenthood for both men and women (Cowan and Cowan,
1988). Breen (1975) studied women who were well and ill-
adjusted after the birth of their child. This adjustment was
measured by scores on depression and infant perception
scales 2-3 months after birth. Using a Kelly Repertory Grid
in which participants generate descriptive constructs, she
found that the well adjusted group rated themselves as more
like their mothers after the birth while the ill-adjusted
group felt less like their own mothers after birth. She
suggests that one aspect of these women's adjustment was
their ability (or inability) to internalize their own
mothers as role models.
Walter (1986) reports that in her discussion groups,
older mothers talked about enhanced relationships with their
own mothers, which seemed to rest on a feeling of now
understanding their mothers better as they share the
mothering role. They tended to live further away from their
families of origin and to miss them after having a child.
Younger mothers reported relying on their own mothers and
29
other female relatives for both emotional support andconcrete assistance. However, since they are also in the
process of differentiating from their families of origin,
she concludes that in some ways having a child facilitates
that process since they achieve adult status through their
mothering role.
Social Network. In a synthesis of research on the
transition to parenthood. Power and Parke (1984) have
developed a social support model which predicts the ease of
this transition. Four important kinds of support are
described: relational, ideological, physical and
informational. Women's needs for support in their
relationships seem to be highest in early postpartum and, in
general, husband's support lowest in this period. The role
of others (relatives, friends and institutions) in providing
relational support has not been systematically studied.
Ideological support which confirms and supports the woman's
choices regarding balancing her roles seems to be important
in the transition. Physical support with the work of child
care is another important factor in the ease of transition.
This support is most likely to come from female relatives,
not husbands, friends or institutions. Finally,
informational support comes from both formal (books,
doctors) and informal (friends, relatives) sources.
30
Integration of MotherhonH
Having reviewed the immediate impact of motherhood on a
woman's intimate support network and her sense of who she
is, I will now look at how motherhood fits with other
aspects of women's lives, especially careers or paid
employment. The challenges of motherhood, especially caring
for an infant, are so time consuming and emotionally
compelling, that life as lived prior to the birth must be
shifted rather radically. A discussion of motherhood and
work outside the home serves to explicate the issues at the
edge between the old life and new for women.
Social Context of Motherhood . Cowan and Cowan (1988) note
that new parents "confront conflicting individual and
couple needs at a time in history when male-female and work-
family arrangements are lagging behind the new ideology".
They cite the lack of structural supports from business and
government that leaves young families dealing in isolation
with conflicts between the needs of each member of their
family, their work organization and their economic demands.
Despite the fact that only a small minority of U.S. families
have one spouse who is a full-time homemaker, flexible work
schedules and quality day care responsive to parents
schedules are often not readily available. Gerson (1987)
characterizes these decisions about work and family as
"dilemmas not choices" because the trade-offs that parents
31
make are difficult to resolve in a way that meets everyone'sneeds. In one study, the majority of men and women withyoung children report preferring themselves or their spousesto work fewer hours, even if it meant a lower salary (Moen &
Dempster-McClain, 1987).
Willard (1988) categorizes advice given to mothers in
U.S. society into two mutually exclusive "scripts". The
first, "Selfless Wife and Mother" focuses on the development
of the baby and sees the mothers as needing to be selfless,
or to give up their "self" to take on the role of mother. In
the second "script", Superwomen, the focus is on the
development of the mother but is most specifically focused
on her career, assuming that what is good for her career
advancement is good for her. The needs of the baby or the
needs of the woman as an individual are subordinated to the
needs of the work place. These conflicting scripts about
work and motherhood do not really address the life
circumstances of real women with infants and economic
reasons for employment.
Motherhood and Employment . Many studies of motherhood and
employment have been focused on women in their thirties
with professional careers having first children. These women
seem to experience internal conflict in trying to balance
careers and motherhood, especially those who work full-time.
They may be forced to make unforseen trade-offs which can be
32
the first time in their lives they have had to do so. Manyof these mothers express a sense of loss about missing timewith their children (Daniels and Weingarten 1986). m an in-depth interview study of professional women who were alsonew mothers, Comart (1983) found that women are surprised bythe intensity of their feelings for their children and the
resultant reprioritizing of their work life. When returning
to work, some decrease in enthusiasm, aggressiveness and
political activity was reported by these women.
Two prenatal factors seem to affect the choice to work
after the baby is born. First, a woman's work commitment
prior to the child's birth relates to returning to work
after the birth. Amstey & Whitbourne (1987) found that women
who worked full time after birth had shown a greater level
of work commitment, as measured by the Eyde Measure of Work
Values and Background Factors, than before their pregnancy.
The work status of women's own mothers seems to have some
interesting implications for new mothers. In the study
mentioned above, Amstey and Whitbourne (1987) note that 95%
of their sample who returned to work either full or part
time after the birth of their child had mothers who worked.
While only 44% of the full time homemakers had mothers who
worked, those who did were younger when their mothers did so
(by almost 10 years) than either of the employed groups.
Using the Job Satisfaction Index, Reisch (1984) found that
women whose own mothers had worked during their childhood
33
had a lower degree of occupational commitment which is
defined as involvement with and dedication to one's work.
She also notes that women who intended to return to workwithin 4 months had a lower quality interaction with their
infants, as measured by the Price Assessment of Mother-
Infant Sensitivity Scale, than those who did not intend to
return to work.
Egan (1985) reports that women who returned to work
before the symbiotic period with their baby began (6-8
weeks) experienced less difficulty, perhaps because both
mother and baby then accustomed themselves to a part-time
relationship. Mothers who went back to work, either full or
part-time, between two and six months generally found the
separation to be emotionally difficult for them- they
missed their babies. At the other end, women who remained
with their babies full-time reported a dawning desire for
other interests in life sometime around the 6th month.
Work/Family Decision-making . In an interesting study,
Willard (1988) looked at how women make the decision about
returning to work after the birth of a baby. She identified
some women who make the decision "in their own terms", which
means considering self as well as others in the decision.
Other women seem to make the decision "not in their own
terms", listening rather to others' ideas and opinions.
While the "others" that are listened to are sometimes
34
husbands, friends, childrearing "experts", etc, these voicesare also reflected in powerful cultural scripts that tellwomen what they "should" do. All of the women in this study
considered the needs of their infant, but those who also
listened primarily to "other voices" as opposed to
considering their own perspective were more likely to
experience depression. It is important to note that this
result was tied to the process the women used in coming to a
decision, not the outcome of whether or how much they worked
outside the home. Willard concludes that "cultural scripts
for mothering see the self of the mother and the self of the
child as competing forces", but women who are able to make
this decision in their own terms change the question to,
"How can I best care for my child and myself?" .
Hock and DeMeis (1990) studied the relationship
between depression in the mothers of infants and the role of
maternal employment. New mothers were divided into four
groups according to their employment preference/status.
Women who preferred employment but were home with their
infants were mildly depressed. Women who were congruent,
either staying home because they preferred to or working
outside the home because they preferred had no to minimal
levels of depression. The lowest levels of stress and
depression were reported by women who preferred to be home
but were working. Since this group also had the lowest
husband's income, the economic necessity of their
35
employment may allow them to see earning money as supportiveto their role as mothers. The employment preferred/home
mothers seem to have had a set of conflicting attitudes
having both high career salience and beliefs that babies
require a full time mothers. These conflicting attitudes
would "pull them in two directions at once" possibly leading
to their depression and stress levels.
The impact of women's belief systems on her choices about
and adjustment to work outside the home are examined in
other studies. McBride and Belsky (1988) have studied a
construct called maternal separation anxiety which is an
unpleasant emotional state evidenced by worry, sadness or
guilt in the mother on being separated from her baby. One of
the three dimensions included in the scale which measures
maternal separation anxiety involves the mother's perception
of the effects of separation on the child. Another relates
to the mother's thoughts and feelings about separation
related to the mother's employment. Level of anxiety is not
predicted by maternal age, income or ego strength. Pre-natal
work plans and actual post-natal employment status were
consistent with women with high maternal separation anxiety
being less likely to both plan to go back to work and to
actually do so. Maternal separation anxiety may be a useful
construct in further research to better delineate the impact
of women's beliefs about combining employment with
motherhood
.
36
Certainly the literature on the transition to motherhoodamply documents psychological changes and challenges for
women. Some of these changes are described in universal
terms, such as the psychodynamic perspective on symbiosis
(Benedek, 1959, Winnicott, 1957). Other changes seem to have
a differential effect such as women's variation in their
willingness or ability to express negative emotion
(Grossman, 1980; Walter, 1986) and in the impact of
motherhood on their self-esteem (Mercer, 1986; Rossi, 1968;
Leifer, 1980; Walter, 1986). Constructive-developmental
theory has the potential to deepen understanding of women's
experience in the transition to motherhood in two ways. By
providing explanatory constructs for the variation among
women as mothers, the theory can help clarify some of the
underlying reasons for the differences noted in previous
research. By describing the unique responses of women at
different developmental positions, constructive-
developmental theory can articulate, at the level of
cognitive and psychological structure, the changes in
identity, relationships and life structure as women become
mothers
.
37
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45
CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS
This study used semi-structured interviews to gather dataabout women's experiences in the transition to motherhood.
Participants were interviewed on two different occasions
within a month. The first interview was structured around
eliciting information about the changes in a woman's
identity, her relationships and the integration of
motherhood into her life structure. At the time of this
interview, participants were also asked to answer a
demographic questionnaire as well as complete the "Pie", a
projective instrument in which a circle is divided into
wedges illustrating the most important areas of their life
currently (see Appendix B) . They were next asked to complete
the "Pie" as they would have before becoming pregnant. The
"Pie" has proven useful as a graphic measure of self-concept
in research on adult development (Whitbourne, 1986) and
parenthood (Cowan & Cowan, 1988). Participants also
completed the Multiple Affect Adjective Check List-Revised
(MAACL-R) . Women were informed of the purposes of this study
and the measures that would be taken to protect their
privacy (see Appendix C) . They were offered summaries of the
research results when available.
The second interview followed the methodology for the
Subject-Object interview and was designed to assess
participants developmental levels according to constructive-
46
developmental theory (Lahey, Souvaine, Kegan, Goodman &
Felix, 1988). The interviewer probed responses to assure
that participants demonstrated their thinking at the levelof depth which demonstrates their constructive-developmental
capacities
.
The Content Interview
The content interview protocol was developed around
categories that previous research, cited in the above
literature review, has identified as crucial to the
transition to motherhood. The first three sections of the
interview, changes in identity and relationships and
integration of motherhood into the life structure, were
developed to answer the following focused research question:
What themes emerge as new mothers talk about changes that
occur in their identitv. relationships and life structure as
a result of the transition to first time motherhood? The
specific areas are listed below in the first column with the
associated interview question in the second column.
Questions marked with an asterisk are from a study by
Whitbourne (1986) on adult identity.
RESEARCH AREA INTERVIEW QUESTION
IDENTITY
Self-Esteem *How does being a mother affect
the way you feel about yourself
as a person?
47
"Old" feelings
General Identity
RELATIONSHIPS
Husband
Mother
Support Network
General
Baby
What reactions or feelings about
your baby have surprised you?
*What is important to you about
being a mother?
*How do you feel about being a
mother? (Probe: What do you
especially like/dislike?)
*How does being a mother effect
the things you do in your
everyday life?
Has your relationship with
your husband changed since the
birth? How?
Has your relationship with your
mother changed since the birth?
How?
What changes have you noticed
in your friendships since the
birth?
Who provides the most support
for you as a mother?
Tell me about your baby.
48
LIFE STRUCTURE
Decision about work what did you consider in making
the decision about working/not
working outside the home?
What have been the costs and
benefits of your decision for
you?
A fourth section of the interview asked open-ended
questions in order to open the possibility of generating new
constructs of importance in this transition. The research
question being addressed was: What themes emerge as n^w
mothers respond to open-ended questions about the most
difficult, rewarding, unexpected and important part of
motherhood for them?
OPEN-ENDED
Change
No content specified
*How do you think you have
changed as a result to becoming a
mother? (Probe: How do you
think motherhood will change you
in the future?)
In thinking about this whole
experience. .
.
What has been the most
difficult part? The most
rewarding part? The most
unexpected part?
49
^"""""^y «hat haven't I asked that seems
important to help me understand
your experience as a new mother?
The Sub-iect-Obnect Intervif^w
The methodology for assessing constructive developmental
stages in Kegan ' s theory is an interview procedure, the
Subject-Object interview (Lahey et al. , 1988). Ten "stimulus
words" are presented to participants on cards on which they
write and then talk about their thoughts. The stimulus words
are: ANGRY, ANXIOUS /NERVOUS, SUCCESS, STRONG
STAND/CONVICTION, SAD, TORN, MOVED/TOUCHED, LOST SOMETHING,
CHANGE AND IMPORTANT. The purpose of providing these cues is
to generate material to help participants talk about areas
of their lives. In this study, women were told that they
might want to talk about issues related to motherhood or the
integration of motherhood into their lives. However, if they
had other issues that seemed to be more pressing for them,
then these became the content of the interview. This
flexibility was necessary in order to assure that "scorable"
material was generated since areas in which there is some
"heat" are often at the edge of development for people.
Letting the participant take the lead in choosing content
also keeps with the spirit of the Subject-Object interview
and adds to the validity of these interviews.
50
Once content had been generated and introduced by the
participant the interviewer asked questions which probed thestructure of their subject-object balance. These questionsare basically "why" questions but are asked in such a way
that they do not imply that the person is wrong ( "Why wouldyou think that way?), but rather coitmunicates interest in
the thought processes and meaning behind what they say and
why it is important or sad or angering to them. For
instance, if a participant described an incident that was
important to her she might next be asked "What was the most
important thing about that to you?", and later be asked
"What does that tell you about yourself as a person?" These
questions would challenge her to go to a deeper level of her
own process. If she consistently did not answer these
questions at a deeper level, the assumption that she was
demonstrating her highest developmental capacity would be
supported. This probing questioning continued until the
interviewer was certain that a determination of
developmental level could be made. The interviews were
scored using the Kegan system which identifies 21 different
developmental positions in 5 stages and 4 uniform transition
points between these stages.
Constructive-developmental theory is relatively new and
awaits the validation (or not) of longitudinal research.
Using highly trained raters, interrater reliability for the
Subject-Object Interview has been reported in the range of
51
82 to 100% to within one discrimination. Test-retest
reliability in one study was 81% to one discrimination, in
terms of construct validity, the S-0 interview shows
moderate correlations with other developmental measures suchas Kohlberg's Moral Judgement Interview and Loevinger's
Sentence Completion Test (Lahey et al., 1988).
The Sample
A sample of twelve first time mothers between the ages of
25 and 33 with infants between the ages of 2 months and one
year were recruited. The rationale for the minimum infant
age is to allow the women some time to "get organized" as a
mother. The maximum infant age was selected because the
first birthday seem to be a common marker for the end of the
transitional stage and a point when infant development
begins to demand different capacities from parents and
caretakers
.
The participants in this study were between the ages of
25 and 32. This range of age for mothers was chosen based on
considerations related to phase and stage theory of
development. Phase theories refer to both age and
"functional" psychosocial task as markers for movement
through life phases (Noam, 1986). The women in this sample
have chronological age in common. They are near the age 30
transition which Reineke (1985) confirms as occurring, at
least in her sample of United States women, in women's
52
lives between the ages of 27 and 30. From the perspectiveof psychosocial (functional) tasks, the transition to
motherhood is a "phase" that the women in this sample havein common by definition since they are taking on a new
social role and facing a fairly standard set of challenges.
So the phasic considerations of age and psychosocial tasks
are variables on which the women in this sample are alike.
A developmental stage is different from a phase in that
it is defined by internal cognitive and psychological
structures, not life events or maturation. The uniformity of
phasic development in this sample was designed to make the
delineation of stage differences more evident. Differences
are more readily attributable to stage differences because
the women in the sample are in the same phase from both an
age and psychosocial task perspective.
In the original research design I had planned to recruit a
sample with a stage distribution across Kegan Stage 3 and 4,
the Interpersonal and the Institutional. While
acknowledging that there is no completely accurate
selection criteria to assure this range a priori, I
monitored my developmental level distribution as I conducted
this study. I specifically recruited women with higher
educational credentials near the end of my sample selection
in an attempt to maximize the possibility of getting a wide
developmental distribution. This sampling decision was
based on the assumptions noted in other developmental
53
systems that higher education correlates with higher
developmental levels since higher education particularly
encourages the taking of multiple perspectives. For
instance, Kohlberg (1984) reports the necessity to control
for educational level when comparing subjects on measures of
moral development. The ultimate goal was to recruit twelve
woman who represent Kegan stages 3, 3/4 transition, and 4 in
this domain. The actual distribution of the sample is
reported in Chapter 4.
Participants were recruited through community play groups
in several Northern Berkshire County, Massachusetts towns
and through personal contacts with local childbirth
educators. Some of the participants were able to refer other
new mothers to the researcher.
Data Management
The interviews were transcribed and typed in Word Perfect
format. Each participant was given a number which was used
for filing data. Their demographic sheet, responses to the
"Pie", the MAACL-R and transcripts were filed by this
number. A list of names by number was kept in a separate
secure location. Duplicate copies of all data was stored on
a disk in a separate location.
The content interviews were later rearranged by question,
with each participant's answer to the same question
juxtaposed. At this stage of analysis, the order of
54
participants was scrambled and they were given a letter
designation by an independent person (the transcriber) so asto allow the researcher to be less aware of developmental
level. These files were also duplicated both in hard copy
and disk form.
Data Analysi s
The researcher learned the Kegan scoring system through
the detailed information, examples and practice exercises in
the developmental analysis of interviews outlined in The
Guide to the Subject-Object Interview (Lahey et al, 1988).
Scoring reliability was assessed through a process
administered by the Kegan research group at Harvard
University in which ten interviews were scored and assessed
for interrater reliability. The reliability criteria was
agreement to within one discrimination on eight of ten
interviews. The researcher missed reaching criteria in the
firstround (7 out of 10) but achieved interrater reliability
on the second round (8 out of 10).
The Subject-Object interviews from this study were then
scored by the researcher who analyzed transcripts of the
interviews using the Kegan methodology. "Bits" of the
interview in which participants revealed their underlying
logic or structure were identified. These bits were scored
using a hypothesis testing model in which a range of
potential scores is gradually narrowed using evidence from
55
the interview until a final score is reached. An OverallFormulation Sheet was then completed for each interview
which summarized the hypotheses considered, the reason for
rejection and justified the final score. A second reliablerater from the Harvard group independently scored three of
the Subject-Object interviews.
Interrater reliability was not achieved in the first
round but a consistent scoring error by the researcher, the
least experienced in the methodology, was identified. Since
the sample interview protocols used in training had only
presented children at the Imperial (2) balance, the adults
in this sample with that structure had been scored
incorrectly. With that point in mind, I rescored the
remaining nine Subject-Object interviews and achieved
interrater reliability with the same rater on four more
interviews. Agreement within one discrimination was achieved
on three of these interviews. A discrepancy on the scoring
of the fourth was resolved through a discussion which
reached consensus.
Next, a qualitative approach was taken to content
analysis of the first interview. The interviews were
rearranged, placing each participants answers to the same
question together. The order of participants was scrambled
by a person other than the researcher and each was assigned
a letter. This method allowed the researcher to approach the
material in a "fresher" manner without information on
56
developmental level being readily available. The answers toquestions were read repeatedly and descriptors of themesand/or patterns were developed. Using ETHNOGRAPH, a softwareprogram designed for qualitative research, each
participant's answers to each question was coded with thesethemes. The emphasis was on describing the women's
experience in the tradition of qualitative research. Thedata gathered in the demographic questionnaire, "the Pie"
and the MAACL-R were also summarized in this descriptive
manner.
Next, the cognitive developmental groupings were cross
referenced with the descriptors of the themes. The
developmental groupings were entered using ETHNOGRAPH and
themes which seemed to cluster according to a constructive-
developmental stage were identified. At this point a second
analysis was undertaken, especially of the answers to the
open-ended questions in the fourth section of the content
interview. The data was arranged by developmental group and
reread and analyzed for differences by group. The tendency
to making the content data "fit" the developmental groupings
or theory data was countered by rigorously searching for
negative cases and rival explanations. A logical analysis,
working back and forth between the developmental data and
content description was followed throughout the analysis.
(Fatten, 1980).
57
The dysphoria and positive affect factors from the MAACL-Rwere also cross referenced with developmental stage
groupings in order to ascertain if these results wererelated to developmental group. The data from the "PIE" wascross referenced with group membership as well.
Limitations of Study
One potential difficulty with applying a stage
development theory in research, especially when sample size
is small as in this study, is that individual stylistic
differences may be confounded with differences in
developmental stage. The process of learning the system for
scoring the Subject-Object Interview and checking for
interrater reliability is an attempt to focus as much as
possible on the level of psychological structure rather
than style. However, to the degree that the scoring system
mirrors the assumptions on which the theory is based, this
"objectivity" is open to question.
A second limitation of this study is that it is not
longitudinal so that differences between participants that
will be labeled developmental are based on the assumptions
of constructive-developmental theory rather than changes
noted over time in these particular women. Since Kegan's
model has been generated theoretically rather than emerging
from a longitudinal data base, the validity of the
developmental placement is softened.
58
The infants in this study are between 2 and 11 months.While that range may seem restricted and well controlled,there are numerous differences in the demands and needs ofinfants at the extremes of this range. To the extent thatthis variability impacts the woman's experience of
motherhood, infant's age is a potential confounding
variable. At least one qualitative study (Egan, 1985)
described consistent differences in women as they respond to
their baby's needs over the first year of life. The area of
the infant /mother symbiotic attachment seems like a
particularly important area that changes over this period.
On the other side of this coin, the results of this study
are limited to infancy and do not illuminate the experience
of women with older children.
The extent to which the results of this study are
generalizable is limited by the following characteristics of
the sample. First, this group of women were all white
Americans and primarily middle class. The applicability of
results to other races, classes and nationalities (or even
regions of the United States) should be done with caution.
The meaning and experience of motherhood is very tied to the
particular culture and circumstances in which a woman gives
birth. The sample for this study was recruited from women
living in Berkshire County, Massachusetts and southern
Vermont so is limited to reflecting the population and
social norms in that region.
59
s
se
Second, the women in this study were all between the ageof 25 and 33. Parallels between their experiences and thoof teenage mothers, for instance, cannot be assumed, giventhat the social issues of adolescents are likely to bequite different than those of the adults described here.Also, the experience of first time mothers who are olderthan these women may be different.
Finally, this study focuses on a non-clinical sample of
adult women and addresses normal developmental concerns.
Although not directly concerned with clinical populations,
the findings promote an understanding of the implications of
developmental position on the experience of women in the
transition to motherhood. This information will serve as a
useful baseline for those working with women with more
psychopathological reactions.
60
CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
The Samp le
The twelve women who participated in this study werebetween the ages of 25 and 32. Four were under 28, six were28 or 29 and two were over 30. in educational level, theyranged from high school graduates to a Ph.D. Four had highschool diplomas, two had Associate Degrees, four had
Bachelor's degrees and two had higher degrees (Master's and
doctorate). One was working class, four were middle
class/non-professional and seven were middle
class/professional. These women were the mothers of 5 girls
and 7 boys between the ages of 3 and 11 months old. These
demographic variables are summarized below.
Table 4: Demographic Variables
AGE 25-27 28-29 30-323 6 2
EDUCATION H.S. A.S. B.A. Master ' s/Ph .
D
4 2 4 2
Working Middle: Non-professional Professional1 4 7
Developmental Data
Participants Subject-Object Interviews were scored using
the Kegan methodology (Lahey et al, 1988). The resulting
developmental levels describes not only the "pure-
positions, in this group Imperial (2), Interpersonal( 3 ) and
Institutional (4), but the steps between these markers inwhich aspects of two positions are combined.
One notable characteristic of the women in this sample isthat all have a "full" Interpersonal (3) structure
operating. As such, they make meaning of their experiencesin relationships and are focused on inclusion rather than
independence. The variability in this sample is in the
combinations of Interpersonal (3) meaning making with eitheran Imperial (2) or an Institutional (4) structure.
The women were placed in two groups according to their
developmental level. Group 3-2 includes 5 women who scored
3(2), 3/2, 3/2, 3/2 and 3/2-3. Their Interpersonal (3)
structure dominates but is modified by an Imperial (2)
structure. Group 3-4 includes 5 women who combine
Interpersonal (3) and Institutional (4) structures in the
following ways: 3/4, 3/4, 3/4-4/3,4/3 and 4/3. Notice that
in this group some have Interpersonal (3) and some have
Institutional (4) as the dominant structure and in one we
were unable to determine which predominates. The results are
summarized in Table 5.
Two women did not fit in either group. The first has a
developmental level of 2/3 so that for her the Imperial (2)
structure dominates. This position is before the 3/2 level.
This woman's results will be presented separately and
62
contrasted with both groups. A second women was placedsquarely at the Interpersonal (3) position. An analysis ofher results will not be presented since they do not assistin differentiating among the women in the sample.
Table 5: Distribution of Developmental Positions
Group Developmental position N
3-2 3/2 33/2-3
1
3(2) 1
3-4 3/4 23/4-4/3 14/3 2
Note. Two additional woman were at position 2/3 and 3.
In constructive-developmental theory the transition to
Interpersonal (3) balance is generally conceptualized as
occurring in adolescence (Kegan, 1982). Although no
empirical data addresses the distribution of positions by
variables such as age or educational level, the implication
is that adults with Imperial (2) structures would have
difficulty with adult functions such as holding a job
(Kegan, 1982). The presence of normally functioning women in
this age range with Imperial (2) structures is therefore a
notable and somewhat surprising aspect of this study.
Demographic data by developmental group is presented in
Table 6. A mild but not statistically significant
63
relationship can be seen between age and developmental level(x2=l.6, p<.05= 3.84) in that the women in the Group 3-4 areslightly older than those in Group 3-2. A relationshipbetween education and developmental level is not
demonstrated since there are 3 college educated women in
Group 3-2. This lack of relationship between educationallevel and developmental position certainly counters anyconcern that higher developmental levels are a result of
higher education. Although it is not possible to generalizefrom this number of participants, one can conclude that in
this sample that developmental differences are not merely
reflective of different educational experiences.
Table 6: Demographic Variables X Developmental Position
Group Age
24-26 27-29 30-323-2 3 13-4 1 3
EDUCATIONAL LEVELH.S. A.S. B.A./B.S. Higher
3-2 2 2 13-4 2 2 1
SOCIOECONOMIC STATUSWorking Middle/Skilled Professional
3-2 1 133-4 2 3
In presenting the findings of this study, I will first
present the themes from the qualitative analysis and the
instruments which were different for each developmental
64
grouping, referred to as "themes which differentiatedevelopmentally", suimnarized in Table 9 at the end of thischapter. In order to provide a theoretical context, I willoutline what differences one would expect to find accordingto constructive-developmental theory. Next, I will summarizethe themes which did not break down along developmental
lines, the "common" and "descriptive" themes (Tables 10 and
11) and the remainder of the results of the instruments.
Finally, I will present the results of the one woman in thestudy for whom the Imperial (2) dominated.
Themes Which Dif fer^^ntiate Developmentan y
Identity
The questions in this section were designed to elicit
discussion of the changes the woman has experienced in her
own sense of self, her identity. Questions which directly
address issues of identity, such asking women to talk about
"themselves as a person" and to "describe" themselves as a
mother, were included. In addition, less direct questions
were asked with the intention of prompting discussion of
changes in the woman's internal sense of self. For instance,
women were asked to talk about feelings about their babies
that "surprised" them in order to invite them to discuss the
less stereotypical maternal feelings such as anger and lack
of control without "leading" them to this response.
Questions about their values ("what is important to you")
65
and use of time ("things you do in your everyday life", werealso intended to generate discussion of areas close toidentity.
From the perspective of constructive-developmental
theory, one would expect women at the Interpersonal (3)
level in their meaning making to base their sense of self intheir relationship with their babies and the reaction of
others to them in the mothering role. They would be
predicted to not experience anger at the disruption of theirprevious lives that becoming a mother entails. In a sense,
motherhood would be expected to "take over" their identity.
The combination of either an Imperial (2) or
Institutional (4) structure with this basic Interpersonal
(3) mode would add more "self", but in different ways. A
woman with an Imperial (2) and Interpersonal (3) combination
might be somewhat focused on her own needs and derive less
of her identity through her relationships with her baby or
others perceptions of her as a mother. She might emphasize
competence at tasks of motherhood rather than solely
focusing on interpersonal meaning and be somewhat focused on
motherhood as a social role. For a woman with an
Interpersonal (3) and Institutional (4) combination, the
addition of "self" would probably be shown in an awareness
of the conflict, at times, between her own and her baby's
needs. She should be able to simultaneously, or at least
consecutively, "hold" her child's and her own separate
66
perspective, while ix^ersed in the relationship with theirinfant, she would probably also articulate some of her ownstandards for the practice of her motherhood.
With these theoretical "expectations" as a frame, theresults will be presented. In answer to the question "Howdoes being a mother affect the way you feel about yourselfas a person?", 4 of the 5 women in Group 3-2 talked about
motherhood adding a positive new dimension to their lives in
the sense of being "more" on personality dimensions. One
woman said: "I have a lot more self-respect now that I do so
much for someone else. Someone needs me." Another said "It
makes it better. I think of myself as a stronger person who
can cope with more". They are also likely to talk about
motherhood as filling in g^ps in their lives. For instance
"I didn't have any purpose in life where now I do" and "it
(motherhood) has a lot more meaning to me than working".
In Group 3-4, two of the women were similar to the above,
but 3 spoke about changes in a core sense of how they feel
as people. Rather than adding aspects to their
personalities in the sense of quantity (being "more"), they
feel changed in fundamental ways. For instance:
Different, very different. It's allowed me to be moreopen or more feeling. It's a softer part of me that'sdifferent
.
In the following example, even though the participant talks
about feeling "more" on some dimensions and "filling in
gaps" like the women in Group 3-2, she put this together in
67
a larger perspective that seems to reflect a new fundamentalsense of self.
In some ways, I think it has made me feel more comoletemore well rounded. I think before I was a mother I wassorL^oHhinorr^ ' ^'^^^^ perspect^eS on ^therKof; i
^^^"9s I now have perspective on. I feel I amthat"^ d^dn'^K*.^^^ ' ^""^ f^lt challenged in ways?h^h.M •
I ^^sn't used to, before having
iitt^'qSirLsSer!^^'^-^^'^-^ -here I couldn't coL up
In response to the question "What reactions /feelings
about your baby have surprised you on becoming a mother?,
women in the Group 3-4 were more likely to mention being
surprised by the intensity of their feelings (4 of 5) than
were women in Group 3-2 (2 of 5). They say things like: "I
always knew I was going to love him and everything, but I
never realized it would be like my right arm, as if he's
attached to me." and "I knew I would love him but it just so
overwhelming the amount or the intensity of the emotion. I
never felt anything so intense before."
When answering the question "How does being a mother
affect the things you do in your everyday life?, women in
both groups talked about the tension between their own
priorities, desire to plan and "accomplish things" and their
babies' needs. The women in Group 3-2 tended to chose
between these competing claims. Two in this group maintain
their own standards and priorities as central:
I felt at the end of the day "What did I do?" and it washard for me to say "You took care of this baby and nursedhim". At the beginning that wasn't enough.
68
This woman claims to have "relaxed" about lists of tasks,but later says "it's easier now because he can play byhimself and I'm getting those other things done now.
"
leading to the impression that what has changed is not herpriorities but her 11 month old baby's needs compared tothose of an new-born infant. A second mother asserts aboutcleaning,
IZ ^"^^^9 d^y- That's the way Iwas brought up .....and that's the way I'm always going tobe. Nobody is going to change me. ^ ^
These women see their own sense of the necessary as fairly
independent of the additional burden of caring for an
infant.
For the remaining three women in Group 3-2, the baby's
needs seem to overwhelm the mother's own needs, which are
not addressed.
Before you do things you really have to decide. Do I wantto put this child in this car seat and go here and gothere and take him out and take him back and get thebottles ready and do this and do that or do I just wantto stay home and forget this? Definitely we don't go outlike we used to but I'd rather be with him right now. Imean it doesn't bother me not going out.
Another conceptualizes this choice of priority in terms of
tasks. "So probably from 6:30 in the morning to 8:30 at
night I would be pretty much locked into fulfilling certain
tasks. I have no free time."
In contrast, all the women in Group 3-4 conceptualize the
dilemmas of the time demands in their everyday lives as a
69
balancing act between the baby's needs and their own. Inanswering this question, they talk about both sides.
The days I'm home all day, we have a ar^.^^- 4-^™ t 4. ,
i:i?tirbi?^\^L:i^^ j'have\Tcur?:nUri L^f^
Probablv nAt^o^^^ ^ ^^'^^ "^P^ whatnot.T o^? kT- u^. ° advantage but to his mother's is thatI established a routine as to what time he naps.
This mother illustrates the balance where both the mother'sand baby's needs are at least addressed and compromises
reached.
Another woman in this group says:
J^.^r^'f "^^'^ everyday life, I feel less productive interms of getting chores done. I find that I have more ofthem to do, but what I tend to do is wait until he'sasleep and go like a mad women trying to get everythingtaken care of. I get very few things done during the day.But I also think I spend more time than I need. I findmyself drawn to just watching him and playing with him andthe Idea of well, he'll be perfectly happy just sittinghere and I'll go off and clean the dishwasher or somethinglike that- I find that sort of a low priority.
Again, this example illustrates a new mother thinking about
her own and her baby's needs and coming to a balance between
the two. She also articulates how her own needs are met in
her relationship with her baby.
The question "How would you describe yourself as a
mother? elicited different responses from woman in the two
groups. The women in Group 3-2 tended to describe themselves
on fewer dimensions and use more stereotypical concepts in
their description of themselves as a good mother. They also
seemed to have difficulty answering the question.
70
One woman reaches a tentative conclusion about hermothering by comparing herself to her husband.
I have more patience than he (husband) does whereknow^?^
''^^^ "^^^^^ f^^l goorb;cIuse t^ere I
iTdoing'gooI/ ' ^^^^^ ^'^ good.'Xe
Another new mother in Group 3-2 says "I think I'm a prettygood mother other than I don't stay home with
^^"^ Otherwise, I spend quality time with him." A third
woman in this group expressed some of the difficulty of
answering this question with:
Whew! That's hard. Boy, I don't know. In what way? Justadjectives that describe myself? I would say prettvcaring, pretty patient. ^
Three of these women said they were "good" mothers in a
mildly defensive manner and did not define the term "good
mother" further. This question may have been difficult to
answer because, societally, what makes a mother "good" are
vague "virtues", such as self-sacrificing and patient. So
asking for a self description seemed to leave the women in
this group struggling with definitions and falling back on
these familiar "virtues" generally attributed to mothering
as a social role.
Four of the five women in Group 3-4 answered this
question with a more detailed analysis which seemed to
demonstrate that they have a definition of motherhood on
which to compare and describe themselves. In contrast to
Group 3-2, they do not give the impression of having been
71
caught off guard by the question. They see. to have thoughtabout themselves as mothers prior to being asked for thisdescription.
One women in Group 3-4 said the following:
of^frustL?ior'rL^t^^^;;^\\^^-tainly have my momentsI ^ ^^^^^ I'"^ particularly creative inthinking of ways to entertain her or teach he?
''''^^^^^^
something.. Sometimes I am torn about where I need to b^
about'?har i?,^^^^-^ g-lity timS.
'l^runsSre'about that. I'm unsure about a lot of things .... I think I
^^t^^rv^^^^"*^^""^^ ^^"'^^ ^ith her. I try to let ?he
Ti^^"^^?o^^e out as much as possible to play with
^n?; Le a fairly strict mother though! l aminto the latest philosophies of setting limits with kids.
This response is a complex critique of this woman's
motherhood on a variety of dimensions including those which
are less stereotypical (creativity, sense of humor). At a
similar level of analysis, another women in Group 3-4 says:
I think I'm a good mother My house is baby proof so Idon't have to be saying no, don't touch, don't do this. Ican let her explore without worrying about what she'sgetting into for the most part, although they alwaysmanage to find something. We read together, we cuddletogether. I try to find time for me because I think thatmakes me a little bit better a mother, just that littlepsychological boost to allow me to focus back on her. Mybig focus has been trying to get her to become her ownperson and I try to do as much as I can to let her trythings on her own. But always there watching andguarding.
In describing themselves as a mother, these women are
representative of the 4 in Group 3-4 who responded at this
level of analysis. They give the impression of having
thought about the dimensions of motherhood before and are
therefore ready with a critical analysis of their own
72
performance. Although these women have different values andcriteria for their own success, they have in cormnon the factthat their criteria are not confined to the stereotypical(patient, caring), are idiosyncratic and more active in
describing what they do as mothers.
Relationships
The women were asked to talk about changes in their
relationships with their husbands, mothers and friends. In
addition, the question, "Tell me about your baby" was
intended to provide a sense of how they see that
relationship as well. One would expect women at the
Interpersonal (3) level to feel some "pulls" from the
competing demands of these relationships. Combination with
Imperial (2) might add a flavor of focusing on their own
needs more, others needs and perspectives, less while an
Institutional (4) balance might add the ability to talk
about relationships in a dynamic manner where multiple
perspectives can be held simultaneously.
In response to the question, "Has your relationship with
your husband changed since the birth? How?", four of the
five women in Group 3-4 use the word "closer" in describing
the changes in their marital relationship since becoming
parents together. For three of these women the closeness is
specifically evidenced through the shared relationship with
their infant. Some examples are:
73
and
Now we spend more time together and it's more evenrelaxed time. We might be in the same room and no?'talking, ^ust watching her, just kind of enjoying her.
These women see their infant as being in a fairly centralrole in their relationships with their husbands.
In terms of relationships with husbands, only two of the
five women in Group 3-2 mention being closer as a change in
their marital relationships. One talks about her life
becoming "more meaningful. It just seems like our bond is
closer". The seconds feels closer because she and her
husband are fighting less. In this group, there is a notable
lack of the dynamic description of the couple uniting
around their baby.
A second theme differentiated developmentally in the
responses to this question. I have called the theme "knowing
the baby" based on a concept borrowed from a qualitative
study by Rossiter (1988). The idea is that primary care
takers of an infant "learn" how to care for the particular
infant on such things as its preferential way to be held or
what food it likes or what rituals help the baby to nap.
When one person in a couple is the primary caretaker the
tendency is for them to then try to "teach" this knowledge
to the less involved parent. This "translator", usually the
mother, tends to get in the way of the less involved parent,
74
usually the father, developing his own "knowledge". Inresponding to the question about changes in the maritalrelationship, four of the five women in Group 3-4 referredto this dynamic in some way.
One woman, a almost full-time homemaker said:
I sometimes feel frustration with him (husband) that heIS not quite up on her needs or the best way to handle herproblem as I am. I have even expressed (frustration)sometimes and he's very good at deflecting it peacefullyand I try as hard as I can to say that he is notnecessarily taking care of her in a bad way, it's nustdifferent from the way I do it.-^t. s jusx.
In the above quote, this woman seems to have some
perspective on both sides of this issue (she feels "right"
but tries not to say the her husband "wrong"). Another new
mother says in a similar vein:
He'll (husband) be doing something with (son), it won'tbe what I want it to be, so I'll take over. I try not todo that because I think, "Well, on one hand you're tellinghim he's not being involved, on the other hand he's beinginvolved but he's not doing it my way." I'm getting betterat that, at backing off and letting them establish astrong relationship not based on my guidelines.
Another woman talks about her experience on the other
side of this dynamic. Her husband became the primary
caretaker in a period of unemployment. She says.
Our relationship changed quite a bit then because I had togive up mothering and let him take on the role and then thebaby would go to him or respond to him more. That was alittle difficult but I liked it too.
75
The fourth women in Group 3-4 to be coded with this themedescribes an egalitarian co-parenting relationship wherethey "learned" the baby together.
Things just evolved over time so we now have a routine in
q^tfuo flr^^ ins?ance?'whrthe baby
^^^^^ ^ ^^^^^ ^the^ watches
Of the women in Group 3-2, only one mentions the dynamics
around child care, but frames it quite differently. She
describes being preoccupied with the baby and her husband
feeling excluded.
He definitely probably feels second fiddle but he islately 3ust enjoying being with her so much that I thinkne s starting to understand how I felt all along Weare trying to share. I think I was trying to carry theburden, from cooking, to cleaning to taking care of her andhis trying to do more has helped me.
This excerpt sounds unidirectional compared to the women in
Group 3-4. She stays at the center and he is her assistant.
The remaining four women in Group 3-2 do not spontaneously
address this issue in talking about changes in their marital
relationship. Two seem to assume that they are central to
the baby and accept their husband as an assistant. The
remaining two women in Group 3-2 assume an equal partnership
with the husband. Unlike the women in Group 3-4, they do not
talk about the triadic nature of the mother-father-infant
relationship or their possible role in shaping the father-
child relationship.
76
The question, "Tell ™e about your baby. generated warmand animated responses. The women all gave the impressionthat it was a pleasure to be invited to talk about theirchild.
The women in Group 3-4 uniformly described their infantsin terms of the baby's personality and characteristics. Forinstance
:
He's been a good boy. He has a lot of his father's
hrw^n^i^""^* ^t'^ ^^^u^-""^'^ ^^1"^- °^ly ^^^eams whenhe wants something. When you meet his needs, he's happy.He's pretty easy going. '^Plr'y •
and:
She's very happy for the most part. ...because she doestlZt
personality, when she wants something, she
M^^^^inimediately. She's almost walking and she can sayMama. She loves all animals, she has to pet horses and^°9s She loves being home. She knows no
fear .she's very willing to explore on her own. I thinkshe s cute as a button personally.
These quotes are representative of the very differentiated
descriptions of their babies given by all the women in Group
3-4. They speak about their babies as separate individuals
with personalities and preferences.
In contrast, only two women in Group 3-2 gave a highly
differentiated description focused on personal qualities in
describing their babies. Instead, the descriptions (4 of 5)
tended to focus on how the baby made the mother feel. An
example is the following quote:
He's everything. I love it when he smiles. I love it whenhe cries. I love it when he does just anything. It's just,you know, you're a mother.
77
and
?^ V K^^'u^ ^ ^l^y* ^ i^st love him to pieces Tthink he has given me a better sense of sereni^v iLehelped me put things into perspective.^^^^"^^^^ ^^^^
While expressing a real sense of connection and love, thesewomen also focus on what they get from the relationship interms of their identity. In Group 3-4, only one woman refersto her feelings and she does it more in terms of pride in
the baby, a more separate perspective, than in terms of herown sense of who she is.
Integration into Life
The need to address conflicting demands of their infant,
social expectations, their own desires and the work world in
making decisions about working or not working outside the
home seems like it would be fertile ground for
developmental differences to emerge. Interpersonal (3) women
might feel internal conflict because of being "pulled" by
the competing demands of these varying relationships and
social contexts. Whether and how a woman considers her own
desires and self interest could be expected to vary with the
addition of either an Imperial (2) or Institutional (4)
system. Surprisingly, there were no themes that clearly
differentiated developmentally in this content area of
choices about work/family balance. The responses to these
questions will be presented in following sections under
common and descriptive themes.
78
Open-ended Ouf^al- i nno
The open-ended questions were included to allow for theopportunity for new content to be generated. The question,"In thinking about this whole experience, what has been themost rewarding part?" elicited a response that
differentiated developmentally . The women in Group 3-2
tended to talk about being with their babies in the physicalsense. "Just the absolute joy of having him", and "just
having her around and learning from her" are comments which
capture this idea. In addition to the
above, two women in Group 3-2 also talked about their own
feelings of being made "complete" by motherhood.
When he smiles at me. That's very rewarding for me. Tohave that empty space now filled. Things are a lotbetter I look foinvard to every morning.
and
His smiles, he gives me the best smiles when I rocksleep you just get that nice, warm feeling
Oh, he needs me, he really needs me. I have someone whoneeds me".
The responses of women in Group 3-4 focus on the rewards
of watching their babies' development. One woman says she
finds "just being with her and seeing her turn into a person
from an alien being" rewarding and another directly
comments
:
I can't believe that starting from single cells to beable to do the things he now does. I just marvel atdevelopment
.
79
The two women in Group 3-4 who talk about themselves do soin terms of the rewards they receive from their own sense of
competence. For instance:
I sort of thought that I could do it, but I never I knew
t^lTlLT ' TttT^'T'. '^^"^^ though^r^iuL'SrTinis good. It's hard for me to say that, but I feelcomfortable doing what I'm doing.
From the perspective of constructive-developmental
theory, this question is most similar to a "probe" for
structure in the Subject-Object interview. It elicited a
developmental theme in that it challenged women to focus on
the "whys" of their experience.
Results of Instruments
The "Pie" is an open-ended projective instrument in which
a circle is divided into wedges representing the importance
of various aspects of life to the individual (See Appendix
B).Women in this study completed two wedges, one current
and one retrospective to pre-pregnancy . The components of
the "Pie", the wedges, are developed by each individual. In
analyzing the responses to this instrument I looked at both
choice of subject matter (how the wedge was labeled) and the
level of importance of each label (size of the wedge). The
responses were organized into three general categories:
marriage/family, work, other activities. Only the third
category, other activities, had a pattern of responses which
varied by developmental group. The remainder of the findings
80
from the instruments will be presented in the following
section under Common and Descriptive Themes.
In developing the category of leisure or optional
activities I included everything mentioned that did not
pertain to family relationships (including the extended
family) or to work (paid employment or household labor).
Four of the 5 women in Group 3-4 included some kind of
independent activity (hobbies, free time, time alone, other
activities) in their wedge both before and after the birth
of their child. In contrast, only one women in Group 3-2 did
so. In other words, 4 of the 5 women in Group 3-2 mentioned
only relationships (family, husband, baby, friends) or their
work as important to them while the women in Group 3-4 (4 of
5) had independent interests as well.
Summary of Developmental Differences
In terms of their identity, the women in Group 3-2 refer
to adding to their sense or self or filling in the gaps in
their previous identity. The women in Group 3-4 talk about
changes in a core sense of who they are as people on
becoming mothers. They also mention being surprised by the
intensity of their feelings for their babies. In discussing
their use of time in their everyday life, women in Group 3-2
seemed to either put their own needs first or mention only
the babies needs while the women in Group 3-4 describe
trying to achieve balance between their own and their baby '
s
81
needs. In describing themselves as mothers, women in Group3-2 use few dimensions and more stereotyped concepts. Thewomen in Group 3-4 describe themselves against a set of
complex standards and values about themselves as mothers. In
the area of relationships, women in Group 3-4 talk about
feeling closer to their husbands through their shared
relationship with their babies. They also describe the
dynamics of their family relationships. The women in Group
3-2 mention feeling closer to their husbands without the
analysis of the relational dynamics. In describing their
babies, women in Group 3-4 elaborate on the babies'
personality while the women in Group 3-2 focus on their own
feelings generated in the relationship with the infant.
The most rewarding aspect of motherhood for the women in
Group 3-4 was physically caring for and holding their
babies. The women in Group 3-4 felt rewarded by watching
their infant's growth and development. In the graphic
illustration of the mother's pre and post natal lives, the
"Pie", women in Group 3-4 mentioned independent activities
such as hobbies or time alone as important to them both
before and after becoming mothers while women in Group 3-2
did not.
Common and Descriptive Themes
The themes from the qualitative analysis of the content
interview and the results of the instruments which do not
82
characterize just one of the developmental groups will nowbe presented. The "common" themes are those which
characterize most of the women in the sample, at least two-
thirds. Because of the lack of developmental range of the
women in this sample, these themes may be characteristic of
their common Interpersonal (3) structures. The descriptive
themes were mentioned by a substantial subgroup of the
women, at least one-third, but cannot be attributed to
either developmental commonality or variability. The data i
included for its intrinsic interest and because, by
clarifying what does not seem to be related to
constructive-developmental structure, understanding of the
theory can be expanded. In discussing these themes, I will
include the two women who were excluded from the
developmental groups because they both have 3 structures
operating.
Identity
In responding to the question, "What reactions /feelings
about your baby have surprised you on becoming a mother?",
of the 12 women mentioned some negative feelings. The most
common feeling was anger at a baby who wouldn't stop crying
"I was so surprised that I could feel so angry about her
making me loose sleep." and
I can remember days when I really just wanted to throwhim across the floor. Not that I really wanted to dothat, but when you can't stop them crying
83
These women also mentioned feeling scared, both by theirangry feelings and by the responsibility of motherhood.
"Scared, very scared. I'd check him every five minutes to
make sure he was breathing." One women talked about feeling
"left out" of her social group and yet guilty when she left
the baby. Another felt "cooped up" and a third used the word
"stressed" to describe her feelings while caring for a
colicky baby in the winter with no break.
No negative feelings were mentioned by 6 of the 12 women.
Three of these women were in Group 3-4 and had talked about
being surprised by the intensity of their feelings
(described above). A fourth woman said "everything came
naturally". The remaining two women (both members of Group
3-2) do not mention positive feelings but specifically deny
having negative ones.
It doesn't bother me that I can't pick up and go. I thinkthat was just getting used to. That wasn't a problem or aconcern or whatever, it was just a change.
Another was aware from her reading that difficult feelings
are possible but says "I have never felt resentment or
anguish I just really haven't experienced that." While
it is interesting that the two women who deny any negative
affect are in Group 3-2, the pattern isn't clear enough to
claim as a developmental difference.
The general response to the question "What is important
to you about being a mother?" was focused on their infants
rather than on themselves. Only two women talked about their
84
own gratification in being loved by the baby. The remaining
10 women were focused outward to their relationships andtheir place in the world.
For 7 of the 12 women, responses centered around their
child and what they want for him or her. They were future
oriented and generative. Such answers as "To help another
person discover what is best in life" and "helping her to
learn what is good and what is right" are characteristic.
The focus of these women is really on the child and the
child's long term development. "(I want) to give her
confidence so that she can branch out be her own
person.
"
The second most common theme, mentioned by 5 of the 12
women, had to do with the continuity of the generations
being important to them. One woman said: "I want her to have
the same kind of start that I did." Another says:
I felt like I would be good at it (being a mother). Ifelt like I should do it. I have a good relationship withmy parents and I just felt like... it was one of thethings I was put here for.
These women seem to see their work as parents as passing on
the connection from their parents generation to the
children's generation. One woman sums it up as follows:
The whole family concept, the whole family idea. Gettingback to what's really important in family and sustainingrelationships Maintaining that sense of identity, partof a family, an extended family.
The broad question, "How do you feel about being a
mother?" was probed by the question, "What do you especially
85
like and dislike?" These questions were answered mostcommonly with affectionate descriptions of their
relationship with their babies. Of the twelve women in thestudy, seven talked about the physically expressed affectionwith their infants. Representative comments are:
I love everything. I love the smile that he gives you.You get small, little rewards, they do those cute littlethings. -Lj-ui-xe
and:
^^i^'^^.^^^ h^gs, the smiles, the kisses, theaffection.
and:
I love the cuddling and I love the smiles and theaccomplishments. I just love taking care of her.
Another four women mentioned watching the growth and
development of their infant. "At each age there is some new
phenomenon that is very, very exciting." A final group of
three focused on the personal rewards for them: "They keep
you going" and "It gives me someone to be with".
In terms of their dislikes, five women used the
expression "tied down" to describe the constant demands on
them. The others mentioned a varied list of dislikes: no
time, no money, crying baby, disturbed sleep. However, all
de-emphasized these dislikes and focused more attention on
an animated description of their likes.
86
Relationships
The question, "Has your relationship with your husbandchanged since the birth of your baby?" elicited descriptionsof tensions between the new mother and her spouse from 6 ofthe 12 women in the study. The most common conflict was
about child care and how parental responsibility is shared.
Tensions around child care ranged from a couple in which the
father seemed to "take over" to another woman who was trying
to foster a relationship between father and child when her
husband had a very distant concept of fatherhood originating
in his own family experiences. At the more middle range,
nursing mothers described frustration about her mobility
being more constrained than their husbands. For example, "I
felt resentful that he could get away".
Only one woman mentioned tensions about the unequal
division of household labor and carefully stresses that the
situation is improving. She describes this scene:
I was trying to make dinner and do the wash and put herdown and I was just really angry he picked up on thatand has been trying to do more.
Five women specifically mention being pleased with the
division of household labor, although two talk of their
husband "helping", implying that they maintain the executive
role. Three women describe a more equal partnership with the
work load either divided equally or divided equitably on the
basis of time spent at home.
87
In responding to the question, "Has your relationshipwith your mother changed since the birth of your baby?
How?", eight of the twelve participants said "yes". The mostcommon change was in the amount of contact ranging from
women whose mothers live nearby, who now have daily rather
than weekly contact, to families that live further away whonow visit more frequently. Five women mentioned having a
better understanding of their own mothers' experiences in
mothering them. For instance, "I respect her a lot more. You
don't realize what they did for you. I mean, I had a really
good relationship with my mother but it got a lot better,
knowing that." Another woman who described some
disappointment with her mother's nervousness as a
grandparent said:
On the other hand, now that I know what it's like beinghome with a baby which she certainly was in the 50 's and60 's, I have more respect for her. It must have been hardfor her especially in that my father did not help hernearly as much as my husband helps me.
In general, these women speak positively about their
relationships with their mothers, describe some changes but
seem not to see their mothers as particularly central to
their experience.
The most common response to the question " What changes
have you noticed in your friendships since the birth?", 10
of the 12 women mention new or stronger relationships with
other parents.
88
With my friends who do have kids, I am much closer tn
ToTr ba^y^no^!'"''^^ ^^^^ ^^^^"^^V^Lt,
The increase in relationships with other parents also referto couples with children:
k?H^ °Ti-°''''f^i^^fs do have kids or have recently had
out^^^""^
H''^ ^ ^^"^ °^ P^°Pl^ ^^^d to hangout with as couples now have kids so we have beengoing through this adjustment together.
Five of the twelve women describe tensions in
relationships with friends who are not parents. One woman
describes a greater distance in these friendships and said
"I hopefully I'm not slighting them, I'm not doing this on
purpose but it happens, you know." This discomfort seems
related to contrasts in lifestyle which are deeper than not
having time. Four mention the potential envy and discomfort
of friends who are single or infertile. For example, "My
friend who is not able to have children has become much more
distant because she is probably not comfortable" and
Since I am getting to that age where some of the peoplearen't even married and maybe worried that they may notget married and knowing that they would probably like tohave a family. . .you feel bad complaining to someone whodoesn't have a child somehow.
For five of the twelve women in the sample this
question about friendships did not particularly strike a
cord. Even though they did mention an increase in
relationships with other parents, friendships did not seem
to be particularly central to them. One woman says that
friendship has become "a bit of a smaller section" in her
89
life. Another says "I don't have the sit down heart to
hearts with people that I used to have. I don't have thetime to, really, right now."
The answers to the question, "Who provides the most
support to you as a mother?" elicited the responses outlinedbelow. The most support is clearly provided by husbands
first and then mothers (three women mention both as
primary), it would have been interesting to use the Power
and Parke (1984) taxonomy of kinds of support (relational,
ideological, physical and informational) to see if the
category varied by the support provider. However, this
question "pulled" for women to talk about relationships
since the word "support" generally implies emotional
support. Only two mentioned physical support (money, and
baby sitting) and two informational support (good advice and
books )
.
Person
Husband
Mother
Sister
Friend
Grandparents
Self
Support Providers
# primary # secondary
4
1
0
0
1
1
1
3
1
0
90
Integration int.p Life
In this section of the interview, participants were askedto respond to two questions: "What did you consider in
making the decision about working or not working outside thehome? What have been the costs and benefits of your
decision to you?" The women's work status at the time of
the interview was as follows: five- working full time in
paid employment; four- working part time in paid employment
and three- at home full time. The last group includes one
woman who works for pay in her home. I made the decision to
include her in the full time homemaker group because she
seemed to identify most with that lifestyle.
In analyzing the responses to these questions, three
general dimensions emerged. First, each woman's core theme
summarizes overall response to the dilemmas inherent in this
life task. I will first present these core themes. Secondly,
I will outline the other two dimensions: the women's level
of internal conflict about her work/family balance and the
degree of choice she perceives herself as having.
The "core" themes, summarized on the following page,
characterize the responses of the women discussing the
work/family decision.
91
CORE THEMES#
Like doing both4
Working to guard against "atrophy"3
Surprising downward shift in career importance 2
Full time motherhood an important personal sacrifice 2
Both important but doing both difficult 1
Four women who liked doing both expressed satisfaction
with their ability to cope with the demands of work and home
life. "I enjoy having more responsibility. I definitely feel
that I can handle all these things." Another had carefully
planned a career change that would make part time work a
possibility and felt that the life style really worked for
her. A third woman simply said, "It (part time job) revives
me and makes me want to be with her."
The next largest group of women talked about their work
outside the home as helping them stay mentally alert. The
implication is that some mental "atrophy" would result in
being home full time with their baby. For instance, one
woman said it's "healthy to get out and do other things".
Another woman likes working because it "forces me to be out
and interested in stuff other than the baby."
A third core theme is noted by two women with
professional careers who have been surprised by the downward
shift of career in their priorities. One who continues to
work said:
92
I haven't been able to do it all t ri^r,.4- 4-u- i ^can do 100% career and 100% beiig'^^i^Lr it surprisesme given how gung-ho I was in a career ihat !t hastaken such a back seat.
Another describes her enjoyment of her lengthy maternity
leave: "It's just a complete change around for me."
Two women talked about their conflict in giving up jobs
for full time motherhood. Both believe that it is important
to their infants to have them home but feel some loss of
social contact ("I miss my friends") for one and social
status for another. She says " I just don't feel that I am
respected." Giving the best they can to their babies results
in a difficult personal sacrifice for them.
Finally, one woman described living with the tensions of
desiring to both work and be with her baby. She describes
her ideal solution: "If I could take (the baby) to work with
me on my back, I would work forty hours." This quote seems
to express the importance of both aspects of her life and
their irreconcilable nature. Her compromise has been part-
time work.
The responses to the questions were also coded for the
amount of internal conflict the woman seemed to experience
in making her decisions about work and family and in living
the chosen lifestyle. Eight of the twelve women experienced
very little conflict in finding balance in their lives. In
this group, 4 held full time jobs, three part-time jobs and
one was a full time homemaker. A full time worker said:
93
I just always knew and felt 1 would be a better oarent ifI worked. I would have a better sense of sllf and fSouldrchT?H?
with myself and I could provide
i wiu'brth;;;---"":"!^" ^°^"9^o need. That
A part-time worker said this:
^^001^°°'^^^°'' ^° realize that he can be with other
it^I nust r^^T^^' ^""^-^^ I ^^^^ I love
pe^fec^^hing! ^ '° '° ""'^
Not everyone had this degree of certainty about their
decision, however. Four women (two homemakers and one each
full and part-time worker) experienced inner conflict about
making and living with their decision. One part time worker
whose theme of irreconcilability was summarized above had
this to say about leaving her son at day care for the first
time
:
I sobbed and sobbed and sobbed because I felt I wasletting this kid down. He was born to me and I'm hismother and I'm letting him down.
However, she also talked about wanting to increase her hours
at work because she felt "less connected and I'm a real
control person at work. I hate to give up territory." She
lives with a high level of conflict because she feels
intensely about both her child and her work.
A full time homemaker talks about the financial
difficulty of living on one income and adds:
Now I have to depend on my husband so that makes me kindof upset too cause I wish I had my job.... I don't knowwhat I want to do with my life yet. I want to go back (towork) and I don't. I don't want a babysitter.
94
She is aware of all the trade-offs and is unable to find atruly comfortable balance.
In addition, the responses were also coded for the degreethat the woman perceived that decisions were either in hercontrol or driven by their family's financial needs. Eight
women felt that they had exercised personal choice in their
decisions and four felt that their families need for their
income had dictated their choices. These perceptions of
their motivation for working, however, did not interact
meaningfully with their level of internal conflict. For
instance, two of the three full time home makers had made a
personal choice to leave paid employment yet experienced a
high level of internal conflict about their decision. Also,
two of the four women who felt that they "had" to work were
in the low conflict group.
Open-ended
The question "How do you think you've changed as a result
of becoming a mother?" was probed with "How do you think
motherhood will change you in the future?" Six of the 12
women mention that they have become more responsible since
becoming mothers. They seemed to be referring to the fact
that caring for the babies needs come before their own
needs. One spoke of being "settled down" and others pointed
out the necessity of self denial. "You have no choice" and
"you just have to be" more responsible are typical comments
95
Five women mention having a new perspective on "whafsimportant" in life. One says "My goals and my focus havecompletely shifted. I'm not as career oriented but am farmore family oriented." Another said:
andTthtn^?'^;'"' ^ ^^^^^^ ^ ^^'^tain wayth»^
^"'^ ""''^ °* ^" °"ter focus....! also thinkthat the things I value now are better things to be
Three women mention a new awareness of the world around
them as a change they attribute to motherhood. Two talk
about impact of, for instance, education and politics and
war on their child and family. A third woman more
altruistically said,
I definitely feel more worried and upset about childrenin the world I get very emotional about it I wouldreally like to do some volunteer work to help kids andalso to help mothers.
Finally, two women described almost a new personality or at
least new personality characteristics that have been a
result of motherhood.
It's just made me more tolerant and softer a part (ofme) that I didn't know too well got tapped into again.
and
I've become calmer and not so neurotic. I mean I still ambut not so much so. I've just become happier, sort offuller.
These women seem to feel changed as a person as a result of
motherhood.
96
The women in this sample seemed to be slightly
overwhelmed in responding to the question about the future.The comment "I just try to take it day by day" seems to
capture the sense that it was enough to be handling the
baby's infancy and looking ahead would be too daunting. Onlyone woman responded as if she had thought of this before.
toH^/''-?ru'^*^ ^ ^^^""^ ^^°^t the problems that go ontoday with kids and drugs and I get really scared.don t know how I'll deal with it if he geL into trouble.
Most of the other new mothers (7) described some process
which will be gradually unfolding in which they assume that
they will continue to develop as parents. For instance, "I
think I will continue to get better at making decisions" and
I think (motherhood) will continue to lob me some curveballs m a way that is both exciting but kind of nerveracking... I can imagine some nail biting times ahead.
This same mother also anticipates that "my confidence will
ebb and flow over the next twenty years." Several specific
changes were anticipated as well: change in career, more
involvement in the community and having more children.
The questions, "In thinking about this whole experience,
what has been the most difficult and most unexpected parts?"
elicited responses that were idiosyncratic and not reducible
to themes. The responses of the twelve women are summarized
as follows:
97
MOST DIFFICULT
Pregnancy
Planning day
Crying baby
Never "getting away"
Marital tension-housework
No time alone
Making correct decisions
Torn between work/home
Colic
Change in marital relationship
Body "tied down"
Change in marital relationship
MOST UNEXPECTED
Caesarian section
Colic
Self crying for no reason
Being "on" 24 hours a day
Medical difficulty after
birth
How much I love her
Baby crying. Always rushed
Wanting another so soon
So time consuming, anger
Baby real person
Everything going so well
So consuming
Finally, only two women responded with new material when
asked "What haven't I asked that seems important to help me
understand your experience as a new mother?" Both responses
related to the actual birth experience. One woman had
experienced others as lacking interest in her experience of
giving birth and was disappointed that the interview didn't
cover that topic. She felt that labor had been "important
and wonderful" and that she got very little recognition.
Another woman mentioned her home birth which had been a very
positive experience and a "great start".
98
Results of Inst:rnTn,^n^-.=
The participants completed the Multiple Affect AdjectiveChecklist-Revised, State Form (MAACL-R) and the "Pie" beforethe first interview. The MAACL-R provides T scores on
anxiety, depression and hostility which combine in a
composite dysphoria score. Positive affect and sensation
seeking T scores merge to a composite score referred to as
PASS. The sample T scores were compared with the mean of 50
in the T distribution. One participant in Group 3-2 was not
included in the group comparisons because she had unusually
high scores on the anxiety, depression and especially
hostility subscores, leading to a T of 96 in the dysphoria
composite. Because of the extremely small group size (5),
her inclusion would have exaggerated group differences.
The group mean on each subscale was compared to the
normative mean of 50 using a t test. The group means were
also compared to each other. The mean T scores by group and
the t test statistics are summarized below.
99
Table 7: MAACL-R Scores by Group
Group 3-2 Group 3-4 ComparisonTV • a.
T t T t t
n""i!!?... 1} •? 45 1.1 2^053 .6 .6
Depression 51 .2Hostility 45.5 .9
Seeking 63 2.6PASS 63 2.6
48 .45 .8.67 .8
Dysphoria 49.5 .1 47
PositiveAffect 59 .8 64 3.1 2.OSensation
54 .9 3.062 2.7 .3
.05 p>=3.1 .05 p>.=2.7 .05 p>=2 .
3
Three comparisons were significant at the .05 but not at
the .01 level. Group 3-4 was found to be significantly
higher than the mean in both positive affect and the
composite PASS score. Group 3-2 had a non-significant trend
toward being higher in sensation seeking resulting in each
group having a composite in positive affect and sensation
seeking (PASS) that was greater than a standard deviation
above the mean. Group 3-2 was significantly higher on the
sensation seeking scale than Group 3-4. There were no
significant results for either group on the Dysphoria
subscales or composite. In spite of the stresses of new
motherhood, these women are well above the average in
experiencing positive affect and feelings of vigor in their
lives
.
The responses to the "Pie" instrument were organized into
three categories, marriage/family, work and other
activities. In the first area of analysis, marriage and
100
family, it seemed that for some women the infant integratedinto the holistic concept of family while others
conceptualize it more as the addition of a relationship.Five women labeled a large portion of their "Pie" with a
generalized "family" which included their extended families.For these women, the whole category grew in importance withthe addition of their infant to their lives. The other sevenwomen in the sample drew separate wedges for their infants
and husbands. One woman combined the two so that the husband
shared his wedge with the baby postpartum. In a second case,
the "husband" wedge remained constant and a third doubled
the importance of her husband. The remaining four women
decreased the husband/marriage portion by a mean of 36
degrees
.
The second area of analysis was labeled variously job,
work or career and showed a precipitous drop in importance
across the two points in time. The overall mean importance
of work prior to pregnancy was 98 degrees (out of 360),
after birth it was 38.3 for the whole group and 44 for the
group, minus the three mothers who were not working outside
the home. It is interesting to note that the three women who
would identify as full time mothers still allotted some
importance for this area in their division. Even though they
do not currently need to allot time to paid employment, the
image of themselves as a worker is still a part of their
wedge, implying its importance to them.
101
The final area, other activities, has been partiallypresented in the previous section, themes which
differentiate. In addition, some of the findings regardingthe importance of other activities is included here. The
pattern from before to after motherhood was for a
diminishment of the importance of these independent
activities. Eight women allocated space in their wedge for
friendships. Only one woman completely dropped a category in
this section by not including "travel" in her postpartum
division. As the women squeezed the baby into the 360
degrees of their circle, an average of 34 degrees was
"borrowed" from friends and leisure activities.
Summary of Common and Descriptive Themes
The connnon themes which characterize at least eight (two-
thirds) of the women in this sample will be summarized
first. These themes may represent a more universal aspect of
the transition to motherhood or may reflect the uniform
Interpersonal (3) structure of these women using the Kegan
theory.
Most of the women in this sample (10) focused on their
infants and their own place in the world as the most
important aspects of motherhood. Some focused solely on
fostering the life and future of their child in a generative
sense while others were more attuned to their own pivotal
role in connecting the generations. Most of the new mothers
102
(8) had experienced a change in their relationship withtheir own mothers, although the nature of the change variedIncreased contact with their mothers also characterized thegroup. As a group, these women (10) felt that their
friendships with other parents were enhanced by becoming a
mother. And all but one mentioned that their husband
provided their primary emotional support as mothers.
In making decisions about work and family life, most of
the women experienced a low level of internal conflict and
were pleased with the balance they had achieved in their
lives. Most felt that their decisions were a matter of
personal choice rather than economic necessity.
The following descriptive themes characterize some of the
women in the group but do not differentiate among
developmental groups. They are summarized as follows.
In talking about feelings about their infants that had
surprised them, half of the group mentioned some negative
affect, primarily anger or frustration but also fear,
anxiety and loneliness. The other half of the group either
mentioned only positive feelings and the intensity of their
feelings (as mentioned under Themes Which Differentiate
Developmentally) or specifically denied experiencing any
difficult, negative feelings.
The pleasures of physically relating to and caring for
their infants were mentioned by over half (seven) of the
group in talking about what they liked about motherhood. A
103
smaller (five) group talked about their interest in theirwatching their child's development. Five women mentioneddisliking their lack of freedom, referring to the
restrictions as being "tied down".
In terms of their relationships, half of the group
mention tension with their husbands around sharing child
care. Most seem not displeased about their husbands role in
household labor. Five women mentioned having a greater level
of empathy with their own mothers' experiences as mothers.
This empathy enhanced the mother-daughter relationship. Five
women also mentioned their mothers as an important source of
support, one placed her mother ahead of her husband on this
dimension. Five women experienced some tensions in
relationships with friends who were not parents and five did
not experience friendships as a particularly central aspect
of their lives at this point.
The decision making process about the balance of work
and family life were characterized by the following core
themes: Like doing both (four); Working to guard against
"atrophy" (three); Surprising downward shift in career
importance (two); Full time motherhood a personal sacrifice
(two); Career and mother both very important -irreconcilable
(one). Four women experienced a high level of internal
conflict both in making work/family decisions and adjusting
to the lifestyle their decision created. Four women felt
104
their decision to work reflected their family's need fortheir income rather than strictly personal preference.
Six women felt changed in that the need to care for andput their babies needs first had helped them become moreresponsible. Five women felt a shift in goals and prioritiesaway from more individual pursuits to valuing relationships
and their families as primary. Two women described a calmer
personality that they felt had been generated by their
motherhood. Seven women also anticipated that motherhood
will continue to provide challenges in their futures. The
women in this group responded idiosyncratically on being
questioned about the most difficult and unexpected aspects
of motherhood. These responses cover all aspects of
motherhood- identity, relationships and integration into
life, as well as medical issues. Two mothers mentioned their
birth experience when asked a final open-ended question.
On the MAACL-R, the means on the composite dysphoria
score which combines the anxiety, depression and hostility
scales, were very near the population mean of 50. The
composite of positive affect and sensation seeking was a
standard deviation above the mean for the whole sample.
The general pattern on the "Pie" from prior to pregnancy
to after birth was for space to be "borrowed" from the other
wedges to make a space for the baby. This instrument, of
course, creates a metaphor and a graphic illustration of the
changes that happen in women's lives on becoming mothers-
105
fitting the baby in is not an easy taskl Wedges representingwork and friendships and the marital relationship were"borrowed" from in order to make room for the baby. Five
women used the more global concept of "family" which
included the maternal and marital relationship and the
extended family in some cases.
The Imperial (2) Balance
As mentioned above, one woman's developmental score did
not warrant her inclusion in either developmental group.
With a Kegan level of 2/3, the Imperial (2) structure was
dominant in her meaning making. However, she had a full
Interpersonal (3) structure in common with the other women
in the sample as well. Some sense of a more "selfish"
approach might be expected since her sense of self is
subject to getting her needs met more than in interpersonal
mutuality. In this section, I will describe her unique
results and then compare and contrast her responses with
the remainder of the sample. The data will be organized as
follows: 1) unique themes, 2) themes shared with Group 3-2,
3) themes shared with Group 3-4.
In talking about her identity, this woman repeatedly
describes her feeling of motherhood being a "natural"
response:
I never was afraid. Everything just came naturally. Whenpeople saw me carrying her around two weeks after she was
106
then V^^^TlJ^t ? I- II--en
When asked, "How do you feel about being a mother, she
focused on the rewards for her, "they keep you going" ratherthan the more baby oriented responses of the remainder of
the sample.
In terms of her relationships, this new mother described
her relationship with her husband quite differently than the
other women. She outlines a day chronologically in which she
and her husband alternate child care and other tasks and
said:
I can't say we do things together. I cook supper, hecomes down and eats. Then he takes her (baby) because Ineed a break and I do more housework again. So we don'tdo much together. Even when we go out it's like thehusbands and fathers are all in one section and themothers and babies are off in another section.
One gets the sense of parallel lives only nominally
connected by the shared child care. While she did speak
warmly and describe her child in a differentiated way, she
also says "I'm not one to be down on the floor playing with
a baby", showing little conscious concern for the process of
relating.
Finally, this woman uniquely answered the open ended
question, "In thinking about this whole experience, what has
been the most difficult and unexpected parts?" She found
pregnancy to be the most difficult and delivering by
107
Cesarian section as the most unexpected part. While the
remainder of the women in the sample focused on some aspectof their sense of self, relationship or integration of
motherhood into their lives (see page 89), she was rooted in
the physical, and more separate experience of pregnancy and
birth.
The common factor in these themes unique to this
participant is a concreteness in talking about experience.
She does not orient herself strongly to connection and
relationships but rather focuses on the tasks and scheduling
of child care. In describing her relationship with her
husband, she also focused on their coordination of
schedules. The open-ended questions elicited discussion of
pregnancy and child birth. She seems to find meaning in the
physical experience, in the doing. At the same time, she
answered other questions in a similar manner to the women in
the both developmental groups.
Her response to the question, "How does being a mother
affect the way you feel about yourself as a person?" was
similar to those of the women in Group 3-2 who talk about
adding "more" to their personalities. She said: "I feel
more satisfied. I feel more sure of myself. I feel more
tired. More active." She also did not mention being
surprised by the intensity of her feelings for the baby.
Also like the women in Group 3-2, she strongly emphasizes
her own housework priorities in talking about the impact of
108
the baby on her everyday life. The baby seems to be a task,albeit a pleasant one, to be fit into her and her husband'sschedules. She found being with the baby physically to bethe most rewarding aspect of motherhood, emphasizing the
baby's smile.
Her commonality with the women in Group 3-4 was apparent
in the following contexts. Her description of her baby is
quite differentiated and focuses on the baby's
characteristics
.
She's very good natured, always happy, veryflexible..... She likes change. I don't think she likes tobe immobile too often. By Monday, she's ready for daycare. She needs more action around her.
In describing herself as a mother, she, like the women in
Group 3-4, has a set of values about raising children with
which she measures herself as a mother.
I think I'm a good mother. I doubt that she wants foranything emotionally or physically ... I 'm not as cautiousas (others) feel I should be... I believe in letting her doher own thing. I figure she does have to learn from herown mistakes.
Finally, her responses paralleled a women in Group 3-4 by
mentioning independent activities as important both before
and after birth.
Table 8 summarizes the individual MAACL-R scores which
are consistent with the remainder of the sample.
109
Table 8: MAACL-R Scores of Individual 2/3
^ ° H Dys p. A. S.S PASS
45 47 46 44 55 67 61
On the "Pie", she maintained the same level of importance
for her independent activities and work both pre and
postpartum. In order to "make room" for the baby, she
"borrowed" from her work and relationships, most notably
diminishing the wedge representing her husband.
In sum, this woman with a developmental score of 2/3 had
some unique themes and ones that were common with the two
developmental groups. She was unique in the strength of her
focus on the concrete, physical experience. She shared with
the women in Group 3-4 an ability to describe both herself
as a mother and her baby's personality and the inclusion of
independent activities on the "Pie".
110
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CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION
The results of this study confirm Kegan's constructive
developmental theory by illustrating the evolution through
the Interpersonal (3) balance. The structural change noted
by the movement from subject to object from physical
experience, through taking relationships as the source of
the sense of self, to the beginning of a self-authored
"theory", can be identified in these women's experience in
the transition to motherhood. This evolution is highlighted
in two broad areas, the coordination of perspectives and
identity and relationships, which will be discussed in this
section. Next, the importance of a constructive-
developmental perspective to understanding the transition to
motherhood will be discussed by relating constructive-
developmental theory to previous research and assessing its
ability to support, supplement or better explain the
findings
.
Evolution of the Interpersonal (3) Balance
One of the most important factors which shape the results
of this research project is that the women in this sample
are all at some point in the evolution through the
Interpersonal (3) meaning making structure. As such, they
know themselves through their relationships which are the
source of their identity. The "common" themes which
116
characterized the responses of most of the women in thissample stress the central role of relationships and
community. This focus on the relational network is
indicative of the Interpersonal (3) balance.
In discussing their transition to motherhood, most of thewomen in this sample mentioned the importance to them of
generativity and continuity, concepts which refer to a
network of relationships, essentially unbreakable, that
exist over time. In addition, they stressed their
relationships in response to most of the questions,
seemingly indicating that they are a significant context.
For these Interpersonal (3) women, pleasure in the
relational context of the "work" of motherhood seems to be
rewarding as a way to know themselves. Generally, it seems
that they see motherhood as enhancing their relationships
and their community. This common theme of the relational
context certainly sounds like the heart of an Interpersonal
(3) system of meaning making.
However, it is also important to note that other
theorists see a focus on and development through
relationships with others as a general characteristic of
women's development (e.g. Miller, 1984). Because of women's
consistent relational style, the common themes of this study
could also represent a more universal aspect of motherhood,
and womanhood, rather than the Interpersonal (3) balance. A
constructive-developmental argument in response would
117
concede that women may have a more inclusive style in
general but that they still evolve through the various
subject-object balances. As a result, the meaning that theymake of their relationships will vary with their
development. Relationships will consistently be important to
them, but they will place themselves in gradually less
embedded positions vis a vis other people.
The developmental variance within this sample is also a
supporting argument for the constructive-developmental point
of view. The fact that two groups can be clearly
distinguished given the common Interpersonal (3) structure
is strong evidence in support of the claim of constructive-
developmental theory that structural change can be tracked
in fairly specific detail. The data from this study shows
the shift in the source of meaning from the more concrete,
physical Imperial (2) through the beginnings of an
Institutional (4) theory of self.
The evolution through subject-object balances is most
clearly illustrated in this study by the transition from
Imperial (2) to Interpersonal (3). Women in this transition
reflect somewhat negatively on their pre-motherhood self and
use metaphors for change, such as "filling in gaps", which
seem to show them taking perspective on a former way of
making meaning. They seem to be aware of their developmental
movement away from self focus, characteristic of the
Imperial (2) position, and toward mutuality in
118
relationships, the hallmark of the Interpersonal (3)
position.
In constructive -developmental theory, such evolution
through developmental positions is hypothesized to occur
because of contradictions and confirmations that come from
the person's environment. The interpersonal context is an
important "culture" that facilitates movement. The baby's
neediness and dependency could be a "culture" that
contradicts an Imperial (2) structure of self interest and
allows an Interpersonal (3) structure to evolve. From the
perspective of a "new" Interpersonal (3) structure, the
former way of making meaning would be seen as lacking. These
women do seem to be reveling in their capacity to derive a
sense of self in relationship. As one happily declared,
"Nothing is for me, everything is for him (baby)."
Taking Perspective
The transition from the Imperial (2) to the Interpersonal
(3) balance is partially distinguished by the content on
which one can take perspective. Because someone in the
Imperial (2) balance is subject to their own needs and
wishes, they are, in a sense, blind to those same needs and
wishes. Development toward the Interpersonal (3) allows
needs and wishes to be seen so that not getting my way is no
longer a threat to self. However, others are now the source
of identity, making it impossible to take perspective on
119
relationships in the "pure" Interpersonal (3) position. Onlymovement toward the self authorship of the Institutional (4)
allows one to "see" their relationships.
This developmental progression is illustrated by the
following either/or theme noted in the women who combine the
Imperial (2) with the Interpersonal (3) when they talk about
their use of time. Either the "selfish" Imperial (2)
priorities came to the fore and the child's needs were
subordinated to their own OR their own needs are not
expressed in a manner characteristic of the Interpersonal
(3) and the child's needs were ultimate. It is important to
note that the "selfishness" referred to here is not
reprehensible neglect of their child but a commitment to a
housekeeping schedule and standards! This combination of
selfishness and interpersonal embeddedness was also
illustrated by their description of their babies that
focused on the mother's pleasure in the relationship. While
attuned to the interpersonal pleasure of the symbiotic
relationship with their infant, they are still Imperial (2)
enough that they mainly focus on how the relationship
enhances their lives.
In contrast, the women who combine the Interpersonal (3)
with the Institutional (4) had the capacity to not only
hold two perspectives but to think about two sets of needs
simultaneously. Their term "balance" describes a beginning
Institutional (4) ability to not have their awareness of
120
their baby's needs block their awareness of their own needsThey could internally negotiate these perspectives
.
Identity and Relationships
In constructive-developmental theory, identity and
relationships are closely linked, especially in the various
combinations within the Interpersonal (3) balance.
Relationships with others are object only with the
emergence of the Institutional (4) balance. Prior to that,
in the Interpersonal (3) balance, one is subject to one's
relationships and therefore they are the identity. This
continuum in which identity gradually becomes linked to and
than unlinked from other people is illustrated by the
results of this study.
Women who combine the Imperial (2) with the Interpersonal
(3) had difficulty describing themselves as mothers
seemingly because mothering is their identity. They do not
seem to have a "space" between themselves and their
mothering role in which to ask the question, "What kind of
mother am I?", an example of Interpersonal (3) embeddedness
At the same time, the stereotyped self descriptions they
give as mothers seem to indicate that they "know" how to be
a mother because their society tells them, an Imperial (2)
role orientation. This role would be rewarding to their
Imperial (2) structure by engendering a sense of competence
and to their Interpersonal (3) structure due to the
121
interpersonal approval that comes with fulfilling a
significant social role. A role orientation is also evidentin their relationships with their husbands. They seem to
operate on assumptions about marital relations that are not
necessarily based on traditional sex roles but are probably
generated in relational contexts, such as their perceptions
of their husbands preferences, their own families or their
social groups.
These women also tend to stress the physical experience
of relating to their babies. For these women, the meaning is
in the doing. Asking them to talk about their experience
does not represent their strengths which might be more
apparent in a observation of them with their babies. The
actual physical holding and caring is at the core for these
women, marrying their Imperial (2) residuals of concreteness
and concern for competence with their Interpersonal (3)
reveling in relationship.
In contrast, women who combine the Interpersonal (3)
with the Institutional (4) discussed themselves and their
relationships with other people in a more distant,
analytical manner because other ' s reactions to them are no
longer the sole source of their identity. For instance they
describe their baby's unique personalities and enjoy
watching their baby's development. "Watching" implies a
distance and an awareness of the baby as a separate
individual. They talk about dynamics of their families
122
analytically and acknowledge their role in partially shapingthe father-child relationship. These examples illustrate thepossession of a self that stands outside the relational
context and can therefore reflect on their relationships.
Evidence that their sense of self is beginning to move
away from being solely generated in relationships toward
self authorship also exists in the way they conceptualize
their changes in the transition to motherhood. They describe
a transformation of self, a new core identity as a mother.
Because they hold their identity "inside", rather than
solely finding it reflected back from the interpersonal
context, they can risk the discontinuity of transformation.
Paradoxically, they also seem to have a greater sense of
continuity across the transition to motherhood, reporting
consistent independent activities both pre and postpartum on
the "Pie". Because they are "in charge" of their identity,
the self is both more malleable and more continuous than for
those whose identity is generated in their relationships.
Further evidence of this self authorship can be seen in
their self descriptions as a mother. They articulate
standards for a "good mother" and then compare their
performance to those standards.
Finally, their "surprise" at the intensity of their
feelings for their babies seems to be reflecting their
experience of their emotions as something they have rather
than something that happens to them. Because maternal
123
emotions are impossible to anticipate, the intensity of
feeling is somewhat of a threat to this self system andtherefore surprising to them.
The differentiating responses in the areas of taking
perspective and identity and relationships confirm the
constructive-developmental progression of constructive-
developmental theory. The impact of Imperial (2) and
Institutional (4) balance in combination with the
Interpersonal (3) on the experience of the transition to
motherhood are illustrated. In sum, these themes which
differentiate the two groups confirm the form of
constructive-developmental theory by illustrating the
evolution of meaning making that occurs in the transition to
motherhood. The way that subject-object differences shape
the manner in which different perspectives are coordinated
and one's identity and relationships can be seen in this
data about the transition to motherhood, confirming some of
the content of the theory as well. The fact that themes were
differentially expressed by these two groups, who shared
many demographic features and a common Interpersonal (3)
structure, is a powerful support for the concepts of
constructive-developmental theory
.
Understanding Women as Mothers
The primary contributions of this research to the
understanding of women's experience in the transition to
124
motherhood, described as follows, illustrates how the
experience of the transition to motherhood is shaped by thedevelopmental structures included in this study. This
description of some meaningful dimensions on which women as
mothers can vary can enrich our understanding of this
transition.
The women who combine an Imperial (2) with an
Interpersonal (3) structure are characterized by the
following experiences in the transition to motherhood. The
Imperial (2) flavors their transition to motherhood in their
pleasure with the concrete, the tasks of physically caring
for their baby. Hints of their transition to a fuller
Interpersonal (3) structure exist in their pleased
reflecting on their development beyond self interest. Their
Interpersonal (3) knowing the self through relationships is
demonstrated in their difficulty with reflecting on
themselves and their relationships with their husbands.
Focusing on the pleasure of their relationship with their
baby, rather than describing their babies as a separate
person is another example of Interpersonal (3) embeddedness
.
The experience of the women for whom the Interpersonal
(3) is combined with the Institutional (4) is summarized as
follows. The addition of an Institutional (4) structure to
the general Interpersonal (3) themes seems to allow these
women to talk more complex ways about themselves, their
relationships and their babies because they have a self that
125
can stand outside relational contexts and observe. They candescribe themselves as mothers in relation to a self
authored set of values. They have independent activities andcan internally negotiate the use of time in a way that
honors their own needs and desires. Their sense of self is
generated by themselves rather than solely in relational
contexts, so that they can conceptualize motherhood as a
transformation, a new self.
Connection s with Motherhood Research
Differences in constructive-developmental levels seems to
account for some, but not all, of the variation among women
as mothers which has been noted in previous research. The
expression of anger, self-esteem and motherhood and
employment are discussed here using constructive-
developmental theory and other constructs from the
motherhood literature.
Anger
One area of expected developmental differences that was
not clearly demonstrated in this study was the expression of
anger. Researchers on the transition to motherhood have
emphasized that acknowledging and managing difficult "old"
feelings are an important part of the transition. Women who
do not talk about them are seen as "denying" these difficult
emotions (Grossman et al, 1980), implying that they are a
126
universal part of the experience of motherhood. Walter
(1986) reports that the younger mothers in her study wereless likely to "admit" to such feelings.
An alternate explanation for not talking about anger andother negative emotions can be found in constructive-
developmental theory. Kegan (1984) states that anger can be
a threat to the sense of self for a person in the
Interpersonal (3) developmental position because anger is
perceived as a threat to relationship. As a result, anger
may not even be felt because the sense of self in so
involved in relationships and other people's reactions.
Being in the Interpersonal (3) balance might lead one to be
the "denier" mentioned in Grossman et al (1980).
In this study, about half the women mentioned negative
feelings. They talked about being angry or very frustrated
or feeling restricted and "tied down". The other half either
mentioned only positive feelings or specifically mentioned
not having negative feelings. This breakdown doesn't
correlate in a meaningful way with developmental levels.
Some women in both groups talked about their anger and
negative feelings toward their babies. The constructive-
developmental perspective on anger in the Interpersonal (3)
balance does not seem to be useful in understanding the
experience of regressive feelings in the transition to
motherhood.
127
However, an alternative constructive-developmental
explanation may have some utility. The ability to discussanger and other negative feelings may be related to the
importance of shared, social contexts to people in the
Interpersonal (3) balance. The woman in this study, when
mentioning negative feelings, "normalized" them in some way
They had expected to experience such feelings or had been
told that they were a natural part of the experience of
motherhood. The social context that endorsed these feelings
as normal and expected may have been an integral part of
allowing these feelings to be felt or expressed. Social
endorsement for feeling and expressing these more difficult
emotions may be the moderator that allows the expression of
anger in these women.
Self-Esteem
The results of research on the impact of becoming a
mother on women's self-esteem have been contradictory. A
general pattern of younger women being more positively
impacted than older new mothers has been reported (Walter,
1986; Mercer, 1986). If one thinks about the self
descriptions of women in this research study, some possible
parallels emerge. The women who combine the Imperial (2)
with the Interpersonal (3) generally talked about being
"more", used more stereotyped words and expressed a sense
of having their "gaps" filled. Given the general
128
relationship between constructive-developmental level andage, it is possible that these kinds of reflections are
characteristic of the younger mothers who completed the
self-esteem inventories in other studies. Their general
sense of having been enhanced by the experience of
motherhood may indeed be reflected in their responses on
instruments that measure feelings about the self.
The higher developmental grouping in this study talked
about themselves and their changes in more complex ways,
stressing their transformation and self-authored values
about motherhood. It is quite possible that when these women
complete a self-esteem inventory, the results sound less
"good" because more complexity is allowed in. One could
speculate that this developmental position is more common
among "older" mothers in previous studies. When self-esteem
is defined and measured as positive feelings about the self,
lower developmental structures may come out "better".
Motherhood and Employment
Conflict between work outside the home and family did not
show differences that can be clearly attributed to
developmental variation in this study. Previous research has
cited employed mothers' sense of loss at missing time with
their babies (Daniels and Weingarten, 1985) and a
restructuring of their priorities (Comart, 1983). This study
supports this finding in that these issues were mentioned by
129
several women, however, not in a pattern which
differentiated developmentally
.
The results of Willard (1988) which stressed the
importance of the women's considering her own needs in
making these decisions seemed to suggest potential
developmental differences in the ability to do so. It seems
plausible that women with an Interpersonal (3) structure
would have more difficulty considering her own needs and
therefore have more difficulty in managing decisions about
family and paid employment. For instance, the needs of the
baby, the mother's desires to be with the baby, an
employer's need for time commitment and the mother's need
for continued achievement in a job or career could all
generate internal conflict. However, the majority of the
women in this study did not mention experiencing internal
conflict in this situation and were pleased with the balance
between motherhood and other aspects of their lives.
In contrast to the pleased majority of women in this
study, a significant minority (4 women) experienced a high
level of conflict regarding their decisions about work and
employment. This conflict is not associated with their
developmental group (two are in Group 3-2 and two are in
Group 3-4), their employment status (two are full-time
homemakers, one each work part and full-time) or their
educational levels, ruling out a developmental or lifestyle
explanation for their distress. Why did these women have
130
such a difficult time while their cohorts were able to
resolve these dilemmas more happily?
The construct Maternal Separation Anxiety (MSA) (McBride
& Belsky,1988) is partially defined by the woman's belief
about child development, specifically the baby's need for
it's mother. These beliefs are an important underlying
factor in understanding the women who experience conflict in
the transition to motherhood. This concept seems descriptive
of the four high conflict women in this study. The two full
time homemakers are acting on a personal conviction that it
is important for them to be with their babies, a belief
shared by the two high conflict employed mothers. The loss
of income, social contact and status seems to generate
difficulty for these full time homemakers even though they
are acting on their beliefs. Conversely, the high conflict
employed mothers seemed to experience guilt because of not
acting in congruence with their beliefs.
In previous studies, incongruence between women's
preferences for working or not working outside the home and
their actual behavior have been studied (Hock and DeMeis,
1990). In the current study the two high conflict employed
women, in particular, seemed to experience this lack of
congruence because they would prefer to be at home full-
time, but continue to work for financial reasons. Although
maternal depression was not reported to correlate with this
particular pattern of incongruence, the high conflict women
131
in this study differ from the low conflict women who "have-to work in that they seem less convinced of the financial
necessity and therefore have less of a rationale for their
behavior, which is inconsistent with their preferences.
Since beliefs about the impact of maternal employment on
child development are generated in social contexts, a
developmental implication of this analysis would stress the
importance of social, even ideological support for the life
decisions women make. The two full-time homemakers seem to
be having the most difficult time finding the social support
for their lifestyle decision.
Implications
The findings of this study have implications for
practical applications for those interested in mothers and
for the development of constructive-developmental theory.
Practice
First of all, the analysis of these interviews
demonstrates that the capacity to reflect on and communicate
about experiences reflects developmental differences. While
professionals helping women make the transition to
motherhood may enjoy working with women who can talk about
their experiences in rich, reflective ways, it is important
that they understand the differing structure of women who do
not have the perspective to be reflective and analytical.
132
The core of the experiences for these women is in the
"doing". In describing the actual, concrete caretaking
tasks, these women are sharing their experience of
motherhood. This attaching meaning to doing is
characteristic of the women who combine Imperial (2) and
Interpersonal (3) structures.
The finding about the prevalence of Imperial (2) meaning
making also lends a cautionary note to making assumptions
about people's functional capacities based on their ability
to talk analytically about their lives. To the extent that
professionals, especially counselors and therapists, value
that ability and have no other source of information about a
person other than a self report, they are in danger of not
understanding the construction of meaning in some people's
lives. In this study, the mothers in Group 3-2 expressed
their connection to their babies more in the concrete doing
than in the more abstract talking about what they were
feeling or thinking. One stands in danger of unfairly
underestimating their capacities if one misses that point.
Health professionals who provide education and concrete
assistance with the mastery of tasks in the transition to
motherhood are probably more adept at meeting the needs of
women with Imperial (2) structures. They could enrich their
programs by making sure they also make explicit the value of
"just" spending time with and stimulating their children,
insight that these women might not come to on their own.
133
Counselors and therapists, on the other hand, are probablybest at meeting the needs of new mothers who are more
reflective since that capacity "fits" the therapy situation.
It is important for these professionals to recognize the
limits of, and/or modify their interventions with women at a
more concrete developmental level.
The task of motherhood would seem to be optimally
engaging to someone at the Interpersonal (3) level of
development. The Interpersonal (3) self's ability to be
actually generated in relationship seems particularly well
suited to the demands of symbiosis with an infant. Although
the purpose of this study was not to assess these women's
performance as mothers, all seemed to be empathic to their
children's experiences. A limitation of motherhood before
the Interpersonal (3) is hinted at by the one women in this
study for whom the Imperial (2) meaning making structure
dominated. Although seemingly a good caretaker, she seemed
to devalue emotional relating. The capacity to empathize
with a child, to have some Interpersonal (3) capacity, may
become increasing important as children age and physical
caring is no longer the primary mode of "paying attention".
While pleasure in completing concrete tasks has its
functions in this life role, it probably has its limitations
as well.
The social context was important to these women as source
of support. The "normalizing" of difficult aspects of the
134
transition seems to be especially crucial in giving womenpermission to feel and talk about their emotions.
Similarly, beliefs about child development seem important to
women's comfort with their decisions about paid employment.
Providing support and endorsement for women who choose to
work outside the home without undermining the confidence and
lifestyle choices of those who choose not to seems to be a
particular challenge to professionals in this field.
Finally, the work and research of those who focus on
infant development can be enriched by an understanding of
the findings of this research. A differentiation of women
who are mothers by constructive-developmental balance would
enrich the understanding of the interaction between mothers
and their infants. Including a focus on mothers as
multidimensional people will also help clarify family
systems studies of this transition.
Theory
The high incidence of Imperial (2) structures in well
functioning adults is an unexpected and significant aspect
of the findings of this research. Although no age norms are
delineated for movement through constructive-developmental
positions, the Imperial (2) to Interpersonal (3) transition
is consistently presented as an adolescent phenomenon by
Kegan (1982), who implies limited capacities of adults in
the Imperial (2) balance. Lack of mutuality is hypothesized
135
to make adult life and responsibility problematic for theseadults
.
Assessment and judgments about these women as mothers wasnot a goal of this study. However, the half of the sample
who had an Imperial (2) structure were indistinguishable in
their functioning as adults in society from the six women
who were in the Interpersonal( 3 ) to Institutional (4)
range, the developmental structure which would be more
expected. All had stable marriages, current or past
responsible jobs or careers and no obvious dysfunction.
Perhaps the combination with an Interpersonal (3) structure
provides the developmental capacity which allows the women
in this study to function fully as adults. A major
contribution of this research to constructive-
developmental theory is an elucidation and description of
the strengths of the Interpersonal ( 3) -Imperial (2)
combination.
The non-urban nature of this sample is the primary
variable on which these women may differ from the group on
which Kegan developed his theory. The unexpected
developmental distribution of the women in this sample
argues for geographic diversity in samples as constructive-
developmental theory is further elaborated and applied in
research.
The Interpersonal (3) position in constructive-
developmental theory has served as a useful framev/ork to
136
represent women's experience in the transition to
motherhood. In discussing the woman's development in the
context of constructive-developmental theory, Kegan (1982)
reports that women's focus on relationships and inclusion
results in them getting to the Interpersonal (3) position
earlier in adolescence and spending longer periods of time
there than men. He points out that
The interpersonalist balance .. .with its orientation tonurturance, affiliation and the organization of the selfaround the expectations of others, conforms to thetraditional stereotype of femininity.
"Good" mothers would certainly seem to be similarly
defined, leading to the caution that motherhood might serve
to "hold" woman at the Interpersonal (3).
Although without longitudinal data it isn't possible to
trace the evolutionary steps of these women through
developmental positions, there does seem to be some evidence
in this study that motherhood may have fostered and promoted
the development of an Interpersonal (3) structure for women
in Group 3-2. For example, their reflections on the changes
in their sense of self, feeling "more" responsible and
complete, can be interpreted as a "new" Interpersonal (3)
perspective on the Imperial (2) position. This study does
not provide strong evidence for the role of motherhood as a
challenge to an Interpersonal (3) structure fostering
movement toward the Institutional (4). Although the women in
Group 3-4 bring some Institutional (4) abilities to bear on
137
the challenges of motherhood, "balancing" needs for
instance, they do not reflect back on the Interpersonal (3)
as an former way of doing things. Research focusing on the
experiences of mothers with an Institutional (4) structure
would better elucidate the relationship between motherhood
and self-authorship.
Generalizability of the results of this study is limited
from a developmental perspective because of the restricted
developmental range. Because the women spanned only seven
(2/3, 3/2, 3(2), 3, 3(4), 3/4 and 4/3) of the twenty-one
possible developmental positions, this research in a sense
•specializes" in the Interpersonal (3) transitions. The
experience in the transition to motherhood of women with
Imperial (2) and Institutional (4) structures is only
addressed as these structures combine with the
Interpersonal (3). On the other hand, the fact that
developmental differences emerge, even within this
restricted range, add validity to the idea that the
evolution of developmental structures can be closely mapped
Indeed, not only does this research say that the mapping of
evolution is possible, but it also suggests that an
understanding of the combinations of structures contribute
meaningfully to the description of these women's experience
Another useful question to address would seem to be, "How
was constructive-developmental theory NOT useful in
understanding the experience of women in the transition to
138
motherhood?" Since the theory addresses the level of
psychological structure, some content areas were not
usefully addressed by this research. For instance,
constructs from other research studies were more useful in
understanding the experience of conflict between motherhood
and employment, than was the constructive-developmental
concept of being pulled by various shared contexts in the
Interpersonal (3) balance. Another question for the
development of this theory emerges from the lack of support
for the notion that women in the Interpersonal (3) balance
have difficulty feeling angry. The importance of social
endorsement of feelings, another point supported by these
interviews, may be the mediator that allows the feeling of
or just the expression of these feelings. The socially
provided information that such difficult feelings are a
normal part of the transition to motherhood seemed crucial
to the expression of these feelings for these women. Whether
this social permission was instrumental in allowing these
feelings to be felt or just expressed cannot be clarified by
this data. The question of whether women who report no anger
or negative feelings in the transition to motherhood are
denying these feelings or really just immune to them remains
open.
139
Further Research
This research project suggests further study is
necessary, both to extend the application of the
constructive-developmental paradigm to the transition to
motherhood and to advance the evolution and integration of
developmental theory. Studies in the first category would
address the limitations in scope of this study. The second
category suggests exploration of issues concerning the
relationship of gender differences and models of stage
development
.
One of the limitations in the scope of this study was the
restricted developmental range. An attempt was made in the
research design to extend the developmental range by
recruiting some women with higher educational credentials.
This strategy was not fruitful in the goal of adding women
who were not at some point in the evolution through the
Interpersonal (3) balance. However, the sample did vary in
the unexpected direction of the Imperial (2) balance. An
extension of the age range upward might be a corrective
strategy which would expand the range of developmental
variability. From the experience with this sample, it seems
that either a wider age range or larger sample would be
necessary to get more developmental variance,
A study which included a clearer contrast group of new
mothers at higher and lower developmental levels would help
illuminate how constructive-developmental level shapes the
140
experience in the transition to motherhood. Although
variance can be seen across the Interpersonal (3)
transitions, it is not possible to determine what is a
universal feature and what is unique to the Interpersonal
(3) balance. The inclusion of women with a more "pure"
Institutional (4) structure would allow one to assess the
impact of a change of this magnitude on women who had
already established a firm "theory" of self. Similarly, the
inclusion of younger women and those at the Imperial (2)
position would answer questions about the impact of a lack
of Interpersonal (3) capacity on the experience of
motherhood.
Additions to a similar study could be to include women
from a wider geographic area, varied social class and
cultural groups as well as single parents. Since any of
these demographic factors could have a strong impact on the
experience of the transition to motherhood, a more diverse
group would allow a fuller understanding of this important
transition in women's lives.
From the perspective of theory development, a second area
that would be useful to address further is the
applicability of constructive-developmental theory to
understanding women's lives. While its usefulness in
understanding the transition to motherhood certainly argues
for its utility with women, questions around the issue of
gender as style and gender differences in developmental
141
trajectories have not been addressed here. In order to
address these question, developmental instruments such as
Gilligan's gender-sensitive categorization of care and
justice orientations (Lyons, 1983) and the Subject-Object
interview could be given to a larger sample of women. The
scores in both systems could be cross-referenced to address
questions about the relationship between "caring" and
"justice" orientations and constructive-developmental
balance. With this data one could begin to separate gender
and developmental differences and answer questions such as:
Do men and women have different developmental trajectories
or just different life experiences which lead to different
rates of development? Are gender differences reflective of
stylistic variation or are they attributable to stage
differences?
142
APPENDIX A
CONTENT INTERVIEW PROTOCOLThe purpose of this interview is to talk about what theexperience of becoming a mother has been like for you. I am
th?rexpe?ienc:y''''^ ^""^ "^^^^^^ ^ a^esult of
IDENTITY*How does being a mother affect the way you feel aboutyourself as a person?What reactions/feelings about your baby have surprised youon becoming a mother?*What is important to you about being a mother?*How do you feel about being a mother? (Probe: What do youespecially like/dislike about being a mother?)*How does being a mother affect the things you do in youreveryday life?
How would you describe yourself as a mother?
RELATIONSHIPSHas your relationship with your husband changed since the
birth? How?Has your relationship with your mother changed since the
birth? How?What changes have you noticed in your friendships since the
birth?Who provides the most support for you as a mother?Tell me about your baby.
INTEGRATION INTO LIFE STRUCTUREWhat did you consider in making the decision about
working/not working outside the home?What have been the costs and benefits of your decision to
you?
OPEN ENDEDHow do you think you've changed as a result of becoming amother? (Probe: How do you think motherhood will changeyou in the future?)
In thinking about this whole experience...What has been the most difficult part?What has been the most rewarding part?What has been the most unexpected part?What haven ' t I asked that seems important to help meunderstand your experience as a new mother?
*(From Whitbourne, 1986)
143
APPENDIX B
INSTRUMENTS
Background Information
Your age: Baby's Age: Father's Age
Sex of baby: female male
What is your highest educational level?
What is the father's highest educational level:
What is the father's occupation?
How
Do you currently work outside the home?
If yes, how many hours per week do you work?
old was your baby when you went back to work?
What is your occupation?
If no, do you have plans to work outside the home?
When? What was your occupation prior
to the birth?
How many occasions per month do you spend non-working time
away from your baby?
How many occasions per month do you and your partner spend
time alone without the baby?
What are/were your parent's occupations? Mother
Father
144
The Pie
Here is a drawing of a circle. Please divide this circle
into sections as if it were a pie, with one section for each
area of your life that is important to you now. Draw the
size of each section according to how important the area is
to you. The largest section should be the area that is most
important to you, the second largest that which is second
most important to you, and so on. if all areas of your life
are of equal importance to you, make all the sections equal.
Label each section after you have drawn it in.
Next, I want you to repeat this drawing with a new circle,
this time dividing the circle into areas as you think you
would have before your pregnancy.
145
APPENDIX CCONSENT FORM
l"^^
tl'^'^l °^ meaning and experience of the transitionto motherhood:
Participant's Name:
clauthorize Ellen Doyle of Division IV, School ofEducation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst to gatherinformation from me on the topic of motherhood. I have
freely and voluntarily agreed to participate in thisdissertation study with no coercion, psychological orotherwise, used to elicit my cooperation. Myparticipation will involve taking part in two interviewswhich will focus on the research topic.
2. I understand that there is minimal psychological riskinvolved in this work. I understand that I am free torefuse to discuss any matters that cause me discomfort orthat I experience as an unwanted invasion of my privacy.
3.
I understand that I may terminate my participation inthis study at any time.
4. I understand that confidentiality will be maintained,that information I convey will not be shared with anyone,including members of my family. I understand that the taperecordings will be heard only by the researcher and atranscriber who will only hear first names. Allidentifying information will be deleted from thetranscripts and they will be seen only by the researcher,her Dissertation committee and colleagues who will servesecond readers. I understand further that the tapes willbe destroyed and the transcripts retained. My name andaddress will be coded and maintained by the researcher ona list to which only she will have access.
5. I have been advised that I can request a copy of thetranscript of my interview as well as final results ofthe study and my comments will be welcome.
6. The procedure and investigation listed above have beenexplained to me by Ellen Doyle.
Participant's Signature Date
146
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