The Role of Architecture in Curbing Sprawl and its Effects

Nottingham Trent

University

School of Architecture, Design

and the Built Environment

Title

Year of Study

Programme of Study

N0472502 Student ID

Hauwa Olabisi Yusuf Student Name

Year 2: 2013/2014

Dissertation

M-Arch

The Role of Architecture in Curbing Sprawl and its Effects

A research project submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of

(Master of Architecture MArch)

By

Hauwa Olabisi Yusuf

School of Art, Design and the Built Environment

Nottingham Trent University

February, 2014

The copyright of this research project rests with Nottingham Trent University. No

information derived from this project shall be published without the prior consent of the

University.

Abstract

The discourse on Urban Sprawl and its effects over decades have been controversial across

several disciplines within the built environment. While anti-sprawl reformers and smart

growth advocates argue that it is negative, other observers believe it is unnatural to limit

sprawl. Most megacities in developing countries have inadequate infrastructure to support

population growth. This thesis begins with an assumption that sprawl has negative impacts on

the city of Lagos Nigeria, which is one of the two mega-cities in Africa, and attempts to

investigate ways possible through which Architecture might curb sprawl and its effects.

Keywords : Sprawl, Urban growth, gentrification

Acknowledgements

My sincere thanks go to Chris Heuvel for his tutelage and support throughout this study. The

articles and books he provided and suggested were extremely helpful sources of information.

Many thanks to my best friend Akinde Olamidun, I would not have pushed through without

your moral support.

I would like to thank Arc Farooq Adenugba for being a very resourceful tour guide during

visits to Makoko, Lagos and for making my interview with Arc Kunle Adeyemi possible.

Special thanks to NLE and Architect Kunle for the audience granted me and the insights into

Architectural solutions to sprawl related problems. I also appreciate the support given to me

by Segun Ogunsola.

Finally to my family especially my mother, Love you endlessly thanks for all the inspiration

and financial support.

Declaration

This work is originally done by me and has not been previously accepted in substance for any

degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree.

Signed Hauwa Olabisi Yusuf

Date

Contents

Copyright statement

Abstract

Acknowledgements

Author's Declaration

Contents

List of illustrations

Chapter 1

Introduction 1

Aim of the research

Research objectives

Methodology

Scope

Justification

Structure of the report

Chapter 2

Literature Review 4

Definition of urban sprawl

Types of sprawl

Agents of sprawl

The detriments or costs

Chapter 3

Dissertation Methodology 10

Research Strategy and Techniques

Practical Implementation

Approach to analysis

Chapter 4

Case Studies 11

Choice of Case studies

Lagos, Nigeria

Types of sprawl

Agents of sprawl

The detriments of sprawl

Existing solutions

Cairo, Egypt

Types of sprawl

Agents of sprawl

The detriments of sprawl

Existing solutions

Chapter 5

Main findings and Conclusion 26

Comparative evaluation of case studies

Conclusion

List of illustrations

Fig 1: An aerial shot demonstrating leap frog development 6

Fig 2: Low density development 6

Fig 3: Map of Africa showing the location of Lagos, Nigeria 11

Fig 4: Lagos' sprawl from 1900 13

Fig 5: Aerial view of Makoko 14

Fig 6: Building on stilts 14

Fig 7: Panoramic view of Makoko 14

Fig 8: Makoko sprawl 15

Fig 9: Dirt been collected to reclaim land 17

Fig 10: A communal pad in Makoko 17

Fig 11: Traffic through Oshodi market 18

Fig 12: Travel distance from Amuwo-odofin to V.I 18

Fig 13: Waste on the Lagoon 19

Fig 14: 2 Storey dwelling on stilts 20

Fig 15: 3 Storey Floating prototype 20

Fig 16: Compost toilet concept 20

The Role of Architecture in Curbing Sprawl and its Effects 1

Chapter 1

Introduction

Fuelled by rural migration into industrialised areas, most cities began to extend beyond their

peripheries. This growth was characterised by lack of coordination and disregard for the

consequences on the environment (Batty, 2004 p.2). Now formally referred to as sprawl, this

occurrence has been the bane of most megacities like Brussels and London. It is plausible to

argue that economic growth is impossible without urban growth because, it creates new

businesses and job opportunities due to demands for new public amenities and local services.

However, the possibility of social isolation and its long term environmental effects have

raised concerns amongst stakeholders within the built environment. Although urbanisation

may be regarded as a benchmark for assessing economic maturity, it is often accompanied in

developing countries by poverty, environmental degradation, slum/ squatter developments,

increased dependencies on the automobile, amongst other problems. The aforementioned

issues occur because the rate of infrastructural development is not concurrent with the

demographic explosion thus making sprawl an unsustainable pattern of development

(Abosede, 2006 p.4; Eyoh et al, 2012 p. 2; Olujimi, 2009 p.1).

With most campaigns against sprawl backed by the Malthusian idea of saving mankind

through conservation, restriction and preservation, anti- sprawl reformers began to capitalise

on the rising appreciation for landscape and implications that nature was being destroyed at

an unprecedented rate. Over the last decades, the desire to meet" the needs of the present

without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs" has been a

singular factor in galvanising the anti sprawl movement (Bruegmann, 2005 p.128;p.146). In

recent times debates on sprawl have evolved into the popular term 'smart growth'. The "Not

so Big House" movement led by Architect Sarah Susanka, is one analogy of a response to

society's desire for new and sustainable housing styles (Mullen, 2007 p.273). London based

Architect Leon Krier also argues that buildings should not get bigger, but divide up. On this

premise, the study sets out to explore existing or potential architectural responses to the

budding need to curb sprawl and its detriments using more eco-friendly and cost saving

growth options.


This research focuses on the city of Lagos, Nigeria. Characterised by low-density living, it is

ranked the world's third fastest growing megacity (Kotkin & Cox, 2014). Mc-mansion

architectural styles adopted from America have caused the city to sprawl at an alarming rate.

"Beyond creating homogeneous and unremarkable residential landscapes", the role played by

these residential patterns in facilitating the pandemic of sprawl has been blamed on the

architectural choices made available by increased affluence and gentrification (Mullen, 2007

p.260).

In most cases of urban renewal, the uncoordinated displacement of the poor has resulted in a

mosaic of poorly serviced shanties as they are forced to find quick housing alternatives in

other areas. Lacking basic urban amenities like electricity, water, waste management and

drainage system, these make shift settlements become home for longer than anticipated

(Okuneye, 2005 P.11). One of such areas is the Makoko wet slum located on the Lagos

Lagoon, which has drawn a lot of international attention due to the high level of

environmental degradation. Visited by economist Jim O' Neil lists as part of his analysis of

the challenges faced by Lagos and by renowned Architect Rem Koolhaas, it is believed that

the city can achieve the predicted mega-city status with the right urban policies and

adaptation of sustainable development strategies.

This research seeks to contribute to existing knowledge on sprawl by exploring the most

suitable development patterns. Comprising of five chapters, the subsequent chapter explicates

the term sprawl, its types, detriments and methods through which it can be evaluated or

t6890/diagnosed. The third chapter provides insights to the methods employed in the study

and limitations encountered. The fourth chapter is a documentation of the studied cities.

Specific sprawled areas under pressure will be examined and existing or proposed solutions

identified. The study ends with a comparative analysis and identification of architecture's role

and areas for research.


Research Aim

The aim of this study is to investigate ways through which Architecture can curb sprawl and

its impacts.

Objectives

1. To critically review and analyse extant literature on urban sprawl and its causes.

2. To review and analyse demographic changes in Lagos to identify the causes and

ascertain the costs of sprawl.

3. To carry out a comparative analyses of architectural and urban solutions in Cairo,

Egypt and Lagos, Nigeria

4. To summarise the findings and identify areas for potential research.

Methodology

The research will involve a comparative and critical analysis of two cities. The first case,

Lagos Nigeria which is the focal point of this study due to its rapid urban growth will be

compared with Cairo, Egypt

Justification of Study

There are studies which have examined the role of Architecture in facilitating or aiding

sprawl. However extant literature on ways via which it can be curbed using architectural

styles or interventions is nonexistent as most regard sprawl as a planning problem.


Chapter 2

Literature Review

This chapter commences with a succinct overview of sprawl. Definitions of the term provided

by various scholars are reviewed. The subsequent section elucidates types of developments

regarded as sprawl while the third and most crucial section of this chapter critically explores

the factors that drive sprawl. It concludes by identifying the detriments of sprawl.

Overview of Sprawl

We dwell in an ever sprawling world because, this occurrence was a persistent feature in

ancient cities like Rome as they developed due to rises in economic and social profiles. The

phenomenon thus predates the era in which of the term 'urban sprawl' was coined in 1937 by

Earle Draper (Bruegmann, 2005 p. 17; Nechyba & Walsh, 2004). The discourse on this

subject usually begins with the inadequacy of its definition as researchers struggle to identify

what it is and whether it is a problem or not (White et al, 2000 p.4). This is attributable to the

diversity of the human race and differences in technological development. One man's sprawl

could easily pass for another's cherished neighbourhood (Bruegmann, 2005 p. 17). Some may

complain about sprawl and its effects whilst others happily and obliviously live in the midst

of it.

Bruegmann 2005, in an attempt to identify the benefits of sprawl, has defined it in the most

basic and objective way as "low -density scattered urban development without systematic

large -scale or regional public land-use planning" (p. 18). He goes on to argue that most of

the problems attributed to sprawl are not necessarily a product of the phenomenon itself but a

"result of the slowing of sprawl". In other words, if this socially undesirable occurrence is not

restricted but anticipated and planned for then the ecological or social impacts of resultant

settlements would be minimal or nonexistent. Correspondingly, Brueckner 2000, while

defining sprawl as excessive spatial growth of a city, argues that attacks on sprawl would

result in limited supply of land for residential development and in turn denser cities

containing smaller dwellings.

Although it is difficult to exclude the consequences while discussing the issue, White et al

observed that debates are now one-sided as sprawl is usually defined in terms of

consequences rather than in terms of land use. Concerns are also frequently raised on the


character of the development rather than its spatial extent (Brueckner 2000p.161; White et al

2000 p.4).

The most suitable definition for the purpose of this study is given by the Oxford Dictionary

online (2013), as the disorganized and unattractive expansion of an urban or industrial area

into the adjoining countryside.

Contrary to popular belief, sprawl is not only caused by families who forgo urban services

and settle in the suburbs due to poverty, but also by the affluent who abandon urban centres

when they deteriorate into slums. On this basis, two forms of sprawl have been identified.

The first and popular one normally affiliated with poverty and slums is the Suburban sprawl.

The Suburbs are usually low density commuter towns on the periphery of an urban

settlement. The second is the Exurban sprawl which usually characterised by even less dense

development beyond the suburbs. The two have one factor in common; increased dependency

on automobiles to commute to or from urban centres.

Although extant literature exists on urban policies that could be employed to reduce the

effects of sprawl, little or none exists on the role of Architecture in this Anti- sprawl

campaign. There is a growing interest in ways through which the Architectural community

might help curb urban sprawl (AIA, 2013).

Types of Sprawl

Professor Reid Edwing, an Architect at Florida International University involved in the

growth management plan identified four types of sprawl. The first two types to be discussed

are frequently associated with increased land consumption and dependency on the

automobile.

Leapfrog Development: This is characterised haphazard pockets of settlements that are

spread apart. This pattern of urbanisation is 'capital intensive' as development of urban

services + required to connect patches of settlements that are widely separated. These forms

of development are results of physical geographical conditions such as rugged terrains, water

bodies, mineral lands or wetlands (Gillham, 2002 p.4;Barnes et.al, 2002 p. 5).


Low density Development: Supported by sparse provision of basic urban infrastructure, this

type of development is described as highly consumptive in terms of land use as it is often

characterised by widely spaced, single story buildings with roadways and parking lots at

intervals.

Fig 1: An aerial shot demonstrating leap frog development

Image © mashpedia.com

Fig 2: Low density development

Image © My new place blog


Commercial Strip Development: Also referred to as ribbon sprawl, this is a famous

development pattern in America with minimal landscape and several acres of surface parking.

Characterisations of commercial strip developments include huge arterial roads lined with

fast food restaurants, office complexes, and shopping malls.

Large Expanses of Single Use Development:

This is a form of low-density development further characterised by intentional segregation of

land uses. The separation of residential, industrial, commercial areas in response to the 'urban

ills' of industrialisation resulted in a Euclidean zoning system. This type of development has

been criticised as the biggest generator of sprawl. Hall 2007, in a critique of the Euclidean

zoning identifies pollution as a result of increased travel distances, loss of open space and

socio economic segregation as costs associated with this zoning style (Gillham, 2001p.7;

Hall, 2007 p.916).

Drivers of Sprawl

For the purpose of this study, four sprawl causing factors have been identified for discussion.

Population growth

Migration has historically been an important element of the human existence as urban centres

have been perceived to offer promises of a better life. This was asserted by Chirisa (2008),

where it showed that urban centres are attraction centres for rural populations. The

availability of public services which include hospitals, schools, industrial and commercial

zones, security, are pull factors endearing people to cities.

However, when these migrants do not gain employment on arrival or struggle to afford

housing, a process of counter or reverse urbanisation begins. This involves a gradual removal

of people from the urban centres. Unfortunately, this push factor does not involve a return to

the rural areas but a quest to seek alternative means of living around economic opportunities;

the birth of the suburbs. Uncontrolled urbanisation as identified by Olujimi(2009), is the main

cause of sprawl.

Socio-Economic Factor:

Although sprawl is generally regarded as negative, this seemingly detrimental phenomenon

has historically been identified to be a result of gentrification. Increased demand for urban

land has put gentrification on the flip side of the coin in discourses on sprawl. In most


'sprawled' cities of the world, it is affluence that has made increased options available to their

inhabitants, thus generating sprawl as a preferred pattern of settlement. The influx of the

middle class or more affluent migrants results in eviction of less wealthy residents in most

cities (Bruegmann, 2005 p. 5). In other situations, exodus by the affluent from deteriorated

centres of the city also gives birth to suburban and exurban sprawl respectively. Franz et al,

2006 also identify increased wealth and use of cars as driving forces in urban expansion.

However, the inability of the urban poor to own cars and the inadequacy of public

transportation systems jointly generate a scenario where the less privileged have increased

difficulty accessing jobs (Hall, 2007). On this premise it can be argued that the sprawl

intensifies a polarised social and economic pattern where the poor remain poor. Lacking the

finances to compete for housing, lack of land titles is a problem peculiar to the urban poor,

thus making them prone to eviction without compensation from the government (Oduwaye et

al 2011p.9). Another reason for this pattern of segregation is aptly captured in the statement

below

"The poor and working class are all too easily defined as “uncivil,” on the wrong side of a

heroic dividing line, as savages and communists"(Smith, 2005p.16).

Brueckner, 2000 warns that sprawl has the potential to reduce and weaken healthy societal

bonds (p.160). In America, Hall 2000 points out that the Euclidean zoning system was at its

time of introduction was understood as a means of excluding the urban poor from middle and

upper class neighbourhoods (Hall 2000, p.923).The principles of the aforementioned zoning

system have resulted in populations segregated by social class and in cases of white flight.

Political Factor

In most situations sprawl is not solely propelled by economic growth or social differences .It

could also be driven by government policies. With most councils or Local government

authorities possessing the autonomy to appropriate public funds in financing infrastructure,

there is a tendency to for discontinued development. This could occur due to restrictions on

or dissimilarity of land-use policies, development regulations and urban services amongst

neighbouring settlements (Barnes et al. 2001).

This inconsistency and the adaptation of zoning styles such as the Euclidean one creates

isolated islands of development which tends to reinforce fiscal insulation of the affluent from

the urban poor (Brueckner, 2000p.168). Further more studies have shown that as the further

the development from the city core, the less the control government authorities possess.


Political democratization has also been suggested to be a factor associated with sprawl as

government or private developers usually make decisions in favour of anticipated

development demands.

Physical / geographical factors

Physical terrains also play a role in accelerating sprawl as rugged topographies, water bodies,

mineral lands and wetlands make continuous development impossible. The resultant pattern

of development is the leapfrog. One this premise, it is arguable that this form of development

be seen as organic and not categorised as sprawl.

Summarily, one could argue that socioeconomic and political factors driving sprawl are

tameable whilst the other two factors are occur naturally. The discourse on curbing sprawl

should therefore be centred on the factors that can be controlled.

The detriments of Sprawl

The effects of sprawl seem to be interconnected or cyclical, as one problem leads to a chain

of other problems. Although some planners believe sprawl to be a proof of economic vitality,

the long term effects of sprawl could be catastrophic from an environmentalist's standpoint.

In cities with large areas of land it might not pose a threat, but in cities with limited space it is

admonished that tomorrow's woes be addressed today. The main problem associated with this

phenomenon is the loss of open space. However, gradual decline and degradation of natural

habitats threatens the ecological balance of the world at large (Bekele, 2005). These problems

present themselves in the form of air pollution, water pollution, noise pollution, erosion, loss

of wildlife and vegetation. The aforementioned problems eventually lead to more personal

consequences. They range from increased travel times, traffic accidents, psychic & health

related problems.

Sprawl also has some visual impacts. Haphazard or repetitive developments eventually come

across as aesthetically unpleasing and boring. The reduced use of natural features within the

built environment is also an unpleasant outcome of sprawl.

The outward spread of residential units or businesses also have economic implications,

because local government expenditure is increased due to the need to provide basic services

and infrastructure. This in turn leads to increased taxes. The movement of jobs and businesses

to the suburbs creates spatial imbalances and social losses because, as employment

opportunities move outwards poor communities are pulled away from those opportunities.


Chapter 3

Research Methodology

This chapter commences with a description of the nature of this study and the strategies

employed. It explicates the various methods via which data might have been collected and the

rationale for the approach chosen. The chapter ends with a record of the limitations

encountered during the course of this study.

Research techniques & strategy

The research is mainly inductive and will employ qualitative methods. A combination of

primary and secondary data will be triangulated to improve the validity of the study .The

collection of primary data will be conducted through fieldwork research which will involve

photographic surveys, and open-ended interviews with members of the public and experts

within the built environment. Secondary data will be retrieved from existing literature, maps

and demographical statistics. The retrieved information will then undergo rigorous analysis to

eradicate irrelevant material. After which a methodological documentation of the findings

will be performed.

In order to contribute significantly to the discourse on urban sprawl, the report will take a

written and pictorial form. This is intended to ease the sensitization and communication of

essential facts about this phenomenon to various groups of non-specialists.

The strategy chosen for this study is case studies. This approach as Yin 1994 explains is used

when an investigator has limited control over events being questioned. Two cities will be

studied namely; Lagos -Nigeria and Cairo- Egypt. The choice of the two cases was

influenced by their geographical location and their population figures. Each finding will be

documented under the four factors identified to drive sprawl in the previous chapter. A cross

analysis made at the end.

Restriction(s) of the study

Due to time constraints and travel distance, fieldwork was only carried out on one of the

studied cases; Lagos. The information on Cairo, Eygpt is based solely on secondary sources,

namely books, thesis documents, newspaper articles, conference papers and videos.


Chapter 4

Case Studies

The Chapter is a documentation of the urban challenges two African mega-cities namely,

Lagos in Nigeria and Cairo the capital of Eygpt. The two cities are analysed based on the

drivers of sprawl identified in chapter 2. The chapter ends with a discussion of the detriments

of sprawl peculiar to each city.

Lagos, Nigeria

Fig 3: Map of Africa showing the location of Lagos, Nigeria

Image © Fourchard 2013


Originally called Eko and inhabited by the Yoruba; a people now described as the most

urbanised in tropical Africa, Lagos is a coastal city whose geographical boundaries have

changed over centuries. The first settlers who were primarily farmers, hunters and fishermen,

established a presence in Ebute Metta and Iddo around the 1600's (Advameg, 2007 p.1; Smith

1988p .6). However, according to Laurent Fourchard official records state that it was

originally a colonial settlement between the Island and the Lagos Lagoon, thus overlooking

the fact that there were natives already settled around the mainland before the invasion of the

British and Portuguese. Named by the Portuguese, Lagos city began as a trading post for the

export of peppers, ivory and slaves. Although still sizeable at the time it became the first

slavery port along the coast of West Africa early in the 19th century, a gradual increase in

population became evident after it was annexed in 1861 to officially stop slave trade

(Fourchard 2013, p.67). The city has since then been subject to rapid urbanisation.

Population Growth

As the palm oil industry replaced slave trade the ports of Lagos became the main interface

between the hinterland areas where mineral resources and other agricultural produce were

sourced and Britain. This commercial opportunity attracted British merchants and freed

slaves who returned from Brazil thus causing an increase in the number of populates from

25000 in 1866 to 38387 by 1901.The growth of indigenous settlements was believed to be the

genesis of the urban problems in Lagos. By 1928, there was an attempted slum clearance

scheme which failed to remedy a plague of rats that occurred as a result of overcrowding and

lack of housing in the old part of Lagos Island occupied by the indigenes. The relocation of

inhabitants of 400 shacks and their subsequent relocation to the mainland could not stop the

problem of overcrowding as the population swelled further to about 53000 by 1931

(Fourchard, 2013,p.69).

The prevalence of light industries in Lagos after the nation had gained her independence from

the colonialists amplified the gap in job opportunities between city and the rest of Nigeria,

migration of people from hinterland regions and neighbouring countries such as Ghana, Ivory

Coast and Benin also made significant contributions to the growth of Lagos.


By 1975 during the years of the Nigerian oil boom, the city had become the largest in the

sub-Saharan region because it was estimated to have over 3 million inhabitants. The

metropolis of Lagos in 1978 accounted for 40% of Nigerian exports and skilled population

respectively. However, a sharp fall in the prices of oil by 1981 marked the beginning of

economic woes in Lagos. The city reeled into debt and inflation that is evident till date. This

resulted in an abrupt halt in the provision of infrastructure and expansion of social services

(UN, 1996). Unfortunately, the population boom has continued till present as it is now a city

with a population of over 17.5 million. With an annual growth rate of 4.8 percent, projections

estimate that by the year 2020 it would become a "hyper-city" inhabited by over 20million

people (IRIN & UN -Habitat 2007 p 30).

Socio Economic Factors

Although the state government sells an image of an improved city and an aspiring mega- city

to the rest of the world with projects such as the Eko -Atlantic City and other urban renewal

schemes, all is not as rosy as portrayed. Despite a move to the commercial nerve and one of

Fig 4: Lagos' sprawl from 1900

Image © Gandy 2006


country's main revenue generators, about 65 percent of migrants who end up in Lagos live

below the national poverty line. Studies by Bola Okuneye reveal that although most of these

migrants on moving to Lagos earned more than those in their states of origin, securing

accommodation seemed a difficulty. The persistent demand for housing causes some of this

hopeful flock to pay huge amounts of money in return for small and often rundown

accommodation. Squatting and settling in any of the city's 200 informal neighbourhoods

becomes another available option (Adams , 2013 p.1 ; IRIN & UN -Habitat, 2007 p .30 ).

The Stimson global health security report on Lagos reveals that two -thirds of Lagosians live

in slum settlements. Some of these communities built on stilts or fills are dynamic responses

to the pressures on housing. One of such settlements is the Makoko wet slum which was

visited during the course of this study. It is a community which has sprawled at a neck

breaking pace in recent decades. Seen as aesthetic blights and often referred to as NFA

(acronym for no fixed address) zones by government representatives because most slum

dwellers do not possess legal land titles and cannot afford to take mortgages, these informal

settlements are usually demolished under the guise of security or economic development.

Fig 7: Panoramic view of Makoko

Image © Author, taken on 15th Dec, 2013

Fig 5: Aerial view of Makoko

Image © Affordable housing institute -Global blog.

Fig 6: Building on stilts



Forced evictions such as the Maroko incident of 1990 which has been historically dubbed,

Nigeria's largest forced eviction has made gentrification one of the drivers of sprawl in Lagos

state. Characterised by excessive violence, 300000 people were rendered homeless. With

disregard for the urban poor's right to housing and considerations to compensate of resettle

them, the reclaimed land was re- allocated to a wealthier class of Lagosians and the

neighbourhood re-tagged Victoria Island extension, which is well provided with basic

infrastructure (SERAC, 2008 p. 1; IRIN & UN -Habitat, 2007 p.34).

From mappings of the Makoko wet slum it can be argued that the Maroko demolitions might

have contributed to the sprawl of the community as seen in maps below. These images reveal

the extent to which the community has sprawled onto the Lagos lagoon between 1995- 2008.

Education is another pull factor endearing migrants to Lagos. It has become a main means of

social mobility. With the 1970s economic boom and the election of a civilian government in

1979, came a substantial increase in educational facilities. Lagos has become a main centre

for education;" providing a well- educated and highly skilled labour pool ".The city has the

highest number of institutions in comparison to the other Nigerian states. The city is home to

about nine universities and eight polytechnics. Lagos apart from being the greatest

contributor to the Nigerian economy has become West Africa's economic hub. It has

achieved this status because apart from been the largest port, it generates about 82 percent of

international air departures within west Africa (Filani, 2012p.15;Advameg, 2007 p.1).

Fig 8: Makoko sprawl

Image © Georg Stubitsch - creative commons

1995

2000

2008


Political Factors

Being the country's initial resource base and subsequently the first capital, development of

Lagos always had political inclinations. Characterised by an 'incomplete modernity' due to

distinctions between tradition and modernity, the unstable urban system of Lagos deteriorated

further in the post independence era due to the combined pressures of political instability,

population explosion and the oil glut (Gandy, 2006 p.374). Unlike the continuity that was

apparent in policy and planning between the last set of colonial town planners, architects,

administrators and the first set of political leaders in Lagos, change in Government within the

last two to three decades have been plagued with discontinuity and bad planning legislations.

By 1962, problems such as housing shortages, lack of housing finance and the absence of a

metropolitan government were amongst the list of problems identified by UN experts. In

response, the federal government implemented a policy which gulped a large chunk of public

funds and in turn can be argued to have contributed to sprawl in Lagos. This policy involved

the construction of new highways, bridges and roads due to the increased priority given to the

use of private cars (Fourchard 2013, p.72).

Even if the economic growth of Lagos was parallel with its population growth, bad

governance has made sustainable development impossible. Years of nepotism, cronyism,

duplication and fragmentation of responsibilities have made it impossible to develop a

carefully planned city inclusive of the urban poor. Issues such as land titles, employment and

industry in Lagos city have been compromised by informal relationships as they are obtained

through corrupt practices such as bribery. Also, alleged diversion of funds by the military

regime between 1983-1999 that were meant to be invested in physical infrastructure, housing

and healthcare inferred that the city had to seek new solutions to its problems. Lack of

adequate funding is also linked to marginalisation of Lagos by the federal government

(Fourchard 2013, p.73; IRIN & UN -Habitat, 2007 p.32).

Amongst the numerous problems hindering smart growth in Lagos is the lack of community

participation. There is no sense of responsibility amongst Lagosians as planning is still

basically “for the people”, rather than being “with the people”P.162 (Oduwaye, 2009 p.

162).


Physical / Geographical Factors

Although argued in chapter two as been the least important driver of sprawl, immense

pressure on land in Lagos, has necessitated an exploration into the role of geography in

facilitating sprawl. Reports by IRIN & UN -Habitat (2007) reveal that, although it has the

greatest number of inhabitants in country, Lagos state is confined to an area of 3345sqkm.

That only covers 0.4 percent of the entire land mass thus making it the smallest of 36 states of

Nigeria. This mega-city lies on two main islands covering an area of 153,340 on the Atlantic

Ocean. Separated by creeks approximately 209sqkm is covered by mangrove swamps and

water. This geographical characteristic implies that development of the city is leap-frogged as

the availability of land for continuous development is a major issue (Filani, 2012 p.15).

However, the culture of low-density living has caused developers to encroach on water

bodies and areas originally zoned as conservation belts within the Lagos Master plan. The

most basic analogy of land reclamation can be seen in the Makoko community where waste is

an important resource for land reclamation. Due to the lack of open spaces and the high level

of poverty, the BBC documentary welcome to Lagos revealed that the slum dwellers pay for

rubbish usually gotten from neighbouring Ebutte Meta to be dumped on their doorsteps. This

is then covered with saw dust to create communal pads and play areas.

Fig 9: Dirt been collected to reclaim land


Fig 10: A communal pad in Makoko



Effects of Sprawl in Lagos

When asked to describe the city, most Lagosians would describe it firstly in terms of the

economic opportunities. This is due to the fact that over 70 percent of Nigeria's industrial and

economic activities occur in Lagos. However, the factors described in the previous section

have made it an urban planner's nightmare. A typical day in Lagos is characterised by heavy

traffic congestions which its inhabitants have come to accept as a norm; an essential part of

the 'hustle'. It is on this premise that Architect and urban planner, Rem Koolhaas attempted to

theorise the city. In his documentary Alien and Distant, He described Lagos as a self

organising entity. This characterisation and Koolhaas's failure to engage with the social,

economic and political realities of the city, has been described by critics as flawed

(Godlewski, 20p 12). The problems resulting from the chaos of traffic congestions and lack

of infrastructure are:

Air Pollution

One cannot help but scuff to the reports of traffic in the UK where statistics reveal that,

motorists in London, Manchester and Belfast waste 54, 72 and 62 hours yearly in traffic

(INRIX, 2014). The aforementioned times are negligible when compared to statistics gotten

during the time of this study. Travelling from a neighbourhood called Amuwo- Odofin

around Festac to work at Victoria Island, commuters waste about 2 hours during peak hours

as against the 20 minute travel time at non-peak hours. A total of 4 hours wasted in traffic

daily infers that monthly, Lagosians have wasted more time in traffic than the motorists in the

UK expend in a year. This account of Lagos is asserted by UN reports on the challenges of

urbanisation which stated that it takes approximately two to three hours to travel 10-20

kilometres daily.

Fig 12: Travel distance from Amuwo-odofin to V.I

Image © DistancesFrom.com

Fig 11: Traffic through Oshodi market

Image © Pius Otomi Ekpei


Due to the spatial divide in Lagos between the mainland areas where most middle class and

low income worker live and the Island which is the commercial centre of Lagos, the city

roads are always congested. Ever one in Lagos aspires to owning a car due to the lack of

adequate public transport systems .This high dependence on the auto mobile is also evidenced

by the fact that Lagos accounts for approximately 40 % of the number of the country's newly

registered vehicles.

Air pollution resulting from emission of carbon monoxide and sulphur oxide has been

identified to have serious health implications. These range from fatigue, nausea, impaired

vision to worsened lung diseases. Air sample studies between 2001-2006 reveal that the city

has surpassed the threshold for pollution established by WHO. The recommended annual

mean ambient air particulate concentration is 20μg/m3; however Lagos is estimated to have a

concentration of 122μg/m3 (IRIN & UN -Habitat 2007 p 30).

The long term effects of traffic congestion include increased medical costs and reduced

productivity which in turn will have negative effects on the economy of Lagos state.

Waste Pollution

By 1991, the UN named Lagos the dirtiest city in the world. With approximately18 million

people generating over 6000 metric tonnes of waste daily, the refuse collection service is

inefficient to handle this capacity. The most common form of waste pollution peculiar to the

city is water pollution. This is observed in slum communities like Makoko where excreta and

other forms of waste end up in the Lagoon. This in turn affects marine life and poses health

risks (IRIN & UN -Habitat 2007 p 33).

Fig 13: Waste on the Lagoon

Image © DistancesFrom.com


Solutions

The solutions to most of the sprawl related problems within the city of Lagos are

fundamentally related to urban governance and planning. However, with smart growth

zoning codes been proposed for implementation in projects like the Eko Atlantic city, the

most immediate way through which Architecture might play a role in curbing sprawl is

through planned densification. This process referred to as new urbanism as identified by

Tamara Mullen, operates on the philosophy of creating “more compact, higher-density,

mixed-use and pedestrian friendly developments”(Mullen 2007). This was asserted in an

interview with NLE founder Kunle Adeyemi and designer of the floating school project in

Makoko. He suggested that densification and sustainable design are useful tools in

revitalizing existing communities, reducing sprawl and its effects. This is evidenced by the

fact that asides from being the densest and most stable building type in the community, the

prototype for the Floating school also incorporates strategies to mange and reuse human

waste.

Fig 14: 2 Storey dwelling on stilts


Fig 15: 3 Storey Floating prototype


Fig 16: Compost toilet concept



Cairo, Egypt

Cairo is the largest city in Africa and dominates the urban (Yin, et.al. 2005) system in Egypt.

It is also the capital of Egypt a chaotic megalopolis where life is characterised by extremes,

both of tradition and of modernity. Research has revealed variations in answers when people

are asked what the city of Cairo meant to them. The responses depend on a person’s

relationship to the city (Kipper 2010, p.013). Tourists or those who have not visited Cairo

associate the pyramids, the pharaohs, the Nile, Islamic Cairo or perhaps a generalised image

of “the Orient.” Whereas the Caireness, tend to describe aspects of their everyday lives,

problems such as “traffic jams,” “pollution,” “noise,” or “crowdedness.” However, Cairo has

been characterised as a big informal city with strips of formality as explained by Naglaa

Arafa, programme analyst for the UN Development Programme (UNDP) slum-upgrading

initiative (IRIN and UN-HABITAT 2007, p.77).

The City today as described by Campbell & Comodromos (2009), hosts a series of planning

typologies. They include the Mid-east's largest medieval city, a Central Business District

fashioned after the 19th Century French plan , a chain of infrastructural developments

influenced by 20th century "Master builder", Robert Moses and a continuously sprawling

suburb.

Cairo Sprawl

Like most sprawls, urban development in Cairo, has been since the 1960's characterised by

what the Arabs term as 'ashwa'iyyat, loosely translated as haphazards. Now inhabited by 60

percent of the city's populates these informal settlements were constructed on reclaimed farm

lands on the peripheries of Cairo and the City of the Dead an historic cemetery (Tarbush,

2012 p.171).

The urban challenges in Cairo are peculiar to the city as they totally differ from situations in

other developing megacities. This is due to the availability of tenure security despite fact that

as at 2004 the Egyptian financial times reported that only ten percent of residences were

formally registered. A pseudo- legitimacy of these informal residences was also granted by

the Government through the provision of basic infrastructure.


Selected Case City: Greater Cairo

Greater Cairo an urban sprawl of the old Cairo as shown on the map above which is the

capital of Egypt and one of the fastest growing megacities worldwide (Harre-Rogers, 2006).

Greater Cairo covers about 600km2 of Cairo comprising of the following administration

division of Egypt: Cairo, Girza, Six October and Helwan. The River Nile forms the

governorate between these areas with Cairo and Helwan on the East bank and Girza and Six

October on the West Bank. The area includes a variety of land uses associated with a

complex mix of land cover which consists of the central business district (CBD),

urban/suburban residential areas and some rural areas (e.g. cultivated areas and soil). Greater

Cairo has encountered fast urban sprawl and its effects in the last 20 years (Harre-Rogers,

2006).

Greater Cairo’s urban sprawl occurs in two forms and it consists of Informal Settlements and

formal building urban sprawl. This was reiterated by Sejourne (2010) which clearly explained

that informal development has been and continues to be the dominant mode of urbanisation in

Egypt. Informal development occurs on the urban fringes especially on privately-owned

agricultural land rather than in desert areas which would be considered squatting on

government land.

City Structure and Urbanisation

Like many African urban centres, the city of Cairo showed how the old city previously

inhabited by influential citizens has now been left with a marginal economic and political

influence as those who could afford to move out have done so. This implies that the ongoing

processes of urbanisation make a context of change in which socioeconomic and

demographic forces continuously interact with the urban fabric (Rashed, et.al, 2005).

Discussing the period from 2010 – 2050, Ruhiiga (2013) predicted that African countries

would record an explosive urban growth that have not been seen in the region in the past.

Hassan (2013) recorded that immense strain put on cultivated areas in Greater Cairo pose a

serious challenge to urbanisation. This has caused an irretrievable loss of very fertile suitable

soils.

Agents of Urban Sprawl in Greater Cairo

Socio-Economic

Being mobile is a social and economic need. UN-HABITAT (2013) explains that meeting the

mobility needs of burgeoning urban populations in a socially inclusive manner has never


been an easy task. In further explaining the intrigues of the mobility problem, the most

critical challenge in mobility is the heterogeneity of urban populations and spatial dispersion

of social and economic activities. While proffering solutions, UN-HABITAT (2013)

highlights that the best way to meet the mobility needs of the poor, vulnerable and

disadvantaged groups is to provide adequate public transport and appropriate infrastructure

measures are needed.

Fahmi and Sutton (2010) stated that over the past 10 years, the Zabaleen, or traditional waste

collectors of Cairo have created what is arguably one of the world’s most efficient and

sustainable resource-recovery and waste-recycling systems. Fahmi and Sutton further

clarifies that the continuation of this intricate relationship between community, environment

and livelihood is jeopardized by the official privatisation of municipal solid waste (MSW)

services through contracts with knowledge-concentrated global organisations which threatens

the sustainability of the garbage collectors’ communities by removing access to their chief

economic asset, waste or garbage.

Population Growth

Cairo’s annual growth rate according to Sutton and Fahmi (2001) concerned planners and

politicians such that the 1996 population census results revealed a slowing down to 1.6% and

a total population of 10.27 million people. This regression in Cairo’s primacy might suggest

some success for the 1970 and 1983 master plans in their aim to turn away population growth

away from the “arable land” to the north and south of the city and towards the desert fringes

to the east and west, where new towns and new settlements were located.

Sutton and Fahmi further asserted that the 1996 census data for Greater Cairo shows a strong

decline with inner city population and continued suburban growth including areas to both the

north and south of the city. However only limited growth occurred in the new towns. Several

other factors are being suggested as being behind the prominence of Cairo’s master planning.

These include much unplanned spontaneous urbanisation, the inability of the new towns to

attract people, the IMF constraints on public spending and the boost to private housing

development imparted by Cairo’s ring.

Addressing population growth from another angle, Khalifa (2011) addresses the crucial need

to revisit the criteria for defining slums in order to present a more precise image of existing

slums and categorise them according to the severity of risk that these settlements pose to

human life and property as a means of prioritising interventions. These interventions reflects

on the Egyptian initiative that started at the outset of 2009 in trying to solve the problematic


issue of defining what are in order words referred to as slums, or informal settlements, or

‘Ashwa’yyat, by replacing them with two distinctive terms; unplanned areas and unsafe areas.

Khalifa felt that this approach is considered to underpin the identification of priorities for

intervention and drawing up policies, techniques and strategies aimed at improving the living

conditions of the lives of the inhabitants of these slums. Areas considered to be unsafe as

identified by Khalifa (2011) are estimated to contain 1.1 million inhabitants which represents

the number of people in great need of immediate action to improve their living conditions.

According to IRIN and UN-HABITAT (2007), informal settlements in greater Cairo have

grown despite a backdrop of an over-supply of formal housing units that are too expensive

for low-income families to afford. There’s an estimated 1000 people come into Cairo every

week looking for a new life and shelter in a city already bursting with people at its

boundaries. There is a growing concern of the existing population of 18 million including the

8 million slum-dwellers – in Cairo as the city approaches its transition from mega-city status

(10 million) to hyper-city (20 million) status.

Political

Exploring the historical and contemporary challenges of population growth in Cairo; Chirisa

(2008) looked at the diversity of experiences when put together given the differences in

institutions and culture, historical background, political economy and other structural

proclivities. This analysis helped in the formulation of the ‘chosen’ nomenclature and

taxonomy of the subject of urbanisation (and ruralisations, as it were). Examining the growth

and changing patterns of population density in the extent of Cairo’s administrative sub-

districts between 1986 and 1996, Stewart et.al. (2004) showed that there is a significant

population decentralisation taking place in the city and discusses the possible consequences if

this development is allowed to continue. Informal areas are however as Dorman (2009) puts

it, "a consequence of an authoritarian political order as well as embedded in the informal

control stratagems used by Egyptian governments to bolster their rule" .

Physical/Geographical Factors

Cairo apparently has grown beyond it original geographically boundary as it has added

population. Located on the east bank of the Nile, the governate of Cairo spreads several

kilometres east and south.


The Detriments of Urban Sprawl in Greater Cairo

The detriment of urban sprawl is spatial disintegration. In Greater Cairo Robson, et.al, (2012)

explains that the rising levels of urbanisation is associated with spatial disintegration

pressures food networks which encroaches on productive agricultural land and reducing crop

yield. This stresses the system further introducing greater numbers of people to the area and

increasing living standard expectations, leading to an escalation in consumption. Robson,

et.al further explains that urbanisation can be seen to remove supply while conversely

increasing demand. Availability of portable water is limited and primarily supplied by the

River Nile, wastewater collected by both domestic and industrial pollution is of great concern

to the population (Abdel-Shafy and Aly, 2007 and Wahaab and Badwy, 2004). This is

evident judging from the rise in population which from 1947 to 1996, the Cairo metropolitan

area’s population rose from 12 percent or 2.2 million to 17 percent or 10.2 million people

(Sutton & Fahmi, 2001). The increment over fifty years was by 8 million people but the

capacity to support Cairo’s urban environment was planned for only 2 million people at that

time (El Araby, 2002). The difference between the population level and the available living

space in the city created a substantial demand for outward development, at the expense of

surrounding arable land.

With most of these developments, Lawrence, et.al (2002) explained that the extent of arable

land has since increased and the outward growth of urban land cover on former agricultural

land continues and it is occurring at a rate faster than the reclamation efforts conducted by the

Egyptian administration.

Existing Solutions to Urban Sprawl in Greater Cairo

In response to sprawl , Tarbush (2012) stated that in 2008, the Egyptian government

proposed a grand vision for Cairo termed as “Cairo 2050” that aims to counter this menace

and transform the city into a global city like either the city of Paris of Tokyo. However,

Tarbush (2012) attempts to redirect Cairo from this path of modernisation that this route

would fail to resolve Cairo’s urban challenges because the government has simply ignored

the realities on the ground. Tarbush argues that informality and its associated high population

density have offered solutions though they are sublime to resolving Cairo’s urban challenges

and that by implementing modernity from above will create more problems than solutions if

the government goes ahead with this grandiose plan.


Chapter 5

Comparative Analysis and Discussion

Although the two cities studied are within the same continent some similarities and

comparables have been identified for discussion. The two cities share the same problems of

unplanned and spontaneous urbanisation as both have an approximate population of 18

million. However the pressure on Lagos and lack of adequate housing is more intense due to

its land mass unlike Cairo which has a larger area. This can be argued to account for the

pseudo legitimisation of informal settlements in Cairo despite an oversupply of housing as

land is available while the premium on land is high in Lagos.

A subsequent dissimilarity is of a geographical nature. Whilst Lagos sprawls onto water

bodies through reclamation of land and slum settlements on water, Cairo sprawls onto

farmlands and cemeteries.

The supply of basic infrastructure also differentiates both cities. The management of Lagos

struggles to fund new infrastructure to meet the demands of the teeming population and thus

alienates most informal settlements. The government of Cairo however, provide basic

infrastructure for informal settlements. This could infer that Caireness live in better

conditions than the urban poor in Lagos.

The manner in which waste pollution as a by product of sprawl is addressed is a crucial

grounds for comparison. With Cairo dubbed as having one of the most efficient waste

management systems globally, it is advisable that Lagos takes cues from the Zabbaleen

community of Greater Cairo.

Conclusion and Recommendation

This research has identified sprawl as a bane in the development of Lagos, Nigeria whilst

comparing it to Cairo. This study set out to ascertain what role Architecture might play in

controlling sprawl and its consequences. The definitions, types and causes were elucidated

after which a detailed review of Lagos, its history, demographic growth drivers of sprawl and

the detriments was carried out. The same was done for the second city studied, Cairo.

Existing solutions were explored with the aim of discovering Architecture role in curbing

sprawl and its associated problems.


Although the findings from both solutions seemed to be more governance and planning

inclined, they revealed a seemingly small role that Architecture could play under the umbrella

of new urbanism. This movement advocates for mixed use developments, compact design,

densification and creation of a sense of space.

This research ends by admonishing that Architects ensure designs are created with

sustainability as a key driver. Further work needs to be done to ascertain if Architecture has

more prominent roles to play in controlling sprawl.


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Appendice

Literature Search

The search for written resources to aid this study began with the need to understand the basic

concepts and definition of sprawl. The first book reviewed was, Sprawl: A Compact History

by Robert Bruegmann. The book is an expose into the history and unrecognised benefits of

sprawl.

A subsequent read was How Cities Work: Suburbs , sprawl and the Roads not Taken. A

particularly important chapter was the fourth, which discussed the Euro sprawl with insights

to the techniques through which certain countries like Denmark and Netherland alleviated the

problems associated with sprawl.

Kingdoms of the Yoruba by Robert Sydney Smith was another book read. It provided brief

historical information about the statistics of Lagos which will at latter stages be useful in

ascertain the degree to which the city has sprawled. Journals and research specific to Lagos

were also studied. These include:

A New Yorker In Lagos, Nigeria: At Home Amid The Chaos. This is an expose on the

experience of Connor Adams for the International Business Times. He discusses the people,

culture, the challenges for the future and the government's role in ensuring the city attains

world class status.

Exploring Sprawl: Findings of a Comprehensive Review of the Literature Related to

“Sprawl” or What Do We Really Know? . This is a research paper that discusses findings,

opposing views and questions for further research on the subject of sprawl.

Evolving a Planning Strategy for Managing Urban Sprawl in Nigeria. This is a paper that

explicates the problems, trends and factors responsible for urban sprawl in Nigeria. The

author ends by suggesting a people -driven strategy for urban sprawl management in Nigeria.

Responsive environments. This book elucidates qualities needed to design responsive

environments. Bentley et al(2012), describe responsive environments as places that enrich the

opportunities available to users by maximizing the degree of choice available to them. The

book identifies seven main qualities that should be considered by designers in the place

making. They include: Permeability, Variety, Legibility, Robustness , Visual

Appropriateness, Richness, Personalisation.


The other material chosen to be read due to their specificity to Nigeria and the subject of

liveable urban cities include :

1. Housing In Lagos Mega City-Improving Livability, Inclusion And Governance Paper

2. The Impact of Urbanization on Housing Development: The Lagos Experience,

Nigeria.

3. Sustainable Housing, Population Growth and Poverty: The Implications on Lagos

Mega City Journal of Sustainable Development.

4. Modelling and Predicting Future Urban Expansion of Lagos, Nigeria from Remote

Sensing Data Using Logistic Regression and GIS.

5. Brown D. G & Robinson D. T. Effects of heterogeneity in residential preferences on

an agent based model of urban sprawl.

6. Planet of Slums. New Perspectives.

7. Mapping and Predicting Urban Sprawl Using Remote Sensing and Geographic

Information System Techniques: A Case Study of Eti-Osa Local Government Area,

Lagos, Nigeria.

8. Image of the City

9. Eco -Urbanity: Towards Well-Mannered Built Environments

10. Designing Sustainable Cities

The Role of Architecture in Curbing Sprawl and its Effects

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