The Proto-Indo-European aspect system

2014-12-261, S. E. & O.

The Proto-Indo-European aspect system

ROLAND A. POOTH

“Was wir als Anfänge [d.h. als Urindogermanisch] glauben nachweisen zu können, sind ohnehin schon ganz späte [d.h. nachurindogermanische] Stadien.”

à la Jakob Burkhardt Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen quoted from Parzinger 2014: 12

The reconstructable Proto-Indo-European language exhibited an elaborate inflec-

tional aspect system including over twenty specific aspect categories. From PIE to the Vulgar Pre-Indo-European dialect or variant cluster, many of these aspect cate-gories were semantically broadened and merged, and their number decreased. The aspect system was “fused” with tense distinctions and was thus remodelled to a tense and aspect system including, among others, a prominent PRESENT IMPERFECTIVE tense and aspect category.

Keywords: Proto-Indo-European verb morphology, aspect, Aktionsart, tense.

1 PIE verb morphotaxis It has recently been discovered that “Proto-Indo-European Proper”2 verb

morphology was of the root and pattern morphology (RPM) type.3 According to the definition given by Bauer 2004: 93, languages of this type have the following property:

“[...] In these languages, the root in a number of common binyanim[4] or paradigms may be analysed as being made solely of consonants, while the pattern of vowels which are found around the consonants and the particular vowels filling up the pattern provide morphological informa-tion comparable to that often given by affixation. This analysis leads to discontinuous roots and discontinuous morphs interacting with the roots, [...].”

1 This paper has been published at www.academia.edu on 2014-12-26 as provisional grey

literature and work in progress and will undergo further revisions. Merry christmas! 2 This term has been coined by Ringe 2006: 5. I avoid terms like “Early PIE” or “Late

PIE”, because labels like this presuppose the notion of two chronological layers of PIE which I find a bit problematic. The term Vulgar Pre-Indo-European does not refer to a more or less homogeneous and standardizable languages, but to a divergent post-PIE variant or dialect cluster (comparable to what will be spoken in many parts of the world someday after the decline of the English standard language).

3 Cf. Pooth 2004a, 2009b; Tremblay diss. 1999, 2003. 4 Cf. Classical Hebrew binyānîm.

ROLAND A. POOTH 2

Besides the skeletal consonant frame each PIE verbal finite word form contained a transfix, cf. Bauer 2004: 102:

“A transfix is a particular type of affix, one which is completely in-terwoven with its base. Typically, it is a series of vowels which surround and interact with a base which in turn can be analysed as a series of consonants. For example, Arabic katab ‘he wrote’, kitaab ‘book’, kaatib ‘clerk’ (where the root is *ktb, indicating ‘writing’) illustrate the trans-fixes _a_a_, _i_aa_ and _aa_i_. Such transfixes [...] are discontinuous affixes attached to discontinuous bases, [...].” I use the term vowel melody for transfix, however, because I follow the

terminological tradition of the autosegmental approach (cf. McCarthy 1981). The different morpheme levels within the autosegmental morpho-logical analysis are termed “tiers”.5

The vowel melody (VM) on the vowel melody template tier (e.g. _V_) was morphotactically independent from the agglutinating affixation on the skeletal consonant frame (CF) tier (e.g. *dɦi-dɦ_ʔ-t-i). An example of the dif-ferent tiers is given below:

FIGURE 1.

vowel melody _ɛ_ vowel melody template _V_ word form template Ci-C_V1 _C-t-i consonant frame dɦi-dɦ_ʔ-t-i

entire word form *dɦidɦɛʔti (≡ *dhidhéh1ti) The separation of the different morphological tiers can also be illus-

trated by the following figure; the entire word form is PIE *stɛutoi ‘topical referent is praising s.o. for topical referents’s own benefit’:

FIGURE 2.

vowel melody tier detransitive vowel tier ɔ bare vowel tier ɛ vowel melody template tier V1

V2 ǀ ǀ word form template tier word form accent tier ´ word form CV template tier C C V1 C - C - V2 - C ǀ ǀ ǀ ǀ ǀ consonant frame tier root and lexical base tier s t u C-suffix tier t i

5 Cf. McCarthy 1981.


3

In addition to transfixation on the vowel melody tier and the word form template tier, PIE morphology made use of the morphotactic strategy of agglutination on the consonant frame tier.

After subtraction of the discontinuous full vowels (*ɛ, *ɛː, *ɔ, *ɔː) an ag-glutinating C-chain (reduplication, root, infix, suffix) remains (ro_ot = discontinuous root, interrupted by a vowel slot _V_):

FIGURE 3.

C-chain gloss

*gwɦ_n-t-i ro_ot-2/3DIR-PROG6 *ʔ_s-t-u ro_ot-2/3DIR-DEB *iu~n~_ʛ-t-i ro~aspect infix~_ot-DIR-PROG *dɦi-dɦ_ʔ-t-i reduplication-ro_ot-DIR-PROG *dɦ_dɦ_ʔ-t-i reduplication_ro_ot-DIR-PROG *dɦ_dɦ_ʔ-_n-t-i reduplication_ro_ot-PL-DIR-PROG *ʔ_s-m_s-i ro_ot-1EXCL_PL-PROG The reduplication templatic prefix, the two aspect suffixes (i.e., *-nV4u-,

*-sk-), and the aspect infix were in complementary distribution.

IE reduplicated present stems like Greek διδάσκω ‘I teach’ are obvious sec-ondary innovations showing affix pleonasm (PIE *ɗiɗnsɔ :: PIE *ɗnsskɔ →) *didnsskó/é- > *didnskó/é-, cf. Old Avestan didąs ‘teaches’, dīdaiŋhē ‘I experi-ence, get to know’, etc.

PIE had a vocalic prefix (*ɛ-) always attracting the accent (e.g. *ɛ-ʔɛst

‘was there, existed, sat (down) there). Although being vocalic, it did not belong to the vowel melody. It was used optionally to specify past tense reference. It is used as past tense prefix in Greek, Phrygian and Indo-Iranian (and is partially preserved in Armenian).

The order of affixes in PIE verb forms is given in the following figure. FIGURE 4. Order of affixes in PIE finite verb forms

6 In principle, I follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules. Glosses: DIR = DIRECT-TRANSITIVE direction, INV = INVERSE-TRANSITIVE direction, PROG = PROGRESSIVE aspect, DEB = DEBITIVE mood, EXCL = 1PL.EXCLUSIVE, ITR = INTRANSITIVE-UNDERSPECIFIED direction (cf. Pooth manuscript e), etc.

7 The H is used for ‘voice suffix slot’, because V is used for ‘vowel slot’.

T ɛ

RE Ci Cɛ CV3 Cɛː CɛR CɛCi

R (~A~) CV1V2C C~n~V1C

A nV4u sk

M iV5ʔ ʔs

P mV6 uV6 tV6 sV6 ØV6

H (7) χV7

N s n rV8 χ

D m tV9 s

F i u

ROLAND A. POOTH 4

Cover symbols:

T narrative past tense prefix (*ɛ-) RE reduplication templatic prefix R “root” or lexical base A aspect infix or suffix (*~n~, *-nV4u-, ...)8 M modal suffix (*-iV5ʔ-, *-ʔs-) P person-and-direction 9 suffix (1EXCL *-m-, 1INCL *-u-, 2/3DIR *-t-,

2/3INV *-s-, 2/3ITR *-Ø-) H detransitive voice suffix (*-χ-) N number suffix (1PL *-s-, 2PL *-n-, 3PL *-r- ~ *-n-, 2/3COL *-χ-) D direction-and-deixis suffix (2/3COL.PROX *-m, DIR *-t-, INV *-s-) F final progressive aspect suffix (*-i-) or debitive mood suffix (*-u-) V vowel slot of the vowel melody

Each PIE verbal finite word form thus obligatorily consisted of a mini-

mum of two overt morphemes: (a) the skeletal “root”, that is, the discon-tinuous lexical base (LB)10 and (b) the discontinuous inflectional vowel mel-ody (VM).

The other morphemes or morpheme slots could remain non-overtly zero-marked or “unmarked”, depending on how one prefers to define the status or notion of zero (Ø).

The following figure can illustrate the internal morphotaxis of a PIE 2nd

person PLURAL DETRANSITIVE DIRECT-TRANSITIVE PROGRESSIVE form *ɗiɗnstχáni ‘you (pl.) (TOP) are experiencing/getting to know REF now & then ...’:11

FIGURE 5.

┌──�aspect and mood (AM) stem ──┐┌──“ending”──┐�

P- REV3- CV1

~A~V2C -AoV4

Ac-MoV5Mc- PV6

HV7NV8

DV9 -FF

*ɗi- ɗ ns - t χ á n i ��└�lexical base ┘ or “root”

Cf. Old Avestan dīdaiŋhē ‘I experience, get to know’ from the root *ɗ_ns-, cf.

LIV, p. 118f. NB. From PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE, *-tχán (without *-i) was reanalyzed as a

new 2nd pl. active or “neoactive” portmanteau “ending”. It is reflected as Proto-Indo-Iranian 2nd pl. present imperfective (so-called “primary”) active ending *-thanā > Vedic -thanā, cf. Pooth 2011.

8 Ao = onset of the aspect suffix syllable template (e.g. *-i_ of *-i_ʔ-), Ac = coda of the

aspect suffix; likewise Mo and Mc. 9 For the term direction cf. Wolfart & Carroll 1981: 68; DeLancey 1981; Thompson 1989:

21; Klaiman 1992; for “Transitivity Direction in Proto-Indo-European” cf. Pooth manu-script e.

10 A lexical base (LB) can further be separated into the proper root and its derivational or quasi-derivational “enlargement” (ENL).

11 Abbreviations: TOP = topical referent, REF = non-topical referent.


5

To illustrate the PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE great morphotactic fusion, the con-sonant frame can be separated into two major parts, namely (a) the “aspect and mood stem” and (b) the “ending”:

The “aspect and mood stem” was later fused to the IE aspect and mood stem (e.g. *dɦi-dɦ_ɛ_ʔ- → *dhidhéh1-ti, etc.). The respective “word form end-ing”, on the other hand, was fused to the respective IE portmanteau suffix, that is, the so-called “inflectional ending” for tense, aspect, mood, person, number, and voice (e.g. *-t-χ_á_n → *-th2an, etc.).

The distinction of “aspect and mood stem” and “ending” is solely moti-vated to illustrate the post-PIE morphotactic fusion. It is not implied that these stems were “PIE Proper” synchronic morphological units. The emer-gence of post-PIE and IE fusional aspect and mood stems (e.g. *didéns- ~ *didns-´) was thus triggered by the process of morphotactic fusion. (It was not triggered by suffixation of clitics to a fusional word form.)

Remark: However, the younger IE so-called “thematic” stems and the IE

“sigmatic” stems developed from a later resegmentation: (a) From PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE, many 3rd person SINGULAR DETRANSITIVE

INTRANSITIVE forms12 were pleonastically extended by the new productive mid-dle “endings” (*-to(i) ~ *-tor(i)). In parallel, the former PIE 3rd person SINGULAR INVERSE forms were pleonastically extended by the 3rd singular so-called “secondary” “ending” (*-t).

(b) Within the Vulgar Pre-IE dialect or variant cluster, the respective first segment of *-oto(i) ~ *-otor(i), *-eti, and the one of *-st were reanalyzed as a stem-final suffix *-o- ~ *-e- and *-s-. This resegmentation mainly occured in the so-called “Inner IE” part of the Vulgar Pre-IE dialect or variant cluster. This “morphotactic internalization” has brilliantly been described by Watkins 1962, 1969. In honour of Watkins it is called “Watkins’ law”, cf. Collinge 1985: 239. This resegmentation is transferrable to the IE *-sko/e- stems (see figure 7):

FIGURE 6.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE new stem suffix PIE suffix *uɛiɗɔ → *uéidotoi *-o- zero ↘ *uéidetoi (13) *-e- *uiɗɔ → *uidót(o) *-o- zero ↘ *uidét *-e- FIGURE 7.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE new stem suffix PIE suffix *ʔrskɔ → *ʔrskótoi *-sko-toi *-sk- ↘ *ʔrskéti *-ske-ti

12 These have been termed “stative”, but this label is inappropriate. Instead, they were 3rd

sg. detransitive forms used in a PIE intransitive construction (including the antipassive construction), cf. Pooth 2000 and manuscript a. They had labile semantics.

13 This form is reflected as Homeric Gk. 3rd sg. pres. ind. mid. εἴδεται, 1st sg. εἴδομαι.

ROLAND A. POOTH 6

A parallel suffix pleonasm happened to the corresponding 3rd person singular detransitive intransitive forms of the progressive aspect which were marked by the suffix *-i in the final morpheme slot (F). These PIE specifically PROGRESSIVE aspect forms were semantically broadened to Vulgar Pre-IE pre-sent imperfective tense and aspect forms. They were extended, then, by the productive, specifically present imperfective middle “endings” *-toi ~ *-tori, etc. or by the productive active (including the “neoactive”) ones (*-ti ~ *-ei ~ *-eti, etc.).

The subsequent resegmentation of the respective first part of the pleonastic “ending” to stem-final suffixes (middle *-oi-toi, *-i-toi, *-i o-toi, *-ei-toi and “neoac-tive” *-i/i -ei, *-i e-ti, *-ei e-ti)14 is now datable to the Vulgar Pre-IE period. The “internalization” must have happened slightly before or by the time when Proto-Anatolian split up from the dialect or variant cluster:

FIGURE 8.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE new stem suffix

*dɦuɢɦɔi → *dɦuɢɦóitoi *-oi- (cf. Jasanoff 1976, 2003) *ɠɔnʔi → *gónʔitoi *-i- ↘ *gnʔi óntoi *-Hi o- ↘ *dɦuɢɦi ónti *-i o-

NB. 3rd person sg. forms of the *ɠɔnʔi type are reflected as the Vedic so-called “passive aorist” (Vedic jáni, etc.). Cf. Proto-Germanic *đuγaiþ(i), Vedic duhyate :: Gaulish dugiiontiio, etc. Cf. Latin 3rd sg. pres. ind. mid. oritur < *ʕwóritor(i) ~ *ʕwóritoi (← PIE *ʕɔri) :: Hittite 3rd sg. pres. ind. act. araai <*ʕwrói (PIE *ʕwrɔi), pl. ariyanzi < *ʕwri ónti ~ *ʕwrónti. The 3rd person pl. forms *ʕwri ónti ~ *ʕwri óntoi were created via paradigmatic levelling of *-i- in Vulgar Pre-IE.15

Systematic suffix pleonasms were a general post-PIE tendency. These “pro-longed” word forms were triggered by paradigmatic analogical leveling or regularization, that is, the analogical introduction of the new productive portmanteau “endings” (i.e., 3rd *-toi, *-ti ~ *-ei, etc.).

It is thus possible to reconstruct the following two PIE forms of the 3rd sg. detransitive intransitive progressive via internal reconstruction:

FIGURE 9.

PIE16 Vulgar Pre-IE new stem suffix

*suɔːpi → *suóːpitoi ~ *-i- ↘ *suóːpi eti *-i e- *suɔpɛi → *suopéitoi *-éi- ↘ *suopéi eti *-éi e-

14 A second, but minor source of IE yod-present stems were derivational “root enlarge-

ments” in *-i-, e.g. *ɗ_χ-_i- ‘separate, detach, devide, distribute, share’ from underlying *ɗ_χ- ‘id.’ (cf. LIV, s.v. “deh2(i )-”).

15 This offers a plausible explanation for why the partciple of Hittite araai does not show any *-i -, cf. araant-, cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 200.

16 I am sorry, but I do not “assume, as a descriptive fact, ‘acrostatic’ iterative-causatives of essentially the traditional sort at the level of PIE” (Vine 2012: fn. 11).


7

NB. Vedic śrāmyate ‘gets tired, slack’ is a reflex of Vulgar Pre-IE *króːm(H)i etoi going further back to PIE *krɔːm(H)i ‘is getting/being slack’. It is evident that the Vulgar Pre-IE suffix of the *suóːpi eti type was *-i o/e-, cf. the discussion by Vine 2012: 548-555.

A brief remark on suffix pleonasms: There are plenty of well-known cases of suffix pleonasms crosslinguistically, cf. the discussion and the examples of Haspelmath 1993: 297 with references. Cases such as Afro-American Vernacu-lar English child-Ø :: children-s, Modern Dutch kind-Ø :: kinder-en or Vulgar Latin esse-re (cf. the Latin irregular infinitive esse) show that the first part of pleonastically chained suffixes can be reanalyzed as belonging to a new stem allomorph (es-se → esse-re). It is thus evident that suffix pleonasms lead to addi-tional allomorphy (cf. Haspelmath 1993: 299). The fact that Vedic stáve ~ stavate, śáye ~ śáyate, juṣat ~ juṣáta, etc. are variants without any functional difference thus only strengthens the case for “Watkins’ law”.

Note that the given diachronic scenario has the implication that the *-i o/e- (and *-Hi o/e-) thematic stems and the ones in *-sko/e- and *-éi/éi o/e- came into being a bit earlier than the simple “thematic” ones (*-o/e-). Such a chro-nology is supported by the Proto-Anatolian situation.

2 The six basic transfixal aspects It is among the most intricate and fascinating facets of the “PIE Proper”

system of transfixing and templatic morphology that the vowel melodies were integrated into a reciprocal system of verbal internal inflection, that is, a system of verbal base modifications by means of vowel transposition (VTP). I will return to a definition of this phenomenon below.

PIE had an internal inflectional system of minimally six transfixal ver-bal “grades”17 (counted by Roman numbers I, II, III, IV, V, VI). These “grades” were altering vowel patterns which were mapped upon the under-lying vowel melody template (*_V_, *_VV_, or *_V_V_). Each grade thus con-sisted of a particular vowel melody (e.g. *_ɛ_) or a combination of deriva-tionally related vowel melodies (e.g. *_ɛː_ → *_ɛ_ɛ_).

Thus in “PIE Proper” it was not the root or the suffix that contained a particular “ablaut grade” like in Vulgar Pre-IE or in the IE languages. In-stead, the term “grade” is now transferred to identify a property of the entire word form. The essence of the grade system is the classification of verbal finite word forms on the basis of their respective underlying word form template. Each PIE verbal finite word form belonged to a specific grade. Each grade, as so defined, had semantic correlates. The six PIE grades signalled six basic (inflectional) aspectual meanings. They could further be combined with reduplication, infixation, and suffixation yielding more specified (derivational) aspectual meanings.

17 The term “grade” is borrowed from the term for tonal patterns of Hausa grammar, e.g.

Hausa jeefaà (grade I) ‘throw sth.’ :: jèefaa (grade II) ‘throw at s.o.’ :: jeefoo (grade VI) ‘throw (in this direction)’, cf. Newman 1973: 298. This term is also used to describe the aspect system of Creek (Muskogee, spoken by the Seminole tribe, Oklahoma and Flor-ida, USA), cf. Martin 2011: 43ff., 241ff., chapters 8 and 28.

ROLAND A. POOTH 8

The PIE grades and their vowel melodies are given in the figures below. Grade III, IV, V, VI were deponent grades. Only detransitive forms belonged to these grade; there were no corresponding agentive-active forms. A de-ponent grade is indicated by d here:

FIGURE 10. PIE transfixal grades (in isolation)

grade vowel melodies aspectual meaning AGENTIVE DETRANSITIVE I _ɛ_ _ɔ_ NONDURATIVE18 II _ɛː_/_ɛ_ɛ_/_ɛ_ɛ_ _ɛ_ɔ_ (_ɛ_ɛ_+χ19) DURATIVE20 IIId ― _ɔ_ɛ_/_ɛ_ɔ_ (_ɛ_ɛ_+χ) STATIVE-HABITUAL IVd ― _ɔ_ (_ɛ_+χ) TRANSITIONAL Vd ― _ɔː_/_ɔ_ɛ_ (_ɛː_+χ) INCHOATIVE-STATIVE VId ― _ɔ_ɛ_ DISTRIBUTIVE/FACTITIVE

FIGURE 11. Some PIE word forms and their grades

grade vowel melodies21 agentive forms detransitive forms I *gwɦɛnt *gwɦnɔ II *stɛːut/*stɛutɛ *stɛuɔ IIId *uɔidɛ IVd *ɠɔnʔ (*ɠɔnʔi) Vd *suɔːp (*suɔːpi) VId *ɠɔnʔɛ (*ɠɔnʔɛi)

These six transfixal grades including their combined vowel melodies

were motivated by so-called “internal derivation”. This derivational strat-egy implied the following morphological mechanisms:

(a) Vowel transposition: Templatic vowel transposition was an impor-tant morphological mechanism in PIE. By definition, it implied an internal change of the position of a vowel or vowels in the respective vowel slot(s) within the word form template:

18 The PIE NONDURATIVE aspect was either semelfactive-deliminative, that is, it indicated a single event within its two boundaries occurring once, or it was terminative (including a termination) or telic (including a goal). It was more underspecified as for duration than a perfective aspect and was not incompatible to the PROGRESSIVE aspect suffix *-i which derived a progressive durative meaning from otherwise nondurative or underspecified polyactional roots. The gloss NONDUR used here is equivalent to the gloss SEM used in earlier manuscripts (Pooth manuscrips a-e).

19 The vowel melodies given in brackets were the vowel melodies without the superim-posed discontinuous marker *ɔ. These unmarked vowel melodies coded detransitive 1st person singular and 2nd person forms in combination with the continuous detransitive suffix *-χ-. These vowel melodies were identical to the unmarked agentive-active vowel melodies of grades I and II, respectively.

20 The detransitive forms of this type also had a “future-prospective” or potential reading, e.g. PIE *mɛrɔ ‘is mortal, can die, will die, shall die’. Forms with this reading developed to subjunctive stems *méro/e- within Vulgar Pre-IE.

21 The vowel melodies are coloured red here.


9

FIGURE 12.

*dɦɛʔt → *dɦʔtɛ(_n) *CV1CP → *CCPV6(N) 2/3DIR 2PL.DIR(-PL) ‘put, puts’ ‘you (pl.) put’

NB. A quite similar morphological strategy is found in the Oceanic lan-

guage Rotumam: e.g., piko (CV1CV2) ‘lazy’ :: piok (CV1V2C) ‘lazy’, rotuma (CV3CV1CV2) ‘Rotuma’ :: rotuam (CV3CV1V2C) ‘Rotuma’,22 etc., cf. Besnier 1987: 201-223, Pooth 2004a: 422, fn.

The PIE 1st person exclusive, 1st person inclusive, and 2nd person plural

agentive forms were internally derived from the corresponding singular forms by means of vowel transposition, see the following figure:

FIGURE 13.

SG PL 1 *dɦɛʔm → *dɦʔmɛ(s) (1PL.EXCL) 2ITR *dɦɛʔ → *dɦʔɛ(n) 2DIR *dɦɛʔt → *dɦʔtɛ(n) 2INV *dɦɛʔs → *dɦʔsɛ(n)

1 *stɛɛum → *stɛumɛ(s) (1PL.EXCL) 2ITR *stɛɛu → *stɛuɛ(n) 2DIR *stɛɛut → *stɛutɛ(n) 2INV *stɛɛus → *stɛusɛ(n) The detransitive forms of grade I were internally derived from the

detransitive forms of grade IV by vowel transposition.23

FIGURE 14.

grade IV grade I grade I SG SG PL 1 *bɦɛudɦχ → *bɦudɦχá (*bɦudɦmɔ(s)) 2ITR *bɦɛudɦχ → *bɦudɦχá *bɦudɦχá(n) 2DIR *bɦɛudɦtχ → *bɦudɦtχá *bɦudɦtχá(n) 2INV *bɦɛudɦsχ → *bɦudɦsχá *bɦudɦsχá(n) 3ITR *bɦɔudɦ (24) → *bɦudɦɔ *bɦudɦɔr ~*bɦudɦrɔ 3DIR *bɦudɦtɔ *bɦudɦɔnt ~ *bɦudɦntɔ 3INV *bɦudɦsɔ

22 Cf. Besnier 1987 who speaks of “vowel metathesis”, but the term “metathesis” should better be restricted to a non-morphological switch of segments.

23 Cf. Jasanoff 1978, footnote 29: “The possibility that the stems under discussion owe their zero-grade to a process of internal derivation is not unattractive [...]”.

24 This form is reconstructed by the method of internal reconstruction, that is, by internal subtraction of *-i. The corresponding progressive form *bɦɔudɦi is reflected by Vedic bódhi.

ROLAND A. POOTH 10

The detransitive 2nd/3rd person collective-plural forms were internally derived from the 2nd person singular forms:

FIGURE 15.

grade IV grade I and IV SG COL

2ITR *bɦɛudɦχ → 2/3ITR *bɦudɦáχ(m) 2DIR *bɦɛudɦtχ → 2/3DIR *bɦudɦtáχ(m) 2INV *bɦɛudɦsχ → 2/3INV *bɦudɦsáχ(m)

The respective vowel melody of the 3rd person plural detransitive forms was internally derived from the one of the corresponding singular forms by vowel transposition:

FIGURE 16.

SG PL 3ITR *bɦɔudɦ → *bɦudɦɔr ~ *bɦudɦrɔ 3DIR *bɦudɦɔnt ~ *bɦudɦntɔ

3ITR *uɔiɗɛ → *uɛidɔr

NB. These 3rd person plural forms were marked for plural number by the 3rd person plural number suffix *-r- (or *-n- before *-t-).

Verbal and nominal “internal derivation” further implied the following morphological means:

(b) Accent shift: A second PIE morphological means was simple accent shift: e.g., *lɛuqɔ ‘is, was shining’ → *lɛuqɔ- (adjective) ‘bright, shining’.25 But simple accent shift was more important in the system of nominal deri-vation than in verbal morphology: e.g., *ɗɔru inanimate ‘wood’ → *ɗɔrú- ‘wooden’ (adjective), loc. *ɗɔrui ‘in/at wood’ → *ɗɔruí- ‘in wood (ATTRIBUTIVE), wooden’ (cf. Modern German ein Stuhl in Holz ‘a wooden chair’), etc.

(c) Vowel slot gemination: Another salient PIE morphological means was gemination of the vowel slot on the vowel melody tier of the word form template:

FIGURE 17.

*dɦɛʔt → *dɦɛːʔt *CV1CP → *CV1V2CP 2/3DIR 2/3DIR ‘put(s)’ ‘put(s) /make(s) /do(es) (duratively)’

The agentive forms of grade II were internally derived from the ones of

grade I by means of vowel slot gemination:

25 Cf. Greek λευκό- ‘white’; the corresponding verb form is reflected by Vedic rócate ‘is

shining’.


11

FIGURE 18.

grade I grade II 1SG *ɗɛkm → *ɗɛːkm = *ɗɛɛkm 2SG.ITR *ɗɛk → *ɗɛːk 2SG/3SG.DIR *ɗɛkt → *ɗɛːkt 2SG/3SG.INV *ɗɛks → *ɗɛːks

NB. From PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE, the 3rd person inverse-transitive forms were pleonastically extended (e.g. *ɗɛːks→ *dɛːkst).

(d) Suprasegmental vowel mapping: A tremendously important and even more intricate morphological means of PIE was the suprasegmental mapping of the discontinuous DETRANSITIVE marker *ɔ (or else the phono-logical feature [+round]26) upon one of the underlying vowel slots of the vowel melody template. It is illustrated by the following figure:

FIGURE 19.

discontinuous DTR marker ɔ or [+round] ↓ (mapped upon) vowel melody _ɛ_ vowel melody template _V1_ word form template *dɦ_V1 _ʔ-Ø-i

output *dɦɔʔi It is crucial for any deeper understanding of PIE morphology to recog-

nize that all word forms coded by *ɔ, no matter in which position within the word form, and also all word forms coded by its continuous counter-part *-χ- belonged to the DETRANSITIVE voice category.

The following detransitive forms were internally derived from the corre-sponding agentive word forms by suprasegmental vowel mapping:

FIGURE 18.

grade I grade IV AGENTIVE DETRANSITIVE

2SG.ITR *dɦɛʔ → 3SG.ITR *dɦɔʔ 1PL.EXCL *dɦʔmɛ(s) → *dɦʔmɔ(s) 1PL.INCL *dɦʔuɛ(s) → *dɦʔuɔ(s) 3PL.ITR *dɦʔɛr → *dɦʔɔr ~ *dɦʔrɔ 3PL.DIR *dɦʔɛnt → *dɦʔɔnt ~ *dɦʔntɔ 3PL.INV *dɦʔɛrs

26 This depends on how one prefers to analyze this phenomenon. Note that the PIE “bare”

vowel phoneme */ɛ/ was realized as [ɑ] or [a] before and after *χ, but as [ɒ] before and after *ʕw. Both realizations are written <a> here. Otherwise it was realized as [æ] or [ɛ] (written <ɛ> here). I think that the realization [ɑ] or [a] before and after *χ was older than [æ] or [ɛ] otherwise. PIE also had *a and *aː in onomatopoietics and “small word forms”, e.g. *máː ‘mummy’ vs. *mɛː PROHIBITIVE. Some roots had variants, e.g. *ʔVr- ~ *ʔar-. I think that, e.g., *ʔarɔ was older than its regular variant *ʔrɔ (1st binyan).

ROLAND A. POOTH 12

NB. This system offers a functional explanation for the later different ablaut grades of *-me(s) and *-mo(s). The 1st person plural middle ending *-mor of Proto-Celtic and Proto-Italic cannot be a complete innovation: *-mo (without *-r) should be seen as archaic. The plural middle endings *-mo(s)dɦχ, *-uosdɦχ, *-(s)dɦuo/e, and *-onto, on the other hand, should be taken for Vulgar Pre-IE innovations (cf. Pooth 2011); see below.

It can be concluded that the grade I agentive singular forms (*dɦɛʔt > Vedic 3rd sg. aor. inj. act. dhāt, etc.) were the most “basic” forms. Many detransitive forms (e.g. *dɦɔʔ, *dɦɔʔi > Vedic 3rd sg. aor. inj. mid. dhāyi) were internally derived from the underlying agentive forms (e.g. *dɦɛʔ) by mapping *ɔ upon a vowel slot of the vowel melody template. In terms of markedness, therefore, the detransitive voice forms contained more mor-phological material than the underlying agentive voice forms. Note that this situation is quite different from the one found in the most archaic IE languages, where active and middle forms show the same number of mor-phemes, e.g. Vedic 3rd sg. pres. ind. act. bhára-ti vs. mid. bhára-te.

The grade I detransitive forms were internally derived from the grade IV forms, e.g. *bɦɔudɦ ‘wakes up, woke up; gets/got attentive’ → *bɦudɦɔ (27) ‘recognizes/recognized sth./s.o.; is/was/gets/got attentive towards s.o./sth.’. The forms of grade III (*uɔiɗɛ) were internally derived from the grade II detransitive forms, e.g. *uɛiɗɔ(i) ‘s.o. can see; s.o./sth. can be seen, is visible; is apparent’ → *uɔiɗɛ(i) ‘knows sth./s.o.’ (> Vedic véda, etc.).

It can thus finally be concluded that a monovocalic underlying vowel melody template *_V_ had a nondurative or a (nondurative) transitional aspectual meaning (e.g. *uiɗɔ ‘s.o. found sth./s.o.’28), whereas a bivocalic (or “stereovocalic”) underlying vowel melody template *_VV_ or *_V_V_ had a durative, a (durative or “plurative”) stative-habitual or a (“plurative”) distributive-iterative aspectual meaning. In other terms, a monovocalic vowel melody had a SINGLEFACTIVE-SINGULATIVE (BOUND, PUNCTUAL) or else an UNDERSPECIFIED aspectual meaning, whereas a bivocalic vowel melody conveyed a specific PLURIFACTIVE-PLURATIVE (EXTENDED, INTERNALLY MULTI-PLIED, EXTERNALLY MULTIPLIED or UNBOUND) aspectual meaning:

FIGURE 19.

*_V_ SINGLEFACTIVE-SINGULATIVE or UNDERSPECIFIED aspect *_VV_, *_V_V_ PLURIFACTIVE-PLURATIVE aspect

One may use the term superordinate vowel melody template aspects to re-

fer to these two templatic aspect distinctions. The terms “imperfective” vs. “perfective” are rather inappropriate here, because the singlefactive aspect was compatible to the progressive aspect and thus conveyed a somewhat different aspectual meaning (which was less specified than the perfective aspect). As an exception, the 3rd pl. forms of the so-called “Narten type”, namely *stɛur, *stɛunt, *stɛurs and the 3rd pl. of grade V (*suɔpr) showed a

27 This form is reflected as the Greek thematic aorist ἐπυθόμην. 28 This form is reflected as the IE thematic aorist *uidó/é-, e.g. Vedic ávidat.


13

monovocalic-singlefactive (underspecified) vowel melody template (*_V_), but belonged to a pattern of word forms which exhibited a plurifactive vowel melody template otherwise.29

3 The PIE progressive aspect The word final morpheme slot -F (see figure 4) provided a slot for the

PROGRESSIVE aspect suffix *-i or the debitive mood suffix *-u, but the latter will not be dealt with here. In PIE, the progressive aspect marker *-i could be attached to almost any finite verb form except for verb forms whose grammatical meaning was completely incompatible to the progressive durative aspectual meaning (cf. Pooth 2009a); see the figure below:

FIGURE 19.

NONPROG PROG (DUR) 1SG.AGT *gwɦɛnm → *gwɦɛnm-i 1PL.EXCL.AGT *gwɦnmɛ(s) → *gwɦnmɛs-i 3PL.ITR.AGT *gwɦnɛr → *gwɦnɛr-i 3PL.DIR.AGT *gwɦnɛnt → *gwɦnɛnt-i

1SG.DTR *gwɦnχá → *gwɦnχá-i 3SG.ITR.DTR *bɦɔudɦ → *bɦɔudɦ-i 3PL.ITR.DTR *stɛuɔr → *stɛuɔr-i Remark: As already mentioned above, this suffix *-i was fused with the

other suffixes of the “ending” from PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE and became part of the so-called “primary (portmanteau) endings” marking the Vulgar Pre-IE pre-sent imperfective tense + aspect category. The most productive Vulgar Pre-IE present imperfective aspect and tense “endings” are given in the following figure. Note that there was more variation; the 1st and 2nd person pl. forms, for instance, could optionally lack the *-i.

FIGURE 20.

ACTIVE NEOACTIVE MIDDLE 1SG *-mi *-χai *-χai 2SG *-si *-tχai *-tχai ~ *-sχai ~ *-soi 3SG *-ti *-ei ~ *-eti *-toi 1PL *-mes(i) *-mos(i) *-mo(s)-dɦχ (30) 1DU.INCL *-ues(i) *-uos(i) *-uo(s)-dɦχ

29 Note that these forms were marked for plural number by *-r- and *-n- (before *-t-).

These markers thus may have coded plurality of the given event concept. 30 The new 1st pl. and du. incl. middle endings obviously developed by attachment of a

former clitic *=dɦχ (or *=dɦa ~ *=dɦi?) whose origin remains obscure. This clitic may be related to the deictic clitic *=dɦi that was attached to 2nd sg. imperative forms, cf. PIE *ʔɛs=ɗɦí ‘be there!’ (> Vulgar Pre-IE *ʔesɗɦí ~ *ʔsɗɦí). It may also be a form *dɦʔχ ‘one does/did it (for one’s own benefit, ...); it was done (by a group of people)’ (formed like a 1st sg. middle *gnʔχ) which as a relic contained the old collective meaning of the marker *-χ- found both in 1st person sg. and 2nd person detransitive forms.

ROLAND A. POOTH 14

FIGURE 20 (continued).

ACTIVE NEOACTIVE MIDDLE 2/3DU *-taχ(m) ~ *-aχ(m) (NEOACTIVE/MIDDLE31) 2PL *-ten(i) *-tχan(i) *-tχa(n) → *-dɦuo/e (32) 3PL *-enti *-onti *-ontoi Additionally, there were new Vulgar Pre-IE middle “endings” with a new

suffix *-r(i). I follow the “old” view that this extension ultimately originated from PIE 3rd person plural detransitive intransitive forms (e.g. *stɛuɔr ~ *stɛurɔ ‘some people praised s.o.’) which were coded by the PIE 3rd person plural marker *-r- (in the number slot -N-). I think that the PIE 3rd person plu-ral detransitive intransitive forms were reanalyzed as new 3rd person singular middle forms within the new Vulgar Pre-IE passive construction. This new passive construction emerged by addition of an oblique causer or agent to the original 3rd person plural intransitive construction:

(1) a. PIE (oblique agent ungrammatical) *χnɛr-Ø *stɛuɔ_r man-ABS:SG praise:DUR:DTR _3PL\ITR ‘as for the man, (some) people praised him’

b. Vulgar PIE (oblique agent grammatical) *χnéː(r) *stéu-or *pχtr-és ~ -ós man:NOM:SG praise-3SG.IPFV.IND.MID father-ABL/GEN.SG ‘the man was praised by the father’

Note that there is a second source for the new Vulgar Pre-IE passive con-struction. It also emerged by addition of an oblique causer or agent to the original 3rd person singular intransitive construction: (2) a. PIE (oblique agent ungrammatical) *χnɛr-Ø *stɛuɔ man-ABS:SG praise:DUR:DTR:ITR_3SG ‘as for the man, someone praised him’

b. Vulgar PIE (oblique agent grammatical) *χnéː(r) *stéu-o *pχtr-és ~ -ós man:NOM:SG praise-3SG.IPFV.IND.MID father-ABL/GEN.SG ‘the man was praised by the father’

Crosslinguistically, both grammaticalization paths are well-known, cf.

Haspelmath 1990: 49-50. A conflation of the passive and the middle function is confirmed. Thus *-r(i) was soon extended to be used as a general middle marker. The new Vulgar Pre-IE pres. imperfective middle “ending” variants are given in the following figure:

31 For the 2nd person and 3rd person dual “endings” cf. Pooth 2011. 32 The origin of this ending is obscure. It may go back to a voc. sg. form, e.g. *bɦudsdɦué of

a verbal adjective, e.g. *gwɦntuɔ, *bɦudɦtuɔ (>Vulgar Pre-IE *bɦudsdɦuó-). It may also go back to a verb + auxiliary compound *gwɦn-dɦʔ-u_ɔ ‘slaying-do-1PL.INCL_DTR’ ‘we, you and me, do/did slaying (for our own benefit)’ which was later reanalyzed as a 2nd pl. detran-sitive forms ‘you ... (dito)’.


15

FIGURE 21.

PRESENT IMPERFECTIVE MIDDLE 1SG *-χai *-χa-ri 2SG *-tχai ~ *-sχai ~ *-soi *-tχa-ri 3SG *-toi *-o-ri ~ *-to-ri 1PL *-mos-dɦχ *-mo(s)-dɦχ-ri 1DU.INCL *-uos-dɦχ *-uo(s)-dɦχ-ri 2PL *-tχan → *-dɦuo/e *-dɦuo/e-ri 3PL *-ontoi *-onto-ri As mentioned above, there were additional pleonastic Vulgar Pre-IE 3rd per-

son singular and plural present imperfective middle and neoactive “endings”: FIGURE 22.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE pleonastic pres. imperfective middle

*dɦuɢɦɔi → *dɦuɢɦóitoi 3rd sg. middle *-óitoi ~ *-óitori ↘ *dɦuɢɦóiti 3rd sg. neoactive *-óiti

↘ *dɦuɢɦi ónti *ɠɔnʔi → *gónʔitoi 3rd sg. middle *-(H)itoi ~ *-(H)itor ↘ *gnʔi óntoi 3rd pl. middle *-(H)i óntoi ~ *-(H)i óntori

*suɔːpi → *suóːpitoi ~ 3rd sg. middle *-itoi ↘ *suóːpi eti 3rd sg. neoactive *-i eti ↘ *suóːpi ontoi *suɔpɛi → *suopéitoi 3rd sg. middle *-éitoi ↘ *suopéi eti 3rd sg. neoactive *-éi eti

As also mentioned above, there were additional pleonastic Vulgar Pre-IE 3rd

person singular and plural middle or neoactive non-present “endings”: FIGURE 23.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE pleonastic non-present “endings”

*uɔɗɛ → *uóidet 3rd sg. neoactive *-e ~ *-et *dɦuɢɦɔ → *dɦuɢɦóto 3rd sg. middle *-óto(r)

↘ *dɦuɢɦót 3rd sg. middle *-ó(t) ↘ *dɦuɢɦét 3rd sg. neoactive *-é(t) *uɛiɗɔ → *uéidoto 3rd sg. middle *-óitoi ~ *-óitori

↘ *uéidot 3rd sg. middle *-o(t) ↘ *uéidet 3rd sg. neoactive *-e(t) *ɠɔnʔ → *gónʔto 3rd sg. middle *-to

*suɔːp → *suóːpto 3rd sg. middle *-to *suɔpɛ → *suopéto 3rd sg. middle *-éto ↘ *suopét 3rd sg. neoactive *-ét

4 PIE verbal binyans As already mentioned above, the underlying word form template (WFT) had the status of a templatic morpheme in PIE. By means of the underlying

ROLAND A. POOTH 16

word form template, the position of the vowels of the vowel melody com-bined with the position of the word form accent on one of these vowels within the word form was determined. The word form template belonged to a superordinate set of word form templates. I have decided to term this superordinate template bundle the word form template set. It can also be termed more conveniently the “inflectional type”. For its brevity, however, I make use of the term binyan which is borrowed from Classical Hebrew grammar. Finally, all binyanim (binyans) were subordinate template sets to the superordinate verbal paradigm. There was nothing in PIE like a verbal lexical “conjugation class” (as found, for instance, in Latin, where the verb laudat, laudāre belongs to the first conjugation, whereas uidet, uidēre be-longs to the second one, etc.). The different “PIE Proper” binyans were fully grammatical. Instead of belonging to a lexical conjugation class, every verb was principally inflectable for each binyan. But as in many languages, there were many defective verbal paradigms. In PIE, this defectiveness was mainly due to a semantic incongruency of a given lexical meaning and the respective grammatical meaning. I will return to this matter elsewhere. As just mentioned, each PIE verbal finite verb form had an underlying word form template (WFT). This word form template conveyed a specific inflectional meaning (remember: ro_ot is the gloss for the discontinous root or lexical base):

FIGURE 24.

a. *C_ɛ_C-m ro_ NONDUR:AGT_ot-1EXCL\SINGULAR e.g. *ʔɛsm ‘I am/was there, sit/sat there’

b. *CC-m_ɛ root-1EXCL_NONDUR:AGT\PLURAL e.g. *ʔsmɛ ‘we are/were there, sit/sat there’ The word form template thus obviously had full morpheme status, be-

cause it coded number distinctions and belonged to a binyan with a spe-cific grammatical, that is, aspectual and modal meaning.

The PIE word form accent was part of this word form template (WFT) morpheme. Its position within the word form was definitory for the identi-fication of a given word form as belonging to a specific aspect grade:

FIGURE 25.

a. *su_ɔ_p_ɛ (grade III) ro_STAT:DTR_ot_ITR:STAT\3SG ‘s.o. habitually falls asleep; habitually sleeps’

b. *su_ɔ_p_ɛ (grade VI) ro_DISTR:DTR_ot_ITR:DISTR\3SG ‘s.o. falls asleep here & there/now & then; s.o. sleeps here & there/now & then /s.o. makes s.o. fall asleep’


17

The PIE accent was “free”, that is, it was unpredictable from syllable structure or phonological word form structure. In word forms with more than one full vowel, one of these two vowels had to bear a contrasting high tone accent, opposed to a lower tone of the other vowel or vowels. The word form accent, therefore, was not a property of any morphological segment other than the word form template (WFT) morpheme. It provided grammatical distinctions.

Since the verbal word form accent was an intonational suprasegment belonging to the verbal word form template (WFT) morpheme and was fully grammatical, PIE did not show different verbal lexical accent types. In the verbal system there was no lexically predetermined accent. The evolu-tion of lexically predetermined accent of verb stems should be seen as a Vulgar Pre-IE phenomenon which must have occured after the great mor-photactic fusion. Note that PIE also had no lexical “Narten character” of roots, that is, roots with lexical long vowels.

PIE binyans can thus be defined as a combination of different word form templates. Remember that these word form templates were related to each other by so-called “internal derivation”. Within each PIE binyan, three types of finite word forms were distinguished:

FIGURE 24.

a. “strong” forms: all singular forms, e.g. *gwɦɛnt b. “weak” forms: 2nd/3rd collective-plural and 3rd person plural forms, e.g. *gwɦɛnt, *gwɦntáχ c. “weakest” forms: 1st and 2nd person pl. forms, e.g. *gwɦnmɛ(s) The word form template morpheme is thus separable into two subordi-

nate morphemes: (a) The word form template (morpheme WFT) provided number and as-

pect distinctions. It was classified as belonging to a specific grade and vowel melody template (morpheme VMT) and it belonged to a superordinate word form template set or binyan which conveyed a specific aspectual (and also modal) meaning.

To now provide the reader with an impression of how the PIE binyans looked like and were morphologically structured, the PIE radical binyans are given in the figures below.

The first one is given in the following figure. It is the aorist-like NONDURATIVE or basic aspect. I have decided to term this inflectional pat-tern the PIE first binyan. To save space, I leave away the asterisk (*) marking reconstructed word forms in the figures/tables below. The vowel melody and the accent are coloured red:

ROLAND A. POOTH 18

FIGURE 25. PIE first binyan (grade I)

AGT DTR SG PL SG PL COL

1EXCL gwɦɛnm gwɦnmɛ(s) gwɦnχá gwɦnmɔ(s) gwɦnmɔ(χ)

1INCL gwɦnuɛ(s) gwɦnuɔ(s) gwɦnuɔ(χ) 2ITR gwɦɛn gwɦnɛ(n) gwɦnχá gwɦnχá(n) gwɦnáχ 2DIR gwɦɛnt gwɦntɛ(n) gwɦntχá gwɦntχá(n) gwɦntáχ 2INV gwɦɛns gwɦsɛ(n) gwɦnsχá gwɦnsχá(n) gwɦnsáχ 3ITR gwɦnɛr gwɦnɔ gwɦnɔr ~

gwɦnrɔ gwɦnáχ

3DIR gwɦɛnt gwɦnɛnt gwɦntɔ gwɦnɔnt ~ gwɦnntɔ

gwɦntáχ

3INV gwɦɛns gwɦnɛrs gwɦnsɔ gwɦnsáχ

Remark: This first binyan is reflected by two Vedic and Greek verbal stems belonging to two different aspect categories:

(a) the imperfective “root present” stem, and (b) the perfective “root aorist” stem.

I propose the following developments: The progressive forms of this first binyan (e.g. *gwɦɛnt-i, etc.) once were predominantly used with ongoing pre-sent time reference and thus developed into Vulgar Pre-IE present imperfective tense and aspect portmanteau forms. Subsequently, the corresponding non-progressive forms either developed into corresponding non-present imperfec-tive forms (e.g. Vedic han :: áhan, etc.) or were further narrowed to “root ao-rists” (e.g. Vedic gán, ágan, etc.). The drift can be illustrated by the following figure:

FIGURE 26.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE Proto-Indo-Iranian *gwɦɛnti → present + imperfective → *ɟɦánti *gwɦɛnt → → *ɟɦánt vs. †gwɛmti *gwɛmt → non-imperfective → *gámt A class of totally terminative or totally telic roots, e.g. *gw_m- ‘come hither,

go there’ perhaps generally lacked progressive forms in PIE (†gwɛmt-i). Many different stems (e.g. the one preceding Vedic gáccha-ti ‘go’ etc.) could be used as “stem-suppletive” present imperfective stems in Vulgar Pre-IE.

Only later, slightly before Proto-Indo-Iranian and Proto-Greek, but defini-tively after Proto-Anatolian had left the dialect or variant bundle, the non-imperfective stems were specified to perfective “root aorist” stems and the well-known (neutral-) imperfective vs. anterior-imperfective vs. perfective aspect system was established.

By that moment, former PIE progressive forms (e.g. *dɦɛʔti ‘is/was saying, doing’) corresponding to non-progressive forms with a (gradually) terminative or telic meaning (e.g. *dɦɛʔt ‘put, did, said’), as a rule, had to be given up. The reason is simple: By that moment, the Vulgar Pre-IE present imperfective end-


19

ing *-ti became incompatible to these specific non-imperfective “aorist” stems. One may refer to this rule as the “*dɦɛʔti (> teezzi) dropping rule”:

FIGURE 27.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE “Inner IE” Vulgar Pre-IE *gwɦɛnti → present + imperfective → *gwɦén-ti *gwɦɛnt → non-imperfective → *gwɦén-t

but *dɦɛʔti → present + imperfective → † (*dɦéʔ- incompatible to *-ti) *dɦɛʔt → non-imperfective → aorist stem *dɦéʔ-t Thus, I would rather not follow the idea that Hittite teezzi ‘says’ was an “in-

novative backformation”, derived from a former “PIE root aorist” stem. This idea has been labeled the “teezzi principle”. In my view, it can be taken for a Paradebeispiel of anachronistic reprojection of Graeco-Aryan morphosyntactic categories. Instead, I even think that forms like *gwɦɛnt ‘topical referent slew non-topical referent’ once were terminative or telic (and not at all “imperfec-tive-like”)―they were only reinterpreted as neutral-imperfective forms, be-cause the corresponding forms in *-ti were used as present neutral-imperfective forms in Vulgar Pre-IE so frequently.33

Therefore, Hittite teezzi and the corresponding Anatolian forms are clear archaisms and ultimately go back to a PIE 3rd sg. progressive form *dɦɛʔti ‘is/was putting, doing, saying’. The presence of such forms in Hittite and Proto-Anatolian perfectly parallels the abscence of the aorist category in this branch. This ultimately speaks in favour of an innovative nature of the entire aorist category outside Proto-Anatolian.

The other PIE five “root formations” or radical binyans are given in the

subsequent figures. All forms of the following PIE second binyan (or “acrostatic” “Narten

type”) had the word form accent on the vowel in the root vowel slot:

33 Vedic áhim ahan ‘he slew the dragon’, e.g., shows an evident terminative or “telic”

meaning (‘... until its death’). The idea that PIE *gwɦ_n- “must” have had an iterative-like or durative-like lexical aspectual meaning and “must” have meant “wiederholt schla-gen” (thus García Ramón 1998), just because this root shows a root present and not a root aorist in Vedic or Greek, is based on the mistaken inference that the IE root pre-sents would reflect an original imperfective-like lexical aspectual meaning, that is, the so-called “Verbalcharakter” of the respective PIE verbal root. However, this is too much a backprojection of Greek and Vedic inflectional aspectual distinctions to the PIE verbal lexicon. Inferring that the imperfective vs. perfective distinction would be “lexically un-derlying” is, in my view, a severe mistake. Inflectional categories cannot be simply matched 1 to 1 onto a lexicon. Instead, many terminative or telic roots were compatible to the progressive aspect suffix *-i in PIE. Attaching this suffix simply yielded a (deriva-tional-like) durative meaning (like in colloquial Ruhr-German hömma, der is ihn am totschlagen, hilf dem ma bitte ‘listen, he’s beating him to death, please help him’ vs. er hat ihn tot geschlagen, dem kannze nich mehr helfen ‘he has slewn him, you can’t help him anymore’). Therefore, the existence of a root present in IE languages can only tell us that the respective PIE verbal root was compatible to the PIE progressive aspect―but this does not entail that the root had an imperfective-like meaning.

ROLAND A. POOTH 20

FIGURE 28. PIE second binyan (grade II, “acrostatic”)


1EXCL stɛːum stɛumɛ(s) stɛuχa stɛumɔ(s) stɛumɔ(χ)

1INCL stɛuuɛ(s) stɛuuɔ(s) stɛuuɔ(χ)

2ITR stɛːu stɛuɛ(n) stɛuχa stɛuχa(n) stɛuaχ 2DIR stɛːut stɛutɛ(n) stɛutχa stɛutχa(n) stɛutaχ 2INV stɛːus stɛusɛ(n) stɛusχá stɛusχa(n) stɛusaχ 3ITR stɛur stɛuɔ stɛuɔr ~

stɛurɔ stɛuaχ

3DIR stɛːut stɛunt stɛutɔ stɛuɔnt ~ stɛuntɔ

stɛutaχ

3INV stɛːus stɛurs stɛusɔ stɛusaχ

Remark: This second binyan is the so-called “Narten type”. I agree to Kümmel 1998 who has suggested that this type had a DURATIVE aspectual meaning. But I do not follow the traditional idea of a lexical derivation of these forms from “underlying aorist stems”, because I think that the entire specific PERFECTIVE category was a post-PIE―even a post-Vulgar Pre-IE (a “post-Indo-Hittite Vulgar Pre-IE”) innovation. Instead, I simply think that this second binyan could be formed from almost any verbal lexical base. Later, the original sigmatic inverse transitive forms were pleonastically extended. I think that Watkins 1962 was correct by claiming that they were reanalyzed as new post-PIE sigmatic stem; cf. Greek 1st sg. aor. ind. act. ἔθεινα (PGk. *é-kwhens- ultimately going back to *ɛgwɦɛːns, *gwɦɛːns,34 etc.). The corresponding progres-sive forms of this binyan (e.g. *ʔɛːsti, etc.) merged with the progressive forms of the first binyan (e.g. *ʔɛsti, etc.), whence the zero-grade was introduced to the plural forms (cf. Vedic stuvánti :: stáuti, staut).

The following binyans were deponent binyans (and 3rd person intransitive binyans) and thus lacked 3rd person direct or inverse transitive forms and agentive-active forms. As the first of the deponent binyans, the PIE third binyan (or *uɔidɛ(i) type) is given in the following figure.

FIGURE 29. PIE third binyan (grade III)

DTR SG PL COL

1EXCL uɔiɗχa uɛiɗmɔ(s) uɛiɗmɔ(χ)

1INCL uɛiɗuɔ(s) uɛiɗuɔ(χ)

2ITR uɔiɗχa uɛiɗχá(n) uɛiɗáχ 2DIR uɔiɗtχa uɛiɗtχá(n) uɛiɗtáχ 2INV uɔiɗsχa uɛiɗsχá(n) uɛiɗsáχ 3ITR uɔiɗɛ uɛiɗɔr uɛiɗáχ

34 The LIV, s.v. (with reference) follows Chaintraine by claiming that this form would be a

“Neubildung”. But PGk. *-kwhens- was not completely “neugebildet”; there was a preceding PIE sigmatic 3rd sg. form, but there were no PIE sigmatic 1st sg. person forms.


21

Remark: I suggest that the original aspectual meaning of the third binyan was STATIVE-HABITUAL, e.g. *uɔiɗχa ‘I know (s.o./sth.)’. The stative-habitual forms were used as general present forms in Vulgar Pre-IE (e.g. *ɗɔʕwɛ(i) ‘gen-erally gives, gives; is giving’). The forms of this third binyan merged with the agentive-active forms of the second binyan or “Narten type” yielding the new semantically more underspecified Vulgar Pre-IE IMPERFECTIVE aspect.

I agree to Jasanoff 2003 who has suggested that the forms originating from the second binyan (e.g. *qlɛːpt, *qlɛːps → *qléːp-t, *qléːp-st, etc.) were later predominantly used as imperfect forms, that is, as IMPERFECTIVE forms with non-present tense reference corresponding to “neoactive” present imperfective forms with o-grade (e.g. *mólχ-ei, *mólχ-eti, etc.). In principle, the scenario proposed here is very much in line with the “mixed paradigm *h2e-conjugation theory” of Jasanoff 2003. Yet there are some differences.

The merger of the stative-habitual aspect (e.g. *prɔkɛ ‘always asks, gener-ally asks’, *prɔkɛi ‘is always asking, is generally asking’) and the durative as-pect (e.g. *prɛːkt, *prɛːks ‘asks duratively, asked for a relatively long period without finishing, was asking’) yielding the Vulgar Pre-IE more underspecified imperfective aspect can be illustrated as follows:

FIGURE 30.

PIE stative-habitual durative *prɔkɛ(i) *prɛːkt :: *prɛːks ‘always asks’ ‘asks/asked for a while/enduringly’ ↘ ↙ Vulgar Pre-IE imperfective *próke(i) ~ *préːkt ~ *préːks(t) This “mixed paradigm” developed into a present (and non-present) imper-

fective tense and aspect category from PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE. Crosslinguisti-cally, the suggested aspectual semantic broadening is extremely common. Thus forms such as, e.g. *uóide(i) (with or without *-i) were taken for new present and non-present imperfective forms.

I finally suggest that in the course of the genesis of this Vulgar Pre-IE “mixed paradigm” innovated imperfect forms (e.g. *uéːids(t)) were formed via backformation from “neoactive” present imperfective forms (e.g. *uóide(i), etc.). In this special case, the sigmatic form *uéːids(t) was not inherited from PIE, because originally this verb *u_iɗ- ‘see, find, know’ was a deponent ex-periencer-stimulus or “psych” verb and did not display agentive-active forms. I think, however, that Jasanoff’s “mixed paradigm” was a paradigm that was arranged so only in the Vulgar Pre-IE dialect or variant cluster but not before. Thus it cannot be taken for a very stable inflectional pattern and was prone to undergo immediate paradigmatic levelings, e.g. of the o-grade or the length-ened grade, etc.

In the same period, the original detransitive forms of the second binyan were predominantly used as Vulgar Pre-IE oppositional middle forms to the corresponding active and “neoactive” forms of the “mixed paradigm”.

ROLAND A. POOTH 22

FIGURE 31.

Vulgar Pre-IE: 3rd sg. present imperfective neoactive *mólχ-e(i) ~*mólχ-et(i) 3rd sg. imperfective neoactive *mólχ-e(t) 3rd sg. (past) imperfective active *méːlχ-s(t)

3rd sg. present imperfective middle *mélχ-oi ~ *-otoi ~ *-otor(i) 3rd sg. imperfective middle *mélχ-o ~ *-oto ~ *-otor Only later, new active forms like *mélχ-e(i) ~ *mélχ-et(i) were created in

analogy to the given middle forms. Furthermore, I think that detransitive forms of the second binyan also had

a potential, “future-prospective” and subjunctive-like modal reading besides the durative aspectual reading (and forms with this reading were used as “pre-subjunctive” forms in “future-prospective” and subjunctive-like function).

The plural and collective-plural forms of the following fourth binyan,

that is, (in my view) the TRANSITIONAL aspect were identical to the ones of the first binyan.

FIGURE 32. PIE fourth binyan (grade IV, “holokinetic”)

DTR SG PL COL

1EXCL uɛiɗχ uiɗmɔ(s) uiɗmɔ(χ)

1INCL uiɗuɔ(s) uiɗuɔ(χ)

2ITR uɛiɗχ uiɗχá(n) uiɗáχ 2DIR uɛiɗtχ uiɗtχá(n) uiɗtáχ 2INV uɛiɗsχ uiɗsχá(n) uiɗsáχ 3ITR uɔiɗ uiɗɔr

~ uiɗrɔ uiɗáχ

NB. A functional difference between the first binyan vs. the fourth binyan can be based on the following minimal pairs:

(a) *bɦudɦɔ ‘s.o. recognizes, recognized, gets, got to know s.o./sth.’ → *bɦudɦó/é- > Greek ἐπυθόμην (-πυθό/έ-) ‘recognized, got to know s.o./sth.’ vs. *bɦɔudɦ(i) ‘awakes, awoke’ > Vedic bódhi ‘awakes/awoke’;

(b) *bɦiɗɔ ‘s.o. makes/made sth./s.o. be torn into pieces’ cf. Vedic (TS) 2nd sg. aor. mid. bhitthās ‘you tear sth. into pieces’ (factitive-causative) vs. *bɦɔiɗ(i) > Vedic bhédi ‘breaks into pieces’ (anticausative), etc.

The (non-progressive) detransitive forms of the first binyan had an “aorist-like” nondurative, that is, semelfactive, terminative or telic aspectual meaning implying a more or less affected 2nd participant or a goal of movement, whereas the ones of the fourth binyan simply coded a transition and were oth-erwise underspecified.

Additional remark: The identity (or homophony) of the plural and collec-tive-plural forms of the fourth binyan and the first binyan later triggered a Vulgar Pre-IE paradigmatic merger of these two inflectional patterns.

I suggest that the progressive forms of the transitional fourth binyan were later mainly used as non-present imperfective middle forms, e.g. *bɦóudɦi ‘was


23

awakening, awoke’ (pleoanstically extended to *bɦóudɦito ~ *bɦóudɦitor), whereas the (detransitive) ones of the first binyan were used as oppositional present imperfective middle forms:

FIGURE 33.

Vulgar Pre-IE: 3rd sg. present imperfective middle *bɦudɦ-ói ~*bɦudɦ-ótoi ~ *-ótori *bɦudɦ-óitoi ~ *-óitori, 3rd pl. *bɦudɦ-ónti ~*bɦudɦ-i ónti ~ *bɦudɦ-óntoi ~*bɦudɦ-i óntoi ~ ...

3rd sg. imperfective middle *bɦóudɦ-i ~ *bɦóudɦ-ito(r)

3rd sg. non-imperfective35 middle *bɦóudɦ ~ *bɦudɦ-ó(t) ~*bɦudɦ-óto(r), 3rd pl. *bɦudɦ-ónt ~*bɦudɦ-ónto ~ *bɦudɦ-ró ~ *bɦudɦ-ór In analogy to the present forms (e.g. *bɦudɦ-ói) the zero-grade was intro-

duced to the singular forms (e.g. 3rd sg. *bɦudɦ-í(t), whence 2nd sg. *bɦudɦ-ís > Proto-Germanic *βuðíz > 2nd sg. pret. ind. act. OE bude, OS budi, OHG buti), 1st sg. *bɦudɦ-χ (cf. 1st sg. aor. ind. mid. -i, e.g. Vedic ákri, krí, etc.). Further pleo-nastic middle and “neoactive” forms were soon created, e.g. 1st sg. *bɦudɦ-mχ ~ *bɦudɦ-χḿ (whence Hittite 1st sg. pret. ind. act. -(ḫ)ḫun). Finally, a new 3rd sg. present imperfective *bɦudɦi ói ~ *bɦudɦi éi ~*bɦudɦi éti (with additional “neoactive” ending *-éi ~ *-éti) was created by analogical paradigmatic intro-duction of the segment *-i-/-i - before the “ending” (e.g. 3rd pl. *bɦudɦónt(o)i ~*bɦudɦi ónt(o)i, etc.)

Based on these forms (e.g. 1st sg. *mrsχm ‘I forgot’, 3rd sg. *mrsí(t) ~ *mrsi ó(t), etc.) the segments *-χ-, *-í-, *-i ó- were further reanalyzed as new stem suffixes (whence the PToch. stem suffix *-a-, PBalt. *-i-). They were even pleonastically combined to *-χi- (*-Hi-). Thus new Vulgar Pre-IE middle voice stem suffixes *-χ-, *-í-, *-i ó-, *-Hi ó- and *-(H)i ó/é- (with either middle or new active inflection) were created.

The merger of these two binyans and the subsequent variation given in the figure above must be the ultimate source of the Hittite daai/tiyanzi class and the IE yod-present (e.g. the Vedic -ya-presents). The problems with the Hittite daai/tiyanzi class have recently been summarized by Kloekhorst & Lubotsky 2014: 131 (for their references see there):

“The exact reconstruction of the ablaut patterns of these verbs has been a matter of some controversy. Although it is generally assumed that their weak stems (ti-, išpi-, etc.) contain the zero-grade of the root + *-i- (*dhh1-i-, *sph1-i-, etc.), the reconstruction of their strong stems (dai-, išpai-, etc.) was for a long time, and still is, debated. For instance, Melchert (1984: 73; 1994: 65) and Jasanoff (2003: 102) reconstruct these strong stems as *CéC-i- (*dhéh1-i-, *spéh1-i-, etc.), whereas Oettinger (1979: 46) reconstructs them as *CóC-i- (*dhóh1-i-, *spóh1-i-). But neither reconstruction accounts for a num-ber of verbs belonging to the dāi/tii anzi-class. For instance, the strong stem of the verb arai-i/ari- ‘to (a)rise’, which must contain the root *h3er- as found in e.g. Gk. ὄρνυμαι ‘to stir, to rise’ (cf. LIV2 299), can reflect neither

35 Non-imperfective = “aorist-like” = “pre-aorist”.

ROLAND A. POOTH 24

the structure *CéC-i- (a stem *h3ér-i- should have yielded **ḫāri-, and not arai- as attested), nor the structure *CóC-i- (*h3ór-i- should have yielded **(ḫ)āri-). Similarly, the strong stem forms of the verb ḫalzai-i/ḫalzi- ‘to call, to scream’, which according to Puhvel (HED 3:63) contains the root *h2let- as found in Goth. laþon ‘to call’, can reflect neither the structure *CéC-i- (*h2let-i- should have yielded **ḫalezzi-, and not ḫalzai- as attested), nor the structure *CóC-i- (*h2lót-i- should have yielded **ḫalāzzi-).

The honorand of this volume (Oettinger 1979: xxviii; 2004: 400) was the first to argue that arai- and halzai- should reflect *h3roi- and *h2ltoi-,[fn.] re-spectively, an analysis that was extended by Kloekhorst (2006) to all dāi/tii anzi-class verbs. In this view, all strong stems in -ai- should rather be reconstructed as *CC-ói-, i.e. with zero-grade in the root and with o-grade in the suffix [...].” Therefore, even if Hittite daai ‘puts’ goes back to a preceding Vulgar Pre-IE

*dɦʔói (< PIE *dɦʔɔi) and thus does not exactly match Vedic dhāyi ‘is put’ (which goes back to its Vulgar Pre-IE variant *dɦóʔi < *dɦɔʔi), the correspond-ing Vedic 3rd pl. dhīyánte (< *dɦʔ(H)i óntoi), however, looks like a formal equivalent of Hittite 3rd pl. tiyanzi (< *dɦʔi ónti) and had the same ultimate source, that is, a new 3rd pl. with *-(H)i - before the “ending” *-onti ~ *-ontoi which was analogically introduced from the pleonastic 3rd sg. form *dɦóʔitoi ~ *dɦóʔi. Note that the specification of Vedic dhīyánte ‘are (being) put’ etc. to passive function is a post-PIE innovation.

As already mentioned in a footnote above, the scenario given here further offers a very plausible explanation for why the -nt-participle of Hittite araai does not show any *-i -, cf. araant-, cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 200. Since it is rather implausible that the PIE participles were not derived from the same underly-ing lexical base or “root” as the corresponding finite verb forms, a “root enlargement” *-i - is not a very plausible source in cases like Hittite araai, araant-. The segment *-i -, therefore, must go back to a segment that was part of the given PIE inflection, that is, an inflectional suffix that was not found in participles―and former progressive forms coded by *-i that were pleonasti-cally extended are thus a more plausible source.

The singular forms of the following PIE fifth binyan had a bivocalic underlying vowel melody template *_VV_ (realized as long vowels: 1st sg. and 2nd sg. *_ɛː_, but 3rd sg. *_ɔː_).

The templatic make-up of the corresponding plural and collective-plural forms should have run in parallel to the one of the “Narten type” and the other plurifactive-plurative binyans (i.e., grades II, III, VI). The plural and collective-plural forms, therefore, presumably had a vowel melody *_ɔ_ɔ_, because, for instance, *suɔpmɔ(s) ‘we (exclusive) were sleeping; were gradually falling asleep’ with *_ɔ_ɔ_ exactly parallels the 1st person exclu-sive plural form *stɛumɛ(s) with *_ɛ_ɛ_ of the second binyan.


25

FIGURE 32. PIE fifth binyan (grade V, “acrostatic”)

DTR SG PL COL

1EXCL suɛːpχ suɔpmɔ(s) suɔpmɔ(χ)

1INCL suɔpuɔ(s) suɔpuɔ(χ)

2ITR suɛːpχ suɔpχa(n) suɔpaχ 2DIR suɛːptχ suɔptχa(n) suɔptaχ 2INV suɛːpsχ suɔpsχa(n) suɔpsaχ 3ITR suɔːp suɔpr suɔpaχ

NB. Proto-Germanic had both *swōf(i)ja- (> ON sǿfa ‘kill, libate’) as well as *swǣf(i)ja- (*suéːpi o/e-) (> ON svæfa). These variants (*suóːpi o/e- and *suéːpi o/e-) thus strengthen the given reconstruction of the sg. forms.

Note that it is phonologically possible, at least, that the Vedic so-called “passive aorist” injunctive forms with irregular Vriddhi grade (e.g. jāni ‘is just being born’, tāri, śāri ‘is breaking’, etc.) go back to a 3rd person singular form with the template *CɔːCi and that some of these are not just analogical.

The Vulgar Pre-IE o-grade of 3rd pl. forms (Vulgar Pre-IE *suóp-r(o), PIE *suɔpr) may be reflected by Toch. A class I preterite active forms, e.g., by Toch. A pret. I 3rd pl. tarkar, lawar, etc., but 3rd sg. cärk ‘dismissed, emitted’ (B carka), lywāṃ ‘sent’ (cf. Kim 2012: 138, pointing to PToch. *ljəwá, *lëwárë, a Transponat would be **léuH-h2-, **louH-h2-ro from *l_uH- ‘cut off, release’, cf. LIV, s.v.).

I suggest that the original aspectual meaning of this fifth binyan was INCHOATIVE-STATIVE.36 I suggest that the non-progressive (inchoative-stative) forms of this fifth binyan merged with the forms of the “mixed paradigm” that were mainly used as imperfect forms. The e-grade of the singular forms (which is presupposed by the given PToch. pattern according to Kim 2012) was thus analogically introduced to this type (from some other type), whereas the o-grade of the plural forms is archaic (and not vice versa).

FIGURE 33.

Vulgar Pre-IE: 3rd sg. present imperfective neoactive *suóːp-i ei ~*suóːp-i eti 3rd sg. imperfective neoactive *suóːp-t, 3rd pl. *suóp-r 3rd sg. present imperfective middle *suóːp-itoi ~ *suóːp-itor(i) 3rd sg. imperfective middle *suóːp-to ~ *suóp-to, 3rd pl. *suóp-ro Forms of the PIE fifth binyan were DETRANSITIVE, that is, so-called “pro-

tomiddle” forms. But later, the given forms were reanalyzed as “neoactive” imperfect forms in Vulgar Pre-IE. A pattern with non-sg. o-grade thus matches the one that has recently been postulated by Kim 2012: 146:

“Nothing therefore stands in the way of postulating a subclass of h2e-conjugation root aorists marked by the alternation sg. *e ~ non-sg. *o, un-

36 Forms belonging to this binyan were underspecified as for the distinction between dy-

namic process and non-dynamic state.

ROLAND A. POOTH 26

known to paradigms of the mi-conjugation and directly ancestral to at least some Tocharian Class I preterites.” The so-called “h2e-conjugation”, therefore, does not go back to one single

PIE paradigm, but was a Vulgar Pre-IE melting pot of forms that once be-longed to different PIE detransitive inflectional types/binyans.

The word forms of the following sixth binyan presumably had *_ɔ_ in

the root vowel slot and *_ɛ_ elsewhere throughout the entire paradigm (and thus *_á_ before /after *-χ-):

FIGURE 34. PIE sixth binyan (grade VI)

DTR SG PL COL

1EXCL suɔpχá suɔpmɛ(s) suɔpmɛ ~ suɔpmáχ

1INCL suɔpuɛ(s) suɔpuɛ ~ suɔpuáχ

2ITR suɔpχá suɔpχá(n) suɔpáχ 2DIR suɔptχá suɔptχá(n) suɔptáχ 2INV suɔpsχá suɔptχá(n) suɔpsáχ 3ITR suɔpɛ suɔpɛr suɔpáχ

Remark: The progressive forms of this sixth binyan (e.g. *ɠɔnʔɛi) are re-

flected as the IE so-called “causative-iterative” present stem (Vedic janáyati, kāśáyati, etc.). This binyan had a DISTRIBUTIVE-ITERATIVE aspectual meaning, and it was also used in a specific factitive or causative construction: (3) a. distributive-iterative *χnɛr-s *kwɔkɛ_i man-ERG\SG see:DISTR:DTR:ITR:3SG_PROG ‘the man is (willingly) looking here & there’

b. factitive-causative *χnɛr-s *kwɔkɛ_i *pχtɛr-m man-ERG\SG see:DISTR:DTR:ITR:3SG_PROG father-ALL\SG lit. ‘the man here is making seeing to the father there’ (α) ‘the man is making the father visible/seen (by s.o.)’ (β) ‘the man is making the father see s.o./sth.’

Appendix on the IE ā-stems: I think that most of these generally go back to

the given 2nd or 3rd person collective-pl. form, e.g. PIE *kwɔrp(H)áχ ‘together they/you (pl.) turn somewhere’. These were pleonastically extended by the productive neoactive or middle 3rd pl. endings *-ont(i) ~ *-ontoi yielding e.g. Vulgar Pre-IE *kworp(H)áχonto(i). The same source should hold true for stems with any grade of the root and suffix *-aχ-, *-taχ-, *-saχ-. The ones with o-grade of the root thus competed with the so-called “causative-iterative” pre-sent imperfective forms, e.g. Vulgar Pre-IE *sokwáχontoi ‘they are making s.o. follow’ (cf. Lith. sãko ‘says’ :: inf. sakýti < *sokwéi (e)-), *kworp(H)áχontoi ‘they are turning here and there’ (cf. PGerm. *χwarβōnan ‘go here and there, wander’ (cf. Ringe 2007: 256). However, Proto-Germanic *saγjō, *saγaiþi rather goes back to Vulgar Pre-IE *sokwói ~ *sokwóiti ~ *sokw(H)i ónti and belonged to the


27

other Vulgar Pre-IE stems in *-oi- (pointing to PIE *s(ɛ)kwɔi (first binyan) :

*sɔkwi (fourth binyan), see above). Note that a pleonasm PIE *gwɦɔnɛi → Vulgar Pre-IE 3rd sg. *gwɦonéit is evi-

dent in the case of by OCS 2nd/3rd sg. aor. ind. act. goni ‘drove, hunted’ (1st sg. gonixŭ, etc.) which seems to go back to a former Vulgar Pre-IE imperfect(ive) form with a 3rd sg. “secondary” ending *-t, cf. Stang 1966: 325.

Summarizing the given PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE developments I conclude that the respective paradigmatic mergers of the PIE first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth binyan yielded a new Vulgar Pre-IE aspect system which in-cluded the following “root formations”:

A. PRESENT IMPERFECTIVE or “Vulgar Pre-IE root present”: (i) 3rd sg. act. (incl. neoactive) *gwɦén-ti, *stéːu-ti, *uóide(i) ~ *uóidet(i);

3rd sg. mid. *gwɦn-ói ~ *gwɦn-tói, *stéu-oi ~ *stéuotoi ~ *stéu-toi, (ii) 3rd sg. (anticausative-passive) middle *bɦudɦói ~ *bɦudɦóitoi ~

*bɦóudɦi37 ~ *bɦóudɦitoi (3rd pl. *bɦudɦóntoi ~ *bɦudɦi óntoi), (iii) 3rd sg. (inchoative-stative or factitive) middle or neoactive *suóːpi

~*suóːpitoi ~ *suóːpi ei ~ *suóːpi eti, (iv) 3rd sg. (factitive or iterative) middle or neoactive *gouséi ~

*gouséitoi ~ *gouséi ei ~ *gouséi eti

B. non-present IMPERFECTIVE or “Vulgar Pre-IE root imperfect(ive)” (and also “pre-subjunctive”):

(i) 3rd sg. act. (including neoactive) *stéːu-t ~ *stéːust (= “pre-sigmatic-aorist”), *uóide ~ *uóidet; 3rd sg. middle *stéu-o ~ *stéuoto ~ *stéu-to ~ *stéuso ~ *stéusoto ~ *stéusto,

(ii) 3rd sg. (inchoative-stative or factitive) middle or neoactive *suóːp ~*suóːpto ~ *suóːpt, (1st sg. *suéːpχ, neoactive *suéːpχm),

(iii) 3rd sg. (factitive or iterative) middle or neoactive *gousé ~ *gouséto ~ *gousét

C. non-present and non-imperfective or “Vulgar Pre-IE pre-root-imperfect-or-aorist”:

C.1. “pre-imperfect”: 3rd sg. act. *gwɦén-t, middle *gwɦn-ó ~ *gwɦn-tó,

C.2. “pre-root-aorist”: (i) 3rd sg. act. *gwém-t, *dɒʕw-t, etc.; 3rd sg. mid. *gwm-ó ~ *gwm-tó,

*dʕw-ó ~ *dʕw-tói, etc.; (ii) 3rd sg. middle (including an anticausative-passive middle) *uidó ~

*uid-óto (3rd pl. *uidónt ~ *uidónto); *bɦudɦó ~ *bɦudɦóto ~ *bɦóudɦ ~ *bɦóudɦto (3rd pl. *bɦudɦónt ~ *bɦudɦónto ~ *bɦudɦró)

The following figure can illustrate the allomorphic formal variants38 of

the Vulgar Pre-IE “root imperfect(ive)” aspect category (category B) going back to the PIE second, third, and fourth binyan:

37 Maybe this form was rather used as a non-present imperfective form; see above. In ei-

ther case, it developed to the Vedic so-called “passive aorist” bódhi. 38 It is implied that forms of this “melting pot paradigm” were subject to reciprocal re-

modellings, e.g. *-χ + *-m → *-χm > Hitt. -(ḫ)ḫun, etc.

ROLAND A. POOTH 28

FIGURE 35. Vulgar Pre-IE non-present imperfective

NEOACTIVE SG PL (COL →) DU

1 *ʔéːs-m *mólχ-χa *suéːp-χ

*ʔés-me(s) *melχ-mó(s) *suóp-mo(s)

1INCL *ʔés-uo(χ) *melχ-uó(χ) *suóp-uo(χ)

2ITR → 2 *ʔéːs *mólχ-χa *suéːp-χ

*ʔés-e(n) *melχ-χá(n) *suóp-χa(n)

*ʔés-aχ(m) *melχ-áχ(m) *suóp-aχ(m)

2DIR → 2 *ʔéːs-t *mólχ-tχa *suéːp-tχ

*ʔés-te(n) *melχ-tχá(n) *suóp-tχa(n)

*ʔés-taχ(m) *melχ-táχ(m) *suóp-taχ(m)

2INV → 2 *ʔéːs-s *mólχ-sχa *suéːp-sχ

*ʔés-se(n) *melχ-sχá(n) *suóp-sχa(n)

*ʔés-saχ(m) *melχ-sáχ(m) *suóp-saχ(m)

3ITR → 3 *mólχ-e *suóːp

*ʔés-r *melχ-ór *suóp-r

*ʔés-aχ(m) *melχ-áχ(m) *suóp-aχ(m)

3DIR → 3 *ʔéːs-t *ʔés-nt *ʔés-taχ(m) 3INV → 2/3 *ʔéːs-s *ʔés-rs *ʔés-saχ(m)

Cf. Hittite eesun, eesta, etc. For eː-grade besides o-grade of the 3rd pl. cf. Hitt.

ḫeeser (OH) vs. akir (OH). OH ḫeeser is older than MH ḫaaser pace Kloekhorst 2011: 154 who thinks that the MH form is more archaic. Nevertheless, Old Hittite clearly points to a variation of ablaut grades in the 3rd pl. pret.

The following figure illustrates the paradigm of new Vulgar Pre-IE non-present non-imperfective, that is the “pre-root-imperfect-and-aorist” which showed less allomorphic variation, because it only reflects the PIE first binyan.

FIGURE 36. Post-PIE non-present non-imperfective

ACTIVE SG PL (COL →) DU

1 *gwɦén-m *gwɦn-mé(s)

1INCL *gwɦn-uó(χ) 2ITR → 2 *gwɦén *gwɦn-é(n) *gwɦn-áχ(m) 2DIR → 2 *gwɦén-t *gwɦn-té(n) *gwɦn-táχ(m) 2INV → 2 *gwɦén-s *gwɦn-sé(n) *gwɦn-sáχ(m) 3ITR → 3 *gwɦn-ér *gwɦn-áχ(m) 3DIR → 3

*gwɦén-t *gwɦn-ént *gwɦn-táχ(m)

3INV → 2/3 *gwɦén-s *gwɦn-éːr *gwɦn-sáχ(m)

The figures below illustrate the Vulgar Pre-IE corresponding middle forms (note that analogical o-grade of the root is also an option):


29

FIGURE 37. Vulgar Pre-IE non-present imperfective middle and “pre-subjunctive”

MIDDLE SG PL (COL →) DU

1 *mélχ-χa ~ *mélχ-oχa 39

*mélχ-mo(s) ~ *mélχ-omo(s)

1INCL *mélχ-uo(χ) ~*mélχ-ouo(χ)

2ITR → 2 *mélχ-χa *mélχ-χa(n) *mélχ-aχ(m) 2DIR → 2 *mélχ-tχa *mélχ-tχa(n) *mélχ-taχ(m) 2INV → 2 *mélχ-sχa *mélχ-sχa(n) *mélχ-saχ(m) 3ITR → 3 *mélχ-o ~

*mélχ-oto *mélχ-or *mélχ-ro

*mélχ-aχ(m)

3DIR → 3

*mélχ-to *mélχ-ont ~ *mélχ-nto ~ *mélχ-onto

*mélχ-taχ(m)

3INV → 2/3 *mélχ-so *mélχ-ro *mélχ-saχ(m)

FIGURE 38. Vulgar Pre-IE non-present non-imperfective


1 *gwɦn-χa *gwɦn-mó(s)

1INCL *gwɦn-uó(χ) 2ITR → 2 *gwɦn-χa *gwɦn-χa(n) *gwɦn-áχ(m) 2DIR → 2 *gwɦn-tχa *gwɦn-tχa(n) *gwɦn-táχ(m) 2INV → 2 *gwɦn-sχa *gwɦn-sχa(n) *gwɦn-sáχ(m) 3ITR → 3 *gwɦn-ó *gwɦn-ór ~ *gwɦn-ró *gwɦn-áχ(m) 3DIR → 3 *gwɦn-tó *gwɦn-ónt ~ *gwɦn-ntó *gwɦn-táχ(m) 3INV → 2/3 *gwɦn-só *gwɦn-sáχ(m)

From “post-Proto-Anatolian or post-Indo-Hittite Vulgar Pre-IE” to other (but not necessarily all the other) IE proto-branches, thus mainly to the “Inner IE” branch, that is, the one including Proto-Greek and Proto-Indo-Iranian, the “root aorist” and a new “sigmatic aorist” developed from the following Vulgar Pre-IE forms:

(a) sigmatic non-present IMPERFECTIVE forms, e.g. *gwɦéːnst → *gwɦéːns-t that were formerly used in a past tense + deliminative aspectual reading ‘he was slewing him/her/it (and the event was/is finished then)’ → ‘he slew him/her/it (and it was/is finished)’;

(b) non-present non-imperfectives that lacked a corresponding “root pre-sents”, e.g. *gwém-t ‘came hither, went there’;

(c) non-present non-imperfectives whose corresponding “root presents” were used infrequently or were dropped, e.g. *dɦéʔ-t ‘put, said, did, made’, etc.

But let us leave the dialectal post-PIE period and return to the proper

PIE aspect system. Up to now, we have reconstructed 6 PIE radical or basic

39 “Endings” in bold type were pleonastic and analogical.

ROLAND A. POOTH 30

transfixal aspects (also called “root formations”): the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth binyan.

5 PIE skeletal aspectual derivation “PIE Proper” had a combinatory or compositional aspect system. The

aspectual meaning of the respective basic transfixal aspect or grade was combined with the aspectual meaning of what I term the skeletal aspect stem which was marked on the consonant frame tier. Combined with the root morpheme the aspect morphemes made up the skeletal aspect stem. It was either unmarked (radical), marked by a reduplication template prefix, marked by a nasal infix, or marked by a suffix. “PIE Proper” minimally employed the following skeletal aspect stems.40

FIGURE 39.

skeletal stem aspectual meaning

radical *dɦ_ʔ- (see above) Ci-reduplicated *dɦi-dɦ_ʔ- DISTRIBUTIVE-ITERATIVE C_-reduplicated *dɦ_-dɦ_ʔ- CONTINUOUS Cɛ-reduplicated *dɦɛ-dɦ_ʔ- EVENT-CONNECTIVE

Cɛː-reduplicated/ *dɦɛː-dɦ_ʔ- INTERNALLY REPETITIVE CɛR-reduplicated *gwɦɛn-gwɦ_n- INTERNALLY REPETITIVE

CɛCi-reduplicated/ *dɦɛʔi-dɦ_ʔ- DISTRIBUTIVE-REPETITVE CɛRi-reduplicated *gwɦɛni-gwɦ_n- DISTRIBUTIVE-REPETITVE

nasal infix/ *iu~n_~_ʛ- INCOMPLETIVE nasal suffix *ʔ(a)r-n_u- INCOMPLETIVE

-sk-suffix *ʔr-sk_ SUDDEN-MOMENT-PUNCTUAL Each skeletal aspect stem conveyed a specific aspectual mean-

ing―except for the underlying unmarked radical or zero-marked stem which was more underspecified and polysemeous.

Both the respective grade as well as the respective skeletal aspect stem were mapped upon the word form template (WFT). The aspectual meaning of the given skeletal aspect stem was thus combined with the aspectual meaning of grades I, II, III, IV (and grade V, but not with grade VI?).

6 PIE reduplicated aspect 6.1 The two *Ci-reduplicated aspects

I suggest that forms coded by the reduplication templatic prefix *Ci- conveyed a DISTRIBUTIVE-ITERATIVE aspectual meaning. This prefix was fur-

40 PIE also had skeletal mood stems in *-i_ʔ- (OPTATIVE), *-ʔs- (CONATIVE).


31

ther combined with grade I and grade IV, respectively. I am not sure whether the stative-habitual grade III could be combined with *Ci-, but the durative grade II should have been incompatible to it.

FIGURE 40.

form grade meaning *dɦidɦɛʔt I ‘topic puts/does sth. (swh.) here & there/now & then’ *dɦidɦʔɔ I (3rd sg. detransitive intransitive)

*sisuɔp IVd ‘s.o. falls asleep here & there/now & then; ‘s.o. makes s.o. fall asleep here & there/now & then’

NB. Note that Vedic shows an archaic reduplicated athematic aorist siṣvap (RV 6.26.6, “betäubst” according to Hoffmann 1967 or ‘make fall asleep’) which I think goes back to Vulgar Pre-IE *sisuops, *sisuopt (which is a prior 3rd sg. detransitive *sisuɔp extended by *-s, *-t).

These two *Ci-reduplicated binyans were derived from the first and the

fourth binyan, respectively. It is superfluous to give their paradigms. Their forms can easily be formed by prefixation of the reduplication templatic prefix *Ci- to the respective forms given above.

I think that it is safe claiming that the grades II and V were incompati-ble to this type of reduplication, because the distributive-iterative meaning implies many breaks of duration of the event and this was not implied in the specifically interminative durative meaning of these two grades.

In principle, habitual meaning (e.g. he used to sleep all day and spend all nights hanging around in bars) also implies many breaks of the duration in-between the several habitually iterated events (e.g. sleep, spend). Thus a *Ci-reduplicated type with grade III was perhaps not needed, because a habitual distributive aspectual meaning was implied in the stative-habitual meaning of the third binyan.

NB. I suggest that the progressive forms of the *mimnɔi type were broad-ened to such a new habitual reading from PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE. Subsequently, they merged with the new “root (general) imperfective”, that is, the Vulgar Pre-IE *mólχe(i) type and thus received the neoactive imperfective inflection (e.g. → *mimn-e(i) ~ *mimn-et(i) (with accent on the reduplication prefix or on the “ending)).

Additionally, part of the detransitive intransitive forms, e.g. *mimnɔ were pleonastically extended by the Vulgar Pre-IE productive middle endings *-to(i) ~ *tor(i). Only later, these were remodelled to thematic stems, e.g. *mimnó/é- (whence Gk. μίμνω). Likewise, the forms with grade IV were pleonastically extended by active endings (*-t, *-e(t), etc.), e.g. *sisuɔp → 3rd sg. neoactive *sisuópt(i).

Functionally, the distributive-iterative sixth binyan *suɔpɛ(i) and these two reduplicated binyans were partically overlapping. For this reason, forms going back to these two reduplicated binyans were later used as oppositional aorist stems to the productive Vulgar Pre-IE present imperfectives of the *suopéi toi ~*suopéi eti type (see below). Originally, however, the agentive-active forms of

ROLAND A. POOTH 32

the *Ci-reduplicated types were not used in the PIE antipassive constructions (cf. Pooth manuscript a).

6.2 The PIE *Cɛ-reduplicated aspect I suggest that a PIE “acrostatic” CONTINUOUS aspect was coded by the

reduplication template *CV3- combined with grade II (*_ɛ_ɛ_ and *_ɛ_ɔ_). It always had the word form accent on the first vowel of the vowel melody, that is, the one in the reduplication vowel slot (which had to be no other vowel than *_ɛ_). I assume that there were two types of singular detransi-tive forms. Continuous aspect forms which were derived from an underly-ing grade IV form (e.g. *ɠɔnʔ(i)) had the *ɔ in the root vowel slot, whereas forms which were derived from underlying grade I forms (e.g. *dɦʔɔ(i)) showed a parallel position of *ɔ outside the root vowel slot. This reduplica-tion templatic prefix perhaps also occurred sponaneously combined with grade V, e.g. *sɛsuɔːp ‘s.o. continues being duratively falling into sleep’, but I am not sure.

FIGURE 41.

form grade meaning *dɦɛdɦɛʔt II ‘topic kept on/was still putting/doing sth. (swh.)’ *dɦɛdɦʔɔ II ‘s.o. kept on/was still putting/doing sth. (swh.)’

*ɠɛɠɔnʔ II ‘s.o. was still coming into being’ *sɛsuɔːp(?) II/Vd Remark: The PIE 3rd sg. agentive form *dɦɛdɦɛʔt is directly reflected as Vedic

3rd sg. imperfect inj. act. dádhāt. The corresponding detransitive intransitive form *ɗɛɗʕwɔ was remodelled to a thematic stem *dédʕwo/e- (> Vedic dádate ‘grab, receive, obtain, get’). Part of the Vulgar Pre-IE non-present imperfective forms, that is, the ones without *-i were further narrowed to thematic aorist stem (in my view, this was done parallely in the more divergent dialect cluster in a period slightly before Proto-Greek and Proto-Indo-Iranian), e.g. *gwɦɛgwɦnɔ → *gwɦégwɦno/e- > Greek (ἔ-)πεφνο/ε-, but YAv. 3rd pl. present ind. mid. jaγnəṇte, 3rd sg. imperfect or aorist (?) act. -jaγnat. Furthermore, this binyan (partially) developed into Vedic reduplicated (perfect) subjunctives, e.g. *uɛurtɔ → Vedic 3rd sg. perf. subj. act. vavrtat.

In my view, the non-progressive forms were first mainly narrowed to plain non-present imperfective function (‘is/was still doing sth.’ → ‘is/was (gener-ally) doing sth.’) and this underspecification included the following readings: (α) general-habitual imperfective, (β) past imperfective, (γ) “future-prospective” or “pre-subjunctive” imperfective.

From PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE, this binyan partially merged with the two *Ci-reduplicated binyans, whence the o-grade was introduced to the active forms in analogy to the neoactive ones (e.g. *sisuɔp → Vulgar Pre-IE *sisuópt(i), etc.); cf. Vulgar Pre-IE *dɦédɦoʔs(i) > OS dedos, etc.

I think that the grades I, III, IV and the distributive-iterative grade VI

were incompatible to this type of reduplication, because this reduplication


33

template *CV3- indicated a continued duration (still be doing sth., still under-going a change of state, ...).

6.3 The five *Cɛ-reduplicated aspects I have decided to coin the term event-connective to refer to an event that

in itself consists of two separated but connected internal parts, the second one following the first part. This term implies the concept of a first internal part of an event connected to a following internal part of the event as its following consequence (or result). This term is used as a superordinate aspect term for the following PIE forms showing a combination of Cɛ-reduplication and transfixal aspect (grades I, II, IIId, IVd, Vd) marking:

FIGURE 42.

form grade meaning *dɦɛ-dɦɛʔt I ‘topic has put/done it & it has been completed’ *dɦɛ-dɦʔɔ I ‘s.o. has put/done sth. & it has been completed’ *dɦɛ-dɦɛʔɔ II ‘s.o. has put/done sth. & is thus able to do it’ *dɦɛ-dɦɔʔɛ IIId ‘s.o. has put/done sth. & it has not been completed’ *dɦɛ-dɦɔʔ IVd ‘s.o. has put/done sth. & does it once again’ *dɦɛ-dɦɔːʔ Vd ‘sth. happened to be done for a while & is now done’

The five combinations more detailed:

1. *Cɛ- + grade I yielded the COMPLETIVE-DELIMINATIVE-RESULTATIVE as-pect, e.g. PIE *dɦɛdɦɛʔt ‘topical referent has started to put sth. there and has put it there completely’; PIE *gwɦɛgwɦnɔi ‘s.o. is slewing s.o. completely; s.o. is slewn completely; s.o. has been slewn completely’. Here the first internal part of the event is its beginning, the second part is its finishing.

Remark: The agentive-active form are still reflected as Vedic athematic ao-rists, e.g. ápupot, pupot* < *pɛpɛu(H)t, etc. The progressive detransitive forms developped to the Greek and Vedic perfect middle forms (see below).

2. *Cɛ- + grade II yielded the deponential ANTERIOR-POTENTIAL aspect

and mood category, e.g. PIE *dɦɛdɦɛʔɔ ‘s.o. has (always) put sth. there and is thus able to put it there’ and ‘s.o. (generally puts sth. there and thus) will put/have put sth. there’. Here the first internal part of the event is the past event, the second part is the resulting present ability or possibility as its consequence.

NB. Forms of this type were remodelled to IE thematic stems and further developped to Vedic perfect subjunctive stems with guṇa grade of the root.

3. *Cɛ- + grade III yielded the deponential ANTERIOR (“PRE-PERFECT”)

aspect, e.g. PIE *dɦɛdɦɔʔɛ ‘s.o. has put it there and it is still there (nothing has changed yet)’. An anterior event is generally defined as an event that occurred or started in the past, but has a major present relevance.

ROLAND A. POOTH 34

Remark: From PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE, forms of this anterior binyan (e.g. *dɦɛdɦɔʔɛ(i) ‘s.o. has (started to) put it there and it is still relevant for the pre-sent situation’) merged with the former progressive forms of the completive-resultative binyan (e.g. *dɦɛdɦɛʔti ‘topical referent (has started to put it there and) is ongoingly putting it there until it is completed’) and part of the ones of the continuous binyan (e.g. *dɦɛdɦɛʔti ‘topical referent is still putting is there, is keeping on putting it there’) and developped into the Proto-Greek and Proto-Indo-Iranian reduplicated perfect stem; see the figure below:

FIGURE 43. Vulgar Pre-IE “pre-perfect” imperfective

NEOACTIVE SG PL (COL →) DU

1 *dɦedɦóʔ-χa *dɦedɦóʔ-χai *dɦedɦéʔ-mi *dɦédɦeʔ-mi

*dɦedɦeʔ-mó(s) *dɦedɦeʔ-mósi *dɦedɦʔ-mési *dɦédɦʔ-mesi

1INCL *dɦedɦeʔ-uó(χ) *dɦedɦeʔ-uósi *dɦedɦʔ-uósi *dɦédɦʔ-uosi

2ITR → 2 *dɦedɦeʔ-χá(n) *dɦedɦeʔ-χáni *dɦedɦʔ-éni *dɦédɦʔ-eni

*dɦedɦeʔ-áχ(m) *dɦedɦʔ-áχ(m) *dɦédɦʔ-aχ(m)

2DIR → 2 *dɦedɦóʔ-tχa *dɦedɦóʔ-tχai

*dɦedɦeʔ-tχá(n) *dɦedɦeʔ-tχáni *dɦedɦʔ-téni *dɦédɦʔ-teni

*dɦedɦeʔ-táχ(m) *dɦedɦʔ-táχ(m) *dɦédɦʔ-taχ(m)

2INV → 2 *dɦedɦéʔ-si *dɦédɦeʔ-si

3ITR → 3 *dɦedɦóʔ-e *dɦedɦóʔ-ei

*dɦedɦeʔ-ór(i) *dɦedɦʔ-éri *dɦédɦʔ-ri *dɦedɦʔ-ŕ 41

*dɦedɦeʔ-áχ(m) *dɦedɦʔ-áχ(m) *dɦédɦʔ-aχ(m)

3DIR → 3 *dɦedɦéʔ-ti *dɦédɦeʔ-ti

*dɦedɦʔ-énti *dɦédɦʔ-nti *dɦedɦʔ-nti

*dɦedɦʔ-táχ(m) *dɦédɦʔ-taχ(m)

3INV → 2/3 *dɦedɦéʔ-si *dɦédɦeʔ-si

*dɦedɦʔ-éːr *dɦédɦʔ-rs *dɦedɦʔ-ŕs

*dɦedɦʔ-sáχ(m) *dɦédɦʔ-saχ(m)

Remark: Part of these forms were later simply included in the Vulgar Pre-IE

plain imperfective category (e.g. Vulgar Pre-IE *kwekwkrs > Vedic 3rd pl. pre-sent ind. act. cakṣur ‘they see’, etc.).

The following PIE progressive detransitive forms of the completive-resultative binyan were later taken to supply the new “pre-perfect mixed paradigm” with new oppositional middle forms:

41 “Endings” in bold type were analogical to the ones of the unreduplicated type.


35

FIGURE 44. Vulgar Pre-IE “pre-perfect” middle


1 *dɦedɦʔ-χái *dɦedɦʔ-mósi

1INCL *dɦedɦʔ-uósi 2ITR → 2 *dɦedɦʔ-χáni *dɦedɦʔ-áχ(m) 2DIR → 2 *dɦedɦʔ-tχái *dɦedɦʔ-tχáni *dɦedɦʔ-táχ(m) 2INV → 2 *dɦedɦʔ-sχai *dɦedɦʔ-sχáni *dɦedɦʔ-sáχ(m) 3ITR → 3 *dɦedɦʔ-ói

*dɦedɦʔ-óri ~ *dɦedɦʔ-rói

*dɦedɦʔ-áχ(m)

3DIR → 3 *dɦedɦʔ-tói

*dɦedɦʔ-ónti ~ *dɦedɦʔ-ntói

*dɦedɦʔ-táχ(m)

3INV → 2/3 *dɦedɦʔ-sói *dɦedɦʔ-sáχ(m)

Only later, the corresponding non-progressive forms of the completive-resultative binyan (e.g. *dɦɛdɦʔɔ ‘s.o. put(s) s.o./sth. there completely’) merged with part of the the distributive-iterative transitional (grade IV) binyan (e.g. *ɠiɠɔnʔ ‘s.o. came into being here & there’) and made up a new Vulgar Pre-IE “reduplicated pre-aorist mixed paradigm”:

FIGURE 45. Post-PIE reduplicated “pre-aorist” middle


1 *dɦedɦʔ-χá *gigónʔ-χ

*dɦedɦʔ-mó(s) *gignʔ-mó(s)

1INCL *dɦedɦʔ-uó(χ) *gignʔ-uó(χ)

2ITR → 2 *dɦedɦʔ-χá(n) *gignʔ-χá(n)

*dɦedɦʔ-áχ(m) *gignʔ-áχ(m)

2DIR → 2 *dɦedɦʔ-tχá *gigónʔ-tχ

*dɦedɦʔ-tχá(n) *gignʔ-tχá(n)

*dɦedɦʔ-táχ(m) *gignʔ-táχ(m)

2INV → 2 *dɦedɦʔ-sχa *gigónʔ-sχ

*dɦedɦʔ-sχá(n) *gignʔ-sχá(n)

*dɦedɦʔ-sáχ(m) *gignʔ-sáχ(m)

3ITR → 3 *dɦedɦʔ-ó *gigónʔ

*dɦedɦʔ-ór ~ *dɦedɦʔ-ró *gignʔ-ór ~ *gignʔ-ró

*dɦedɦʔ-áχ(m) *gignʔ-áχ(m)

3DIR → 3 *dɦedɦʔ-tó *dɦedɦʔ-ónt ~ *dɦedɦʔ-ntó ~ *gignʔ-ónto

*dɦedɦʔ-táχ(m)

3INV → 2/3 *dɦedɦʔ-só *dɦedɦʔ-sáχ(m)

These were later resegmented to thematic stems and ultimately yielded the Proto-Greek and Proto-Indo-Iranian reduplicated thematic aorist stems.

4. *Cɛ- + grade IV yielded the deponential SEMELREPETITIVE or RE-TRANSITIONAL aspect, e.g. PIE *dɦɛdɦɔʔ ‘s.o. has put sth. there and puts or

ROLAND A. POOTH 36

has put it once again’; *uɛuɔrti ‘s.o. is returning’. Here the second part of the event is a single total repetition or re-transition of the past event or transition, cf. English to return.42

Remark: This binyan is still reflected as Vedic -vavarti ‘returned’ (RV 2.38.6a) < PIE *uɛuɔrti ‘is returning, turning around again’. The respective 3rd sg. non-progressive form is reconstructed by substracting *-i from the 3rd sg. progressive form.

5. *Cɛ- + grade Vd yielded the deponential ANTERIOR-RESULTATIVE as-pect, e.g. PIE *dɦɛdɦɔːʔ ‘sth. happened to be done for a while & is now done’. Here the second part of the event is a result of a preceding prior inchoative process.

Cf. also PIE *sɛsuɔːdɦ ‘has gotten accustomed more and more and is now ac-customed’ which is reflected by Greek εἴωθε ‘is accustomed’ < Vulgar Pre-IE *sesuóːdɦ ~*sesuóːdɦe , etc.

The five *Cɛ-reduplicated binyans were derived from the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth binyan, respectively. It is thus superfluous to give their entire paradigms. Their forms can easily be formed by prefixation of the reduplication templatic prefix *Cɛ- to the respective forms given as the first four binyans above. But note that, as an exception, the anterior-potential binyan (or *dɦɛdɦɛʔɔ type, grade II) lacked agentive-active forms.

6.4 The *Cɛː- ~ *CɛR- (~ *CɛC-) reduplicated aspects The two so-called “intensive” reduplication templatic prefixes *Cɛː- ~

*CɛR-43 were allomorphic variants, the choice of which was triggered by the structure of the root. With roots of the shape *C_R(C)-, e.g. *gwɦVn- the latter had to be used. The first was used in the other cases. Some roots of the type *C_P-, *C_F- (with P = any plosive, F = any fricative or sibilant, e.g. *ʔVs-) maybe optionally showed full reduplication instead of *Cɛː-. As indicated by the given Vedic outcomes (cf. Schaefer 1994), this type of reduplication coded an internally multiplied event. I suggest that it was structured like the *Cɛ-reduplicated aspect:

FIGURE 46 (t.b.c.).

form underlying meaning grade (form)

*dɦɛː-dɦɛʔt I (*dɦɛʔt) ‘topic put(s) and put(s) and put(s) ...’ *dɦɛː-dɦʔɔ I (*dɦʔɔ) ‘s.o. put(s) and put(s) and ... ...’

42 A typological parallel is provided by Koyukon (Athabascan, Alaska, USA) where this meaning is marked by middle voice (i.e. the so-called “d-effect”), cf. Thompson 1996: 364 with example ełkonh ‘it is raining’ vs. no’elkonh ‘it is raining again’. This strengthens my proposal that this reading was marked by detransitive voice in PIE.

43 *R = m, n, r, l, u, i.


37



*ʔɛs-ʔɔsɛ IIId (*ʔɔsɛ) ‘s.o. has sat down and sits-sits-sits’ *ɠɛn-ɠɔnʔ IVd (*ɠɔnʔ) ‘s.o. came and came and came into being’ *sɛː-suɔːp(?) Vd *sɛː-suɔpɛ(?) VId There maybe were variants that showed the accent pattern of the under-

lying non-reduplicated forms, cf. Hittite 3rd sg. pres. ind. act. (ḫi-) asaasi ‘settles there’ < PIE *ʔɛs-ʔɔsɛ(i) (grade III) ‘s.o. sits down there and sits-sits-sits there’, 3rd pl. *ʔɛs-ʔɛsɔr. The reduplication prefix also perhaps lacked a vowel in these cases, e.g. *ʔs-ʔɔsɛ(i).

NB. Note that it is possible that the irregular PGerm. 3rd pl. *đēđun (< Vul-gar Pre-IE *dɦeːdɦʔnt ← PIE *dɦɛdɦʔnt) goes back to this binyan.

Remark: The corresponding 3rd person singular detransitive intransitive forms of the progressive aspect which were marked by the suffix *-i in the final morpheme slot (F) were pleonastically extended by the productive, spe-cifically present imperfective middle “endings” *-toi ~ *-tori, etc. or by the productive active (including the “neoactive”) ones (*-ti ~ *-ei ~ *-eti, etc.). The 3rd person pl. forms *tértrχi onti ~ *tértrχi ontoi were then created via paradigmatic levelling of *-i- in Vulgar Pre-IE. This development is illustrated by the following figure:44

FIGURE 47.

PIE Vulgar Pre-IE Vedic outcomes

*tɛr-tɔrχ → *tértorχ-t(i) → tártarīt* *tɛr-tɔrχ-i → *tértorχiti ~ → tartarīti *tértorχitoi tartūryáte* ↘ *tértrχi ontoi > tartūryante ↗ NB. The fact that Vedic tartarīti and tartūryante paradigmatically belong to-

gether (cf. Schaefer 1994) is very clear Vedic internal evidence. It ultimately confirms that the origin of the Vedic -yá-te stems was a Vulgar Pre-IE paradigm with o-grade in the singular forms and “endings” going back to the PIE pro-gressive aspect. It completely parallels the origin of the IE yod-presents (Vedic búdhya-, etc.) from the fourth binyan (*bɦɔudɦi type). The remodelling of the fourth binyan can thus be confirmed by this parallelism (see above).

44 This scenario offers a plausible explanation for why the Vedic tartūryá-te type (a) is mid-

dle tantum and (b) still belongs to the paradigm of the corresponding athematic intensive type (3rd sg. pres. tartarīti). It also motivates the constant linking vowel -ī- of the latter which seems to ultimatley go back to both, the root auslauting *H and the former pro-gressive marker *-i-.

ROLAND A. POOTH 38

6.5 The *CɛPi- ~ *CɛRi-reduplicated aspects Again, these two reduplication templatic prefixes *CɛPi- ~ *CɛRi- were

allomorphic variants, the choice of which was triggered by the structure of the root. Note that *C_Pi- is used to symbolize that the two reduplicated radical consonants were not identical. Roots with two plosives *C_P-, e.g. *dɦVʔ- thus showed complete reduplication of the root.

I suggest that this type of reduplication coded an externally multiplied event:

FIGURE 48.


*dɦɛʔi-dɦɛʔt I (*dɦɛʔt) ‘topic put(s) here and there and over there’ *dɦɛʔi-dɦʔɔ I (*dɦʔɔ) ‘s.o. put(s) and put(s) and ... ...’

*ɠɛni-ɠɔnʔ IV (*ɠɔnʔ) ‘s.o. came into being here and there and ...’ ... There could have been variants showing the accent pattern of the un-

derlying non-reduplicated forms. (This was just to mention these binyans. I will return to these PIE “intensives” elsewhere.)

7 Two more aspects 1. Another aspect category was expressed by means of a nasal infix

(*~n~) or its continuous suffixal counterpart (*-nV4u-) which were allo-morphic variants. Their respective use was triggered by the structure of the root. Biradical roots of the shape *C_R- took the suffix, whereas triradical roots of the shape *C_RC- took the infix. I assume that this aspect was an INCOMPLETIVE-INTERMINATIVE or a more generally IMPERFECTIVE aspect.

In principle, these nasal markers were derived from grade I forms and thus were combined with grade I. But infixed 2nd person singular and plu-ral imperative forms could optionally be combined with grade II, e.g. *iunɛʛtɛ(n) > Vedic yunákta ‘(you (pl.) should) yoke it!’:

FIGURE 49.


*iunɛʛ-t I (*iɛuʛt) ‘topic is/was (still) yoking’ *iunʛɔ I (*iuʛɔ) ‘s.o. yokes/yoked’ *iunɛʛɛ(n) II *iunɛʛtɛ(n) II ‘(you (pl.)) be yoking it!’

*ʕwr-nɛu-t I (*ʕwɛrt) ‘topic is/was raising nontopical referent’ *ʕwr-nu_ɔ I (*ʕwrɔ) ‘s.o. is/was (still) rising/raising sth.’


39

The paradigm of the nasal infix binyan, e.g. from the root *klVu- ‘hear, be heard’ is given in the following figure:

FIGURE 50. PIE infix binyan (grade I, 2nd pl. agt. with optional grade II)


1EXCL klnɛum klnumɛ(s) klnuχá klnumɔ(s) klnumɔ(χ)

1INCL klnuuɛ(s) klnuuɔ(s) klnuuɔ(χ)

2ITR klnɛu ~ klnú

klnuɛ(n) ~ klnɛuɛ(n)

klnuχá klnuχá(n) klnuáχ

2DIR klnɛut klnutɛ(n) ~ klnɛutɛ(n)

klnutχá klnutχá(n) klnutáχ

2INV klnɛus klnusɛ(n) ~ klnɛusɛ(n)

klnusχá klnusχá(n) klnusáχ

3ITR klnuɛr klnuɔ klnuɔr ~ klnurɔ

klnuáχ

3DIR klnɛut klnuɛnt klnutɔ klnuɔnt ~ klnuntɔ

klnutáχ

3INV klnɛus klnuɛrs klnusɔ klnusáχ

2. In my view, the PIE aspect indicated by the *-sk- suffix was deponen-tial and thus lacked agentive-active forms. I tentatively assume a MOMENTATIVE-SEMELFACTIVE-PUNCTUAL meaning including an UNEXPECTED or ACCIDENTAL reading. The corresponding progressive forms had an iterative interactional reading. This reading was not necessarily unexpected or acci-dental; e.g. PIE *ʔsskɔi ‘was there one moment and another moment, re-peatedly (moment for moment)’.

NB. Positing such a polysemy can solve the problem that the corresponding IE presents are either inchoative-anticausative or iterative.

FIGURE 51.


*ʔr-sk_ɔ I (*ʔrɔ) ‘s.o. hit s.o./sth. suddenly/unexpectedly’ *ʔr-sk_ɔ_i I (*ʔrɔ) ‘s.o. was hitting s.o. (moment for moment)’

Thus, e.g., also PIE *ɠnʔskɔ ‘suddenly came into being’ or ‘was brought

into being suddenly’, whence the inchoative-anticausative function of later IE *-sko/e-, cf. Latin nāscor ‘was born’.

This binyan was structured in parallel to the one of the detransitive forms of the first binyan (see above) with the sole exception that it lacked 3rd person direct and inverse transitive forms, because it had to be used in the PIE antipassive construction―like all the deponent and 3rd person in-transitive binyans, e.g., the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth binyan (cf. Pooth manuscript a, passim).

ROLAND A. POOTH 40

8 Concluding remarks It can be concluded that “PIE Proper”, a bit surprisingly, made very lit-

tle use of suffixation to overtly mark distinctions within its verbal aspect system―there was much less aspectual suffixation than in the Vulgar Pre-IE variant cluster and in the later IE languages (which show legion of specified verbal derivational or derivational-like TAM suffixes).

As already mentioned above, the subsequent resegmentation of the given first part of the respective pleonastic “ending” to stem-final suffixes is now datable to the very end of the Vulgar Pre-IE dialect or variant cluster, that is, to a period shortly before or by the time Proto-Anatolian got separated from the rest of the dialect cluster. I conclude that all post-PIE vocalic stem suffixes and the sigmatic *-s- originated from a PIE to Vulgar Pre-IE morphological resegmentation (it was ultimately motivated by the great morphotactic fusion which yielded plenty of new “endings” including pleonastic endings undergo-ing abundant paradigmatic levelings):

(a) The origin of the Vulgar Pre-IE 3rd sg. present imperfective middle forms in *-oitoi, *-itoi, *-i etoi, *-eitoi, 3rd pl. *-i ontoi (including variants with preceding *-H-) and 3rd sg. pres. imperfective “neoactive” forms in *-i ei, *-i eti, *-ei eti, 3rd pl. *-i onti have already been given in detail above. As also mentioned above, a second, but minor source of IE yod-present stems were derivational “root enlargements” in *-i-, e.g. *ɗ_χ-_i- ‘separate, detach, devide, distribute, share’ from underlying *ɗ_χ- ‘id.’ (cf. LIV, s.v. “deh2(i )-”).

(b) I suggest that the three suffixes *-aχ- (> *-ā-), *-taχ- (> *-tā-), *-saχ- (> *-sā-) share a common origin. They go back to pleonastic 3rd person collective-plural middle forms in *-aχonto, *-taχonto, *-saχonto, 3rd pl. “neoactive” forms in *-aχont, *-taχont, *-saχont. In my view, these suf-fixes thus also originated from forms belonging to the many PIE bin-yans given above. A second source of stems in *-aχ- (> *-ā-) were derivational “root enlargements” in *-χ-, e.g. *ɗ_m-_χ-_ ‘build, tame, domesticate’45 from underlying *ɗ_m- ‘id.’ (cf. LIV, s.v. “dem(h2)-”).

(c) In my view, the ending *-eːr ultimately originated from PIE 3rd pl. in-verse-transitive forms, e.g. *gwɦnɛrs which merged with the other 3rd pl. forms to Vulgar Pre-IE. These 3rd pl. forms in *-eːr, e.g. *uid-éːr were thus allomorphic variants of the 3rd pl. forms *uid-r ~ *uid-rs ~ *ueid-r ~ *ueid-rs ~ *ueid-ór (of the former third binyan) and also belonged to the 3rd sg. imperfective “mixed paradigm” of the *uóide(i) ~ *uóidet(i) type. This type was labile and thus had both a factitive-causative read-ing and an anticausative-stative reading:

(4) a. *χnéː(r) *gwɦór-e(t) man:NOM:PL warm-3SG.IPFV.IND ‘the man was warm/got warm; made s.o./sth. warm’

45 The LIV, p. 114-117 distinguishes two roots ‘build’ from ‘domesticate’, but there obvi-

ously was one single polysemeous root *ɗ_m-_χ-_ ‘make something like a house: built’ and ‘make s.o./sth. be house-ish: tame, domesticate’.


41

b. *χnéres *gwɦréːr (→ *gwɦréː-r) man:NOM:PL warm-3PL.IPFV.IND ‘the men were warm/got warm; made s.o./sth. warm’

The inner-Vulgar-Pre-IE resegmentation of this 3rd pl. form (e.g. *gwɦréːr

→ *gwɦréː-r) then triggered the genesis of new 3rd sg. endings *-eːt(i), pl. *-eːnt(i), *-eːront(i) with labile meaning. In addition, proper middle endings *-eːro(i) ~ *-eːnto(i) were created, but due to the labile mean-ing of this inflection, middle forms were not necessarily needed. There-fore, in my view, both the Latin present uidēre, uidet and its perfect uidī ‘have seen’ ultimately go back to a prior common paradigm *uóidet (> uīdit), *uidéːr(i) (→ *uidéːti ~ *uidéːi eti, etc.). This scenario offers an easy and plausible explanation for why the IE suffix *-eː- is so inti-mately intertwined with the post-PIE perfect stem. Within the given scenario the reason is simple: The 3rd pl. ending *-eːr was also found in the paradigm of the “pre-perfect mixed paradigm” (cf. Latin 3rd pl. perf. ind. act. -ērunt, etc.).

A second source of stems with *-eː- were probably comitative-intrumental case forms in predicative used, e.g. PIE *ʔrudɦɛʔ ‘with red, redness’ → Vulgar Pre-IE *ʔrudɦéʔt(i) ~ *ʔrudɦéʔet(i) ~ *ʔrudɦéʔi eti ‘is getting red, is red’ (cf. Jasanoff 2003: 156f. with references). Note that I am not a follower of the “essive-fientive theory”, because I think that the very late Vulgar Pre-IE stems in *-Hi o/e- (e.g. *gnʔi ó/é- > Vedic jāya-te) were not originally derived from the ones in *-eː- (in my view, the reconstruction of a single suffix *-eh1- is a mistake).

(c) Vulgar Pre-IE also had pleonastic stem suffixes *-eːs- and *-eːsko/e- from *-eː- plus *-s- and *-sk-, respectively. There were many more.

(d) For the respective origins of post-PIE “thematic” stem suffix *-o- ~ *-e- and the sigmatic stem suffix *-s- see above. Note that the latter was re-segmented and specified to a perfective suffix not before Proto-Anatolian already had left the stock. A second, but minor source of IE sigmatic stems were derivational “root enlargements” in *-s-, e.g. PIE *kl_u-s- ‘listen to, hear from’ from underlying *kl_u- ‘hear’ (cf. LIV, s.v. “kleu(s)-”).

Therefore, the view that the PIE protolanguage already had legion of suffixes with specific derivational meanings seems to be very problematic and should be fundamentally revised.

It has turned out that PIE predominantly made use of the strategy of transfixation and reduplication to code aspectual distinctions. There was a minimum of three aspect categories coded by aspect suffixes (PROG *-i, IPFV *-nVu-, and PUNC *-sk-). All the other aspect categories were coded tem-platically, that is, by means of internal inflection (transfixation) on the vowel melody tier and word form template tier and by means of the more derivational reduplication templatic prefixation.

Final count: We have hereby reconstructed the following specific aspect categories:

6 basic transfixal aspects + (minimally) 2 distributive *Ci-reduplicated aspects + the “acrostatic” *Cɛ-reduplicated aspect including 2 subtypes +

ROLAND A. POOTH 42

(minimally) 5 *Cɛ-reduplicated aspects + 2 different “intensive” aspects, each one with grade I vs. IV subtypes and the one with an additional grade III subtype (= 5) + 2 further aspects which were coded by infixation and suffixation.

We should not forget the progressive (*-i) vs. nonprogressive (un-marked) aspect distinction. The nonprogressive aspect, however, cannot seriously be counted as a specific aspect category.

Thus all in all, PIE had a minimum of 6 + 2 + 2 + 5 + 5 + 2 = 22 specific aspect categories plus 1 progressive aspect.46

The following figure now finally provides an overview of the PIE bin-yans which have been reconstructed by internal reconstruction so far. The following binyans were derived by means of root and pattern morphology from the lexical base or root *dɦVʔ- ‘put, do, say’. To save space, I only give translations with the English past tense of ‘to do’. But note that the given forms were generally tense-neutral and could also be used with present tense reference. They also had a lexical meaning equivalent to English ‘to put, to say’. To save space, I use ‘he’ for ‘topical referent’, but of course ‘she’ or ‘it’ (depending on the gender of the PIE topical referent) is also possible. PIE minimally had the following aspect binyans:47

FIGURE 51 (t.b.c.).

binyan 3SG.AGT.DIR/ translation 3SG.DTR.ITR

1st *dɦɛʔt ‘he did it’ 2st *dɦɛːʔt ‘he did it for a while’ 3rd *dɦɔʔɛ ‘he always does it, he used to do it’ 4th *dɦɔʔ ‘sth. happened to be done (by s.o.)’ 5th *dɦɔːʔ ‘sth. happened to be done for a while (by s.o.)’ 6th *dɦɔʔɛ ‘s.o. did sth. here & there/now & then’

7th *dɦi-dɦɛʔt ‘he did it here & there/now & then’ 8th *dɦi-dɦɔʔ ‘sth. happened to be done here & there (by s.o.)’

9th *dɦɛ-dɦɛʔt ‘he still did it, kept on doing it’ 10th *dɦɛ-dɦɔʔ ‘sth. was still being done (by s.o.)’

11th *dɦɛ-dɦɛʔt/ ‘he did it until it was finished’ 11th *dɦɛ-dɦʔɔ ‘sth. happened to be done (by s.o.) & was then done’

12th *dɦɛ-dɦɛʔɔ ‘s.o. did sth. and can/will/shall/should do it’ 13th *dɦɛ-dɦɔʔɛ ‘s.o. has (just) done sth., has already done sth.’ 14th *dɦɛ-dɦɔʔ ‘s.o. did it and did it again or un-did it’ 15th *dɦɛ-dɦɔːʔ ‘sth. had happened to be done for a while before and was then done’

46 Typological comparanda are the Apachean languages, e.g. Navajo. They show an elabo-rate aspect system including many overtly distinguished and semantically specific aspect categories (termed “modes” and “aspects”, cf. Young & Morgan 1987, 1992).

47 PIE also had some corresponding modal binyans. These modal binyans were derived from the skeletal mood stems in *-i_ʔ- (OPTATIVE) and *-ʔs- (CONATIVE). But they will be dealt with elsewhere.


43


binyan 3SG.AGT.DIR/ translation 3SG.DTR.ITR

16th *dɦɛː-dɦɛʔt ‘s.o. did-did-did it’ 17th *dɦɛː-dɦɔʔ ‘sth. happened to be done-done-done (by s.o.)’ 18th *dɦɛː-dɦɔʔɛ ‘s.o. had done sth. and did-did-did it’ (18th *ʔɛs-ʔɔsɛ ‘s.o. sat down and sat-sat-sat’)

19th *dɦɛʔi-dɦɛʔt ‘he did it here, here & there’ 20th *dɦɛʔi-dɦɔʔ ‘s.o. happened to be done here, here & there’

21th *dɦnɛʔt ~*dɦʔnɛut ‘he was doing it’ 22th *dɦʔskɔ ‘sth. happened to be done suddenly (by s.o.)’

Glosses I follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules. AGT = agentive-active voice; DTR = detransi-

tive voice (cf. Pooth manuscript a); DISTR = distributive-iterative aspect, etc. But note that I use the underline _ to mark a morpheme boundary between the skeletal consonant frame and the transfix or vowel melody (e.g. PIE *gwɦ_ɛ_n-t-i).

Representation of reconstructed word forms Reconstructed “PIE Proper” word forms are coloured blue here and marked by

the conventional preceding asterisk (e.g. PIE *suɔːpi). Dialectal Vulgar Pre-IE word forms, however, are not coloured blue (e.g. *suóːpi eti)

Note that I particularly make use the I.P.A. symbols <ʔ χ ʕw> instead of the traditional symbols <h1 h2 h3>, because I think that such an algebraic symboliza-tion of phonemes and their respective phonetic realization is unneccesary and has no linguistic advantages at all. It only makes this language look like freaky mathe-matics to linguists of other fields who are not used to this notation. It has been argued that the traditional symbolization would have the advantage of leaving these phonemes underspecified and that a symbolization with <ʔ χ ʕw> may specify more phonetic details than we can conretely know, but this holds true for any I.P.A. symbol that is used to represent PIE phonemes (e.g. <gwɦ>, <ɛ> and all traditional symbols <e o t d dh>, etc.), because the phonetic realization of PIE phonemes and word forms can only be represented more exactly by listening to a native speaker of Proto-Indo-European. Furthermore, the argument that the tradi-tional symbols would be “underspecified” is not entirely correct, because <h> is a concrete and specified linguistic symbol and minimally two of these phonemes were definitely not realized as I.P.A [h]. One may thus even argue―but this is, of course, be a bit too pedantic―that the traditional symbols are simply linguistically inadequate in minimally two cases. Finally, to be honest, I personally dislike num-ber symbols <1 2 3>, etc. in linguistic representations, because they are primar-ily nonlinguistic symbols that were developed to represent abstract numbers, not concrete sounds of human language. (I also prefer using accent symbols instead of numbers to symbolize tones, but in these cases numbers seem a bit more ade-quate). So whatever was the actual PIE phonetic situation, I think that the I.P.A. symbols <ʔ χ ʕw> used here come very close to their actual PIE phonetic realiza-tions. I will return to this matter more detailed elsewhere.

The PIE “bare” vowel phoneme */ɛ/ is written <ɛ>, but <a> before and af-ter χ, ʕw. The other vowel phonemes are <a> (sic!) and <ɔ>. The traditional

ROLAND A. POOTH 44

symbols <e o> are used in Vulgar Pre-IE word forms. But vowel length is gener-ally indicated by the two dots <ː> (I.P.A.). The traditional symbols for i, u, m, n, r, l, and s remain unchanged (<i u m n r l s>). The redundant diacritics are om-mited in PIE forms (but not in Vulgar Pre-IE forms).

The PIE stops <p ɓ bɦ t ɗ dɦ k ɠ gɦ kw ɠw gwɦ q ʛ ɢɦ> are represented here the way suggested by Kümmel 2012. But the Vulgar Pre-IE velars are represented with the traditional diacritic < >, i.e. <k g gɦ> to avoid a misunderstanding.

A note on all the colours used here: For languages that exhibit discontinuous morphemes and transfixes colours can be very useful, because they help to distin-guish the respective transfix from the skeletal consonant frame and they help to recognize the discontinuity of the given morpheme (e.g. *stɛumɛsi or *stɛumɛsi).

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Further references (to my manuscripts) The following manuscrips (.pdf) are downloadable from my profile at

www.academia.edu. They have been published as provisional grey literature and work in progress, and they will undergo further revisions. The respective date of revision is indi-cated on top of the front page before the title. If you have no account at www.academia.edu, I can send these manuscripts (.pdf) to you by e-mail.

Pooth, R.A. manuscript a: “Voice, Transitivity Direction, Case, and Alignment in Proto-Indo-European. II. The Proto-Indo-European Voice System.”

— manuscript b: “Ein Problem der Methode der komparativen Rekonstruktion von Morphe-men, Morphemgrenzen und morphosyntaktischen Kategorien.”

— manuscript c: “Die komplexe Morphologie der urindogermanischen Personalpronomina.” — manuscript d: “Voice, Transitivity Direction, Case, and Alignment in Proto-Indo-

European. IV. The Proto-Indo-European Case System.” — manuscript e: “Voice, Transitivity Direction, Case, and Alignment in Proto-Indo-

European. III. Transitivity Direction in Proto-Indo-European.” Dr. R. A. Pooth Merheimer Straße 117 50733 Köln (Nippes)

[email protected]

The Proto-Indo-European aspect system

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Transcript of The Proto-Indo-European aspect system