The prospective participle and the benefactive case in Basque: a parallel evolution
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47 th Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea. Poznan, 20140913.
Transcript of The prospective participle and the benefactive case in Basque: a parallel evolution
47th Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea.
Poznan, 2014-‐09-‐13.
Structure of this presenta0on
Evolution of the prospective participle.
Evolution of the benefactive.
Connection between both elements.
Conclusion.
Manuel Padilla Moyano: The prospective participle and the benefactive in Basque. Poznan, 13/9/2014
Methodology
Diachronic approach.
Focus on eastern varieties.
Corpus of historical Souletin.
Rest of the dialects: Euskal Klasikoen Corpusa (EKC).
Basque dialectal division
Basque prospec0ve par0ciple
Non-‐finite verbal form expressing the future.
Attested in all Basque dialects throughout the history.
It is formed by adding a suffix to the perfective ptcp.
Two options: -‐ko / -‐(r)en: hartu ‘to take’ → hartuko / harturen
The prospec0ve par0ciple: distribu0onal pa<erns for suffixes.
WESTERN CENTRAL MIXED EASTERN Always -‐ko -‐(r)en in one
verbal class -‐ko in the rest.
-‐(r)en in one verbal class, and both suffixes for the rest.
Always –(r)en
The prospec0ve par0ciple: an evolu0on favourable to –ko
Western varieties: only –ko. Stability.
Central varieties: from a mixed pattern to another one more favourable to –ko.
Eastern varieties: from the exclusivity of –(r)en to a mixed pattern.
Evolu0on of the prospec0ve par0ciple: the example of Hasparren (Labourd)
–tu class -‐i class
–ren –ko –ren –ko
42 % 58 % 54 % 46 %
Nowadays: central pattern of distribution. Ca. 1750, a mixed pattern.
Evolu0on of the prospec0ve par0ciple: Soule.
A few early writers use some –ko (17th c.). In Souletin texts, -‐ko actually begins to appear in the mid-‐18th c.
Those few writers were Souletin, but they wrote in a different variety.
Evolu0on of the prospec0ve par0ciple: conclusions
1. There is no difference between –ko and –(r)en.
2. From the mid-‐18th c. –ko is (few) attested in Souletin texts.
3. Recessive evolution of –(r)en, disappearing from certain verbal classes and withdrawing to the East.
The benefac0ve case
“The beneficiary is a participant that is advantageously affected by an event without being its obligatory participant (either agent or primary target, i.e. patient). Since normally only animate participants are capable of making use of the benefit bellowed upon them, beneficiaries are typically animate”
(Kittilä & Zúñiga 2010)
The Basque benefac0ve (I)
1. Called destinative in Basque grammatical tradition. 2. Independent from the dative. 3. Both animate and inanimate participants. 4. Plurality of markers. 5. Transparent and relatively modern markers. 6. Added to the possessive genitive –(r)en (not always). 7. The same marker can express the essive case too.
Benefactive markers in present-‐day Basque:
Biscayan Central Central-‐Eastern Souletin -‐tzako -‐tzat -‐tzat
-‐dako -‐tako
The Basque benefac0ve (II)
Evolu0on of the Basque benefac0ve (I)
Recent markers (Santacilia 2013).
In archaic Basque (ca. 16th c.), genitive = benefaction.
Late instances of gen. expressing benefaction in E. Basque.
From the 18th c. the marker –tzat is attested in Souletin texts.
W. B.: –tzako < -‐tzat + -‐ko. (Somewhat a pleonastic marker)
E. B.: -‐tako < -‐ta-‐ + -‐ko
i.e., a result of the mere –ko added to the ancient pluraliser -‐ta-‐. (The sequence -‐tako typically occurs in the indeterminate declension).
Evolu0on of the Basque benefac0ve (II): western -‐tzako vs. eastern -‐tako
Evolu0on of the E. Basque benefac0ve (III)
Evolution of both prospective and benefaction markers in Eastern Basque
16th c. 17th c. 18th c. 19th c. 20th c. PROS PTCP. -‐(r)en -‐(r)en -‐(r)en, -‐ko -‐ko, -‐(r)en -‐ko, -‐(r)en
BEN -‐(ta)ko -‐(r)en
-‐(ta)ko -‐(r)en
-‐ko tako -‐(r)en -‐tzat
† -‐ko -‐tako -‐(r)en -‐tzat
-‐tako † -‐(r)en -‐tzat
ESS -‐tako -‐tako -‐tako -‐tako -‐tzat
-‐tako -‐tzat
Conclusions 1. Expression of the future: -‐ko gains ground to –(r)en. 2. A similar (but more complex) evolution can be described for
the benefactive case. 3. New specialised markers emerge in a relatively modern
posposition system. 4. The areas attesting to the benefactive genitive -‐(r)en and the
prospective participle in -‐(r)en are the same. 5. Parallel evolution of both features in coincident areas. 6. Possessive-‐benefactive-‐dative connection (Malchukov 2010).
In the future…
More data from other varieties.
A more detailed study of the values of the possessive genitive –(r)en.
Description of the evolution of further cases in E. Basque.
Manuel Padilla Moyano: The prospective participle and the benefactive in Basque. Poznan, 13/9/2014
References J.I. Hualde & J. Ortiz de Urbina (eds.), 2003, A Grammar of Basque, Berlin-‐New York,
Mouton de Gruyter. Kittilä, Seppo & Zúñiga, Fernando, 2010, “Benefaction and malefaction from a cross-‐
linguistic perspective”, in Zuñiga & Kittilä, Benefactives and malefactives : typological perspectives and case studies, John Benjamins, Amsterdam. 1-‐28.
Malchukov, A., 2010, “Analyzing Semantic Maps: A Multifactorial Approach”, Linguistic Discovery 8: 1, 176–198.
Padilla-‐Moyano, M., 2013, “Non-‐Finite Verbal Morphology”, in M. Martínez-‐Areta (ed.), Basque and Proto-‐Basque. Language-‐Internal and Typological Approaches to Linguistic Reconstruction, Peter Lang, Frankfurt. 323–357.
Santacilia, E., 2013, “Noun Morphology”, in M. Martínez-‐Areta (ed.), Basque and Proto-‐Basque. Language-‐Internal and Typological Approaches to Linguistic Reconstruction, Peter Lang, Frankfurt. 232–281.
Trask, R., 1995, “On the History of the Non-‐Finite Verb Forms in Basque”, in J.I. Hualde, J.A. Lakarra & R. Trask (eds.), Towards a History of Basque Language, Benjamins, Amsterdam. 207–234.
Zúñiga, Fernando, 2011, “Why should beneficiaries be subjects (or objects)? Affaction and grammatical relations”, in S. Kittilä, K. Västi & J. Ylikoski, Case, Animacy and Semantic Roles, Benjamins, Amsterdam. 329-‐348.
Thank you! Eskerrik hanitx! Dziękuję bardzo!
Manuel Padilla Moyano
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