The Miroir historial of Jean le Bon. The Leiden Manuscript and its Related Copies, vol 1 TEXT....

THE MIROIR HISTORIAL OF JEAN LE BON

The Leiden Manuscript and its Related Copies

Volume 1

TEXT

Claudine A. Chavannes-‐Mazel

Leiden University 1988

Preface to Claudine A. Chavannes-‐Mazel, The Miroir historial of Jean II le Bon and its related Copies, dissertation Leiden University 1988

Amsterdam, 2013-‐14-‐10

Dear reader,

This is a pdf of my dissertation written between 1983 and 1987. I wrote it in Word 1 and Word 1a, and saved it on single-‐sided floppy disks, later on double-‐sided ones which could hold as much as 800 Kb. A row of those floppies was my proud result when my professors gave their ‘nihil obstat’ in 1988 and I was allowed to print it in its entirety. I put all the documents together in order to get the page numbers right and have the footnotes numbering continuously, and waited by the printer during the night until it had finished, since it was impossible to save this enormous document.

Cambridge University Press agreed to publish it and I spent many years reworking the text for publication. I kept updating and never finished.

It took my son several of my old and miraculously still functioning Macs to convert the several dozen 1988 files from Microsoft Word 1 to Word 3 to Word 5.1. He printed them to PostScript files to preserve the spacing and pagination of the original: it seems that 2013 Palatino spaces differently to 1988 Palatino. Using a Twentieth Anniversary Mac from 1997 that reads 800Kb and 1.44 Mb floppies and connecting an external usb floppy drive to a MacBook from 2006, he got the files onto a modern Mac and combined all the chapters and annexes to a single pdf.

Vol 1: TEXT. The text is the original 1988 version. It may contain some outdated views and certainly contains some typing mistakes. I may or may not publish a revised edition at some point. I wrote two articles on the manuscripts in 1990: -‐ C.A. Chavannes-Mazel, ‘Problems in Translation, Transcription and Iconography: The Miroir historial Books 1-8’, in: Vincent de Beauvais. Intentions et Réceptions d’une œuvre encyclopédique au Moyen Age (éd. M. Paulmier-Foucart, S. Lusignan, A. Nadeau), Paris/St Laurent 1990, pp. 345-374, Figs. 1-9; - C.A. Chavannes-Mazel, ‘The Expansion of Rubrics for the Sake of the Layout: Mise-en-page as Evidence for a Particular Workshop?’ in: Medieval Book Production: Assessing the Evidence. Papers from the Seminar in the History of the Book to 1500, Oxford 1988, (ed. L.L. Brownrigg), Los Altos Hills 1990, pp. 117-131, Figs. 1-12, Col.Plates A and B. and one article on royal patronage of historical texts in Dutch: - C.A. Chavannes-Mazel, ‘De boeken van Jeanne de Bourgogne, koningin van Frankrijk (r. 1328-1349)’, in J.-C. Klamt en K. Veelenturf eds, Representatie: kunsthistorische bijdragen over vorst, staatsmacht en beeldende kunst, opgedragen aan Robert W. Scheller, 2004, pp. 84-110. Since then, remarkably little has changed with regard to the manuscripts. New is the discovery of two fragments of part of A4: Tours BM A.d.-‐I(002), ff C and D.

The rubric IIIIxx et VIII de la faim et de la pestilence de celi temps places it as part of Book XXVII-‐XXVIII. For a quick update, please consult the articles by Laurent Brun and Mattia Cavagna (‘Pour une edition du Miroir historial de Jean de Vignay’, Romania 124 [2006], 378-‐428), and the entries in the exhibition catalogue by Elisabeth Morrison and Anne D. Hedeman Imaging the Past in France 1250-‐1500 of the Paul Getty Museum 2010, nrs 17 and 33 (Hedeman accidently attributes my findings to someone else). For an entire overview, see:

http://www.arlima.net/il/jean_de_vignay.html

Vol 2: ILLUSTRATIONS. With regard to the illustrations: that was easier to do. About 80% could quickly be found online, in colour and for free, instead of the old black and white photographs which once cost me a fortune.

THE MIROIR HISTORIAL OF JEAN LE BON The Leiden Manuscript and its Related Copies

TEXT

Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden,

op gezag van de Rector Magnificus Dr.J.J.M. Beenakker, hoogleraar in de faculteit der Wiskunde en Natuurwetenschappen,

volgens besluit van het College van Dekanen te verdedigen op donderdag 23 juni1988 te klokke 16.15 uur

door

Claudine Albertine Chavannes-Mazel

geboren te 's-Gravenhage in 1949

Promotiecomissie Prof.dr. P.P.V. van Moorsel, Prof.dr. P.F.J. Obbema promotoren Prof.dr. J.P. Gumbert referent Prof.dr. A.W.A. Boschloo lid Dit onderzoek werd mede mogelijk gemaakt door een reissubsidie van de Stichting voor Zuiver Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek.

THE MIROIR HISTORIAL OF JEAN LE BON.The Leiden Manuscript and its related copies

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION p. 1

PART I: HISTORY AND BACKGROUND OF THE MIROIR HISTORIAL

1. TheSpeculum historiale and Vincent of Beauvais, its Author p. 51.1. Introduction1.2. Contents1.3. Reception1.4. The Douai-version

2. The Manuscripts of the First Books of the Speculum historiale p. 122.1. Introduction2.2. Origine and Provenance2.3. Illumination

3. The Miroir historial and Jean de Vignay, the Translator p. 163.1. Introduction3.2. Date of the Translation3.3. The Translation Process3.4. Reception and Influence

PART II: THE MIROIR HISTORIAL OF JEAN LE BON, AND THECOPY, PRESUMABLY OF JEANNE DE BOURGOGNE p. 25

1. Description of the Oldest Manuscripts: Leiden Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A; Paris BN fr. 316, and their Sequels. p. 272. History of Scholarship p. 29

2.1. The Leiden and Arsenal Manuscripts (A1, A2)2.2. The Paris and Baltimore Manuscripts (J1, J3).

3. Genesis and Provenance of the Leiden Miroir historial p. 373.1. Preparation3.2. Script and Lay-out3.3. The Corrector3.4. Pen-drawn Initials3.5. Painted Initials and Marginal Decoration3.6. Illustrations

3.6.1. Style3.6.2. Iconography

3.7. Binding3.8. Provenance

4. The Second Volume of the Leiden Miroir: Paris, Bibl. de l'Arsenal MS 5080 p. 61

v i

4.1. Text4.2. Illustrations

4.2.1. Style4.2.2. Iconography

4.3. Provenance5. The "oldest" Manuscript of the Miroir historial: Paris BN fr. 316

5.1. Structure of the Text p. 645.1.1. Text and Layout5.1.2. Rubrics

5.2. Illustrations5.2.1. Style: The Fauvel Master and the Papeleu Master5.2.2. Iconography

5.3. Provenance5.3.1. A Presentation Copy?5.3.2. Later Owners

5.4. Third volume: Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery W 140.

PART III: OTHER EXTANT MANUSCRIPTS OF THE MIROIRHISTORIAL p. 78

1. History and Provenance p. 791.1. Manuscripts Known from French Royal Inventories1.2. Extant Manuscripts1.3. Description of the Extant Manuscripts in Chronological Order

2. Grouping of the Manuscripts, Books 1-8: Text p. 1142.1. General Remarks2.2. Division into Volumes2.3. Rubrics of J1 and Corrections in A12.4. Examples from the Story of Joseph and Aseneth.

3. Comparison of the Manuscripts, Books 1-8: Illustration p. 1233.1. General Remarks3.2. The Joseph and Aseneth Story

3.2.1. Tale3.2.2. Illustrations3.2.3. Evaluation of the Cycle

3.3. Manuscripts not Containing the Joseph and Aseneth Cycle3.3.1. Miniatures of C13.3.2. Miniatures of E

4. The Question of the one Miniaturist Illustrating the Same Text twicep. 144

PART IV: THE FRONTISPIECE OF THE MIROIR HISTORIAL p. 147

1. Historical Background of the Frontispiece p. 1472. Description of the Frontispiece of the Leiden Miroir historial p. 1563. Opening Miniatures in other Manuscripts of the Miroir historial p. 157

vii

3.1. Double Composition: Identical Image3.2. Double Composition: Comparable Image3.3. Single Composition3.4. Other Frontispieces

4. Provenance of the Iconography of the Frontispiece of the Miroir historial. p. 167

4.1. Manuscripts with Translations by Jean de Vignay4.1.1. Translations for Jeanne de Bourgogne4.1.2. Translations for Philippe VI de Valois4.1.3. Translations for Jean le Bon4.1.4. Translations for Unknown Patrons

4.2. Manuscripts of the First Books of theSpeculum historiale4.3. Conclusions

CONCLUSIONS p. 173

APPENDICES:A. Manuscripts of the First Books of the Speculum historiale p. 179B. Illustrations of the First Books of the Speculum historiale p. 183C. Manuscripts of the Miroir historial p. 189D. Manuscripts with Translations by Jean de Vignay p. 195E. The Story of Joseph and Aseneth, According to Leiden Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, ff. 59v-62v p. 211

BIBLIOGRAPHY p. 217

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS p. 233

SAMENVATTING p. 241

INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS p. 247

Curriculum vitae

Introduction 1

INTRODUCTION

The Miroir historial of King Jean II le Bon (1319-1364) at LeidenUniversity is an outstanding work of art. This study owes a great deal tothis everlasting truism, but it does not deal primarily with beauty, oreven with the history of art as such.

The prime objective of this study is to treat a manuscript as an entityand to give credit to the function the miniatures were originallydesigned to perform: that is, to illustrate a text. Until recently, studies onmanuscripts aimed at getting the specialist world to know them. Everyspecialist ploughed his own patch: the philologist and historian wroteabout text and provenance, the paleographer about lettering andparchment, the art historian about iconography and style.

A more promising approach, strongly propagated by Delaissé andrecently endorsed by Otto Pächt,1 ought be to treat all different aspects ofa manuscript as a whole and to consider them together. Ideally, allspecialists should be gathered around the book in order to contributetheir specific insights. In modern catalogues such an attempt issometimes undertaken, but even they are all too often merelydescriptive. And often art historians write about style and iconography,search for prototypes, and prepare endless lists of miniatures of onespecific text or by one specific master. However, one has to realize that ifby modern standards monumental paintings are not isolated works ofart, miniatures are even less so. They should be placed in a broadercontext that is so easily at hand: the manuscript they form part of andthe stories they illustrate.

1 -L.M.J. Delaissé, Towards a History of the Medieval Book, in: Codicologica I: Théorieet principes, (ed. A. Gruys & J.P. Gumbert), Leiden 1976, [Litterae textuales] pp. 75-83. Arevised version of a contribution of the same title in Miscellanea André Combes II, Rome1967, pp. 27-39; -O. Pächt, Book Illumination in the Middle Ages, London 1986; two yearsearlier published in German under the title: Buchmalerei des Mittelalters, München1984. Their ideas have been applied by, for instance, R. Schmidt-Wiegand, Text - Bild -Interpretation. Untersuchungen zu den Bilderhandschriften des Sachsenspiegels,München 1986, and to a certain degree by S. Hindman, Christine de Pizan's "EpistreOthéa". Painting and Politics at the Court of France, Toronto 1986.

2 Introduction

The Miroir historial is a French translation by Jean de Vignay,completed in 1332-1333. It contains 32 books and a prologue. The Latinoriginal, the Speculum historiale, had been composed in the middle ofthe 13th century by the Dominican Vincent of Beauvais as part of a vastencyclopedia, the Speculum maius. Neither the Latin original nor theFrench translation have ever been subject to modern investigation. TheLatin text and its extant manuscripts will now be analyzed in aforthcoming thesis by Hans Voorbij, Groningen. The French translationby Jean de Vignay, however, by its mediocrity has failed to attract theattention of modern scholars so far. The only study it plays a part in isan unpublished thesis by Christine Knowles.2 Since she concentrates onthe translator as a person, no attention is paid to the manuscripttradition.

The Leiden Miroir historial (Univ. Libr. Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A) is a well-written, painstakingly corrected text, illustrated with 280 miniatures. Itcomprises the first 8 books of the French translation of the Speculumhistoriale. Books 9-16 of the same set, containing 450 illustrations, arenow Paris, Bibl. de l'Arsenal 5080. Both volumes show the inscription ofJean le Bon on their last folio. A contemporary manuscript, alsocontaining books 1-8 and as lavishly illustrated, can be found in theBibliothèque Nationale in Paris, MS fr. 316. It is the oldest datedmanuscript of the Miroir (November 1333). Of this set, I was fortunate totrace a third tome with books 17-24 in Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery W140. Books 25-32 are only extant in late 14th century and 15th centurycopies.

The Leiden and Arsenal volumes, the only ones surviving fromJean le Bon's Miroir, stand, together with the Paris and Baltimorevolumes, at the genesis of the text tradition. It is debatable which of thetwo sets is the oldest one. As we shall see, the Paris 316 manuscript hasalways been considered as the first copy, presented to Queen Jeanne deBourgogne in 1333. However, the Leiden manuscript may supply uswith arguments as strong as the ones in favour of the Paris copy. Sincedisparate sequel volumes of both the Leiden and the Paris manuscriptsare extant, the first eight books form the only possible basis forcomparison of the two sets. The scope of this study therefore is confinedto the first volume of Jean le Bon's Miroir historial .

When reading the Leiden Miroir, I came to the realization that theminiatures minutely illustrate that vast compilation which constitutesthe Miroir historial. That exemplary intertwining of text andillumination makes for this manuscript's paramount importance,hitherto underexplored. Did this direct relation of text to illustration lastin later copies? Or, to formulate the prime question of this study: has the

2 - C. Knowles, The Life and Work of Jean de Vignay, unpubl. thesis, University ofLondon, 1953. She published a short version the next year in Romania LXXV (1954), pp.353-383.

Introduction 3

Leiden Miroir exerted any influence on text and illustration of latermanuscripts? And if so, how? If not so, was it the Paris 316 manuscriptthat played a primary part in the later tradition?

First, we will scrutinize the background of the French text: thehistory and reception of the Latin original and its illumination, in orderto survey the relation of the Latin illustration to the French illustratedcopies. In part two, the Leiden Miroir will be analyzed, and compared toits contemporary manuscript, Paris BN fr. 316. When studying theminiatures, I did not look for possible prototypes in other illustratedtexts, but started from the other end: can we find miniatures that musthave been designed specifically for the Miroir ? The third part willdescribe the other existing manuscripts of the Miroir historial.Additionally, the manuscripts of the first volumes will be compared tothe Leiden manuscript, both textwise and with regard to illustration. Forobvious reasons we could not take into account the entire text of thefirst 8 books and their illustration. Instead, we took the story of Josephand Aseneth as an example, since this text, scarcely known at all inwestern Europe, had no illustrative tradition until the Miroir historial.Finally, a fourth part will be devoted to that one and only illustrationthat can be found similarly illustrated in more manuscripts of theMiroir historial : the frontispiece.

*°*°*°*

Acknowledgments should be made to a great many people who havebeen of invaluable help. Hans Voorbij, Groningen, wholeheartedlyshared his immense knowledge of the manuscripts of the Speculumhistoriale. Monique Paulmier-Foucart and Marie-Christine Duchenne ofthe Atelier Vincent de Beauvais, Nancy, were so kind as to send thecomplementary information they could find on the Latin manuscripts.Christopher de Hamel, Sotheby's, traced the fragments of the onlyextensively illustrated manuscript of the Speculum historiale. LilianRandall, herself preparing a descriptive catalogue of the manuscripts ofthe Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore, always willingly answered myquestions concerning the Miroir historial in her collection. JanetBackhouse of the British Library, London, gave me the information Ineeded for the Miroir of Edward IV, as did Erik Peterson for themanuscript at the Royal Library of Copenhagen. Frits Halang (Ottawa),Jenny Stratford (London), Gary Vikan (Washington), Gregory Guzman(Peoria, Illinois), Christine Knowles (now Christine Trollope, Pershore,Worcestershire, England), Patricia Stirnemann (Paris), Linda Brownriggand Kathleen Daly (Oxford), Rutger Immink (The Hague), MarianneDieben and Mart van der Sterre (Leiden) must be thanked for theirindividual support.

The staff of the following institutions have been of great help: theInstiut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes, section romane (Paris), the

4 Introduction

J.P. Getty Museum (Malibu), the Warburg Institute (London), the BritishLibrary and the Palaeography Room of London University (London),and the Department of Western Manuscripts of Leiden UniversityLibrary. I had the chance to give several papers for members of theWarburg Institute, the London Medieval Society, the Seminar in theHistory of the Book to 1500 (Oxford) and the Institut d'étudesmédiévales in Montréal; I am greatly indebted to those present whovolunteered their learned reactions.

I owe much to François Avril, who always listened and who,withgreat generosity, contributed to the clarification of provenance andstylistic dilemmas concerning so many manuscripts in the BibliothèqueNationale. I would like to thank Anne van Buren, Tufts University,Boston, for her innumerable valuable suggestions. And last, I thankMarc Chavannes for having encouraged my working life for as long as Ican remember.

*°*°*°*

Part I chapter 1 the Speculum historiale and Vincent of Beauvais 5

PART I: HISTORY AND BACKGROUND OF THE MIROIR HISTORIAL

This study will deal primarily with medieval manuscripts of the Miroirhistorial and not with the genesis of the text they have conveyed to themodern reader, and with which they are still able to enchant him. First,however, brief though it must be, credit should be given to the author ofthe Speculum historiale, Vincent of Beauvais, and to the monk whotranslated the text into French seventy years later, Jean de Vignay. Withoutan understanding of the purport and significance of their work forcontemporary France it would not be feasible to grasp the importance of thesurviving manuscripts.

*°*°*°*

Chapter 1: THE SPECULUM HISTORIALE AND VINCENT OFBEAUVAIS, ITS AUTHOR

1.1. Introduction

Vincent of Beauvais has written the first and greatest encyclopaedia inthe Middle Ages, the Speculum maius. Born c. 1190, Vincent became aDominican friar in Paris by 1220, was appointed a lector at the monastery ofRoyaumont by Louis IX (1215-1270) in the course of 1246, and died probablyat nearby Beauvais in 1264.3

3 The volume of literature about Vincent is growing steadily. Most recent are: - A.L.Gabriel, The Educational Ideas of Vincent of Beauvais, Notre Dame Indiana 1962 (2nded); - M. Lemoine, L'œuvre encyclopédique de Vincent de Beauvais, in: Cahiersd'histoire mondiale 3 (1966), pp. 571-579; - M. Paulmier-Foucart, L'Atelier Vincent deBeauvais. Recherches sur l'état des connaissances du Moyen Age d'après une encyclopédiedu XIIIe siècle, in: Le moyen âge 80 (1979), pp. 87-99; - S. Lusignan, Préface au speculummaius de Vincent de Beavais: réfraction et diffraction, Paris/Montréal 1979; - Vincent ofBeauvais and Alexander the Great. Studies on the Speculum maius and its translationinto medieval vernaculars, (ed. W.J. Aerts e.a.), Groningen 1986; -see Spicae 1 (1978) forextensive literature on specific works by Vincent. In April 1988 a conference on Vincent ofBeauvais has been held in Montréal at the instigation of S. Lusignan.

6 Part 1 chapter 1 The Speculum historiale and Vincent of Beauvais

The French King Louis IX played an important part in his life. It was hewho called Vincent to Royaumont where he had founded a Cistercianabbey in 1228 near his own residence, and it was he who, by theintermediary of abt Radulfus, gave Vincent financial and moral support forhis writing.4 Two of Vincent's treatises were intended for the education ofthe King's children: De Morali Principis Institutione 5 and the Liber deEruditione Filiorum Nobilium, the latter made on the special request ofQueen Marguerite in 1247-49.6 He addressed a Consolatio super mortemamici to the King after the death of the crown-prince in 1260.7

The general title of Vincent's principal work is Speculum maius. With acontent of 9885 chapters it is major indeed. Following in the footsteps ofillustrious predecessors like Pliny (Historia naturalis) and Honorius ofAutun (Imago mundi), Vincent aimed to provide the intelligentsia with anallround education within the bounds of a single work. By doing this, hereflects the passion for structural order combined with the desire forknowledge. Both are typical for a time in which mankind in Europe wasintellectually dominated by the early universities in general and by themendicant orders in particular. Indeed Vincent's work was considered soexemplary for his period by Emile Mâle, that this prolific art historianmodelled his classic on 13th century iconography on the distinct parts of theSpeculum maius.8

The Speculum maius consists of three parts to which Vincent added ageneral prologue, a Libellus apologeticus .9 In most manuscripts andprinted editions, the Libellus apologeticus is repeated at the beginning ofeach part of the Speculum, each time followed by a short, specialprologue.10

The first part, the Speculum naturale , is essentially an outline ofknowledge of the natural world, and comprises in 32 books everythingknown about heaven and the earth, based on the Hexaemeron or the six

4 - Lusignan 1979 pp. 55-58.5 - R.J. Schneider, A Mirror for Princes, in: Studium Generale. Studies offered to A.L.Gabriel, Notre Dame Ind. 1967, pp. 205-223. Schneider is preparing an edition of the text.6 - Vincentius Bellovacensis, De Eruditione filiorum nobilium (ed. A. Steiner),Cambridge Mass. 1938.7 - P. von Moos, Die Trostschrift des Vincenz von Beauvais für Ludwig IX; Vorstudie zurMotiv- und Gattungsgeschichte der Consolatio, in: Mitellateinisches Jahrbuch IV (1967),pp. 173-218; - idem, Consolatio. Studien zur mittellateinischen Trostliteratur über demTod und zum Problem der christlichen Trauer, 3 vols, Münich 1971-72.8 - E. Mâle, L'art religieux du XIIIe siècle en France, Paris 1902.9 - A.D. von den Brincken, Geschichtsbetrachtung bei Vincenz von Beauvais. DieApologia actoris zum Speculum maius, in: Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung desMittelalters 34,2 (1978), pp. 410-499; her edition of the Libellus, pp. 465-499; - Lusignan1979, passim; his edition, pp. 112-139.10 The special prologue to the historiale has been published by Ch. Oursel, Unexemplaire du Speculum maius de Vincent de Beauvais provenant de la bibliothèque deSaint Louis, in: BEC LXXXV (1924) pp. 261-262.


days of the Creation.11 The seventh day forms the transition to theSpeculum doctrinale (17 books), a manual of scholastic instruction, whichaims at the restoration of fallen man by the study of philosophy and bydiscipline. It includes grammar, logic, rhetoric, moral science,jurisprudence, medicine, mathematics and theology. The third part, theSpeculum historiale, comprises in 31 books the history of the world to the1250's and concludes in an epilogue with a long excursion on the end oftimes. A fourth part, the Speculum morale, though for centuries thought tobe by Vincent, is not entirely by his hand but was added after his death, andis largely based on the Summa Theologiae by Thomas Aquinas.12

1.2. Contents

The historiale is a universal compendium of world history, acompilation of facts and events arranged in chronological order, and asseen through a scholastic eye. Historical events are mixed with quotationsfrom the Doctors of the Church, moral treatises and digressions ontheological themes like the Incarnation, or the principle of the SevenSacraments. Hence the Speculum historiale is neither a chronicle nor ahagiography, but indeed an encyclopaedia within a historical frame.

It is not surprising to see the first volume after the prologue openingwith the Creation and Fall of man. A description of the world and itsinhabitants follows, including all sorts of strange creatures with just onefoot, or without a head on their shoulders. Then the Old Testament isinterwoven with events from antiquity, incorporating 29 fables of Æsop13

and the adventures of Alexander the Great.14 It culminates in the NewTestament and the death of the Virgin. The volume concludes with ananthology of miracles by the Virgin Mary that took place after her death.15

The books 9-16 deal mainly with the first period of Christianity and arefull of the lives of saints and their unhappy endings on this world. Morehistorical facts are included in books 14 and 15, dealing with the reign ofConstantine. Book 16 gives us the legend of the life of Josaphat, the son of afourth century king of India, and of his conversion by Barlaam to theChristian faith.16

11 - Lemoine 1966 pp. 573-575.12 - Paulmier 1978 pp. 99-103; - Voorbij 1986 pp. 12-14, 28.13 Book 4, ch. 2-8; see - L. Hervieux, Les fabulistes latins, t II, Paris 1884, pp. 235-246.14 Book 5, passim; see - C. Cary, The Medieval Alexander, Cambridge 1956; - D.J. A.Ross, Alexander historiatus, London 1963, p. 21.15 Book 8, ch. 81-120; see - R. Maloy, The "Speculum Historiale" of Vincent of Beauvaisand the Marian Works attributed to Saint Ildephonsus of Toledo, in: EphemeridesMariologicae XXII (1972), pp. 5-15.16 Book 16, ch. 1-63; see: - S. der Nersessian, L'illustration du roman de Barlaam etJoasaph, Paris 1937; - J. Sonet, Le roman de Barlaam et Josaphat, Louvain 1949(Université de Louvain. Recueil de travaux d'histoire et de philologie, 3, 33); - H. PeriPflaum, Der Religionsdisput der Barlaamlegende. Ein Motiv abendländischer Dichtung,


The second part starts at volume three, book 17 with the nine kingdomson earth, after which the history of the world is continued, intermingledwith lives of early medieval saints, predominantly of French descent.Vincent rounds off with the accession to the throne of the Byzantineemperor Anastasius II in 713, followed by the French legend of Amicus andAmilius.17

The last volume comprises the latest history, from the life ofCharlemagne till c. 1254, relating the links of the Carolingians with theCapetian dynasty. Remarkable is an extract on the Mongols.18 A long treatyon the end of times marks the finale and serves as an ultimate conclusion.

1.3. Reception

Though initially not composed at the instigation of Louis, the Speculumhistoriale certainly was adjusted after 1244 to the King's direct interest andpolicy.19 A dedicatory letter to the King (Epistola actoris ad regem), extant atthe beginning of twelve manuscripts of the Speculum historiale, givesproof of this.20

Vincent, however, did not intend his compendium primarily for theroyal family and their circle. It is more to the clergy that he addresses hisLibellus apologeticus, and to whom he wants to offer a florilegium forpreaching, lecturing and meditation. It was indeed an immediate successamong the various orders in France and the Southern Netherlands. Withthe Cistercians it soon found its way eastwards too, witness the manymanuscripts that are still - or were until recently - in situ in German andAustrian monasteries. The next chapter, focusing on the manuscripts of thefirst eight books of the Speculum historiale, will show that many of theextant manuscripts originate from (male) monasteries, while others werein the possession of bishops, deans and chapters, and other dignitaries.There is hardly any sign of interest from the universities.

Of the three parts of the Speculum maius, the Speculum historiale hasalways been admired most, the naturale being overshadowed byBartholomeus Anglicus' De proprietate rerum, and the doctrinale never

Salmanca 1954, p. 123 ff; - V.J. Djuric, Le nouveau Joasaph, in: Cahiers Archéologiques 33(1985), pp. 99-109..17 De duobus pueris consimilibus natis Amico et Amelio: Book 23, ch 162-166, 169. Anedition of Vincent's text in: - Amijs ende Amelis. Een middeleeuwse vriendschapssagenaar de berijming van Jacob van Maerlant tezamen met zijn latijnse bron, ed. J.J. Mak,Zwolle 1954; - J. Dufournet, Ami et Amile: une chanson de geste de l'amitié, Coll.Unichamp 1987.18 - G. Guzman, The Encyclopedist Vincent of Beauvais and his Mongol Extracts from Johnof Plano Carpini and Simon of Saint Quentin, in: Speculum XLIX (1974), pp. 287-307.19 - Lusignan 1979 p. 61; - Voorbij 1986 p. 12.20 The letter has been published by Oursel 1924 pp. 257-261. Contrary to Oursel'sfindings, Voorbij found the letter extant in eleven manuscripts (Voorbij 1986 p. 14 andnote 7). Gregory Guzmann, who is preparing an edition, discovered a twelfth manuscript.


having appealed to a large audience. Apart from the large number of extantmanuscripts and printed editions, the popularity and influence of thehistoriale can be evinced by the many- direct and indirect - quotations andexcerpts by scholars and authors, of whom Chaucer in particular is wellknown.21 It is also the only part that has been translated into medievalvernaculars: as early as the 1280's into Flemish by Jacob van Maerlant (theSpiegel historiael ),22 in c.1332 into French, and parts of the historiale weretranslated into German,23 Greek,24 and Spanish.25 From the 17th centuryonwards, however, interest gradually faded as other historical compendiaseemed to be more up to date and finally outdistanced Vincent's by naturescholastic and essentially medieval œuvre. The ambitious edition by theBenedictines from Douai in 1624 has been the last one for a very long time.It was facsimilized recently without a modern commentary.26 We know ofno modern edition, let alone a translation into any of the modernlanguages.

Though Ullman pleaded for a new edition of the Speculum maius asearly as the 1930's,27 it is only in the last decade that a serious attempt isbeing undertaken to study the origin and manuscript tradition of theSpeculum historiale. The list of manuscripts once published by Potthastwas since long out of date.28 Gregory Guzman asked support for a new listin 1975.29 However, the Atelier Vincent de Beauvais at the University ofNancy and Hans Voorbij from Groningen University were needed tocomplete the task and to trace more than 240 manuscripts, many of them in

21 - W.K. Wimsatt, Vincent of Beauvais and Chaucer's Cleopatra and Croesus, in:Speculum XII (1937), pp. 375-381; - P. Aiken, Chaucer's Legend of Cleopatra and theSpeculum historiale, in: Speculum XIII (1938), pp. 232-236.22 - Jacob van Maerlant's Spiegel historiael, (ed. M. de Vries & E. Verwijs), 3 vols,Leiden 1857-62; - J.B. Voorbij, The history of Alexander the Great in Jacob van Maerlant'sSpiegel historiael, in: Vincent and Alexander the Great. Studies on the Speculum maiusand its translations into medieval vernaculars (ed. W.J. Aerts e.a.), Groningen 1986, pp.57-84.23 - R.W.K. Schnell, Zur volkssprachlichen Rezeption des Speculum Historiale inDeutschland. Die Alexander-Geschichte in den Excerpta Chronicarum, in: Vincent ofBeauvais and Alexander the Great. Studies on the Speculum maius and its translationsinto medieval vernaculars (ed. W.J. Aerts e.a.), Groningen 1986, pp. 101-126.24 - L. Sterbach, De Vincentii Bellovacensis excerptis graecis, in: Ceské Museumfilologiské VI (1900), pp. 401-416; VII (1901), pp. 1-28.25 - F. Lauchert, La estoria de los quatro dotores de la santa Eglesia. Die Geschichte dervier großen lateinischen Kirchenlehrer, in einer alten spanischen Übersetzung nachVincenz von Beauvais, Halle 1897. (Romanische Bibliothek, ed W. F.örster, 14).26 Graz 1964-1965.27 - B.L. Ullman, A Project of a New Edition of Vincent of Beauvais, in: Speculum 8(1933), pp. 312-326.28 - A. Potthast, Bibliotheca historica medii aevi. Wegweiser durch dieGeschichtswerke des europäischen Mittelalters bis 1500, Berlin 1896 (2nd ed), vol II, pp.1095-96.29 - G.G. Guzman, A Growing Tabulation of Vincent of Beauvais' Speculum historialeManuscripts, in: Scriptorium 29 (1975), pp. 122-125.


remote places as far as Eastern Europe.30 At last the first steps towards acritical edition of the Speculum historiale had been taken.

Meanwhile, studies have been published on parts of the historiale. SergeLusignan has devoted a study to the prologue;31 Gregory Guzman is editingthe dedicatory letter to Louis IX. Monique Paulmier from the AtelierVincent de Beauvais works on one of Vincent's main sources, theChronicon by Hélinand of Froidmont.32 Voorbij's article on themanuscripts is an important contribution to the history of the distinctversions of the historiale.33 These and other recents articles will, togetherwith the list of manuscripts in Scriptorium finally enable scholarsinterested in Vincent to study the Speculum maius in detail and give it theattention it has been in want of for too long.

1.4. The Douai-version

According to Paulmier and Voorbij, Vincent reworked his three-partitecompendium several times between 1244 and 1256-59, which resulted in atleast four versions of the Libellus apologeticus, two versions of theNaturale, and four distinct versions of the third part, the historiale.34

Paulmier calls the latest and most common version the Douai-version afterthe printed edition of 1624 by the Benedictines of Douai. This printededition of the historiale, however, does not follow the arrangement of thetext as it occurs in most manuscripts on three points.

First, the Benedictines, when publishing the whole Speculum maius,printed the prologue (Libellus apologeticus ) only once, at the beginning ofthe Speculum naturale, thus omitting it in the historiale, whereas themanuscripts of the historiale usually start with the prologue. Therefore, thehistoriale in most manuscripts contains 32 books by labelling the Libellusapologeticus as book 1, while in the Douai-edition it contains 31 books.

Secondly, in the manuscript tradition of the Douai-version,35 often avolume includes an alphabetical index (Tabula alphabetica), because, asVincent explained with a quotation from St. Augustine: "Order is thedistribution which allots things equal and unequal, each to their ownplace."36 The alphabetical index only covers the items that are contained inthe volume it actually heads. For instance, a volume containing books 1-8

30 - M.C. Duchenne, G.G. Guzman & J.B. Voorbij, Une liste des manuscrits du Speculumhistoriale, in: Scriptorium 41 (1987), pp. 286-294.31 - Lusignan 1979 passim.32 - M. Paulmier-Foucart, Écrire l'histoire au XIIIe siècle. Vincent de Beauvais etHélinand de Froidmont, in: Annales de l'Est 5e série 33 (1981), pp. 49-70.33 - Voorbij 1986 passim.34 - Paulmier 1978, passim; - Voorbij 1986 , passim, esp. p. 15.35 - Voorbij 1986 p. 17.36 Vincent, tabula alphabetica: Secundum Augustinum xix libro de civitate dei ordo estparium dispariumque sua cuique loca tribuens disposicio ex quibus verbis colligitur quodilla que bene ordinata sunt et disposita facilius in locis suis inveniuntur. Transcribed fromParis, Bibl. de la Sorbonne, MS 54 f. 1r.


of the Speculum is headed by an alphabetical index with items from books1-8.37 Apart from that, the Libellus apologeticus usually is extended fromchapter 21 onwards with 32 extra chapters containing a table of contents ofall the 32 books, which in fact is a list of the rubrics; the table of contents ofbook 2 is repeated thereafter as chapter 22. Finally, each of the 32 books ispreceded by a short explanatory paragraph together with a table of contentsof each book. In the Douai edition, however, the tables of contents (with theexplanatory paragraphs) have been taken out of the Libellus apologeticusand out of the text and put at the end of the volume; the alphabetical indexof all the 31 books has been moved from the beginning of the volume tothe end, too.

The third difference concerns a codicological facet. Manuscripts of theDouai-version usually are divided either into two volumes, containingbooks 1-16 and 17-32, or into four volumes, containing 1-8, 9-16, 17-24 and25-32. In both cases book 17 is considered to be the beginning of the secondpart of the historiale, as is stressed in the explanatory paragraph heading thetable of contents of book 17.38 As the printed version was encompassed inone volume, the dividing of the text into two parts was no longer relevant,and so that paragraph was discarded.

*°*°*°*

37 - A.D. von den Brincken, Tabula alphabetica. Von den Anfängen alphabetischerRegisterarbeiten zu geschichtlichen Werken (Vincenz von Beauvais OP, Johannes vonHautfuney, Paulinus Minorita OFM), in: Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel , Göttingen1972, vol 2 pp. 902-907. She did not know there also exist alphabetical indices of books 1-16, 17-32. See also: M.A. & R.H. Rouse, La naissance des index, in: Histoire de l'éditionfrançaise I: Le livre conquérant, Paris 1983, pp. 77-85.38 hec secunda pars hystorialis speculi ex diversorum hystoricorum voluminibus collectacontinet xvj libros sicut et prima videlicet a xvij usque ad xxxij in quo terminatur opustotum. Transcribed from Oxford, Merton College MS 125, the third volume of a fourvolume set from the beginning of the 14th century.

12 Part I chapter 2 Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale

Chapter 2: THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE FIRST BOOKS OF THESPECULUM HISTORIALE

2.1. Introduction

Before examining the illustrations in manuscripts of the Miroirhistorial it is necessary to know whether the artists making the miniaturesof the manuscripts of the French text could rely on any existing illustrationschemes. To what extent they occasionaly borrowed from well-knownillustrated texts, like the Bible historiale and the Histoire universelle, is aquestion beyond the scope of this research, as it would involve a survey ofthe illustration of all biblical and historical manuscripts in France from thelate Middle Ages. It is more to the point to ask whether the manuscripts ofthe Speculum historiale, the Latin original by Vincent of Beauvais, havepassed on a pictorial tradition to the French translation. If indeed the Latinmanuscripts were illustrated, a direct link between the picture cycles of theLatin and the French manuscripts seems likely.

For this reason we have studied the volumes containing the first booksof Vincent's Speculum historiale with regard to their decoration and,closely linked with this, their provenance and/or place of production.39 It isdifficult to define what is meant by a first volume, because the text can bedivided into several different ways according to their different versions.We have taken the manuscripts that contain the first 5, 6, 7, 8 or 16 books.Fragments have been omitted.40

2.2. Origin and Provenance

A list of manuscripts of the Speculum historiale, with 242 items, hasbeen compiled and published only recently.41 According to this publication,over seventy manuscripts of the first part of the text survive.

39 The Speculum historiale and its manuscripts are the subject of a thesis by J.B. Voorbij,Groningen. For this reason I will deal with this matter as briefly as possible.40 One fragment, however, has to be mentioned because it is hardly known. According tohis catalogue Libri e documenti manoscritti V, Milano 1968, No. 579 the Milaneseantiquarian bookseller Renzo Rizzi offered an illustrated fragment for sale in 1968. Thefirm was so kind as to send me a photograph. It proves to be two leaves containing book 26cap. CXXX-CXXXII and the beginning of book 27 with a historiated initial representing5 people paying tribute to the Emperor Henry V. The same style and decoration occur inOxford Merton College MS 126, this however being complete.41 - Duchenne & Guzman & Voorbij 1987 passim; see also - Voorbij 1986 passim.

Part I chapter 2 Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale 13

Of these manuscripts, we tried to trace the original home and provenance.They are listed in APPENDIX A at the end of this study.

Looking at the provenance, one thing is obvious: where a provencancecan be found, the manuscript proves to have been made for, or belonged to,a monastery, a chapter, or a clergyman. Indeed, all manuscripts - with onlya few exceptions which will be discussed below - have the looks of anmonastic library book: folioformat, with little or no decoration, small script,and many lines per page (up to 70). The Speculum historiale thus wasindeed used as a reference book, a book for study, and as a book to be readaloud in the refectory at dinner, the purpose for which the author himselfintended his book: "in refectoriis, in infirmatoriis & aliis locis inter fratresaedificationis causa possint legi ".42 Often the text has been carefullycorrected (e.g. London, BL Roy. 13 D VIII and Oxford, Merton Coll. MS123).It did not find its way to the library of a secular bibliophile, at least not untilthe second half of the 15th century.43

Strangely enough, there is no trace of great interest from the side ofacademia. None of the existing manuscripts does show an academic origin.Avril could point at one transaction by a librarian of the Sorbonne, who in1332 sold a Speculum historiale to Gérard de Montaigu, a member of thegovernment.44 Since Geoffroy de St Léger, the librarian, was probablyworking as a professional miniaturist at the same time,45 the transactiondoes not evince a university engagement.

2.3. Illumination

Shifting attention to the decoration, one can observe that themanuscripts made by, or on behalf of, Cistercian monasteries, are seldomilluminated, and if so, they only include a few small historiated initials.They are therefore of the plain appearance common to this order andfaithful to the much cited 80th article in their Instituta generalis capituliapud cistercium of 1134 or later: "litterae unius coloris fiant, et nondepictae": initials are to be done in one colour and not historiated.46

42 Apologia actoris , caput 17; see - Lusignan 1979 pp. 47, 137; - Smits 1986 p. 7.43 See Lisbon Bibl.Nac. MSS ill. 125, 126 and the fragments in New Mexico.44 - F. Avril, Le maître de Fauvel, forthcoming. He bases his findings on P. Delalain,Etude sur le libraire parisien du XIIIe au XVe siècle, Paris 1891, p. XXXVII, n. 1, whichrefers to a lost document mentioned by J. du Breul, Le Théâtre des Antiquités de Paris,Paris 1612, p. 608.45 see Part II chapter 5.2.46 - No. 82 in the standard edition, see: J. Turk, Cistercii statuta antiquissimi, in:Analecta Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis 4 (1948), pp. 27-28 No. 82. On Cistercian bookillustration in general, see: - G Plotzek-Wederhake, Buchmalerei inZisterziënserklöstern, in: Die Zisterzienser. Ordensleben zwischen Ideal undWirklichkeit. Exh. Aachen (Rathaus) 1980, pp. 357-378 (with bibliography); and - W.Cahn, The Rule and the Book: Cistercian Book Illumination in Burgundy and

14 Part I chapter 2 Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale

Alison Stones, too, in 1977, noticed the different schemes in bookdecoration in the earliest manuscripts of the Speculum historiale: "Of theseventeen 13th century Vincent manuscripts, five contain narrativeillustration in full colour. These were the ones that were made for, orowned by Benedictine monasteries, while the ones containing only pen-flourished decoration belonged to Cistercian monasteries, of whichCambron was one".47 In 1977, only 37 manuscripts of the Speculumhistoriale were known to her; though now ten years later twice as manymanuscripts containing the first books alone have been found, the sameconclusion can, generally speaking, still be drawn.

But, as we shall see, the Benedictine and Augustine monks did notenrich their copies of the Speculum historiale with numerous illustrationseither. They did not require reference books like these to be illustrated,because here illustrations would not have been functional but merelydecorative.

Two exceptions that may have been made for secular use, are now inLisbon, Bibl.Nac, MSS ill. 125 and 126 [Pls. 1-4]. It is reasonable to assumethat these manuscripts were commissioned by members of the Frenchcourt, but no proof of this is available, so their provenances remainuncertain.

Another fact that emerges is that practically all historiated manuscriptsoriginate from France and the Southern Netherlands. Though east of theRhine the Speculum historiale was quite popular as far as East Pomerania(St Mary's cloister Pelplin), its decoration in this region is extremely scarce.Voorbij finds an explanation in the leading role the Cistercian monastery ofMorimond played in the dispersion of Vincent's text eastwards.48

All illuminated manuscripts, with - again - the exception of Lisbon 126,date from the 13th or 14th century. It is surprising to see that in the 15thcentury illustrations apparently were no longer required, whereas theinterest in the text did not shift to other milieus.

A catalogue of illustrations, to be found in APPENDIX B, comprises fourextant manuscripts containing one or more miniatures, and seventeenwith historiated initials. It clearly demonstrates that no tradition can befound of an extensive miniature-cycle in the manuscripts of Vincent'sSpeculum historiale. The oldest extant manuscript, Dijon 568 (whether it isthe presentation copy or not), has got two historiated initials of modestproportions [Pl. 5]. This level of illustration is representative for most othermanuscripts. Apart from a portrait of the author Vincent [Pl. 6] they usuallydepict kings and emperors, standing, sitting, arguing or giving orders. In

Champagene, in: Monasticism and the Arts, (ed T.G. Verdon), Syracuse (New York) 1984,pp. 139-172.47 - A. Stones, The Minnesota Vincent of Beauvais Manuscript and CistercianThirteenth-Century Book Decoration, Minneapolis 1977 (The James Ford Bell Lectures14), p. 18.48 - M. Paulmier, Jean Hautfuney, Tabula super Speculum historiale fratris Vincentii,présentation, in: Spicae 2 (1980), p. 19 n. 1; - J.B. Voorbij, his thesis, in preparation.

Part I chapter 2 Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale 15

that respect the historiated initials still have the function of marking thebeginning of a new book rather than illustrating the text that follows.

The most extensively decorated manuscripts hardly ever contain moreillustrations than one simple scene at the beginning of each book(Boulogne, Cava, Escorial, Paris 14354, Rome, and Oxford, Merton College)[Pls. 7-11], and even Lisbon 126 in its undamaged condition, thoughbeautifully manufactured and carefully illustrated, would not have left usmore than 19 or 20 miniatures within 16 books.

Illustration as such was not regarded to be essential for a betterunderstanding of the text. See for instance the beautiful initials in Paris, BNlat 14354, intended for the Augustine Abbey of St Victor in Paris. The firstinitial is historiated with a scene of the Annunciation, which has nothingto do with the subject, but is simply a tribute paid to the Virgin Mary andher Child.49 This hommage to the Virgin and Christ is explicitly repeatedthrough the initials at the beginning of each new book, showing her withthe Christ Child on her lap over and over again. The function of the initialas a mere signal to the beginning of a book is demonstrated here in its mostcharming way.

The two illuminated manuscripts now in Lisbon, apparently intendedfor secular use, the beautiful manuscript made for the Holy Trinity abbey inCava, Italy, and the Sorbonne manuscript are the four manuscripts withillustrations beyond the initial. Only the Cava manuscript antedates theFrench translation. Exquisite though they are, these few illustrations haveno relation at all to the numerous miniatures of the first manuscripts ofJean de Vignay's translation.

It will now be clear that no Latin manuscript can boast an illustrationscheme as extensive as the manuscripts of the French translation because ofits different use, required by a different clientele. Therefore, theilluminators of the French text, devoid of any direct source, had to be moreinventive and create their own iconography.

*°*°*°*

49 It is worth noting that one of the copies of René d'Anjou also was illustrated with arepresentation of the Annunciation; see Albanés 1874 p. 308 No. 60.

16 Part I chapter 3 The Miroir historial and Jean de Vignay

Chapter 3: THE MIROIR HISTORIAL AND JEAN DE VIGNAY, THETRANSLATOR

3.1. Introduction

By the late 13th and early 14th century the French court, after havingdiscovered the wealth - and power - of literature, had made the stimulationof new and translated French texts their active policy. Chronicles andtreatises on the Crusades such as the Chroniques de St Denis by the monkPrimat and the Vie de St Louis by Jean de Joinville had evoked an interestin national history and underlined the importance of literature as a mightyweapon in royal public relations. Contrary to the clerical world, the Frenchroyalty preferred the French vernacular to the less accessible Latin. As Jeanle Meun simply put it when addressing King Philippe le Bel in his Li livresde confort de Philosophie : "Ja soit que tu entends bien le latin, maistoutevois est de moult plus legiers a entendre le francois que le latin".50

Princesses, apparently, did not receive the same education with regard toLatin; we know from a letter by Pope John XXII in 1332 to the confessor ofQueen Jeanne de Bourgogne, Gauthier de Dijon, that "ipsa latinum nonintelligit".51 By thus encouraging the vernacular as a written language, theFrench court in the late 13th century and early 14th century has contributedlargely to the status and development of the French language.52

In short, when the Valois came to the throne in 1328, the tradition ofpatronizing the French literature had already been well established. KingPhilippe VI, the first Valois king (1293-1350), his wife Jeanne de Bourgogne(1294-1348) and their son, the future King Jean II le Bon (1319-1364), all haveordered translations into French from medieval and classical Latin sources.Their interest is reflected in the wide variety of texts translated at theirrequest, ranging from a treatise on chess to a partial translation of theEpistles and Gospels.53

Remarkably enough, they favoured one translator in particular, whocertainly was not of the same calibre as Jean de Meun: Jean de Vignay, whobetween 1328 and the 1340's has worked principally, and virtuallyunrivalled, for the royal family.

The little that is known about Jean de Vignay has been recorded by PaulMeyer, Otto Jordan and Guy Snavely in different studies around the turn of

50 - V.L. Dedeck-Hery, Boethius De consolatione by Jean de Meun, in: Medieval StudiesXIV (1952), p. 168; - S. Lusignan, Parler vulgairement. Les intellectuels et la languefrançaise au XIIIe et XIVe siècles, Paris/Montréal 1987, p. 149.51 - Martene, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, Paris 1717, vol I col 1384; - Knowles 1953 pp.28-29.52 - Lusignan 1987 passim.53 - Delisle I 1868 pp. 13-17.

Part I chapter 3 The Miroir historial and Jean de Vignay 17

this century,54 and, more recently, by Christine Knowles.55 Snavely isstrongly opposed by Meyer and Knowles inasfar as Jean's life is concerned.56

According to them, Snavely confuses our translator Jean de Vignay withanother scholar of the same name from Dijon, who is described byHauréau.57 To quote Snavely:

He (Jean de Vignay) was born c. 1275, which would make him old enough to write hisfirst book, the latin treatise entitled Margarita philosophiarum, which appeared in 1298.We also find that in 1298 he was probably an official in the monastery of Dijon. Twentyyears later, we have the record of the acquittal of a certain Jean de Vignay of havingmurdered one called Colinet de la ville au Bois. He was cleared completely from allsuspicion in 1318. (..) After his acquittal from the murder charge, we next find that Jean deVignay is filling a monastic position in Rouen, when in 1326 he was selected by the Pope tomake a translation of the Gospels for queen Jeanne de Bourgogne, who had appealed to thePope for a prayer book in French. This first work in translation gave him an introduction tothe royal family and put him under its protection for probably the rest of his days. The lastdate given for his translation (an Alixandre en prose, now lost) is 1341, and it is veryprobable that he died soon thereafter.58

However, Christine Knowles, who studied Jean de Vignay's translationsin detail, argues that the scholar who wrote the Latin Margaritaphilosophiarum can never have been the same Jean de Vignay who, laterin life, was the author of such mediocre translations.59 Secondly, theknowledge of our Jean de Vignay of the Burgundy region is very limited,witness the awkward translation of Burgundian cities in one of his books,which make it hard to believe he had ever been there.60 For that reason, hecannot have been the Jean de Vignay who was "vice-doctor" in Dijon. Alsohis stay and sequent imprisonment in Belgium would make him a moreseasoned traveller than his works suggest. Further, Knowles does not findany evidence that Jean de Vignay ever was at Rouen, and Snavely fails tobring to light the acknowledging references.61

And finally, the assumption of his translating an Alexander-text isentirely based upon a note in an inventory of the manuscripts of Charles VI

54 - P. Meyer, Les anciens traducteurs français de Végèce, et en particulier Jean deVignay, in: Romania XXV (1896), pp. 401-423; - O. Jordan, Jehan du Vingnai und seinKirchenspiegel, Halle 1905; - G.E. Snavely, The Aesopic Fables in the Mireoir Historialof Jehan de Vignay, Baltimore 1908.55 - Knowles 1953 passim; - Knowles 1954 passim; - C. Knowles, Jean de Vignay, in:Dictionnaire des lettres françaises. Le Moyen Age, (ed. G. Grente), Paris 1964, pp. 431-433.56 - P. Meyer, review of Snavely in: Romania (1908), pp. 476-477; - Knowles 1953 pp. 9,17-21.57 - B. Hauréau, Jean de Vignay, in: Histoire littéraire de la France, vol XXX: suite duXIVe siècle, Paris 1888, pp. 280-293.58 - Snavely 1911 pp. 323-324.59 - Knowles 1953 pp. 213-218.60 - Knowles 1953 p. 18. It concerns Jean de Vignay's translation of the Otia imperialia,Ch. 32-46; the manuscript is Paris BN, MS Rothschildt 3085, f. 63r.61 - Knowles 1953 p. 20; - Snavely 1908 p. 14.


in the Louvre, made up in 1423. The note refers to an Alixandre en prose,translated by Jean de Vignay in 1341.62 No manuscripts of this text areextant, and we do not have any other evidence for this translation, so thenote in the Louvre inventory might well have been an error. It is hencediscarded by Knowles.

Confining oneself to the facts that emerge from Jean de Vignay's workor given by himself, one must admit that the knowledge about his lifeseems to be very sparse. According to Knowles, he was born c. 1285 inNormandy in the Bayeux region. He went to Paris early in the14thcentury.63 There he became a member of a rather obscure order ofHospitallers, those of Saint Jacques du Haut Pas at the Rue Saint Jacques,within the direct vicinity of the Sorbonne.64 He apparently did not play animportant part in the activities of the order, but was instead given the timeto write. In these fruitful years, he completed eleven translations (twelve ifwe include the Alixandre en prose ) from Latin texts into French, nine ofwhich he dedicated to the royal family: the Directoire a faire le passage deTerre Sainte, the Merveilles de la Terre d'Outremer by Odorico daPordenone, the Enseignements by Theodorus Paleologus, the Miroir del'Église by Hugues de St Cher, were translated for King Philippe VI; LesEpîtres et Evangiles, the Miroir historial by Vincent of Beauvais, theLégende dorée by Jacobus de Voragine, and the Chronique by the monkPrimat were requested by Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne, and finally the Jeudes Échecs moralisés by Jacobus de Cessolis was presented to the futureKing Jean II le Bon. The Oisivetez des Emperieres by Gervais de Tilburyand the De la chose de chevelarie by Vegetius are not dedicated to onepatron in particular. Jean de Vignay died probably in the 1340's.

Though by modern standards far from perfect, his translations were tobecome very popular in his time, and remained so for a long time. Morethan 120 manuscripts survive, many of which are illuminated.65 Three ofhis translations also appeared in print: theJeu des Échecs, the Miroirhistorial and the Legende dorée ; the latter was printed 40 times between1476 and 1554, six times by Antoine Vérard alone.66 The Jeu des Échecs waspublished by Vérard in 1504, and again by Michel le Noir a year later. TheMiroir historial was published by Vérard in 1495-96, and by NicolasCouteau in 1531.

3.2. Date of the Translation

62 - Delisle III 1881 p. 163.63 - Knowles 1953 pp. 2-32; - Knowles 1954 pp. 353-356.64 See: - J. Grente, Une paroisse de Paris sous l'ancien régime Saint-Jacques du Haut-Pas1566-1793, Paris-Auteuil 1897, pp. 1-11 on the early history of this order; - Knowles 1953,Appendix I, pp. 365-407, gives a transcription of the rules of the order (as found in Paris,Archives Nationales, L 453 No. 25), as well as three other documents concerning theHospitallers (Paris AN L 452 Nos. 2/2, 2/3 and 6).65 A list of manuscripts of Jean de Vignay's œuvre is given in APPENDIX D.66 A list of editions is given in Knowles 1954 pp. 382-383.


We know Jean de Vignay worked almost exclusively for the royalfamily, but it is not certain whether they directed his activities right fromthe outset. Christine Knowles found references in the prologues of theMiroir historial and the Légende dorée that seem to indicate that hestarted both translations without Queen Jeanne's request but with the hopeof offering them to her later when complete.67 For the Miroir historial inparticular it seems to be the most plausible way to understand acontradiction in the prologue that has equally troubled French scholars likePaulin Paris and Léopold Delisle.68

In the prologue of the Miroir historial that Jean de Vignay added to the32 books of the Speculum historiale, he emphasizes the necessity to work,since "oyseuse est chose nuisant", quoting Saint Augustine and SaintJerome, but neither does he write a traditional dedication nor does hemention any benefactor by name. Instead, he makes an allusion to amember of the royal family and states that he has heard that she would bepleased to read the stories contained in the text:

Et la cause qui ma meu a ce que je en[tre]prisse plus tost ceste oeure que nule autre Si estpour ce que jai entendu par aucunes personnes dignes de foi. Que une des tasses du tresprecieuxlis beneoit que Diex planta de sa main. el douz et gracieus vergier de france. Laquele tasse,estraite et norrie et alevee du tres excellent lis roial de france. A tant fructefie. que elle aporte fleur et fruit si tres precieus et si noble. que le dit vergier de la douce france et autrespluseurs en sont et seront plantez puepliez et en nobliz a touz les temps de vie. A volente doirrecorder les hystorers et les fez des anciens qui sont contenuz el dit liure.69

Paulin Paris argues that Jean de Vignay can only have meant with this"tasse du tresprecieux lis beneoit" the wife of Philippe VI de Valois, Jeannede Bourgogne, herself a granddaughter of Louis IX by her mother Agnes. Aremark by Jean de Vignay himself, that Paris found in the prologue of theLegende dorée confirms this:

Pour laquelle chose quant Joy parfait et acompli le mirouer des hystoires du monde ettranslate de latin en francois A la requeste de trespoissant et noble dame ma dame Jehanne deBourgoigne par la grace de dieu Royne de france Je fu tout esbahy a la quelle euure faire Je memettroye apres si tres haulte et longue euure comme je avoye faite par devant.70

Also the first rubric of one of the oldest manuscripts of the Miroirhistorial, Leiden, Univ. Libr, Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, leaves us in no doubt abouther role in the translation [Pl. 137]:

Cy commence le premier volume du Mirouer historial translate de latin en francois par lamain Jehan de Vignay a la requeste de tres haute et tres excellente dame Jehanne de

67 - Knowles 1954 pp. 357-362, 364-366.68 - P.Paris II 1838 pp. 88-90; - Delisle 1886 pp. 88-90.69 Paris BN fr. 316, f. 1r-1v. The manuscripts in Paris, BN fr. 312 and in Malibu, LudwigXIII.5 use the word cosses instead of the word tasses.70 Paris BN fr. 242, f. Arecto. See - Thomas 1979 Fig. XV; - Sterling 1987 Fig. 183.


Bourgogne, royne de France. Et fu commencie ou quint an de son regen, lan de grace mil CCC etXXXII selonc loppinion frere Vincent qui en latin le compila a la requeste de monseigneur Loysjadis roy de France.

But here a twofold controversion starts. First, the rubric of the Leidenmanuscript clearly states that the translation was made on the request ofQueen Jeanne de Bourgogne, so it is strange that the prologue in the samemanuscript, like elsewhere, does not speak of her in more open terms.Second, Jeanne married Philippe VI de Valois in 1313, and by his accessionto the throne in 1328, she had two children. Jean de Vignay does not speakof her as a queen, so, as Paulin Paris suggested, the prologue of the Miroirmust have been written between 1313 and1328. Moreover, her next twochildren, born in 1328 and 1330 respectively, were both to die within afortnight, so an allusion to her prospective multiple progeny would beslightly misplaced in the years after 1328. But the rubric is apodictic inasfaras the date of the beginning of the translation is concerned: 1332, and thisdoes not meet with the above assumptions. If the first rubric and theprologue were both written in 1332, why do they contradict each other ontwo essential points?

Christine Knowles found the most plausible answer after havingcompared the texts of the first books of the Miroir historial to the later ones.According to her, the first two books are full of mistakes, misunderstandingof the Latin and clumsiness in the translation. After the second book, thetranslation is more consistent, though still far from elegant. It seems likelyto her that Jean de Vignay started to write without the intervention ofJeanne de Bourgogne, put the long task aside for a while, to take it up againin 1332 at the Queen's request. By the time of the completion, he did nottake the trouble to adjust the prologue to fit the particulars of his patron.

Two aspects of the text may bring us even further. The first is aninternal one. In book 20, chapter lxxvij and again in chapter cxj, Jean deVignay still does not name his patron; like in the prologue, he speaks of heras a "tres excellente tres noble et tres poissant dame pour qui je translate celiure en francois".71 So, the work half done, he either is not sure of Jeannede Bourgogne's commission, or Jeanne is not yet Queen of France.

An external reason adds to the last conclusion. To translate the firsteight books of the Miroir probably would take a year or more. Onemanuscript containing the first eight books, always regarded as the oldestone of the Miroir historial, now Paris, BN fr. 316, is dated at the end: "lan degrace mil ccc et xxxiij, la veille de sainte Katherine", i.e. 24th November1333. Paleographical evidence shows this manuscript to be copied by justone, professional scribe. Had he worked very fast, he could have finishedthe transcription of the 414 folios in about six months. It is likely, however,that it took him longer.72 Even if we suppose Jean de Vignay set to work at

71 J3 ff. 200v, 218r.72 Bozzolo and Ornato (C. Bozzolo & E. Ornato, Pour une histoire du livre au moyen âge,Paris 1980, p. 46), estimate a medieval scribe could write 2.8 folios a day. Bourgain (P.Bourgain, L'édition des manuscrits, in: Histoire de l'édition française I: Le livre


the very beginning of 1332 - that is after Easter 1332 -, it is hardlyconceivable that the first volume of the Miroir could be translated fromscratch, made ready for transcription, and transcribed and illuminatedwithin twenty months. Moreover, we know that in 1333 Jean de Vignaywas already working on another translation, that of the Directorium adPassagium Faciendum, composed the year before by an unknown authorand dedicated to Philippe VI [Pl. 12].73 At the same time he was alsotranslating the Legenda aurea by Jacobus de Voragine. So we must assumethat by1333 he had completed the translation of all four volumes of theMiroir historial.

The complete Speculum historiale contains about 3700 chapters, that is200,000 lines or over one million words.74 An indication of how giganticthe task is to transcribe this text, may be found in the dated volumes of theLatin original. A list of over two hundred manuscripts of the LatinSpeculum historiale, yields several dated four volume sets.75 Every time,each volume took about a year to be transcribed. Since a transcriptionrequires less time than a translation, we may deduct from this that it musthave taken more than four years to translate the Speculum historiale.

We cannot grasp exactly the workload Jean de Vignay was able to getthrough within a year's time. In scrutinizing Jean de Vignay's translations,Christine Knowles assumes he worked without the help of assistants. Wecan only follow her assumptions as long as there is no sign of the contrary.His position in a monastery that aimed at caring for the sick and thetraveller rather than at translating texts, indeed favours the hypothesis ofhis working on his own. Therefore, we must conclude Jean de Vignay didnot translate the entire Speculum historiale between Easter 1332 and 1333:he had completed not only the first books, but the majority of thetranslation well before 1332.

Part II will deal with the question of the date in more detail.

3.3. The Translation Process

conquérant, Paris 1983, p. 50) gives a lower estimation: 3 to 4 pages. This would mean ittook the scribe of J1 170-250 days to finish his task.73 The translation is dated in the only extant manuscript, London BL Roy. 19 D I, f. 165v:"Ici commence le directoire cest adire lesdroitement ou voie droituriere afaire le passagede la terre sainte ordene par un frere de lordre des prescheurs escrivant les choses veues etesprouuees miex que les choses oyes. au tres noble prince et seigneur mon seigneur phelipperoy de france lan de notre seigneur .mil.ccc.xxxij. et fu translate enfrancois par iehan devignay. Lan.mil.ccc.xxxiij."On the possible identity of the author of the Directorium, see - K. Kohler, in Recueil desHistoires des Croisades, Documents arméniens II, pp. cxliv-cxlvi.74 The Douai edition of the historiale has 1334 pages; a page contains two columns, eachwith 75 lines. 2x75x1334 makes 200,100 lines. Ullman (Ullman 1933 p. 326) estimates theamount of words on 1,230,000.75 - Duchenne & Guzman & Voorbij 1987, passim.


A comparison of the Latin text with the French translation makes clearthat Jean de Vignay used the latest and most common version of theSpeculum historiale, the Douai-version. The fact that the earliestmanuscripts comprise an alphabetical index of the books per volume is initself a simple proof. When putting Voorbij's lists of rubrics alongside theFrench text, the outcome is the same.76

To the translation, Jean added the general prologue that is mentionedabove, in which he gives the reasons why he undertook the work. Whenpursuing his exemplar's way of dividing the 32 books into four equalvolumes, he also decided to add prologues, though much shorter, to thesecond, third and fourth volumes, that is at the beginning of books 9, 16and 24. These short prologues and the general prologue are almost the onlytext written by Jean de Vignay himself; apart from a few changes - forinstance in book 20 ch. lxxvij he explains why he has to omit here a chapteron the pollution of the flesh - he closely follows his Latin source.

A prolific translator, Jean de Vignay did not aim at perfection. AsKnowles points out in her thesis, it did not come natural to him either.Moreover, his knowledge of Latin is far from being up to standard and wewill see some examples of his mistakes in the following chapters. The textof the Miroir therefore is full of uncomely sentences, misunderstandingsand thoughtless errors that, together with its length, have caused a criticalreception by modern philologists so far.77 But the 14th century lay worldwould have been happy to gain access to any knowledge now available tothem as a result of the French translation, so quality was not their mainconcern. In Part III more attention will be paid to the text itself.

3.4. Reception and Influence

The reception of the Miroir historial has been completely different fromthat of the Speculum historiale. As we will see in the following chapters,the Miroir historial never entered a monastery, but filled the libraries ofroyal bibliophiles instead. For the late Middle Ages, it is not an uncommonfeature to see the Latin manuscripts being transcribed by monks for the useof monasteries and consequently having a plain lay-out, whereas thevernacular translations were produced in lay workshops for the aristocracywho required an elaborate illustration scheme.

Not only did the royal patronage of both King Louis IX and QueenJeanne guarantee the text a special place among the collections of theirdescendants, it appealed to the high nobility because they considered mostof its historical content as part of their own history. Of the 38 volumes thatare extant today - if counting the number of volumes they were originallybound in -, fourteen were intended for the French royal family, thirteen for

76 - Voorbij 1986 pp. 20-24, 39-45.77 Gilles Roussineau, Paris, wrote me in 1983 that he stopped working on an edition ofthe Miroir after realizing that "le texte de Jean de Vignay n'était pas fiable en raison denombreuses erreurs et maladresses de traduction."


other members of the French court, five for the Flemish high society, onefor an English king - though made in Flanders -, and five bear no trace of afirst ownership. We thus can see the interest in the translation move in thelate 14th century from the French royals to their relatives, to reach theFlemish aristocracy in the second half of the 15th century; from there itcame to England. Even when in 1496 Vérard published a printed version,he dedicated it to the French king, and more than one lavishly illustratedprinted copy testifies of a lasting appeal to the French patricians.

This direct relation to the French court had considerable implicationsfor the manuscripts. Lay workshops in the capital transcribed them, and theminiatures were painted by lay artists. Many volumes contain over 200miniatures. Because of the small area they were produced in, and the closecircle of people they were intended for, the manuscripts may inform usabout the taste and interest of their patrons, about the working method inParisian ateliers, and their influence on Flemish artists in the late 15thcentury.

Influential though the readers of the Miroir historial may have been,the circulation of the French text was limited compared to its Latin source.Therefore, the Miroir historial has not had considerable impact on laterliterature. The success was far outdistanced by Jean de Vignay's mostpopular work, the translation of the Legenda aurea, and by his moreaccessible translation of the De ludo scaccorum. When the Miroir appearedin print for the first time in 1496, it was as a historical treatise alreadyslightly out of date; as a scholastic encyclopedia it was difficult to grasp forthe laity.

Another circumstance may have thwarted the circulation of the Miroirhistorial. Already in Jean de Vignay's lifetime, the Speculum historialewas excerpted in French at the request of King Philip VI by an anonymouswriter. According to Couderc, the author did not consult Jean de Vignay'stranslation.78 Of this epitome, called the Manuel d'histoire de Philippe VI,or the Chroniques abrégées, two redactions survive in 26 copies, oneredaction datable around 1328, the other around 1330. Certainly theseFrench abbreviated versions made the content of the Speculum historialeaccessible to a broader range of people, and, witness the modest appearanceof the extant manuscripts, the public interested in the Manuel wasdifferent from the circle that appreciated the Miroir historial .

78 André Surprenant, Montréal, who is working on the text, agrees with Couderc on thispoint. - C. Couderc, Le manuel d'histoire de Philippe VI de Valois, in: Etudes d'histoiredu moyen âge dédiées à Gabriel Monod, Paris 1896, p. 422, speaks about the differenttexts very briefly. On p. 416 he pleads for a proper study of the sources of the Manuel.Lusignan found another abbreviated French translation of the Libellus apologeticus andthe first five books of the historiale in a manuscript in Paris, BN fr. 9558; see - S.Lusignan, La réception de Vincent de Beauvais en langue d'oïl, in: Wissenorganisierendeund wissenvermittelnde Literatur im Mittelalter, ed. N.R. Wolf, Wiesbaden 1987, p. 42.


Couderc was the first to write about this subject.79 As far as we know,Merrilees published the most recent list of manuscripts in 1974 whendealing with the old legend of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus that isincorporated in the text.80 Until now, no attention has been paid to the 26extant manuscripts. They are un-illustrated except for one early 15thcentury copy, now Paris BN fr. 693.81 For this reason the Manuel d'histoireand its manuscript tradition fall beyond the scope of this study.

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79 - Couderc 1896 pp. 415-444.80 - B.S. Merrilees, La vie des sept dormants en ancien français, in: Romania 95 (1974),pp. 362-380.81 Communication by André Surprenant, University of Montréal, in a lecture given atMontréal University, April 30, 1988. See also - A. Rosset, Le manuel d'histoire dePhilippe VI de Valois et ses enlumineurs, in: Arts anciens de la Flandre 6, fasc 3 (1913),pp. 123-126.

Part II chapter 1- Description of the oldest MSS of the Miroir historial 25

PART II THE MIROIR HISTORIAL OF JEAN LE BON, AND THE COPY,PRESUMABLY OF JEANNE DE BOURGOGNE

As we have seen in the previous chapter, 38 volumes of the Miroirhistorial are extant, dating from 1332-1333 till the very end of the 15thcentury.82 Most of the surviving 27 illuminated volumes of the Miroirhistorial deserve a study of their own because of their remarkableprovenance, their beautiful lay-out and wealth of illustrations. None ofthem actually have been so fortunate.

A few have been described in full detail in catalogues of moderncollections of wealthy bibliophiles, the most well-known being theMiroir historial of Jean duc de Berry, which was in the possession of thelate Alfred Chester Beatty before it was sold by auction to theBibliothèque nationale in Paris in 1968.83 Another well-documentedmanuscript is today part of the collection of the late J. Paul Getty inMalibu; before it found its way to the United States, it belonged first toCharles Dyson Perrins, during whose ownership it was catalogued byWarner. It was described again by Von Euw some years later as part ofthe Ludwig Collection in Cologne.84

Some manuscripts have attracted the attention of art historiansbecause of their stylistic quality, others have been noted because of theirnoble provenance. Leroquais attributed the miniatures of the Miroirhistorial of Louis de Bruges to the workshop of Willem Vrelant, anopinion that was shared by Delaissé but opposed by Farquhar.85 Durrieudiscovered a complete set of a Miroir illuminated at the request of thatother eager book-collector of the late 15th century, Jacques

82 A list of extant manuscripts can be found in Appendix C.83 Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939-44. See - G. Millar, The Library of A. Chester Beatty. ADescriptive Catalogue of the Western Manuscripts, vol II, Oxford 1930, pp. 156-212.84 Malibu, J.P. Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5. See - G. Warner, Descriptive Catalogueof illuminated Manuscripts in the Collection of C.W. Dyson Perrins, vol I, Oxford 1920,pp. 226-231; - A.v.Euw & J.M. Plotzek, Die Handschriften der Sammlung Ludwig, Bd 3,Köln 1982, pp. 243-249.85 - Leroquais 1929 p. 165 and Pls. 23, 24; - Durrieu in: Exh. Bruxelles 1959 Nos. 104-105; -Farquhar 1976 pp. 118-123, 150-163.

26 Part II chapter 1- Description of the oldest MSS of the Miroir historial

d'Armagnac.86 Léopold Delisle in 1886 gave a brief though interestingaccount of three royal manuscripts he found in Paris and Leiden.87

However extensive some of the descriptions may be, no credit isgiven to the content of the book, the sources of inspiration for theillustration, and the uniqueness of the relation of text to illustration. Aslong as neither the Latin text nor its French translation are available in amodern, critical edition, that task is hard to fulfill. So for generations tocome the manuscripts of the Miroir historial and their content mayattract scholarly attention.

Among the illuminated copies, many have hardly ever been openedafter they were stored away as collector's items, having temporarily losttheir function as a book that should be read. This has been the fate of, forinstance, most of the Miroir manuscripts in Paris and The Hague, themanuscripts in Baltimore and London, Rome and Copenhagen.

The following chapters of Part II will focus on the two oldest extantmanuscripts containing the first 8 books, and to their surviving sequels.By mere chance, two manuscripts are extant that date from immediatelyafter the completion of the translation: Paris, BN fr. 316 is dated 1333,and Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A is datable around 1332 or 1333.The second volume of MS fr. 316 I was fortunate to trace the thirdvolume of in Baltimore (Walters Art Gallery, MS W 140).The secondvolume of the Leiden manuscript was discovered by Henri Martin ahundred years ago in the Arsenal Library in Paris (MS 5080).

In Part III an attempt will be undertaken to give a briefpaleographical description of all the other extant manuscripts of theFrench text. There we will also take a closer look at the illustrationscheme of those manuscripts containing the first eight books, and therelation text - illustration.

*°*°*°*

86 - P. Durrieu, Un grand enlumineur parisien du 15e siècle: Jacques de Besançon et sonœuvre, Paris 1892, pp. 19, 51-52.87 Paris BN fr. 312-314 and fr. 316; Leiden, Un.Libr.Voss.G.G. Fol.3A. See - L. Delisle,Exemplaires royaux et princiers du Miroir historial, in: Gazette archéologique (1886),pp. 87-101.

Part II chapter 1- Description of the oldest MSS of the Miroir historial 27

Chapter 1: Description of the oldest manuscripts: Leiden Univ.Libr.,Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A; Paris BN fr. 316, and their sequels88

A1 = LEIDEN, UNIV. LIBR., VOSS.G.G. FOL. 3A

Miroir historial, prologue, alphabetical index to books 1-8, books 1-8. Made in Parisshortly after 1332. Parch., 359 ff., 370x270 (259x188)mm, 2 columns, 42 lines, litteratextualis. Gatherings of 12 ff. Decorated initials, vine borders in gold, red and blue, birdsand a few droleries on f. 1r. 280 miniatures, the width of 1 or 2 columns. Large miniatureon f. 1r (beginning of the prologue).19 folios are wanting: 3 between ff. 19 -20, 2 between ff. 51 -52, 1 between ff. 78 -79, 2between ff. 100 -101, 1 between ff. 162 -163 and 178 -179, 4 between ff. 282-283, 1 betweenff. 350-351, 352-353 and 357-358, and 2 between ff. 358-359.An unidentifiable coat of arms drawn in brown ink in the intercolumnar space of f 99v: 4chevrons impaling vair.Provenance: before 1350 Jean Duke of Normandy and Guyenne, who became King of Francein 1350 (his signature on f. 359v); 1364-1380 Charles V of France; 1380-1413 Charles VI ofFrance; 1413 lent to Louis, Duke of Bavaria-Ingolstadt; 15th century a hithertounidentified Comte de la Roche (erased signature on f. 359v); 17th century Isaac Vossius;since 1690 in the library of Leiden University.

Literature: Delisle 1886 pp. 87-101 and Pls. 14-15; - H. Martin, Les miniaturistes français,Paris 1906 p. 60; - Vitzthum 1907 pp. 178-179; - Delisle 1907 I pp. 278-280; - Keidel 1909 p.215; - H. Martin, Les peintres de manuscrits et la miniature en France, Paris 1909, p. 60; -Byvanck 1924 p. 25; - Byvanck 1931 pp. 88-92 and Pl. XXVII; - J.W. Thompson, TheMedieval Library, London p. 414; - L. Lefrançois-Pillon & J. Lafond, L'art du XIVe siècleen France, Paris 1954, p. 133; - D.J.A. Ross, Alexander historiatus, London 1963, p. 21; -Schatten uit de Leidse Bibliotheek, Leiden [1967] p. 17 No. 24; - Exh. Paris Charles V1968 No. 150; - Avril 1978 p. 9; - Exh. Paris 1981 p. 298; - Exh. Leiden 1987 pp. 172-173 No.107.

A2 = PARIS, BIBL. DE L'ARSENAL 5080

Miroir historial, prologue to book 9-16, alphabetical index to books 9-16, books 9-16.Made in Paris, shortly after 1332. Parch., 418 ff., 380x270 (260x188) mm, 2 columns, 42lines, littera textualis. Gatherings of 12 ff. Decorated initials, vine borders in gold, redand blue, a bird in the margin of f. 1r. 450 miniatures, the width of 1 or 2 columns.28 ff. are wanting: 2 between ff. 65-66, 4 between ff. 86-87, 94-95, 102-103, 1 between ff.108-109, 133-134, 168-169, 170-171, 207-208, 235-236, 239-240, 282-283, 284-285, 307-308,312-313, 317-318, 2 between ff. 407-408.Provenance: before 1350 Jean Duke of Normandy and Guienne, who became King of Francein 1350 (his name erased on f. 418v); 1364-1380 Charles V of France; 1380-1413 Charles VIof France; 1413 lent to Louis, Duke of Bavaria-Ingolstadt; 17th century monastery of theDiscalced Augustinians La Croix Rousse in Lyon; bought from the monastery by Baron ofHeiss; bought fom him in 1781 by A.-R. de Voyer'Argenson, Marquess of Paulmy; 1785Charles d'Artois, later King Charles X; 1797 his collection open to the public.

88 In order to visualize which tomes originally formed part of the same set, all volumesof the Miroir historial that are studied in the next chapters have been given a siglum,followed by their volume number.

28 Part II chapter 1- Description of the oldest MSS of the Miroir historial

Literature: - H. Martin, Catalogue de manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, t V,Paris 1889, pp. 43-44; - H. Martin, Les miniaturistes français, Paris 1906, pp. 122-124; - P..Durrieu in: A. Michel, Histoire de l'art t III, Paris 1907, p. 120 ff and Fig. 64; - Vitztum1907 pp. 178-179; - Delisle 1907 I pp. 279-280; - Martin 1923 pp. 24, 93 and Pl. 40, Fig. L; -Martin & Lauer 1929 pp. 24-25 and Pl. XXVI; - Exh. Paris 1938 No. 82; - Exh. ParisCharles V 1968 No. 150; - Exh. Paris 1980 pp. 53-54 No. 92; - Exh. Paris 1981 pp. 298-299No. 245.

J1 = PARIS BN fr 316 (Anc. 6938)

Miroir historial, prologue, alphabetical table to books 1-8, books 1-8. Written in Paris,dated 1333. Parch., 414 ff. (not 314 ff. since from f. 374 onwards wrongly foliated as f. 274etc), c.383x278 (274x187) mm, 2 columns, 42 lines, littera textualis. Gatherings of 8 ff.Decorated intials, vine borders in gold, red and blue, a few birds and droleries on f. 1r. 322miniatures, the width of 1 or 2 columns. Large miniature on f. 1r (beginning of the prologue).The text is complete.Arms of Louis de Laval, seigneur de Châtillon, added in outer and lower margins of f. 1r.Provenance: 1333 supposed to have been offered to Jeanne de Bourgogne; c. 1403 offered toJean de Berry; 15th century Nicolas Forget (his signature on f 414v); before 1477 owned byJacques d'Armagnac (his inscription on f 414r); before 1484 owned by Louis de Laval,seigneur de Chatillon, who died in 1489 (his arms added in the margins of f. 1r); before1484 lent by him to Charlotte de Savoie, wife of Louis XI; Kings of France.

Literature: P.Paris I 1836 pp. 328-330; - P.Paris II 1838 pp. 89-90; - L. Moland & C.d'Héricault, Nouvelles françoises en prose du XIVe siècle, Paris 1858, pp. xv-xvj, 3-12; -Delisle 1886 pp. 88-89 and Pl. 13; - H. Suchier & Birch-Hirschfeld, Geschichte derfranzösischen Literatur von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart, Leipzig/Wien 1900, p.261 and Col.Pl; - H. Martin, Les miniaturistes français, Paris 1906, p. 23 and Figs. 26-28; -Snavely 1908 pp. 19, 42-44; - Keidel 1909 pp. 216-217; - Exh. Paris 1938 No. 81; - A.L.Gabriel, The Educational Ideas of Vincent of Beauvais, Notre Dame (Ind.) 1962 (2ndedition), Pl. II; - Diamond Udovitch 1979 p. 186 and Fig. 35-36; F. Avril, Le Maître deFauvel, forthcoming.

J3 = BALTIMORE, WALTERS ART GALLERY MS W 140

Miroir historial, prologue to books 17-24, alphabetical table to books 17-24, books 17-24.Made in Paris, dated 1351 but apparently c. 1333-35. Parch., 434 ff., c. 385x280 (271x187,variable to 279x192) mm, 2 columns, 42 lines, littera textualis. Gatherings of 8 ff. Decoratedinitials, vine borders in gold, red and blue in the first 2 quires, a few birds and droleries onf. 1r. 85 miniatures, the width of 1 or 2 columns. Large miniature at the beginning of f. 1r(beginning of the prologue and the index).7 leaves are wanting: 1 between ff. 1-2, 4 between 5-6, 1 between 46-47, 57-58.Provenance: c. 1332 ordered by Jeanne de Bourgogne?; c. 1403 offered to Jean de Berry; end of19th century bought by its present owners from the Paris bookbinder Léon Gruel (onpastedown Ex libris of Gruel & Engelman No. 133).

Literature: S. de Ricci & W.J. Wilson, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts inthe United States and Canada, New York 1935, p. 846; - L.M.C. Randall e.a., Medievaland Renaissance Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery, vol. 1: France c. 875-1420,Baltimore, forthcoming (1988), No. 64.

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Part II chapter 2- History of scholarship of the oldest manuscripts 29

Chapter 2: HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP

2.1. The Leiden and Arsenal Manuscripts (A1, A2)

A1Two renowned scholars of the 19th century have shown interest in

A1, each in their own way: Delisle and Vitzthum. Delisle was able totrace its provenance, Vitzthum was more interested in its style.

As in so many other cases, Léopold Delisle was the first to writeabout the Leiden manuscript and to recognize its value. His study,which appeared in 1886 in the Gazette archéologique, still is the mostreliable publication on the subject.89 In the same article, Delisle describesParis BN fr. 316 that, he argues, was made for Queen Jeanne deBourgogne (1294-1348) in 1333, and Paris fr. 312-314, a copy written at therequest of Louis d'Orléans (1371-1407) in 1395-96.

Shortly after Delisle's publication, Henry Martin discovered thesecond volume with books 9-16 in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal inParis, when preparing the fifth tome of his catalogue of this collection.90

The other two volumes apparently have disappeared.Since Delisle's findings are of utmost importance, they will be

summarized here below.1) A short description of the manuscript is given: it contains the first

eight books of the Miroir historial, it comprises 359 folios, is 370 mmhigh and 270 mm wide, the page is divided into two columns, each with42 lines, and the gatherings consist of 12 folios. Delisle notes the missingpages and an inversion in ff. 137-148. A brief description of all the 280miniatures follows.91 He does not comment on their style.

2) Before A1 was known, the date of the translation by Jean de Vignayhad been assumed by Paulin Paris as being between 1313 and 1328.92

However, with the extensive opening rubric of A1 at hand, Delisle couldset the date of the beginning of the translation at 1332 [Pl .137].93

3) Delisle was also able to trace three of its previous owners. On thelast page he discoverd the erased signature of Jean le Bon (1319-1364) atthe time before his accession to the throne, that is before1350, when Jean

89 - L. Delisle, Exemplaires royaux et princiers du Miroir historial, in: Gazettearchéologique XI (1886), pp. 87-101.90 - H. Martin, Catalogue de manuscrits de la Bibiothèque de l'Arsenal, vol V, Paris1889, p. 44.91 - Delisle 1886 pp. 91-97.92 - P.Paris I 1836 p. 36 and P.Paris II 1838 pp. 88-89. See also Part I chapter 3.2.93 - Delisle 1886 pp. 90-91.

30 Part II chapter 2- History of scholarship of the oldest manuscripts

was still Duke of Normandy and Guienne. Unfortunately Delisle had touse a reagent to detect the note. This has marred the page for good.

Knowing the ins and outs of the royal inventories of the late 14thand early 15th century, Delisle went further and traced another royalproprietor of the manuscript. He could identify A1 with one volumeout of a set of four of the Miroir historial in the inventories of 1411 and1413 of the library in the Louvre, that was initiated by Charles V (1337-1380) and later owned by his son Charles VI (1368-1422). In theseinventories, manuscripts are recorded with 'secundo folio' references.94

Consequently they have provided scholars with a reliable tool, allowingthem identification with many an extant manuscript and giving anunique insight in the actual contents of the royal libraries. In thisparticular case, the first words on f. 2r of A1: sies de leglise , accord withthe words mentioned in the inventory, which confirms theidentification.95

The same inventories speak of the four volumes as couvert de cuirvermeil, empraint, à deux fermouers de fer. Before, they had been givena silk cover in 1377, as Delisle learned from the King's archives.96 Heeven traced the relevant quittance by money-changer Dyne Rapponde,dated 22nd of April 1378.97

Twenty years later, Delisle could refine his trouvaille by adding inhis major work on the library of Charles V the fact that A1 and its fellowvolumes were also described in the earliest inventory of the royalcollection.98 Made up in 1373 by Gilles Mallet and reworked by JeanBlanchet in 1380, the list forms the earliest written evidence for A1 andA2.

After 1413 the four volumes disappeared from sight. In theinventory of 1413, the then librarian Jean de Bègue wrote a note thatthey were lent to Louis, Duke of Bavaria-Ingolstadt and brother ofQueen Isabeau:

Mémoire que, avant ce present inventoire feust fait, monseigneur le duc de Guienne mandamaistre Jehan Maulin et moy, qui avions chascun une clef de la dicte librairie, et nous fistbailler à mons. de Bavière ces quatre volumes de Vincent. LE BEGUE.

A contemporary hand has added: soyent recouvrez, but that hopewas idle: no inventory mentions the volumes at the death of theunfortunate King Charles VI in 1422.

The provenance of the manuscript was again subject to study byGeorge Keidel, laid down in an article on the history of French Fable

94 See below, chapter 5.95 - Delisle 1886 pp. 90-91.96 - Mandements et actes divers de Charles V, ed. L. Delisle, p. 761, No. 1519.97 - Delisle 1886 p. 91. The origial of the receipt belonged at that time to a gentlemancalled Minoret. We ignore its present location.98 - L. Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, Paris 1907, vol I pp. 278-280,and vol II p. 143 No. 880.


manuscripts.99 According to him, the manuscript bears a note by CharlesV of c. 1365, but no reference is given by him and I failed to find anysuch note.

4) With regard to the date of the manuscript Delisle made twoassumptions. First, he assumes that Jean le Bon was the first owner, andsecond, he argues that the prince did not possess such a beautifulmanuscript, and could not trace such a firm signature, before the age ofabout twenty. Hence he thinks a date between1340 and 1350 the mostappropriate.

5) Delisle sees the frontispiece of A1 as a faithful copy after the firstminiature of J1, this in contrast to the rest of the miniatures, which donot depend on the corresponding illustrations of J1.

Style

At the beginning of this century, Vitzthum published his majorwork on Parisian illumination.100 A master in discerning distincthands, he carefully examited A1 on a stylistic point of view andconcluded the manuscript to be the work of three different artists.1) The most important miniaturist has illustrated ff. 1-298 and is closelyrelated to the Parisian Master of the Bible de Jean de Papeleu (Paris, Bibl.de l'Arsenal 5059), a manuscript dated 1317 [Pls. 13-15, 28, 30, 40-43].Vitzthum sees the congruity not only in the general features of therepresentation, but also "in der Mache, der schwarzen, sehr flüssigenZeichnung von Gesicht und Gewändern, der Modellierung mit denwenigen sehr flott und sicher hingesetzen Strichen und endlich imKolorit: ziegelrot, dunkelblau (selten), hellblau, grauviolett, rosa, olivund etwas gelb."101

He connects a group of manuscripts with this so-called PapeleuMaster, to which, in a subordinate clause, he also adds J1. Comparing A1with J1 he concludes: "Über das stilistische Verhältnis der beidenExemplare sei nur soviel bemerkt, daß das Pariser in seinen bestenBildern (vor allem fol. 1-19 und die Lage fol. 121-128) und Initialen demHauptteil der Leydener Hs. sehr nahesteht, die abweichendenStilelemente aber, die uns in diesem auffallen, nicht enthält." Becausehis remark is so brief, it has caused considerable confusion among laterscholars.

First, Vitztum does not state the Papeleu Bible is illustrated by twoartists, and so it is unclear which of the two distinct styles he actuallycharacterizes. In recent publications the Papeleu style usually is

99 - G.C. Keidel, The History of French Fable Manuscripts, in: Publications of the ModernLanguage Association of America XXIV (1909), p. 215.100 - G. Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei von der Zeit des hl. Ludwig bis zu Philipvon Valois und ihr Verhältnis zur Malerei in Nordwest Europa, Leipzig 1907.101 - Vitzthum 1907 p. 179.


associated with the first master, whereas Joan Diamond Udovitch callsthe second master simply the Second Master.102

Second, Vitzthum neither defines the two different styles of J1; all hesays is that a few quires are better than others. By comparing J1 to A1 inthis way, he drags A1 into the realm of the main master of J1, who, wewill see, is quite a different person.

2) In the next folios (ff. 299-334) Vitzthum sees an English influence,especially by the Peterborough Psalter, forty years their senior: "Deutlichzeugen von ihrer Herkunft die breit auslaufenden Münder, diehakenformigen Wangenlinien unter den roten Flecken, die Hände mitdem oft eckig herausspringenden Zeigefinger, die Umrisse der Akte, dienackten Füße; Gestalten, in denen alles zusammenkommt, um ihrenenglischen Charakter zu erhärten, sind z.B. der Judas beim Verrat fol303v, der Christus in der Vorhölle fol. 317." [Pls. 16, 31].

3) The last two quires (he actually means ff. 335-359) [Pls. 17, 32-35, 37]he regards of lesser quality: "Die beiden Schlußlagen sind von geringerQualität. Die letzte aber ist wichtig, weil sich in ihr wieder Anzeichendes Stiles von Haag Y 391, Gruppe b und c, finden." This means, that hesees in ff. 335-346 a poor hand, different in style from the rest of themanuscript, whereas he connects the last quire (in fact two quires, i.e. ff.347-359) with part of a Bible historiale in The Hague, Roy.Libr 71 A 23(olim Y 391): the books Exodus, Kings and Chroniclers, Tobias, Jeremiah,Ezechiel, Daniel, Psalms and Proverbs (ff. 44-72v, 136v-203, 215v-227v,and 249v-287v) [Pls. 18-20]. A master in conveying pictures in language,he gives the caracteristics of the artist's style: "sehr schlankedünngliedrige Gestalten in konventioneller Haltung doch scharfgezeichnet; die Gesichter in ausddruckloser Brauen- Nasen-Linie, dieAugen dicht unter den Brauen, mit hohem Unterlid und scharf in denWinkeln sitzender Pupille; das Unterlid ist nur schwach angedeutetoder fehlt völlig. Die Haare sind in dichten Parallel-Linien ruhiggelockt; die Hände mit ganz langen, sehr ausdruckslosen Fingern, dieentweder herabhängen, oder breit erhoben sind.(...) Verhältnismässigfortgeschritten ist die Landschaftsdarstellung mit Terrainangabe,Architekturen und Bäumen. Das Kolorit ist eigenartig: neben vielreinem rot findet sich mattes stahlblau (mit Vorliebe in denKettenpanzern), rosa, grün, gelb, und gelbgrün."103

According to him, here, too, the English influence seems to bepreponderant. However, by comparing both A1 and 71 A 23 to a group ofmanuscripts made in the northern region of France and in theNetherlands he concludes the origin of the whole group should be thatarea (Tournai, Gent, Utrecht).104 The influence of this group he againrecognizes in the Belleville Breviary, the earliest work of Pucelle.

102 - J. Diamond Udovitch, The Papeleu Master: a Parisian Manuscript Illuminator ofthe Early Fourteenth Century, (unpubl. thesis), New York 1979, pp. 119-122.103 - Vitzthum 1907 p. 180.104 - Vitzthum 1907 p. 185.


Byvanck, this prolific cataloguer of the illuminated manuscripts inthe Netherlands, has not added new insights when incorporating A1into his catalogue: the descriptions he borrowed from Delisle, thestylistic arguments from Vitzthum.105 His only personal contribution isthat he considered the miniature of f. 322v to be by a different hand [Pl.21].

The relation of the The Hague Bible historiale 71 A 23 to A1,indicated en passant by Vitzthum, is taken further by Byvanck.According to him 71 A 23 is the work of two main artists (and not ofthree), who both can be associated with A1. The first master of 71 A 23recalls the Papeleu style; the second master, influenced by a Flemishstyle, is also active on the last pages of A1.106

More recently, Vitzthum's stylistic classification of A1 has again beensupported by Smeyers and Cardon.107 They too link the The Hague Biblehistoriale 71 A 23 with the Leiden Miroir historial, although they donot specify which of the distinct hands of both the The Hague and theLeiden manuscript they actually have in mind.

By now firmly established as a beautiful though not remarkablespecimen of Paris book illumination in the style of the Papeleu Master,A1 is mentioned in the appropriate places, but has not been subject tofurther study ever since. Henry Martin refers to the manuscript in hisLes peintres de manuscrits et la miniature en France.108 Avril refers tothe manuscript as an example of the Papeleu style more than once: forinstance in his book on manuscript painting at the court of France, andin his impeccable catalogue Les Fastes du Gothique.109 However,strangely enough, and for no obvious reasons, neither A1 nor A2 doappear in a recent monograph by Joan Diamond devoted to the PapeleuMaster.110

François Avril twice devotes a few lines to the last master, who wasregarded as of lesser quality by Vitzthum. In his catalogue celebrating thesixth centenary of the foundation of the Louvre Library, Avril calls himthe Master of the Vie de Saint Louis de Guillaume de Saint Pathus.111 In1981 he definitely associates this master with Mahiet, the collaborator ofJean Pucelle in the Bréviaire de Belleville.112 No word from him

105 - A.W. Byvanck, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures conservés dans les collectionspubliques du Royaume des Pays Bas, Paris 1931, pp. 88-92. (Bull.SFRMP No. XV).106 - A.W. Byvanck, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures de la Bibliothèque royale desPays-Bas et du Musée Meermanno-Westreenianum à la Haye, Paris 1924, pp. 22-26 (Bull.SFRMP). See also Part III chapter 2.6.107 - Smeyers & Cardon 1983 p. 51 and note 54bis.108 - Paris 1909, p. 60.109 - F. Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France, New York 1978, p. 9; - LesFastes du Gotique. Le siècle de Charles V, (exh.cat.) Paris (Grand Palais), 1981-1982, pp.298-299 No. 245.110 - Diamond Udovitch 1979..111 - Exh. Paris Charles V 1968 No. 150.112 - Exh.Paris 1981 Nos. 240, 245.


referring to Mahiet's work as being of inferior quality than the PapeleuMaster.

A2Since A2 has not been scrutinized by savants such as Delisle and

Vitzthum, it has been neglected by the modern scholar. The only personto refer frequently to the manuscript was Henry Martin, an expert on thecollection of the Arsenal Library. Years after his publication of thecatalogue of manuscripts of this library, Martin included A2 in two ofhis folio works: in La miniature française du XIIIe au XVe siècle,113 andin Les principaux manuscrits à peintures de la Bibiothèque del'Arsenal.114 But he was apparently not charmed by its style: he calledthe miniatures "assez grossières mais curieuses", and thought "C'est dumétier plus que de l'art".115 He also referred to A2 in his much lesserknown book Les miniaturistes français.116 Paul Durrieu knew themanuscript and mentioned it in the extensive art historical handbookby Michel.117 A2, altogether, never elicits more than a few sentences or abrief description.

François Avril gave the first step for a stylistic analysis of A2 in LesFastes du Gothique.118 According to him, the Papeleu Master illustratedthe major part of the manuscript together with an artist he calls theMaster of the Crucifixion of Cambrai after a manuscript in Cambrai,Bibl.Mun. MS157 [Pl. 22]

2.2. The Paris and Baltimore Manuscripts (J1, J3)

J1.J1 frequently has been the subject of discussion for various reasons.Paulin Paris was the first to notice its importance with regard to the

genesis of the French translation. As has been related in a previouschapter, Paulin Paris based the date of the translation (1317-1328) on theprologue; this was later contradicted by Delisle, who based the date of thetranslation (1332) on the rubric of A1.119

Paulin Paris registered the opening rubric and the end of the text [Pls.139, 167 ]:

Ci commence le premier volume du mireoir hystorial. translate de latin en françois parlamain iehan du vingnai. selonc loppinion frere vincent qui en latin le compila a larequeste monseignor saint loys.

Ci finist le premier volume du mireoir hystorial translate par la main jehan du vingnay.

113 - Paris 1923, p. 93, Figs. L, LI.114 - in collaboration with Ph. Lauer, Paris 1929, pp. 24-25, Pl. XXVI.115 - Martin & Lauer 1929 p. 24.116 - Paris 1906, pp. 122-124.117 - P. Durrieu, in: A. Michel, Histoire de l'art, vol III, Paris 1907, p. 120 and Fig. 64.118 - Exh. Paris 1981 pp. 298-299 No. 245.119 - P.Paris I 1836 pp. 328-330; - P.Paris II 1838 pp. 88-90.


Cest volume fu acheve lan de grace mil CCC et XXXIII La veille sainte Katherine.

Probably because of the coat of arms in the background of theopening miniature, Paris concludes the manuscript to be the copypresented to Jeanne de Bourgogne. He even goes further. The openingand closing sentences twice stress that the translation was made "par lamain Jehan du Vingnai". These words motivated Paulin Paris toacknowledge that this volume was actually written by Jean de Vignayhimself, and offered by him personally to the Queen in 1333.

With regard to the provenance after Queen Jeanne, Paris identifiesthe four coats of arms added in the margin of the frontispiece as those ofMontmorency-Laval [Pl. 139]; from this family, he says, the manuscriptspassed into the hands of a certain Nicolas Forget, who left a note on f.414v: "Priez pour nicolas forget religieux de saint Loup de troyes enchampaigne ne a plancy sur aubbe."

The date at the end has been tampered with. The catalogue of 1868reads it as MCCCLXX et III.120 On the contrary Delisle, in his article inthe Gazette archéologique, mentioned above, is sure about the earlierdate. Though Ross, in one of his books on Alexander the Great, sticks tothe date of 1373, the date of 1333 is now generally accepted.121

In the same article Delisle analyses the opening miniature, whichshows Vincent of Beauvais on the left being visited in his study by KingLouis and his household, and on the right Jean de Vignay receiving thecommission of the translation by Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne. Thebackground in the left picture consists of a golden fleur-de-lysdecoration. In the right compartment the arms of France alternate withthose of Burgundy in a diaper pattern. This representation, togetherwith the date of 1333, brings Delisle to the conclusion that J1 is the firstcopy, presented to Queen Jeanne. And he adds: "La date de l'année de1332 (i.e. in the opening rubric of A1), à laquelle on rapporte ici lecommencement de la traduction du Miroir historial, est parfaitementd'accord avec la date de 24 novembre 1333 qui est assignée dans notrems. 316 à l'achèvement du premier volume."122

The opening miniature, reproduced in colour as early as 1900 bySuchier and Birsch-Hirschfeld,123 provided Henry Martin with thehypothesis that the artist reversed his models, since it seems unlikely tohim that both authors would write with their left hand.124 None of theother miniatures have been looked at with regard to their iconography,and no list of the 322 miniatures exists.

As we have seen, the style of the manuscript was very briefly referredto by Vitzthum: in its best miniatures (ff. 1-19 and 121-128) the

120 - Catalogue des manuscrits français I: Ancien fonds, Paris 1868.121 - Delisle 1886 p. 88; - D.J.A. Ross, Alexander historiatus, London 1963, p. 22.122 - Delisle 1886 pp. 89-90.123 Geschichte der französischen Litteratur von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart,Leipzig/Wien 1900, p. 261 and Col.Pl.124 - Martin 1906 p. 23 and Figs. 26-28.


manuscript may be compared with the main part of A1, illuminated bythe Papeleu Master.125

J3Until now, J3 was never connected with its first volume in Paris. The

history of scholarship regarding J3 is very short: J3 was sold via thebookbinders Gruel & Engelman to the USA before it could be properlystudied in France. The only person ever to have written about it wasSeymour De Ricci, who incorporated the manuscript into his magnumopus on Medieval Manuscripts in the United States and Canada.126

Apart from a brief notice on its size and contents, he suggested Jacquesd'Armagnac (decapitated in 1477) as a previous owner, but he did notgive a reference.

Lilian Randall, keeper of Manuscripts at the Walters Art Gallery, ispreparing an elaborate catalogue of the collection, publication of whichis eagerly awaited. Thanks to her findings, which she has willinglyshared, many more paleographical details will come to light.

*°*°*°*

125 - Vitzthum 1907 pp. 178-179.126 - S. de Ricci and W.J. Wilson, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in theUnited States and Canada, New York 1935-1940/1962. 2 vols and Suppl. J3 is described invol 1, p. 846.

Part II chapter 3- Genesis and Provenance of the Leiden Miroir 37

Chapter 3: GENESIS AND PROVENANCE OF THE LEIDEN MIROIRHISTORIAL

Now we know the elementary external aspects of A1, provided byDelisle and Vitzthum and summarized above, we must have a look atthe manuscript itself and how it came into being.

3.1. Preparation

The large leaves are all of the same high quality of parchment, and,with the exception of the last pages, are all part of gatherings of twelvefolios. This is rather uncommon: gatherings usually consist of eightleaves. A1-2 is indeed the only parchment manuscript of the Miroirhistorial not containing gathering of eight folios. According to Destrezhowever, gatherings of twelve folios are at times used in 13th and 14thcentury lay ateliers, working in the neighbourhood of universities suchas Oxford and Paris.127

The preparation of the text-block gives proof of the same consistentquality throughout. The pages have been carefully ruled in light brownink according to a uniform system: two horizontal lines at the top andbottom of the page, and four vertical lines together outline the columns;except for the horizontal bottom line they all continue over themargins. Each column measures 259x85mm, leaving an intercolumnarspace of 18 mm. The 42 writing lines stay within the boundaries of thecolumn. The upper, continuous horizontal line is the only one of whicha pricking has remained in the inner margin. No contemporary quire-numbering is visible except for the 32nd quire: this is marked in theright lower corner with a capital T (?), a to f (the e-folio has been cutout).

3.2. Script and Lay-out

Initially, the script - a neat littera textualis formata - was done by one,professional scribe, who also wrote the rubrics. When he set to work, he

127 - J. Destrez, La pecia dans les manuscrits universitaires du XIIIe et du XIVe siècle,Paris 1935, p. 47.

38 Part II chapter 3- Genesis and Provenance of the Leiden Miroir

kept to a well laid-out system. He left a square eight or nine lines highopen for a painted initial at the beginning of each book, and four to eightlines, depending on its place in the column, for a painted initial at thebeginning of an illustrated chapter. If the initial was to be an I, the blankspace would be a rectangular one. Unillustrated chapters were to becommenced by a two-line initial, drawn in blue and red ink.

The scribe knew precisely (how, we do not know) which chapter wasto be illuminated, so that he could leave a blank space. He also knewwhether it was to be a one-column or a two-column miniature. Thisrequired a complex planning well in advance, especially for the two-column illustrations. The planning was the more intricate, since thescribe kept strictly to the sequence of rubric - miniature - text, (he never'cheated' by extending the rubric: all rubrics are faithful translations ofthe Latin text). Bound by this inflexible program he had to calculate atthe beginning of a page that was to feature a double column picture,where to break off the text in the left hand column in order to finish theright hand column at the same height.

In this, he did not always succeed. Often he ended up unevenly andhad to leave a few lines open in the right hand column, varying from acouple of lines to as much as 15 or more.128 He was a cautious man: hehardly ever broke off too early; only a couple of times no room was leftfor the rubric above the miniature.129

Why did these miscalculations happen so often to such anexperienced scribe? We can only conclude the scribe's model must havebeen quite different from what he had to make himself: he either had anun-illustrated, badly laid-out exemplar, or he had to work from anexemplar containing far more abbreviations than he was carrying out,which made it impossible for him to anticipate the amount of space hisown writing was going to take.

The open spaces do not mar the manuscript. They rather give it adistinguished outlook. Apparently, his prime concern was not toeconomize in parchment. This may be confirmed by his writing: henever squeezes the text into the page, and he uses only a fewabbreviations. His text must have been easy to read, and indeed still is.

Occasionally, the catchwords, written at the bottom of the last page ofa quire to guide the binder, have been modestly ornamented by thescribe with a little sketch: a head smelling a flower, or a drolerie.130

However, since the manuscript was trimmed at least once whenrebound in the 19th century, in some cases the catchwords have

128 For instance: ff. 21r and 350r with a blank space of 27 lines, and f. 107v with a spaceof 34 lines.129 Ff. 173r, 216r, 332v. In some cases where the miniature happens to be placed at thebottom of the textblock, he also had to place the rubric after the miniature (or omit italtogether).130 For instance: ff. 12v, 230v.


disappeared.131 In the same discreet way, the scribe at times haselongated the letters on the first line with modest cadelures .132

3.3. The Corrector

The written work done, the next step in the production of such aluxury manuscript would have been to hand the loose quires over tosomebody to fill the blank spaces at the beginning of the un-illustratedchapters with simple coloured initials with pen 'flourishing'.

Instead, a procedure took place that has involved an incredibleamount of work and has made A1 a most remarkable manuscriptindeed: a second scribe not only corrected the text, but made manyalterations, added lines, and reworked paragraphs. He critically studiedevery page. He cared for the smallest of details, like just one word, butcould also go as far as to erase whole pages.

Once the reader is accustomed to the idea, one can easily detect thecorrector's hand because it breaks into the regularity of the page. Besides,the difference between the scribe and the corrector can often be discernedby looking at the ink: the ink of the corrector is usually darker,sometimes lighter than the one available to the scribe [Pl. 23]. He alsohad at times to squeeze text into too little space, another way ofidentification: his writing is condensed and full of abbreviations. For therest, however, he did his work impeccably. He erased the text withcaution so that no trace of it remained, and he pounced the parchmentcarefully before re-using it.

In order to grasp what he actually achieved we will have a look atsome of his most evident interventions. Therefore, we should collatethe text of A1 with an uncorrected version, available in that othermanuscript of about the same time that survived, J1. Afterwards, wewill have to compare both texts with their Latin model, the Douai-version of the Speculum historiale to check whether the alterations areeither based on the Latin text, or are interpolations from a differentsource.

The best place to witness the corrector's interference is f. 192v, theend of chapter 19 of Book 6 of the Miroir. So much text had to becondensed here into the initial passage, that it had to be continued inthe lower margin. The actual text as found in A1 is given below togetherwith the version of J1 [Pls. 24, 25]:

131 They have disappeared on ff. 45v, 55v, 78v and 100v.132 For instance: f. 281r.


A1 f. 192v J1 f. 220vI cesti fist la description du monde. E cestui escript la description de laouec erastotene phylosophe. Le quel par rondesce du monde. avec Erastothenelaide des mesureurs du roy ptholomee philosophe.qui li aida. Et trouva le nombretrouva le nombre des estades et des luies et les mesures des estas entre les signes.de syeme iusques en meroen. et les Et les ordena par intervalles de liex. deordena par interuales des liex. de septentrion par devers midi. les vessiaus.septentrion p[ar] devers midi. p[ar]ologes cest a dire les instrumens regardables descest adire les instrumens regardables heures fais par semblable division. formesdes heures faiz p[ar] semblable mesure. agaume[n]t de longueur et de large. Etformes egalem[en]t de longueur et de ordena par certains poinz. Si que en .i. seulleeur. et ordena p[ar] certains poins. si iour il fist garder atouz lombre deq[u]en .i. seul iour. il fist garder a touz leure du temps de midi. Et enseigna leslombre de leure du temps de midi. Et fist homes par quiex poins il ordeneroientchascu[n] home garder lombre de sa les vessiaus et iusques aquel nombre ilfigure combien elle avoit de lonc. et ainsi conteroient [com]bien le soleil povoitmesura quil apparoit q[ue] outre .vij..c. monter ou descendre iusques au cercle duestades lombre nacordait pas a la figure zodiaque. cest adire du cercle contenant lesdune longueur et p[ar]ce il conclut que signes. Et [com]bien le soleil tout outreles .iijc. et.lx. p[ar]ties p[ar] lesqueles tout en une heure. Et en combien de heures il ale zodiac est devise p[ar]vindrent iusq[ue]s fait tout lavironement de la terre.a terre. et la p[ar]tie q[ui] ne peut illeucestre mesuree ne contient mie en terre lamesure de plus q[ue] de .vijc estades ou .i.pou mains. et p[ar] ce la g[ran]deur dunep[ar]tie de la terre la q[ue]le ap[ar]tientau zodiac iustem[en]t comparee. Et ycelle.iijc. et .lx. foiz mo[l]tepliee. il define lecercle de la terre estre de .ijc.et.lijm.estades cest asavoir donna[nt] a chascuneestade et a chascune des p[ar]ties. xxxjm.milliers et ijc et a chascune des iijc et lxparties .ijc. et .lxvij. milliers et demie destades.et ainsi le soleil queurt en une heure la.xxiiije. partie de ta[n]t destades. cest asavoir .xm. estades. et .vc. ou .m.ccc.xijm. etla moitie dune cest asavoir en la .xve. p[ar]tiedune heure. Et par la devision du devant ditenvironnem[en]t de la terre le soleil queurtp[ar] .iiijc. et .lx. degres en montant et enavalant .vijc. estades ou iiijxx et .viij. milles et demie en la .xv. partie dune heure.

Here we have two textpassages, the one reworked in A1 being muchlonger and conveying the numbers in the ancient calculations of howthe circumference of the earth, and the speed of the sun's rising andsetting can be determined. The text of J1 is a simple excerpt that discardsall details. Considering the space that was available to the corrector inthe textcolumn, it becomes clear that the initial text of A1, as transcribedby the first scribe, must have been of the lenght of the text in J1. Wetherefore must conclude, that this initial text was about the same in A1as in J1. J1's passage, though totally incomprehensible and devoid of anyinterest, is not worse than other chapters; it reflects the standard of Jean


de Vignay's knowledge of Latin. What then was the reason for thecorrector to rework A1's text completely and take so much trouble toinsert a new text? And what was the source for his interpolation?

The first possible source we have to turn to is the original Latin textby Vincent of Beauvais. Easily accessible by the modern reprint of the1624 publication by Benedictines of Douai, the appropriate passage iscopied from this version:133

Ptolemaeus iste canones astrorum composuit, & libros multos conscripsit: hic fecitdescriptionem orbis terrae per Erasthostenem philosophum, qui adiutus à mensoribusPtolemaei: à Syene vsque ad Meroen inuenit numerum stadiorum; dispositis quoque perinterualla locorum, à Septentrione Meridiem versus, vasis horoscopicis similidimensione, & gnomonum aequali longitudine formatis totidem gnomonicaesupputationis, homines doctos quot vasa fuerant singulis quibus imposuit, atque vna dieomnes vmbram meridiani temporis obseruare fecit; & notare vnumquemque sui gnomonisvmbram, quantae esset longitudinis, atque ita comperit quod vltra septingenta stadia advnius longitudinis gnomonem vmbra non respondit. Ex hoc autem conclusit; quod partes360. quibus omnis Zodiaci tractus diuiditur ad terras vsque perueniant, & pars quae ibiincomperta & inestimabilis est mensurae, in terris nom amplius quam septingentorum velpaulominus stadiorum mensuram obtineat, comperta ergo magnitudine huius partisterrarum, quae ad Zodiacum pertinet, & illam trecenties sexagies multiplicando circulumterrae diffinuit stadiorum 252. millium id est millaria 30. & vnum millia & quingenta;vnicuique trecentarum & sexaginta partium dans stadia septingenta id est 87. milliaria& semissem: igitur 24. partem tot stadiorum transcurrit Sol in vna hora. id est stadia 10.millia & quingenta; siue mille 312. milliaria & semissem; horae autem parte 15. id estvnius ex trecentis 60. gradibus ascensu vel descensu Solem, septingenta stadia, siue 88.milliaria & semissem transcurrere predicti terrae ambitus claret diuisione.

Comparison of both French passages with the Latin text suggests aclearcut explanation. The corrector's text from A1 is a close translationfrom the Latin original, whereas the text as it appears in J1 is anepitome. That means that Jean de Vignay, when he first set about totranslate the entireMiroir historial, either had a Latin source incompleteat this point, or he abbreviated the text as he thought the complete texttoo complicated for the reader - and perhaps for himself.

The above interpolation is the most evident. A minute examinationof A1, however, reveals an even more striking reworking of the text afew quires further onwards. The nineteenth quire, consisting of ff. 207-218 is a regular one of twelve leaves like all the others. The onlyirregular aspect in the script might be the use of a slightly darker ink onf. 214 recto and verso [Pl. 26]. But then one notices a variation in thejustification of both recto and verso of f. 214, insignificant though itseems at first sight. Whereas the normal column width throughout thebook is 85 mm and the intercolumnar space 18 mm, both measurementson f. 214r/v are different: the column width is enlarged to 93 mm, theintercolumnar space reduced to 13 mm. Only after having identified thescript on both sides of the leaf with that of the corrector, one realizeswhat has happened here. In order to fit in a large amount of additionaltext, the corrector erased both sides of the leaf, carefully re-pumiced

133 - Vincent Douai 1624 p. 142


them, and ruled them again, but this time with wider columns. Sohabile was he in his reworking, that the parchment bears no sign ofbeing a palimpsest at all. He then took to writing his text and managedalmost perfectly to finish the verso side with the right word to join in atthe text of f. 215 recto [Pl. 27].

If we compare the corrector's text on f. 214 again with the appropriatepassage in J1 and with the Latin original, the outcome is the same aswhen we compared the above text transcribed from f. 192v. We can linkA1's text directly with the Latin original, whereas in J1 many detailshave been omitted.

Now we know the interpolations stem from the Latin version, wemust ask who was responsible for them. It is to be understood that thecorrector cannot have been the author of the corrections, he merely wasa skilful scribe and transcribed the reworked passages after havingreceived an order to do so. So another unknown person read A1 afterthe first scribe had finished, took again to the Latin text, madecorrections and interpolations where he saw fit, and had themincorporated in this manuscript.134 As far as we could check, none of theinterpolations occur in J1. Someone closely related with, and interestedin, the French translation must have been involved in the productionof A1.

Who might be the author of the reworked text? The interpolationsand corrections are generally too subtle to be executed at the request ofthe patron who commissioned the manuscript. For the same reasonthey cannot have been the work of another translator with onlymarginal knowledge of the Latin original either. The most plausiblesolution is, that it was Jean de Vignay himself who, in a very late stagewe may say, wanted to correct and improve his work.

Far-reaching though the implications may be, we must leave themfor the moment and turn again to the further process of producing A1.

3.4. Flourished Initials

Scribe and corrector routinely left a little square space, usually twolines high, at the beginning of every un-illustrated chapter. This was tobe filled in later with a pendrawn initial. They put a tiny letter in themargin next to it stating which letter of the alphabet had to be drawn.Many of them can still be seen, e.g. on f. 84v.

From the same f. 214 we can learn that the pendrawn initials andfiligrain work were done after the corrector had completed his work:they are the work of one artisan throughout the book. We do not knowwhether they were made by the scribe, by the corrector or by a decorator

134 It is only for the sake of easy reading that we will speak of the corrector as if it wereone person.


specialized in this field. The last option appears to be the one mostpracticed.135

3.5. Painted Initials and Marginal Decoration

The painted initials seem to be the work of different hands, butbecause of their formal character it is impossible to find criteria to definetheir distinctive styles. As in the case of a pen-drawn initial, the scribeleft a tiny letter in the margin to guide the decorator for a paintedinitial.136 That system always worked perfectly. The only mistake wecould find is on f. 135v. Here, the corrector had altered the beginning ofthe chapter, but had forgotten to change the tiny reference letter "c" inthe margin as well. In the corrected text, the chapter would have to startwith an "X" for "Xerses". The painter of the initials, however, sticked tothe reference letter, and filled in a "C" without reading the text.Consequently, "Xerses" became "Cerses".

The majority of the initials have been decorated with foliateornaments. Vineleaves are painted in different shades of blue, red, pinkand white on a golden background. Golden stems with vineleavesconnect the initial to the page. Some initals are also inhabitated withdrôleries , mainly in the first half of the manuscript.

*°*°*°*

3.6. Illustrations

3.6.1. Style

Before we start looking at the stylistic aspects of the Leiden Miroirhistorial, some preliminary remarks must be made.

With a few exceptions, up till the 15th century illuminations weresold without any indication of authorship. Modern scholars have triedin vain to connect works of art with names of masters known fromcontemporary inventories. Such an investigation without doubt wouldhave left the illuminators of the Middle Ages speechless, had they hadthe possibility to look into the future. 'Individuality' and 'plagiarism'are words that are absent from their vocabulary. Instead, their constantaim was to illuminate a text as well as they could, by copying frommodelbooks and exemplars, and by learning from masters and friends,without ever having the wish to create their own, personal style.

135 See for a detailed study of a contemporary Parisian filigrain worker: - F. Avril, Unenlumineur ornemaniste parisien de la première moitié du XIVe siècle: Jacobus Mathey(Jaquet Maci?), in: Bulletin Monumental 129 (1971), pp. 249-264.136 For instance f. 90r.


By consequence, it is contradictory to the intrinsic nature ofminiature painting to desire to detect distinctive, i.e. individual,contemporary styles. Certainly, exceptional men like Jean Pucelle andthe Limbourg Brothers, who surprised the world already in their owntime, should be treated today as they were treated in the 14th and thebeginning of the 15th century, that is as highly esteemed innovators.137

But to disapprove of the others because of their lack of innovation is todisapprove of the Middle Ages.

On the other hand, given the fact that differences in style can bediagnosed by the modern eye, these distinctive features offer theobserver unexpected insights in the working methods of ateliers andindependent illuminators. But if we do so, it is no use discerningdifferent hands at any price and to connect all sorts of individuals withthem: we have to admit that one style may be the work of more thanone master. In contrast, hanges of colouring do not necessarily implychanges in hand. In fact, we must realize that one hand might be capableof producing more than one style.

The second problem follows in the wake of this anonymity: i.e. thelack of originality. We are still influenced today by the Renaissancedesire to see in every work of art an original creation. The relatively lowesteem in which craftmanship is held nowadays has put even moreemphasis on this quest for authentic authorship. The mere existence ofidentical copies is a reason for many art historians to see in miniaturepainting a 'minor' art, even though we know that the word 'miniature'does not originate from 'diminuere' but from 'minium', a frequently-used red pigment. Miniature-painters have been compared with folk-musicians who make music without an underlying theory: they arestronger on experience than on disegno. But, if we agreed with thisopinion, all of the Middle Ages would be withheld from our art-historical scrutiny. Additionally, many 19th century paintings, based onphotographs, should then go into the dustbin.138 On the other hand, it iseasily illustrated how inconsistently we think: one of the mostexpensive paintings in the world is a representation of Sunflowers byVincent van Gogh, a subject he painted many times.139

Objectivity being so hard to attain when dealing with style in general,one has to remain even more reluctant to ascribe conclusively a specificwork of miniature art to an individual artist. Different eyes connectdifferent manuscripts with different workshops.140 Time and

137 - Panofsky 1953 p27.138 - E. Billeter, Malerei und Photographie im Dialog, Berlin 1977, pp. 6-60.139 It was sold by auction at Christie's in 1987 for £ 24,750,000.140 For this reason Joan Diamond's thesis on the Papeleu Master is dealt with verysparsely here, as her views differ completely from those of others. For instance,according to her, f. 124v of J1 is illuminated in a figure style traceable to the PapeleuMaster: an artist she calls the Mirror Master. She ascribes the Vie de Saint Louis inParis (BN fr. 5716) to the same master (Diamond Udovitch 1979 pp. 186-187). However,according to Avril, fr. 5716 has been illuminated by Mahiet, the fifth master of A1 (Exh.Paris 1981 pp. 299-300 No. 247). My view is that the Mirror Master is so close to thePapeleu style that we cannot call him by a different name, whilst the master of the Vie


knowledge do change an observer's eye, too. If Vitzthum were still alivetoday, he would write a completely different book. These shifting viewshave lead Pächt to say: "Die Eigengesetzlichkeit der Buchmalerei mag inder Theorie bereits anerkannt sein, aber ihr Studium stand viel zu langeim Schatten der älteren Forschungsdisziplinen, als daß es die dieserbesonderen Materie adäquaten Wertungsmaßstäbe schon hätteerarbeiten können."141 In other words, we must constantly be aware ofthe lack of objective, consistent criteria when dealing with style inminiature painting. Even the "älteren Forschungsdisziplinen" are stillhaunted by the absence of undisputed stylistic standards.

Against the background of these considerations we shall consider thestyle of the 280 miniatures of A1.

As we have seen, Vitzthum ascribed the miniatures of A1 to fourdifferent hands. A first hand, which he related to the Bible of Jean dePapeleu, illustrated ff. 1-298 [Pls. 13-15, 28, 30, 40-43]; a second hand,according to him more English in style, painted ff. 299-334 [Pl. 16]; athird, of lesser quality, painted ff. 335-346 [Pls. 32-33], and a fourth [Pl. 17,34-37], whom Vitzthum associated with part of a Bible historiale in TheHague (Roy. Libr. 71 A 23) [Pls. 18-20], was responsible for ff. 347-359.Byvanck followed Vitzthum closely but for two aspects: he noted theminiature on f. 322v as being of a different master [Pl. 21], and inspecifying the last quires mentioned by Vitzthum, he omitted ff. 335-346.

Although the general categorization as suggested by the two scholarsseems adequate in general, a few points can be defined more precisely.

The general concept of the illustration is the same throughout thebook: a rectangular frame, one or two columns wide, is anchored to thepage by stems of ivy sprouting from its sides and corners. When turningover the leaves of the manuscript, the observer may notice that thechange in miniaturists always occurs at the beginning of a new quire.Apparently the loose quires were handed over to different artists inorder to speed up the process of illumination. Another aspect comes tolight while realizing what different schemes the various artists used fortheir illustrations, and how contrasting their attitude was towards boththe space they had to fill and the story they had to visualize.

1. The Papeleu MasterFf. 1-136, and 161-298 are illuminated by the first artist, called the

Papeleu Master in accordance with François Avril. The masterfrequently divides a double-column miniature by an architectural frameinto two compartments, and illustrates two consecutive passages of thetext. Though 'his' style varies slightly (he apparently headed aworkshop) he is easily recognizable by his most important characteristic:his liveliness. An amazing variety of scenes is rendered in a stronglyindividual manner, or, as Joan Diamond Udovitch puts it: a dramatic

de St Louis (indeed the fifth master of A1) certainly cannot be identified with thePapeleu Master.141 - Pächt 1984 p. 9.


expressionism is communicated through the human figure.142 Thedelicately drawn line is an important feature. The finely delineated facesof the master's figures reveal distress, pain or agony that go far beyondthe usual level of articulateness of that time [Pls. 15, 23]. The manydetails that, as we will see later, are directly based on the text, add to thisanimated image.His figures move and gesticulate gracefully and expressively in a stylishS-curve. Their living space is two-dimensional. Seated people havetheir legs crossed in a manneristic, 'nervous' pose [Pl. 28]. Heads aredepicted preferably in profile or in three-quarters (seldom fullface).Cheek-bones are sometimes accentuated by a little red dot. Garmentshave proper folds in a lighter shade. Colours are bright and variegated:blue and orange-red, aubergine-red, pink, violet, and brown contrastwith gold, yellow, olive-green, dark-green and glaring green.

Remarkable is the way animals have been rendered. Bulls, horses,apes, birds, donkeys, all are depicted in a lifelike, almost impressionisticmanner. In Christ's Entry in Jerusalem, the donkey is the active andagressive master of the scene, as are the horses at Joseph's arrival beforethe gates of Heliopolis [Pl. 97].143 The elephants that live on isles at theend of the world are less naturalistic [Pl. 42], but the reason for this mustbe that the artist probably had never seen one in his lifetime.144

Architectural frames are of decisive importance. A specificpeculiarity of French Gothic illumination, they find their roots inthirteenth century Parisian ateliers.145 They betray their Gothic characterin every detail: pinnacles, quatrefoils, and delicate fleuronné tracery, themost notable example being the frontispiece of the manuscript itself.Flat though they are, they keep their original function to frame apicture. The artist exploits their turreted structure in two ways: he eitherplaces his figures behind it, as in Joseph's marriage to Aseneth [Pl.115],146 or he allows them the freedom to leave the frame, as in therepresentation of the Earthly Paradise [Pl. 40];147 in his inventiveness hesometimes uses both ways within one picture, as in the case of theEpiphany or the crucifixion of the murderers of Darius.148

Vitzthum has assembled a large group of manuscripts around theMaster of the Papeleu Bible. Today, we must see Vitzthum as a pioneer,who made an admirable first attempt at classifying miniature paintingon stylistic grounds, rather than as a scholar with whose categorizationswe can still agree. First, since he has not made clear the Papeleu Bible ismade by two distinct hands (the second miniaturist commences at f.260r149), considerable confusion is the result: is his classification based

142 - Diamond Udovitch 1979 p. 134.143 Ff. 298v, 60v.144 Ff. 41r, 48v.145 - Pächt 1984 pp. 192-193.146 F. 62r.147 F. 40v.148 Ff. 270r, 173r.149 - Diamond Udovitch 1979 p. 120. On this point we agree with her.


on the first master (the one we call now the Papeleu Master), on thesecond master, or has he not detected the difference? Second, now thatmany more manuscripts of this particular period are known, his groupis much too diverse. It is now generally accepted that the illuminationsby the Papeleu Master are quite different in style from those of the so-called Fauvel Master that form the majority of Vitztum's manuscripts.Joan Diamond ascribes eleven manuscripts to the Papeleu Master, manyof which are not mentioned by Vitzthum.150 The Fauvel Master, whoilluminated the major part of J1 and the first quires of J3, will bediscussed in the description of J1.

2. The second handFrom f. 137 to f. 160 a change in style is visible. The vividness has

disappeared, the people stand straight, the details are gone, and thegarments are devoid of nuance [Pl. 29]. Remarkably, the colouringchanges too: red, blue and purple are preponderant together with somegold; green and yellow are completely absent. However, the miniaturesare still much in the style of the Papeleu Master, so we must assume apupil of his being at work here.

From f. 161 onwards, the Papeleu Master continues till f. 298,although his refinement and variability are less prevalent. Heads oftenbecome too big, especially when criminals (like murderers and traitors)are dealt with. Maybe here another pupil of his, a third hand,intermingled with the master.

3. The third handFf. 299-346 are predominantly by this third hand [Pls. 16, 31-33]. It is

difficult to define his working area and his stylistic characteristic. Acomparison between f. 297v (the Papeleu Master) and f. 313v (his pupil)may help [Pls. 30, 31]. We twice see a banquet: the first showing MaryMagdalene washing Christ's feet in the house of Simon the Pharisee,the second showing Christ having supper with his disciples after HisResurrection.

The Papeleu Master paints a lively scene: Christ, seated left of centre,is in an animated discussion with his host, whilst Mary Magdalen,crouching on the foreground, wipes her Master's feet with her long hair.St Peter, sitting next to Him, takes part in the debate. At the right end ofthe table, two women converse over a plate of fish. Heads are small andfinely drawn. Maybe the most important feature is that there is ampleroom around every figure. The free-standing table and the kneelingfigure of Mary Magdalene emphasize the disposition of the scene.

In the miniature of the third master frontality predominates. Nogesture surprises us, no expression distinguishes one disciple from theother. His figures are too voluminous for the room and they lack thefreedom to move. Heads are too big and miss the individuality anddelicacy of the Papeleu Master. The effect is an unexciting, routinepicture.

150 - Diamond Udovitch 1979 passim, esp. pp. 196-241. She calls the Fauvel Master theRoyal Master.


In general, the third master works in a conventional andmonotonous way, with black painted lines, and large coloured blots. Heprefers a single scene within a flat architectural frame. Figures becomecaricatures of kings, ladies or soldiers. In contrast, he is a master inpainting devils and demons: terrifying, horrendous monsters whothreaten wavering mankind [Pls. 32-33]. Fullface figures are extremelyrare. Characteristic is a frequent use of yellow, that in ff. 335-346 evencolours the hair. The same can be observed with regard to architecture:from f. 299 onwards, towers and walls are always painted in yellow andare closed by a bright red door; in the previous pages, the architecturecould be of almost any colour: greyish-blue, olive-green, pink or beige.

4. The Cambrai MasterA fourth hand filled the remaining space at the end of a quire on f.

322v, apparently forgotten by the other artist [Pl. 21]. He is the first toattempt to create a three-dimensional space: his beamed roof, though farfrom convincing, evokes a real room in which three apostles consecratethe seven first deacons. The faces are drawn in orange-brown ink andpossess a complexion completely different from those painted by theother artists. A striking feature is the divergent colouration: orange andyellow are paramount beside pink, green and greyish-blue. We mayassociate him with a master also active in the second volume, A2 [Pl.22]. Avril, when describing A2 in the catalogue of the Fastes gothiques,calls him the Master of the Crucifixion of Cambrai because of aminiature of the Crucifixion he painted in the Missel of Robert deCoucy, canon of Cambrai.151 According to Avril, the Cambrai Master "sedistingue par un dessin plus heurté et par un coloris chaud et contrasté.Particulièrement caractéristique de l'artiste est sa manière de séparer lesfonds en zones de couleurs aux motifs ornementaux différents. Leterrain étagé et fissuré servant de support à la scène est un autre élémentqui se trouve fréquemment dans les miniatures de l'artiste. Ce procédéd'origine italo-byzantine est destiné à créer une impression d'espace àtrois dimensions." These other characteristics, absent in the miniatureof f. 322v since it represents an indoor scene, we will meet in the artist'swork in A2.

5. MahietThe last pages, ff. 347-359 are painted by a fifth hand [Pls. 17, 34-37].

After the coarse style of ff. 299-346, his delicate lines are the morestriking. The most distinctive feature, however, is his approach to thethree-dimensional space, in which he contradicts himself on two mainpoints.

In stark contrast to the other artists, he never uses an architecturalframe to structure the scene. Most of the time, his space is almost empty,and is dominated by a finely checkered background; - only once anaively painted tree marks an outdoor scene. The sporadic edifices thatare necessitated by the text are modest indeed and do show no sign of aGothic influence [Pl. 35]. In order to give the illustrations more strength

151 Cambrai, Bibl.Mun. 157. - Exh. Paris 1981 p. 299 No. 246.


and to connect them firmly to the page, the artist has surrounded theframes with a slovenly painted glaring-green line.

In front of the two-dimensional background all action has to takeplace. The master's figures seem very active indeed: they bend towardseach other in graceful S-curves, and seem to talk incessantly,gesticulating with unnaturally elongated hands. Within one frame,their acts are immediately followed by another act, as if they play a partin successive images of an animated film. It is therefore possible towatch a small youth on f. 351r first, on the left, being taught by hisparents, then receiving a letter from a bishop, thereupon handing overthe letter to a hermit, and finally, to see his soul being saved from thedevil by the Virgin Mary [Pl. 34 and 34a].

Having observed the artist's preference to concentrate all action onthe frontal line and his lack of ability to fill the remaining space, themore surprising becomes his awareness of the fall of light, so evident inthe same picture of the little boy travelling the world to save his soul onf. 351r. The wall of the hermit's domicile on the right is decorated bythree rectangular panels. We can clearly see they recess in depth by thedarker and lighter tones which are used here by the painter. In doing so,the artist perfectly reflects the repertoire of the classical illusionistictradition.

Ernst Gombrich, in his book The Heritage of Apelles, shows us thisclassical device still being used in the fifth century St Lawrence mosaicof the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia in Ravenna, and once more in theportrait of the prophet Ezra in the Codex Amiatinus (an early eighthcentury copy of a sixth century Italian model). It was still used byDuccio.152

The Italian skill of re-employing pictorial illusionism, completelyabsent in French medieval art until Jean Pucelle brought it to thecapital,153 must have been taught to our French artist in the workshopof Jean Pucelle. Indeed, François Avril has recognized the style of ourmaster in a manuscript illuminated by Pucelle and his epigoni: theBréviaire de Belleville [Pl. 39].154 He has even connected the name ofone of his assistants, Mahiet, with the fifth master of our Miroirhistorial. 155 Before, Mahiet had been given the temporary name ofMaster of the Vie de St Louis, because he had illuminated twomanuscripts of this text (Paris BN fr. 5716 and fr. 13568) [Pls. 36, 132]. Acomparison of a detail of fr. 5716 with a detail of f. 356v of A1 [Pl. 36a, 37]

152 - E.H. Gombrich, The Heritage of Apelles. Studies in the Art of the Renaissance III,Oxford 1976, pp. 3-18, esp. p. 9 and Figs. 12, 13, 14, 64.153 Literature about Jean Pucelle and the Italian influence of Parisian miniature paintingis abundant. See L.F. Sandler, Jean Pucelle and the Lost Miniatures of the BellevilleBreviary, in: AB 66 (1984), pp. 73-96 for the most recent facts and views. See for Mahietalso - Euw & Plotzek II 1982 pp. 64-73.154 Paris BN lat. 10483-10484.155 - Exh.Paris 1981 Nos. 240, 245, 247, 265.


leaves us by the way in no doubt about the identification of the masterof A1 with the miniaturist of the Vies de saint Louis .156

The route followed by Avril may be summarized here. Cockerell, indescribing the Book of Hours of Jeanne II de Navarre for the catalogueof Henry Yates Thompson (now Paris BN, ms n.a.lat. 3145) [Pl. 38]157

discerned a number of different hands, one of which being of extremequality - Jean Pucelle or a close follower. Another, fourth hand, muchcoarser but not without charm, illuminated ff. 140-155, 157-158, 160, 161-193 and 196-198, that is a total of seventeen miniatures and a range ofborder decoration. Cockerell recognized in this fourth hand the artist ofthe two manuscripts of the Vie de St Louis, mentioned above.158

Kathleen Morand, in her book on Jean Pucelle published in 1962, agreeswith Cockerell's dividing Jeanne de Navarre's Horae into four distinctstyles, and adds some more manuscripts to the repertoire of the fourthhand.159 With this group of now seven manuscripts, Avril associatesmany more in his exhibition catalogue of Charles V's manuscripts.160

And it is here for the first time that the fifth hand of the Leiden Miroirhistorial is connected with the fourth master of the Horae of Jeanne deNavarre ( i.e. the Master of the Vie de St Louis), and so is brought intothe realm of Jean Pucelle.

In the illustration scheme of the Bréviaire de Belleville, Mahiet waspaid by Pucelle for part of the border decoration. In the bottom margin off. 33r of the Breviary, Delisle discovered in 1884 a little note: "Mahiet - J.Pucelle a baillie XX et IIIs - VId" [Pl. 39].161 Avril studied the decorationof that same page and concluded the illuminator of that page to beidentical with the one who illustrated the manuscripts of theVie de StLouis and the fourth part of the Horae . Consequently, the fifth masterof A1 is the same Mahiet.

By realizing that Mahiet was initially a decorator of borders andinitials in Pucelle's workshop, we may now understand the discrepancybetween his ability in rendering the Italianate fall of light, and hiscomplete inaptitude in creating a space behind the page. In marginaldecoration, such creativity is not required, and Mahiet failed to pick upmore from Pucelle's skills during his apprenticeship. Later, whenMahiet wanted to extend his activities beyond the margin and started topaint miniatures, the existence of disposition was new to him. And thismay have caused the void in which his figures stand.

The relationship between A1 and The Hague, Kon.Bibl. 71 A 23

156 - Exh.Paris St Louis 1970 Nos. 214-215;157 - S.C. Cockerell, Horae of Jeanne II Queen of Navarre, in: A Descriptive Catalogue ofthe Second Series of Fifty Manuscripts in the Collection of H. Yates Thompson,Cambridge 1902, pp. 151-183.158 - Cockerell 1902 p. 166.159 - K. Morand, Jean Pucelle, Oxford 1962, p. 49. She brings the following manuscripts inthe context of the fourth hand of the Book of Hours of Jeanne de Navarre: CambridgeUniv. Libr, MS Dd.5.5.; Geneva, Bibl.Publ, ms fr. 2; London BL Roy. 16 G VI; Paris BN lat.1288; Paris BN fr. 5716; Paris BN fr. 13568.160 - Exh. Paris Charles V 1968 Nos. 139, 150, 152, 172, 192.161 - L. Delisle, Les livres d'Heures du duc de Berry, in: GBA 1884, I, p. 282.


A last and brief word must be said about what Vitzthum and Byvancksee as a stylistic relationship between A1 and a Bible historiale in TheHague (Kon.Bibl. 71 A 23).162 Comparison of the two manuscripts todaylearns there is none [Pls. 18-20]. Neither Mahiet, the illustrator of the lastquires of A1, nor the Papeleu Master did contribute to 71 A 23. Possiblyhere Vitzthum confused the Papeleu Master with the second master ofthe Papeleu Bible. In our opionion master c) of 71 A 23 may be associatedwith the second master of the Papeleu Bible [Pl. 14], but certainly notwith one of the masters of A1.

3.6.2. Iconography

When discussing the iconography of the miniatures of A1, we haveto start from the following postulate. Whoever may have been thecorrector of A1's text, the sheer presence of the interpolations bespeaksthe manuscript as standing, together with the contemporary manuscriptJ1, at the very beginning of the text tradition. The Latin original beingun-illustrated, we assume that both J1 and A1 are the first illuminatedcopies of the Miroir historial. In other words: there was no prototype forthe illustration as a whole. The absence of mutual interdependence ofA1 and J1 will be discussed later.

Being a late Medieval historical encyclopedia and intended for theamateur, the function of the illustrations of the Miroir is pre-eminentlya narrative one. By consequence one expects them to depend almostexclusively on the text. The relation of text to image will be our primeconcern in this chapter. Before analysing this relation, a short account ofthe content of the illustrations should be given.163

The miniatures of the Miroir are not evenly distributed over the text.Some books are more densely illustrated than others. Though anoverall clear scheme is absent and specific topics, like battlescenes ordevotional pictures, do not seem to exist, we can neverthelessdistinguish some general preferences in the choice of episodes. Theextensive cycles of the Creation, the Life of Christ and the foundation ofthe Early Church pay tribute to the Christian tradition: Man's Fall andRedemption are the most important parts of Christian theology.Remarkably though, and for no obvious reason, the Fall of Man itselfand his Expulsion from Paradise have been omitted.

162 - Vitzthum 1907 pp. 178-180; - Byvanck 1924 pp. 24-25; - Byvanck 1931 pp. 88-89.Vitzthum divides the Bible historiale into three stylistic groups: a) the miniatures ofGenesis (ff. 8-44), Leviticus, Numeri, Deuteronomium, Josua (ff. 73-124), Hiob (ff. 203v-215), Susanna (ff. 228-231v); b) Exodus (ff. 44-72v), Kings and Chroniclers (ff. 136v-203);c) Tobias, Jeremiah, Ezechiel, Daniel (ff. 215v-227v), Psalms and Proverbs (ff. 249v-287v). He relates group b) and c) to the last quires of A1. Byvanck makes two groups: 1) ff.2-6, 73v-134v, 201v-204v, 228-229v; 2) ff. 9-70, 137-183v, 216-222v, 232v-276. Byvanckassociates the first group with the Papeleu style, the second group with the style of thelast quires of A1. See also Part II chapter 2 .163 Lists of miniatures of A1 have been given by Delisle (Delisle 1886 pp. 87-101) andByvanck (Byvanck 1931 pp. 89-92).


Apart from these main themes, the selection of subjects forillustration seems to be random. Scenes from the Old Testament areerratic and sparsely represented: for instance Lot, Abraham, Melchizedekand Isaac are absent. Moses is only depicted in three miniatures, Davidin one, whereas the life and apocryphal marriage of the Patriarch Josephis illustrated with as many as six miniatures.

Interwoven with stories from the Old Testament, and faroutnumbered by them, are events taken from ancient history. Theirillustrations are spread more or less evenly throughout the text. Anenormous variety of themes, from Greek mythology to ceremonialcoronations, battles, conspiracies and assassinations fully entertain thereader. Alexander the Great, to whose adventures book V is devoted, isrepresented in 29 miniatures.

In the last book, miniatures illustrating the Virgin Mary's death andlegends about her re-appearing are abundant. This can be explained bythe growing interest in her spiritual life from the second half of the 12thcentury onwards, thanks to Bernard of Clairvaux and others.

It is not feasible to give an account here of the content of all 280miniatures and to pursue their sources. We will therefore concentrateon the main master, the Papeleu Master. An aspect both stylistic andiconographical is the liveliness and eloquence that are visualized in thepictures of this master. For this reason his illustrations containnumerous details that are absent in the work of the other illuminatorswho contributed to the manuscript.

Joan Diamond in her monography on the Papeleu Master coulddemonstrate that he and his workshop, active for such a long period,used some themes over and over again with only slight variations.164

When illustrating texts he was familiar with, like bibles, psalters,breviaries and missals, it would be surprising if he did not.

The Miroir historial, having an historical thus narrative content,required a different approach. Whether the Papeleu Master used modelswhen illustrating this text for the first time, we do not know. In theory,one could try to find prototypes by running through long lists ofmanuscripts and comparing numerous miniatures. The outcome wouldprobably be that, possibly, models can be traced for familiar cycles likethose of the Creation or the Life of Christ.

However, we will opt for a more constructive approach by starting atthe other end. Did the Papeleu Master create miniatures especially forthe Miroir ? To try to answer that question positively would give muchmore credit to the Master's skill and inventiveness than to assume himusing models for the more common illustrations. In the end it will giveus more insight in his methods.

164 - Diamond Udovitch 1979 passim. She surveys the master's work from c. 1295 to about1325. It is not clear why she has opted for this space of time, and thus excluding themaster's later works, such as A1.


Below, we will study four miniatures in detail and relate theiriconography to the accompanying text.

1) [Pl. 40] In Book 2, chapter 61,165 Vincent tells us about the EarthlyParadise in Asia, where after the original sin no human creature isallowed to enter. A wall of fire and an angel with a fiery sword prohibitsit. In the intercolumnar space of f. 40v, we can see this angel, dressed ingold, and holding his sword menacingly above his head. Under his feetlies the earthly paradise in complete peace, surrounded by a vermillion-red wall. On the left, a man bids to be allowed inside, but to no avail itseems, since on the right he drops off. The picture evidences that it isnot the Expulsion from Paradise (which is not illustrated in the book) oranother story from the bible clarified here, but that it aims to providethe reader with a visual explanation of the text in this chapter.

2) Our next example will be even clearer [Pl. 41]. The miniature onf.104r shows two adjacent events within one frame. On the left ashepherd accompanied by this flock discovers a new-born twin, carefullyswaddled, abandoned near a riverside; on the other side of the river ashepherd menaces with his crook a she-wolf that has a twin lying besideher. The right hand picture seems to be the finding of Romulus andRemus by Faustulus. But what about the left hand scene? Theaccompanying text should give the answer.

Vincent's encyclopedia is a compilation of texts. He uses differentsources and gives more than once two different versions of the samestory. So he does when relating the history of the foundlings Romulusand Remus (Book 3, Ch. 96).166 The most well-known story is of thembeing abandoned in the woods, where they are found and nursed by ashe-wolf until they are finally discoverd by the shepherd Faustulus whowill rear them at home. There is another version, though, describinghow they are thrown into the river Tiber and found by the shepherdalong the shores, so without the interference of the she-wolf. Vincentjuxtaposes the two stories, and so the illustrator reacts by depicting themboth.

As Vincent is the only one to give both stories concurrently in onechapter, one can be sure the miniature was designed especially for theMiroir historial.

3) A third example may clarify that it must have been indeed theFrench text that provided the source for the illustration [Pl. 42]. Book 2,chapter 62, describes the wonders of India:

Speculum historiale (Douai 1624, p. 24): A1, ff. 41r-41v:Habet et fluuios Gangem, Nidam, et Et y a troiz fleuues qui avironnent lesHypanem, illustrantes Indos. Terra Indiae yndiens. Ganges, Yndon et Ypanem. LaFauonij spiritu saluberrima in anno bis terre dynde a bon air et sain et porte blee.metit fruges, vice hyemis Ethesijs potitur. duez foez lan. et est la t[er]re atrempeeGignit autem tincti coloris homines, sanz yver. Et porte hommes tains de

165 Book 1 cap. LXIII in the Douai version (Vincent Douai 1624 p. 24).166 Book 2 cap. XCVI in the Douai vesion (Vincent Douai 1624 p. 78).


elephantes ingentes, Monoceron bestiam; couleur ynde. et granz oliphans et unePsitacum auem, hebenum quoque lignum, beste qui est apelee monoceron qui a uneet cinnamomum, et piper, et calamum seule corne. et un oisel qui est apelearomaticum: mittit ebur, lapides quoque papegaut. et un fust qui est apele ebenuspreciosos, beryllos, crisoprasos, qui porte ensens et baume. Et generalmentadamantem, carbunculos, lychnites, toutes diverses espices y croissent. de lamargaritas, et vniones, quibus nobilium vient yuire. pierres precieuse. verillesfoeminarum ardet ambitio; ibi sunt et topaces. crisolites dyamans. charboncles,montes aurei quos adire propter dracones iagonces marguerites et mout dautres. Laet gryphas et immensorum hominum sont montaignes dor ou len nose aler pourmonstra impossibile est. les dragons et grifons et les divers

monstres des homes qui y sont.

We can see Jean de Vignay translating the text as best as he could.Where it becomes too difficult, he leaves out a line or omits a detail; ifhe does not understand the essential, he uses his imagination. At onepoint, however, he goes beyond his task as a translator: he wants toexplain the reader why India is called India. Whereas Vincent simplystates the inhabitants of India have a coloured skin (gignit tincti colorishomines). Jean de Vignay tells us the Indians are yndes, i.e. blue incolour (et porte hommes tains de colour ynde).

The miniaturist followed the text closely: he painted landsurrounded by water, terrible gryphons, enormous elephants, andgolden mountains strewn with precious stones. On both sides of thepicture people look out of their windowed cities, and their faces arepainted blue. Consequently, no other text but Jean de Vignay'stranslation can have been the source for this striking detail.

4) The most convincing exemplification of the direct relation of textto image is to be found in the story of Alexander the Great [Pl. 43]. On f.175 recto begins chapter 49 of Book 5.167 Alexander the Great meets withthe army of the Indian king Porus. In the heavy battle that followsAlexander's horse Bucephalos is killed.168 We can see on the left of theminiature this dreadful event. Bucephalos, recognizable in the middleof the scene by his master's gold-starred blue horsecloth, receives themortal wound by the Indian king.

Then, the French text continues, Alexander, wounded himself, isunable to continue the battle and is forced to leave the scene of action ona horse's tail:

Alixandre aussi comme demi mort toute ouerre de bataille prist la queue dun cheval et setrait en ses parties.

Later, Alexander will be able to defeat Porus in a single combat that isnot illustrated here.The story is not well known, and that has caused amisunderstanding that comes to light when we look at the late 13thcentury Dutch translation of the Speculum historiale, extant in anillustrated manuscript of c. 1330, in the Royal Library in The Hague, Ac.

167 - Vincent Douai 1624 p. 130.168 On Bucephalos different legends exist; see - A.R. Anderson, Bucephalos and hisLegend, in: The American Journal of Philology LI (1930), pp. 1-21.


XX.[Pl. 44] In the left hand part of the miniature on f. 34r of thismanuscript the battle between the two armies is being fought, and Porusactually kills Bucephalos: the arrow is still in the horse's breast. In theright compartment we see the duel between Alexander and Porus, inwhich the latter is killed.

If one takes a closer look at the left compartment, the end of thebattle seems to be quite different from the one in the French version. Inthe lower corner on the left Alexander is heroically pulling his horse byits tail from the scene of action in order to prevent the enemy fromcapturing the dead body. It proves to be a direct illustration of the textbelow, given in Dutch:

Ende nam biden sterte sijn paertEnde slepet ter ziden waertWant he ontsach des ghelovetDat dynden souden ebben gerovetEnde dat en wildi om geen goet.

(and he took his horse by the tail and trailed it sidewards since hefeared the Indians would have robbed it and that was something he didnot want at any price).

Which of the two versions - the French or the Dutch - is the rightone? Again, one has to take to the Latin Speculum historiale to find theanswer. Book 4, chapter 49 in the Douai-reprint leaves us in no doubt:

Neglecto igitur omni opere bellandi, Alexander exanimem equum caudacomprehensum, in partes retrahit: metuens ne spolium Indi raperent, quod sibi esset valdepudibundum.

Jean de Vignay apparently thought exanimem and comprehensumbe part of the subject (first case) instead of part of the object (fourth case)and hence reversed the action. So Alexander is madedemi mort (it wasnot possible to really let him die), and is being dragged by a horse insteadof dragging a horse himself. A new story was thus invented.

The illustrator, faithful to the working-method we can nowrecognize, took the text to the letter, and created a picture as unique asthe text it illustrates. No other text can have been the source for hisinpiration than Jean de Vignay's compromising translation.

These three examples clearly bespeak the Miroir historial the primeand only source for the miniatures painted by the Papeleu Master. Howthe artist became acquainted with the text, we do not know. He eithercarefully read the text himself, or received minute instructions, be it oralor written.169 It is not that important: the relation of text to image being

169 It goes too far as to suppose the translator Jean de Vignay had a hand in the planningof the themes. However, we should not immediately dismiss the idea, since in othertranslations, dating from the late 14th century, the influence of the translator on theillustrations has recently been asserted. In a study on the illustrations for the Cité deDieu , S.O.D. Smith, like Alexandre de Laborde before her, goes as far as crediting the


that close, the instructions must have been virtually as explicit as thetext itself.

3.7. Binding

After the illustration was completed, the manuscript went to thebinder. Nothing is known of its first binding. In Charles V's time thefour volumes were bound in red leather. They received an extra silkcover in 1377.170

The several catalogues made up during and after Vossius' lifetime,do not mention the binding. The present binding was done in the 19thcentury. A simple brown calf leather without any stamps gives themanuscript a modest outlook. The binder made one insignificantmistake, noticed by Delisle: in the thirteenth quire, ff. 137-148 the doubleleaf 141-144 was reversed.

3.8. Provenance

The first owner to have written his name at the end of the book isJean, Duke of Normandy and Guyenne, the future Jean II le Bon (1319-1364). He was given the honorary titles by his father Philppe VI in1332.171 When Philippe VI de Valois died in 1350, he was succeeded byJean. Since Jean signed as Duke of Normanduy and Guyenne, he musthave possessed the manuscript between 1332 and 1350. The year Jeanwas first holding the two titles, 1332, coincides with the date of theinception of the French translation that is given in the opening rubric ofA1.

Because of the frequent interpolations in the text of A1, the mostplausible date for the manuscript is very soon after the completion ofthe text. Since J1 is dated the 24th of November 1333, the translation wasfinished before that date, and so we may assume A1 has been transcribedsoon after 1332.

In 1332 Jean was thirteen years old, according to Delisle too young tocommission such a voluminous text.172 But only a few years lateranother work was translated by Jean de Vignay at his request: the Jeu desÉchecs, a moral treatise in Latin by the Dominican Jacopo da Cessolis.173

planning of the program of the first illuminated manuscripts to the translator, Raoul dePresles (S.O.D. Smith, New Themes for the City of God around 1400: The Illustrationsof Raoul de Presles' Translation, in: Scriptorium XXXVI (1982), pp. 69-70). ClaudeSherman has shown that Nicole Oresme devised a cycle of illustrations for histranslation and commentary to an edition of Aristotle (Cl. Sherman, Some VisualDefinitions in the Illustrations of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and Politics in theFrench Translations of Nicole Oresme, in: AB LIX (1977), p. 320 ff.)170 See p. 35.171 - Anselme, Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la Maison royale de France, t1, Paris 1712, p 60; - Delisle 1886 p. 90; - Europäische Stammtafeln, vol II, Marburg 1984,Taf. 22.172 - Delisle 1886 p. 90.173 - Knowles 1954 p. 368. See Appendix D for more literature on this subject.


Although the Jeu des échecs is much smaller in size than even onevolume of the Miroir historial, the request evinces the prince a bookcollector at an early age.174

Moreover, another manuscript survives that can be dated on stylisticgrounds to the early 1330's and that belonged to Jean le Bon before hisaccession to the throne. Now London, BL Royal 16 G VI, this copy of theGrandes Chroniques de France bears the arms of the young prince, ashas been remarked by Warner: a little soldier in the margin of f. 3r holdsa shield with the royal fleur de lys decoration, framed by a redbordure.175 A couple of artists active in this manuscript also contributedto A1 and A2. The workshop of Mahiet, the master of the last quires ofA1, painted ff. 3-14, 39-158, 183-194, 207-218, 239, 243-302 [Pl. 45]; theMaster of the Crucifixion of Cambrai, who illustrated f. 322v of A1 andmany a page in A2, participated in Royal 16 G VI on ff. 219-230, and ff.303-314 (minus f. 308)[Pl. 46]. Hence we should not be too reluctant inassigning Jean le Bon the first ownership of the Leiden Miroir historial.

However, we must consider yet another possibility. Assuming A1 tobe transcribed as soon as the translation was finished, one is tempted toconsider it the first copy presented to the Queen. Remarkably enough,the only reason not to consider it so in earnest is the mere existence ofthat other early copy, now Paris BN fr. 316, J1. Had J1 not been sofortunate as to survive, and had A1 remained in France, A1 would havebeen given the honour of being presumed the presentation copywithout any hesitation.

A1 has many facets to favour the hypothesis that it is thepresentation copy. First, because of both the interpolations and the directrelation of text to image, the manuscript must be considered as one ofthe earliest copies. Second, Jeanne de Bourgogne is mentioned in theopening rubric of both A1 and A2 and in no other copy of the Miroirhistorial. 176 Third, the arms of Burgundy and France appear in thebackground of the frontispiece. Fourth, the signature of her son can befound on the last page, but no coat of arms of the young prince bespeakshim the patron of the manuscript. Jeanne died in 1348. Why not assumethat Jean inherited his mother's Miroir and inscribed his name andtitles of that moment (i.e. before 1350) on the last page? Why should weconsider the first owner to write his name at the end to be the firstowner in actual fact and not the second or third one?

No surviving manuscript bears the signature of Jeanne deBourgogne, so she apparently did not mark her books. Moreover, wehave proof of at least one manuscript inherited by Jean le Bon from hismother: a copy of the Miracles de Notre Dame by Gautier de Coincy(Paris BN n.a.fr. 24541). This manuscript was apparently ordered byJeanne de Bourgogne, as she is frequently portrayed within the initials atthe end of the book. Jean le Bon took it with him at the siege of Poitiers

174 See - R. Cazelles, Jean II le Bon: Quel homme? Quel roi? in: Revue historique 251(1974), pp. 13-15, for the bibliophilic activities of Jean le Bon.175 - Warner & Gilson II 1921 pp. 209-212.176 See Part II Ch. 5.3.1.


in 1356, and, when captured, had to relinquish it to his triumphator.Charles V was later given the opportunity to repurchase themanuscript.177 We will return to this hypothesis when dealing with J1in detail.

In general, the books of Jean le Bon were inherited by his son,Charles V.178 As discovered by Delisle, the Leiden Miroir, together withits sequels, features in inventories of the King's manuscripts, made upin 1373-1380 by Gilles Mallet and Jean Blanchet. The four volumes alsoappear in inventories of Charles VI, the infortunate son of Charles V.179

In the inventory of 1413, the then librarian, Jean le Bègue, made a notein the margin to register that all four volumes had been lent to theQueen's brother, the Duke of Bavaria.

Louis, Duke of Bavaria-Ingolstadt played a dubious part in thehistory of France between 1391 and 1415. He was highly favoured by hissister, Queen Isabeau, and he frequently stayed with her.180 The Queenmarried him twice to wealthy members of the French aristocracy, thusassuring him an ample annual income. She also lavished precious giftsand money on him.181 The manuscripts of the Miroir historial, fromthe library of the King, were not the only royal objects that passed intothe hands of her brother.182 In 1413, Louis of Bavaria married Catherined'Alençon, Countess of Mortain. It is quite possible that the manuscriptswere pawned to him as part of a wedding-gift.

Louis of Bavaria died in 1417, and we do not know what happened tothe four volumes after his death. A1 came in the 15th century in thepossession of a Count de La Roche, as can be testified by an erasedsignature on the last page. Unfortunately the rest of the signatureremains illegible, which makes an identification impossible.183 Anothermark, a coat of arms drawn in brown ink in the intercolumn margin off. 99v (four chevrons impaling vair) can neither offer us the indicationof a specific owner by lack of tincture. A third and later hand, probably

177 - Exh. Paris 1981 p. 296 No. 241 (with bibliography).178 Jean le Bon's testament does not record particular manuscripts (G. Bapst, Testamentdu roi Jean et Inventaire de ses joyaux à Londres. Publiés d'après deux manuscrits inéditsdes Archives nationales, Paris 1884, passim), but Charles V owned more than onemanuscript with the signature of his father.179 - Delisle 1886 pp. 90-91. See also previous chapter.180 - Th. Straub, Herzog Ludwig der Bärtige von Bayern-Ingolstadt und seineBeziehungen zu Frankreich in der Zeit von 1391 bis 1415, Kallmünz 1965, passim.(Münchener historische Studien Abteilung Bayerische Geschichte, ed. M. Spindler, Band7).181 - J. Verdon, Isabeau de Bavière, Paris 1981, pp. 122, 208.182 - Straub 1965 part 2, p. 185 and passim.183 What can be read is the following: Cest liure est au comte de la Roche ...s ..villers...rel (?).Families of the name La Roche, or De la Roche appear in France as well as inpresent Belgium (Ardennes).


16th century, wrote a few times in the lower margin: Antonius(?)Bourgenin [Pl. 47].184

Unresolved though the wanderings of the manuscript in the 15thand 16th centuries as yet have to remain, since the end of the 17thcentury the provenance is clear. A1 was acquired by Isaac Vossius. Weall know what happened to his collection after his death: it was sold tothe university of Leiden in 1690, and in Leiden it is till the presentday.185

During his stay in England, Vossius had ordered a catalogue of hisbooks and manuscripts. This catalogue was written by Colomesius. Acopy can be found among the documents concerning the trial thatfollowed between the Curators of Leiden University and the heirs ofVossius [Pl. 48].186 According to this catalogue, the Gallici Codices MSSare eight in number. The first manuscript, surprisingly described as atwo volume set, is our Miroir historial: "I. Le Miroir historical, traduiten François, avec de belles figures en miniature 2 vol."187

A second inventory, made up by a cousin of Isaac Vossius, GerardVossius, heir of his library, again refers to the Miroir historial as a workconsisting of two volumes [Pl. 49]: "III 1 2(the figure 2 crossed out) Lemiroir historial Traduit par Jean de Vignay avec Des figures enmigniature. 2 Vollumes-".188 Now that the existence of two volumeshas twice been recorded, do we have to admit that in Leiden anothervolume of A1 has disappeared? Or was A1 bound in two volumes inVossius' time?

The printed catalogue that was published in 1716 provides us withthe clue for a different solution [Pl. 50].189 Here, A1 is described asfollows:

Le mirouer hystorial, ou Histoiro depeus la creation des choses, ramassée des diverseshistoriens, qui ont ecrit en autres langues, comme du Jehan Bocace le Certald des cas desnobles hommes, & femmes, a la requesta de tres-haute dame Jehanne de BourgongneRoymie de France an. 1332, traduit par Jean de Vignay. Avec des figures en miniature.vol. II. In menbrana ....... 3"

We may conclude that another manuscript in the possession of IsaacVossius has been catalogued from the outset as a fellow volume of A1.

184 On ff. 164r, 165r, 166r. See also - J.P. Gumbert, Liste provisoire des manuscritsmédiévaux en langue française à la Bibliothèque universitaire de Leyde, in: Mélanges delinguistique, de littérature et de philologie médiévales, offerts à J.R. Smeets, Leiden1982, p. 153.185 See for Vossius: - C. Callmer, Königin Christina, ihre Bibliothekare und ihreHandschriften, Stockholm 1977, pp 45-56; see for a history of Vossius collection: - F.F.Blok, Contributions to the History of Isaac Vossius' Library, Amsterdam / London 1974(Verhandelingen Kon.Ned. Ak.v. Wet. Afd. Lett, N.R. 83).186 Leiden UB, Archief van Curatoren No. 169.187 ibidem, p. 61.188 A copy is Leiden UB, BPL 127 A F, p. 58. Here the inventory number has been changedfrom 2 into 1, and finally into III.189 Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecae publicae Universitatis Lugduno-Batavae, LugduniMDCCXVI, p. 358.


That is a 15th century copy of the Cas des Nobles hommes et femmes byBoccaccio, now Voss.G.G. Fol. 3.190 In the hand-written inventory byGeel of c. 1850, this error has been corrected by a later hand. The originaltext by Geel is the following [Pl. 51]:191

Des Cas des Nobles hommes et femmes de Jehan Boccace - Mirouer Hystorial, inmembranis. 2 voll. (olim Alexandri Petavii) cum figuris ....XXII F.3

The later hand crossed out the words: "2 voll". After the name of theauthor Jehan Boccace, he made a reference-mark to the margin, wherehe added the number" XXII F 3"; he changed the number "XXII F.3" into"XXII F.3A". And so the two manuscripts, now definitely separated,received their final shelf-marks.

*°*°*°*

190 It is not clear why before 1741 A1 was given yet another inventory number by alibrarian prior to Van Royen. On a small piece of paper, pasted onto the lower margin off. 1r of A1, the printed words: "Ex Bibliotheca Viri Illustri Isaacii Vossii", are followedby a notation written in ink: "gal 21". The Boccaccio manuscript that is mentioned below,received the number "gal 31". Their numbers do not correspond to later inventories. See -P.C. Molhuysen, Geschiedenis der Universiteits-Bibliotheek, Leiden 1905, p. 37; - A.Gruys, Een verloren gewaand handschrift teruggevonden (Vossiuscodex G.G. 4°. 12,tweede deel), in: Het Boek 37 (1965-1966), p 215-217.191 - Catalogus manuscriptorum ex Bibliotheca Isaaci Vossii, (MS), c. 1850. Theaddition: olim Alexandri Petavii , rightly refers to the Boccaccio manuscript. I owe thisinformation to the late K.A. de Meyier. The manuscript does not figure in his thesis Paulen Alexander Petau en de geschiedenis van hun handschriften, Leiden 1947.

Part II Chapter 4: The second volume of the Leiden Miroir 61

Chapter 4: THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE LEIDEN MIROIR

As we have seen, Henry Martin discovered the second volume of A1in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal in Paris, MS 5080 (A2).192 Thanks toDelisle's publication of A1 a few years earlier, identification could easilybe established.

A fellow volume is vital for the conclusions based on the firstvolume: it either overturns or underlines them. In this chapter, A2cannot be studied in as much detail as was devoted to A1. We can,however, verify the conclusions of the previous chapter with the resultsas found in A2.

*°*°*°*

4.1. Text

A2 may have been copied by the same scribe as A1. The rubrics, againliteral translations from the Latin text, are by the same hand, too. Moreimportant is the work of the corrector. As in A1, the text of A2 has beencarefully and skilfully corrected at many points. However, thecorrections are less preponderant and never attain the length of those inthe first volume.

The opening rubric has been completely erased, partly rewritten in theseventeenth century and erased again [Pl. 138]. Still, some of the text islegible: Le present livre du Miroir historial de Vincent de Beauvais a ététranslaté en français par Jean de Vignay (...) Jeanne de Bourgogne (...). Onthe last folio we can see by ultrviolet light under the name JEHAN, theerased words Cy finist le deuxieme volume du Mirouer Hystorial. It ispossible someone erased the opening rubric and the words on the lastpage in order to sell the volume as a single manuscript.

4.2. Illustrations

4.2.1. StyleGreat care was taken to decorate the manuscript. The enormous

amount of 450 illustrations can be attributed to four artists, three ofthem also active in A1. Consequently, A2 must have been completedshortly after A1.

192 - Martin V 1889 pp. 43-44.

62 Part II Chapter 4: The second volume of the Leiden Miroir

The distinct illuminators can be separated according to the gatherings.The Papeleu Master painted the miniatures on ff 1-90v, 107-140v, 165-186v [Pl. 52]. A close follower, the second hand in A1, illustrated ff 91-106v, 141-164v, 187-221v, 234-242v, and probably 289-321v [Pls. 53, 55]. Athird hand, very close to the second hand, illustrated ff 222-233v, 243-254v and ff 267-278v [Pl. 54]. The last master is the Master of Cambrai,who also illustrated f 322v of A1 [Pl. 21]. His share can be found on ff255-266v, 279-288v and 322-415v [Pl. 56]. One of his characteristics, apartfrom his interest in rendering the fall of light in the classical way, is therocky ground on which his figures often stand. This, too, can be tracedback to Italian works of art. If we compare his rocky steps to sixth centurymosaics in Ravenna, such as the representation of Christ as the GoodShepherd in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, we find similar rocks tomark the foreground edge.193

4.2.2. Iconography

A thorough study of the iconography of the miniatures in A2 isbeyond the scope of this study, important though they are. Theiriconographic language is noteworthy for being re-used again in a latermanuscript, Paris BN n.a.fr. 15940-42, made probably at the request ofJean de Berry. This is even more remarkable, since another manuscriptthat will be described below, J1, served as the basis for the illustrations ofthe first eight books of the same set, Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939-40. Thedependence of J1 and the Berry Miroir historial will be discussed in alater chapter. To scrutinize here the relationship between two 'secondvolumes' would go too far, and so must be left to another publication.

The opening miniature, though smaller in size, follows the samepattern as the one in A1. [Pl. 138] Even the arms of France and Burgundyare visible in the background. The miniature has been damaged, anddetails like the faces of the Queen and her ladies in waiting have beenrepainted, but the representation is clear.

Again, the Papeleu Master has painted lively scenes full of details,based on the text. His working method in this volume cannot have beendifferent from the one in A1. The other artists do not show the sameoriginality, though they keep to a good quality. For instance, acomparison of the banquet in the house of Simon the Pharisee we sawearlier painted by the Papeleu Master in A1, f 297v, with the same scenein A2, f 92v, shows the second miniaturist of A2 copied the miniaturefrom the first volume [Pls. 30, 53].

3. ProvenanceThe name JEHAN appears at the end of A2, so we can be sure Jean le

Bon also owned the second volume. Together with A1 and the now lostlast volumes, A2 was inherited by Charles V and Charles VI, and went

193 See also E.H. Gombrich, The Heritage of Apelles, Oxford 1976, pp. 11-12 (Studies inthe Art of the Renaissance III).

Part II Chapter 4: The second volume of the Leiden Miroir 63

to Louis of Bavaria-Ingolstadt.194 After this, their provenances diverge.The blue shield (?) on the lower margin of the first folio of A2 is toofaded to allow an identification. We do not know anything about themanuscript until it appears in the library of the Discalced Augustins inLyons, where it was bought by the Baron of Heiss.195 Later, in 1781 itcame into the hands of the Marquess of Paulmy. With his collection, themanuscript entered the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal.196

To conclude this brief survey, the second volume of the Leidenmanuscript does not add unsuspected or new aspects to the LeidenMiroir historial, but follows the same pattern. The relation between A2and a later copy of the Miroir historial, Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939-44 mustwait for a later study.

194 - Delisle 1886 pp. 90-91.195 - Catalogue des livres manuscrits très antiques et curieux (...) convent de la CroixRousse à Lyon, c. 1667. Reprinted in: H. Martin, Catalogue des manuscrits de laBibliothèque de l'Arsenal, t. VIII, Paris 1899, p. 250 ff.196 - Martin VIII 1899 p. 248.

64 Part II chapter 5 - The 'oldest' manuscript of the Miroir historial

Chapter 5: THE 'OLDEST' MANUSCRIPT OF THE MIROIR HISTORIAL,Paris BN fr. 316, AND ITS THIRD VOLUME

Although the emphasis of this study lies on the Leiden Miroirhistorial, we cannot ignore the existence of a contemporary copy of thesame text: Paris, BN fr 316. (J1). The discrepancy between A1 and J1 isessential for the genesis of the text tradition. Indeed, one manuscriptshould only be studied against the background of the other.

In many aspects, the Miroir historial in Paris, J1, is of extremeimportance. The oldest dated manuscript of the text, it has always beendefined as indeed the oldest manuscript, presented to Queen Jeanne deBourgogne, who commissioned the translation. It is also the mostcomplete manuscript of the first eight books: it is intact, whereas A1lacks twenty folios.

However, after studying both manuscripts in detail, and after havinglearnt more about their fellow volumes and their provenance, it is nolonger tenable that J1 is the undisputed presentation manuscript.

*°*°*°*

5.1. The transcription of J1

5.1.1. Text and Layout

Like A1, J1 is written on parchment of a good quality. The quiresconsist of eight leaves, the standard amount. The ruling of the leavesforms a less common pattern. The text is written on 42 lines. The twotextcolumns, each 85-87 mm wide and 175 mm high, are outlined byfour lines that continue in the margins. The intercolumnar space is 17-18 mm. The middle of the page is accentuated by three horizontal linesthat, too, continue in the inner and outer margins. Additionally, twohorizontal lines, 17 mm above the textblock, are meant for the runningtitles; another two have been drawn in the lower margin, 55 mm belowthe textblock. In the outer margin, two vertical lines are drawn 38-40mm from the outer column.

The text of J1 has been copied by one, professional scribe in a regularlittera textualis. There are no signs of contemporary corrections, and

Part II chapter 5 - The 'oldest' manuscript of the Miroir historial 65

thus the text differs from A1 in many instances. Later, perhaps still inthe 15th century, at times small corrections were added between the text.

As in the case of A1, the scribe had to plan his transcription well inadvance in order to fit in the two-column miniatures on the rightplaces. In general he displays a good feeling for organizing the textblock.A special aspect is that he paid a lot of attention to avoiding open spaces,as can be evidenced by his reworking of the rubrics. The followingparagraph points out how.

5.1.2. The rubrics

The scribe of the text also wrote the rubrics. But his approach to therubrics and their meaning differs fundamentally from that of the scribeof A1. The rubrics of A1 are faithful translations of the Latin text, as Jeande Vignay apparently had made them. But those in J1 have time andagain been expanded [e.g.Pl. 25]. Details about the content of the chapterhave been added, sentences have been lengthened by unnecessary wordslike aussi, or comme vous verrez ci apres.197

At first sight the reason for this is not clear. Then, one notices theexpanded rubrics always occur before a two-column miniature, and onlywhen there is enough room for them. And so it becomes clear the scribehimself expanded a rubric whenever the last lines of a chapter on theright column ended up higher than the left column. He apparentlydisliked blank spaces so thoroughly, that he frequently took the troubleto read the following chapter himself in order to be able to add as muchinformation as needed to fill the open space.

The explanation for his working method may be the following one.The master that illumated J1, the so-called Fauvel Master, illustratednumerous vernacular texts, and many of them were written in threecolumns.198 The scribe planning a miniature in a three-column layouthad to calculate even better at what height he had to break off the text inthe first column in order to end up evenly in the second column, andsubsequently in the third. Problematical though it is to discern hands informal 14th and 15th century manuscripts, the script of somemanuscripts emanating from the Fauvel workshop may be associatedwith that of J1 [Pl. 58].199 In other words, our scribe was familiar withthis sort of lay-out problems and had an able hand in solving them.

Thus, the expanded rubrics in J1 are an immediate result of its lay-out,and have been composed not by Jean de Vignay, but by the scribe. Theyprovide us with the second textual distinction between A1 and J1. Whenstudying later manuscripts of the Miroir historial, these two essential

197 Examples will be given in Part III, chapters 2.2. and 2.3.198 For instance Brussels Roy. Libr., 9225, 9229-30. These and other examples can be foundin Smeyers & Cardon 1983, passim. A complete list of manuscripts illuminated by theFauvel Master is to be found in the text by François Avril accompanying the facsimile ofthe Roman de Fauvel, Paris BN fr. 146, New York, forthcoming.199 Brussels Roy. Libr., 5, 9225, and 9229-30.


aspects - the corrections of A1 and the rubrics of J1 - must be kept inmind (Part III Ch 2).

5.2. Illustrations

5.2.1. Style

The artist responsible for the majority of the illustrations has beencalled the Fauvel Master by Avril because of his major work, the Romande Fauvel [Pls. 59, 60].200 Earlier, Boinet had associated this master withGeuffroi de Saint Ligier, a name that occurs twice in the lower margin ofa Bible historiale, now Paris, Bibl. Ste Geneviève 22, illustrated by thesame hand [Pl. 64].201 This Geuffroi, Boinet continues, can be identifiedwith Geoffroy de Saint Léger, a librarian at the University of Paris since1316.202 Avril agrees with him in his study on the Roman de Fauvel,203

but as long as the identification is hypothetical, he prefers the name ofthe Fauvel Master.

Between c. 1320 and 1337 the Fauvel Master has illustrated a largeamount of predominantly vernacular texts.204 His style stems from theworkshop of Master Honoré, and keeps aloof from the innovations JeanPucelle brought to the capital. His space remains essentially two-dimensional, and his figures and architectural decoration are as flat aswas common place in the 13th century. Because of its hasty and slovenlyappearance, his work is devoid of detail and finesse. A commercialroutine predominates. His illustration of Joseph put into the well in theSte Geneviève Library for instance, is strikingly similar to an illustrationin another Bible historiale, Paris BN fr. 156, as well as in J1 [Pls. 64, 65,90]. Nonetheless, his linear approach gives his miniatures a certaincharm. He is at his best in the Roman de Fauvel , from which his namehas been derived (Paris BN fr. 146)[Pl. 60].205 Here, his style hasimproved through the linearity of the drawings. We can see that heoften places figures at half-length, looking out of windows, at the sidesof his pictures. In J1, we will meet this striking feature again in the storyof Joseph and Aseneth, and in the story of David [Pl. 104].206

Vitzthum briefly mentions J1 in his stylistic survey in relation to thePapeleu Master.207 He associates the manuscript in its best miniatures

200 - Exh. Paris 1981 pp. 284-285, 298, Nos. 230, 231, 244.201 - A. Boinet, Les manuscrits à peintures de la Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève deParis, Paris 1921 pp. 73-75. (Bull. SFRMP 5).202 - Boinet 1921 p. 74. See - Leroux de Lincy & L.M. Tisserand, Paris et ses historiens auxXIVe et XVe siècles, Paris 1867, p. 465; - P. Delalain, Études sur le libraire parisien duXIIIe au XIVe siècle, Paris 1891, pp. 14-16, 24.203 - F. Avril, the Fauvel Master, forthcoming.204 See Smeyers & Cardon 1983, passim, for a detailed survey of his style.205 - P. Aubry, Le Roman de Fauvel. Reproduction photographique du manuscrit français146 de la Bibliothèque nationale, Paris 1907.206 J1 ff. 74v, 113r. See Part III chapter 3.2.207 - Vitzthum 1907 pp. 178-179.


and initials with A1. Fortunately, he specifies the quires containingthese "best" miniatures: ff. 1-19, and 121-128. In this we agree: theopening miniature, f. 19v (f. 17r is again by the Fauvel Master)[Pls. 59,61], and ff. 121-128, have been illustrated by an illuminator we have metbefore: the Papeleu Master and his workshop.

The original frontispiece was probably painted by the Papeleu Master,who had used the same model as for the frontispieces of A1 and A2 [Pls.137-139]. When the manuscript in the late 15th century came into thepossession of Louis de Laval, the first page was apparently damaged.Louis had the miniature carefully restored, while keeping strictly to theoriginal conception. Especially heads and clothes were painted over, butat times the original colours are still visible underneath the thick layerof paint. For instance, underneath the royal mantle of Saint Louis wecan still discern his original clothes: those of the Third Order of theFranciscans, the same the King wears in the opening miniatures of A1and A2.

The Papeleu Master also illustrated f. 19v, and a close follower of hispainted the miniatures on ff. 121-128 [Pls. 61-64].

2. Iconography Style and iconography are theoretical, scholarly inventions. In

practice they intermingle and keep each other in balance. Because of theslovenly and routine style, the miniatures in J1 miss the specifyingiconographic details present in A1. Because the compositions get into agrove, the scenes repeat themselves.

By consequence, the relation of text to image must be less obviousthan in A1. This does not yet mean the relation is absent. If we pursuethe examples brought forward in the previous chapter on theiconography of A1, two of them can be compared to illustrations in J1 -the chapters on the Earthly Paradise and India have not beenilluminated in J1.

As we have seen in Part II, chapter 3.6, the miniaturist of A1 depictedthe two distinct stories of the adventures of the foundlings Romulusand Remus, thus following the text of the Miroir very closely. In J1 onf.124r, we see on the left Rhea Silvia giving birth to a twin, and on theright Faustulus taking the two babies from the she-wolf. Though theillustration is far from faulty, the direct relation to the Miroir hasdisappeared. The illustrator of J1 could well have used a model, whereaswe can be sure the illustrator of A1 did not.

Let us take the most striking example from A1, the course of the battlebetween Alexander the Great and the Indian King Porus (f. 175r)[Pl. 44].The Fauvel Master illustrates the same event in J1 on f. 200v [Pl. 65]. Ata heavy battle, Porus kills Alexander's horse. However, the artist doesnot illustrate the rest of the story, i.e. how Alexander has to leave thebattlefield on a horse's tail. Here, too, the miniature, though right in itsiconography, does not reflect the uniqueness of the text of the Miroirhistorial.


It would be reasonable to assume that the picture-cycles of A1 and J1are mutually dependent. However, in the above examples we can seethey are not. Though made at the same time and in the same place, the280 illustrations of A1 do not accord iconographically with the 322miniatures of J1 - except for one: the frontispiece. A striking outcome,which will be taken further in Part IV.

As can be evidenced by the two pictures of Romulus and Remus, ff.121-128 of J1 have been illuminated by a close follower of the PapeleuMaster. We have seen that nonetheless the two miniatures differ bothin composition and choice of theme. The same can be said with regardto the other miniatures of this quire. It is surprising to see oneworkshop illuminating the same text twice without copying theiconography. No immediate explanation can be found for thisremarkable feature. In later manuscripts, we will encounter exactly thesame problem, reason to investigate it at the end of Part III.

5.3. Provenance

5.3.1. A presentation copy?

Paulin Paris and Léopold Delisle both assume J1 to be the copypresented to Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne. Paulin Paris bases hisconclusion upon the opening miniature and the accompanying rubric ofJ1 [Pl. 139].208 In the frontispiece on the left Vincent of Beauvais isvisited by Saint Louis, and on the right Jeanne de Bourgogne enters thestudy of Jean de Vignay to require the translation. Behind Saint Louis,the background consists of the arms of France; Jeanne de Bourgogne isidentified by the Burgundy arms in the background, alternating withthose of France in a diaper pattern. The representation of the Queen,together with the opening rubric which tells us that this volume wastranslated par la main Jehan du Vingnai assures Paulin Paris this copywas transcribed by the translator to present it to the Queen.

Delisle found a direct proof in the opening rubric of A1 which clearlystates that Jean de Vignay commenced the translation in 1332 at therequest of Jeanne de Bourgogne [Pl. 137]. Since J1 was completed inNovember 1333, this copy should have been the first one.

There is a third piece of evidence which might prove that the Queenwas the first recipient. A representation of the Holy Trinity of f. 19vagain displays the arms of Burgundy and France in the background [Pl.61].

In short, the theory of J1 being the presentation copy, is supported bythree arguments: 1) Jeanne de Bourgogne is represented on the firstfolio; 2) the completion of J1 so shortly after the inception of thetranslation supposes it to be the earliest possible copy; 3) the arms ofBurgundy and France in the background of f. 19v bespeak the Queen the

208 - P.Paris II 1838 pp. 88-90. See also Part I chapter 3.2.


first owner. Together, these three arguments form a solid base toconfirm the Queen's proprietorship.

Had A1 not survived as well, one would agree immediately.However, A1 contains so many elements which suggest this manuscriptis the presentation copy rather than J1, that we have to weigh theoptions against one another.

1) The frontispieces of A1 and J1 are identical, which enfeebles thefirst argument. Moreover, the iconography of the miniature is entirelybased on the opening rubric of A1 - and not on the one of J1, since J1does not mention the Queen's name at all. It is therefore more likelythat the miniature of J1 was copied from A1 or from a manuscript witha similar opening rubric. How else could the miniaturist of J1 haveknown whom he had to portray?

2) Part I of this study has clarified that Jean de Vignay cannot havestarted the translation in 1332 for two reasons: it is not feasible totranslate the entireSpeculum historiale within one year, and in 1333 healready had finished another translation - that of the Directorium adPassagium Faciendum, composed a year earlier. This means, that thedate of 1332 in A1 either stands for something else, or is an error in thetranscription. A1 unfortunately bears no date, but that does notnecessarily mean that it was transcribed after J1: it also can have beencopied concurrently, or in 1332. In that case, the year 1332 does not standfor the inception of the translation, but for the inception of thetranscription.

Attractive though this hypothesis is, no proof for it can be given, sowe must leave this question open. The main point is, that the date of1333 of J1 does not automatically imply that it is the first copy.

3) The arms of Burgundy and France behind the Holy Trinity on f. 19vof J1 are a weighty argument, - although Jeanne de Bourgogne certainlywas not the only person in her time to combine the arms of France withthose of Burgundy. Her sister Blanche de Bourgogne, married toEdouard de Savoie, bears the same arms, as can be evidenced from herBook of Hours [Pl. 66].209

On the other hand, A1 provides some strong arguments that favourthe hypothesis of A1 being the presentation copy instead of J1:

a) A1 and its fellow A2 are the two only manuscripts that mentionJeanne de Bourgogne by name in the opening rubric.

b) As has been pointed out in the previous chapter, the text of A1 hasbeen thoroughly corrected (before it was illuminated) by order ofsomeone who knew the text extremely well, whereas J1 does not bearany sign of contemporary corrections.

c) The relation of text to image in A1 being extraordinarily close,many of the miniatures must have been tailor designed for themanuscript. In J1 the illustrations do not follow the text as accurately.

209 The so-called Book of Hours of Savoye, formerly in the Catholic Episcopal Libraryin Portsmouth, was sold by auction at Christie's on July 5, 1967 to H.P. Kraus, New York.Blanche de Bourgogne, adoring the Holy Trinity against a background of the arms ofFrance and Burgundy, is portrayed on f. 2r. See - Panofsky 1953 Fig. 18.


d) Both A1 and its fellow volume A2 are of very high quality. As willbe described below, the third volume of J1 is also extant, now Baltimore,Walters Art Gallery W 140. J1 and especially its third volume J3 areinferior in quality to A1 and A2. Although we know the Fauvel Masterwas held in reasonable esteem by the royal court,210 the Queen canhardly have approved of the hasty, careless lay-out of J3. Moreover, theroyal arms in the background of the first miniature are lacking in J3. Asa result Queen Jeanne at the right compartment is no longeridentifiable. By no way J3 seems to have been a royal commission.

Even if we would be inclined to believe that A1 instead of J1 waspresented to Jeanne de Bourgogne, we still have to realize that anotherpatron for J1 would be very hard to find. The arms of Burgundy andFrance serving as a background for the Holy Trinity certainly evinceJeanne de Bourgogne or her close relatives the sponsors of themanuscript. It cannot however have been the King: had it beenrequested by him, the opening miniature would have represented himas well.

In short, two contemporary manuscripts have survived that bothhave strong claims to have been offered to, or requested by, the Queenor a close member of the family. This possibility of a twofold ordershould not be discarded immediately. Instead, we must investigatewhether events took place within the royal family before and after 1332that might have induced such a double request.

The year 1332 itself was a very important one to the King and Queenof France. In the Chapelle du Palais, the King conferred knighthood tohis son, and bestowed on him the titles Duke of Normandy andGuyenne and Count of Maine and Anjou.211 In the summer, their onlysurviving son Jean - the hope of the nation - was married to Bonne deLuxembourg, daughter of the King of Bohemia.212 Shortly afterwards,their daughter Marie was espoused to the eldest son of the Duke ofBrabant, though she would stay with her mother until her coming ofage. A few days later, the King decided to go on crusade, a plan whichmet with the Pope's enthusiastic encouragement, but had to bepostponed due to the outbreak of the Hundred Years War.

Against the background of these events, we may propose a temptinghypothesis. It is quite possible Jeanne de Bourgogne in 1332 ordered atleast two copies of the Miroir historial : one to offer to her son as awedding-gift, and one for her younger daughter Marie who was tomarry in the same year. Jean indeed received the copy (now A1) andwrote his newly acquired titles on the verso of the last folio. Marie - whowas entitled to bear the arms of Burgundy and France - was promisedthe other copy (J1), but she died in September 1333, two months before

210 - F. Avril, the Fauvel Master, forthcoming.211 -Anselme 1712 I p. 60; - C. Bearne, Lives and Times of the Early Valois Queens Jeannede Bourgogne, Blanche de Navarre, Jeanne d'Auvergne et de Boulogne, London 1899, pp.100-101; - Bordonove 1980 p. 42.212 - Bordonove 1980 p. 42; - Bearne 1899 p. 101.


the manuscript was finished. That would even explain why the thirdvolume J3 is of such poor quality, and why the fourth volumeapparently was never made at all: the Queen cancelled the order afterher daughter had died.213

Jeanne de Bourgogne's presenting her children with manuscripts isnot surprising. Both her children were taught to value books andliterature. The Queen, herself a collector, took great interest in herdaughter's education. In her first will, made in 1329, Jeanne planned toleave to her daughter Marie "tous mes livres en latin et en françois" .214

Her son Jean collected manuscripts from an early age.215

To add weight to this hypothesis we may anticipate here on Part IIIchapter 2, which will deal with textual comparison. Our conclusion ofthat chapter will be, that three distinct, though similar versions of thefirst 8 books of the Miroir historial have survived: the corrected versionof A1, the un-corrected version of J1, and a semi-corrected version, onlyextant in late 14th and 15th century copies.216 The exemplar of the semi-corrected version should have been contemporary to A1 and J1. It mightwell be that this exemplar, unfortunately now lost, was originallyordered by Queen Jeanne for her own library. We ignore the reason whythe three copies contained three distinct versions.

It has to be conceded there is no proof for this line of reasoning;nonetheless it may explain the unique situation of two extant'presentation copies'. It may also clarify why J1 has all the signs of beinga royal commission wheras J3 has none. Moreover, it would explainwhy the date of 1332 is inserted in the opening rubric of A1; Jean deVignay, who had already translated the majority of theMiroir historial,received the order in 1332 to complete the translation as soon as possibleto commemorate the festivities. However, without any writtenevidence, we must be cautious and we will have to keep cataloguing J1as possibly owned by Jeanne de Bourgogne because of the arms ofBurgundy and France in the background of the miniature on f. 19v.

5.3.2. Later owners

Until now, little was known about the provenance of J1. Paulin Parisregisters the coats of arms of the family Montmorency-Laval paintedfour times in the margins of f. 1r [Pl. 139].217 And he adds that afterwardsthe volume went to a certain Nicolas Forget, as can be evidenced by anote on f. 414v.218

213 See chapter 5.4.214 Paris BN fr. 20367, f. 57. See - Delisle III 1881 p. 324.215 - Delisle I 1868 p. 17; - Cazelles 1980 p. 14.216 The two copies with the semi-corrected version are Paris BN fr. 312, dated 1396, andMalibu, P. Getty Museum Ludwig XIII.5, made c. 1475.217 - P.Paris I 1836 p. 330.218 Priez pour Nicolas Forget religieux de Saint-Loup de Troyes, en Champaigne, né àPlancy sur Aubbe. N. Forget.


George Keidel, who has analyzed the history of French Fablemanuscripts, and thus has studied the manuscripts of the Miroirhistorial containing book 4, could only find the manuscript listed in theroyal libraries since 1682.219 Delisle does not scrutinize the provenancein his study on the royal manuscripts of the Miroir historial.220 But inthe last alinea, he mentions a little note dating from the 15th century, atthe end of the book: An ce livre du premier volume du Vincenthistorial a hystoires XVIxx. It does not say anything about theprovenance, but it will prove to be of great help to us later [Pl. 67].

When tracing the provenance of a medieval French manuscript, thefirst hope is to find it among the royal inventories of Charles V, CharlesVI, Jean de Berry, or the Dukes of Burgundy. The accuracy of the royallibrarians of the late 14th and early 15th century is unsurpassed. GillesMallet and his successors catalogued the manuscripts by a simplesystem: they noted the first words on the second folio, and in some casesalso the first words on the last folio. Since every hand-written text hasits own format, lay-out and script, it is quite unlikely that twomanuscripts of the same texts would start on the second folio with thesame words. Thus cataloguing manuscripts by the first words on theirsecond folio provides an almost certain identification.

Léopold Delisle was quite aware of the value of the royal inventories,and resumed and completed the numerous previous publications onthat subject. In 1881, the last volume of his major work, Le Cabinet desmanuscrits was published, containing the three inventories of thelibrary of Jean de Berry.221 Shortly afterwards, Jules Guiffrey edited thecomplete inventories of the Duke.222 Recently, Millard Meiss devoted astudy on the patronage of Jean de Berry, based on these inventories.223

Robinet d'Estampes, keeper of the Duke's library, records the sourcesof acquisitions and the dates, whenever he possesses the information. Inthe inventory of 1413, he describes three volumes of a Miroir historial,that were given to the Duke around 1403-1405:224

Item, trois volumes du Mirouer historial, en francoys, escript de lettre boulonnoise; et aucommancement du second fueillet du premier volume a escript: Paroles come de Genesy dela Bible, historié de iiicxx histoires; et au commancement du second fueillet du secondvolume a escript: esveillez s'il oist gens, ouquel a vcxiii histoires; et au commancement dusecond fueillet du tiers volume a escript: le commancement du regne de France, historié deiiiixx xii histories; couvers de cuir vermeil empraint, fermans chascun volumes de iiiifermouers de laton.

We may notice that the second folio of J1 starts with the wordsParolles come de Genesi. This, combined with the notation on f. 414r of

219 - Keidel 1909 pp. 216-217.220 - Delisle 1886 pp. 88-89.221 - Delisle III 1881 pp. 170-194, 326, 339-340, 389. Also Delisle 1907 II pp. 220-334.222 - J. Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean duc de Berry (1401-1416), 2 vols, Paris 1894-1896.223 - Meiss 1967.224 - Guiffrey I 1894 p. 248, No. 945.


the book, which states that the manuscript contains 320 miniatures,proves that J1 and two companion volumes became part of the library ofthe Duke of Berry in the beginning of the 15th century. They stayedthere until his death: in the inventory of 1416, made up after the deathof Jean de Berry, the three volumes are priced 375 livres. 225

Robinet d'Estampes usually did not count miniatures whencataloguing a book. Apparently he based his information on the littlenote at the end. This becomes even more likely when the miniaturesare counted again today: they number 322, two more than mentioned byRobinet and the figure stated on f. 414r.

We do not know what happened to the manuscript immediately afterthe death of Jean de Berry. Possibly it stayed within the family. Jean deBerry's daughter Bonne was married in 1393 to Bernard d'Armagnac.Their second son Bernard married Eléonore de Bourbon in 1424. In 1433she gave birth to a son Jacques, who, later in his life, would form amagnificent library.226

Jacques d'Armagnac, duc de Nemours used to mark his books at theend. Since he kept his books in two places, Carlat and Castres, he statedin which castle he planned to keep a manuscript. And he made anannotation of the number of folios and the amount of illustrations.

Such a note can be found left of the early 15th century note, at thebottom of f. 414r of J1 [Pl. 67].227 Without any doubt it bespeaks Jacquesd'Armagnac as a later owner. A direct descendant of Jean de Berry, hepossibly received the manuscript through his father and grandmother,since J1 is not the only manuscript in his library originating from theimmense library of Jean de Berry.228

Jacques de Nemours was executed in 1477, and his earthly goods wereconfiscated. Apparently, J1 was given to Louis de Laval-Montmorency,seigneur de Chastillon. By that time the frontispiece had been damaged,so Louis de Laval had it restored. Large parts of the miniature wererepainted, without causing any alteration of its iconography: the originalscene is still visible underneath. Louis de Laval also had four shieldswith his coat of arms added in the margins [Pl. 139].229

We may go further. In the first tome of his Cabinet des manuscrits,Delisle publishes the inventory of the small library of Charlotte de

225 - Guiffrey II 1896 p. 276, No. 1111.226 A list of his books that are now in the Bibliothèque nationale has been published byDelisle in Delisle I 1868, pp. 89-90. See also - L. Delisle, Note complémentaire sur lesmanuscrits de Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours, in: BEC LXVI (1905), pp. 255-260.227 An ce livre du premier vo.lume du Vincent hystorial a histoires xvjxx et fueilles iiicxv. It is this note that was transcribed by Delisle in 1886.228 - Delisle I 1868 p. 86.229 Louis de Laval possessed more books. Today, five manuscripts in the Bibliothèquenationale bear his coat of arms on their first folio: MSS fr. 316, 409, 2652, 2653, 2654. SeeDelisle II 1874 p. 376. According to Delisle, MS lat. 920 has a portrait of Louis de Lavalpainted on f. 51r.


Savoie, who married King Louis XI of France in 1451 and died in1484.230 One of the items is described as follows:

"premier volume du Myrouer historial que madame emprunta de mons. de Chastillon".

Louis de Laval held the seigneurie of Châtillon, so it is certain he lentthe Queen his copy of the first volume of the Miroir historial . Louishimself died in 1489. Apparently, he did not recover his manuscript,and so J1 entered into the royal collection.

The person we have not yet placed in the long row of possessors, isNicolas Forget. Paulin Paris found his name and signature at the bottomof f. 414v. He places his ownership after the Laval family, thus in the lastyears of the 15th century or later. However, since J1 has been detected inthe inventory of Charlotte de Savoye, Forget must have owned it longbefore.

His script is difficult to date. It seems to be 15th century, and so Forgetmight have purchased the manuscript between the death of Jean deBerry and the acquisition by Jacques d'Armagnac. In that case, Jacquesdid not inherit the manuscript, but obtained it in another way.

To summarize, the proprietors of J1 can be listed as follows: it mighthave been requested by Jeanne de Bourgogne (for her daughter Marie?)who died in 1348; then it was owned by someone who recorded theamount of miniatures at the end of the volume; it was given to Jean deBerry between 1403 and 1405, and stayed within his library until hisdeath in 1416; it was probably purchased afterwards by a certain NicolasForget; it came into the hands of Jacques d'Armagac, who was executedin 1477; Louis de Laval received it after Jacques d'Armagnac's execution,and had the frontispiece restored; Louis de Laval lent it to QueenCharlotte de Savoie who died in 1484; though Louis de Laval died later,he apparently did not reclaim the manuscript, and it is most likely thatJ1 came into the royal collections via Charlotte de Savoie.

5.4. The third volume of J1

Thanks to the inventory of Jean de Berry's library we have adescription of the sequel volumes of J1. The second volume wasextremely rich in its illustration with over 500 miniatures.Unfortunately, this volume has been lost. The third volume apparentlyhad a more modest illustration scheme with 92 miniatures. It shouldstart on the second folio with the words: Le commancement du regne deFrance. A fourth volume, if ever made, was no longer known whenJean de Berry's inventory was put together.

Only a few 'third tomes' are extant today, and only one such volumeoriginating back to the 14th century can be dated in the proximity of J1.A manuscript, now Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery No. W 140 is a thirdvolume. It is dated 1351, maybe too late to be associated with J1 which isdated 1333.

230 - Delisle I 1868 p. 92 gives the inventory.


The description by Seymour de Ricci, brief though it is, offers someremarkable details however:231

Vincent de Beauvais, Miroir historial, part III, translated into French by Jehan deVignay. Vel (XIV Cent), 432 ff, 38 x 28 cm. 1 large and 84 small miniatures. Woodenboards and stamped pigskin by Gruel -. At the end: en ce livre a iiiixx xij ystores. Possiblyfrom the library of Jacques d'Armagnac, duc de Nemours.- Gruel & Engelmann coll. n 133.

The present number of miniatures (85) does not correspond with the92 miniatures mentioned in the inventory of the Duke of Berry, butseven folios are missing, which may well have contained illustrations.However, the clue can be found in the note on f. 434r [Pl. 68]: en ce livrea iiii xx xij ystores. Here, the number of illustrations has been registeredin exactly the same way as in J1. That number given coincides with thenumber of miniatures summed up by Robinet d'Estampes, the keeper ofJean de Berry.

A closer look at the manuscript itself proves the identification of J3 asthe third part correct.232 When comparing the intricate ruling pattern ofJ1 to that of J3, the first 121 folios of J3 turn out to follow the samepattern with exactly the same measurements. After f. 121v, layout andscript are less soigné. The ruling pattern changes three or four times,and after towards the end the script becomes more and more irregular.The scribe of J1 also wrote part of J3. Here too, he expanded the rubricswhere necessary. The other scribes of J3 do not display the same horrorvacui: they do not fill in the open spaces with text, but with a simplelinear decoration.233

The illustrations of J3 have been painted partly by the same hand asJ1. The hand that illustrated ff. 6v, 9v and 10r [Pl. 69] can be identifiedwith the Fauvel Master, the same who painted the majority ofminiatures in J1. The frontispiece has been retouched, but itsiconography is almost identical with the first miniature of J1; the onlystriking difference is the lack of royal arms in the backgrounds of thetwo compartments [Pl. 140]. By lacking these details, J3 bears no signs atall of having been requested by a royal patron.

The note on the last folio of J3 dates from the 14th or early 15thcentury. It was not inscribed by Jacques d'Armagnac as De Riccisuggested, but by a previous owner, who similarly recorded the numberof miniatures in J1. The notes in both manuscripts are definitely by thesame hand. Consequently, they were part of the same library well beforethey were offered to Jean de Berry.

We may conclude the Baltimore manuscript is the third volume of J1;it is therefore called J3.

231 De Ricci & Wilson 1935 p. 846.232 Thanks to an invitation by the University of Montréal, I have been able to see themanuscript in Baltimore. Apart from that, Lilian Randall, keeper of the manuscripts ofthe Walters Art Gallery, herself preparing a descriptive catalogue of the collection, hasbeen so kind as to provide me with all the information I needed.233 See above, chapter 5.1.2.


Two points, however, seem to undermine this conclusion.First, J3's date at the end of the text on f. 433v: Cest le tiers volume du

mirouer hystorial. qui fu acompli lendemain de la saint loys (space)lande grace mil.ccc.li. This date of 1351 is almost incompatible with themanuscript being the third volume to J1: it would mean there arealmost twenty years between first and third volume of a presumedpresentation copy. Moreover, Jeanne de Bourgogne died in 1348, tooearly to receive the third volume.

However, the style of the manuscript strongly contradicts the date of1351. Ff. 6v, 9v and 10r are illustrated by the Fauvel Master. His lastwork dates from 1337, and it is highly unlikely he continued after thelate 1330's.234 The remaining miniatures are attributable to at least twomasters: a Master B who shapes his figures in an exaggerated S-curve,and a Master C whose figures stand straight, and whose faces haveangular jaws. Master C, though in a more refined style, is also active in amanuscript of the Grandes Chroniques, now London BL Royal16 G VI,commissioned by Jean le Bon when still Duke of Normandy. Bothmasters, like the Fauvel Master, represent the Parisian style of the early1330's. Anne van Buren studied the miniatures and concluded themanuscript be illustrated c. 1335.235

A closer look at the last line of the manuscript confirms the date hasbeen tampered with [Pl. 70]. After the word Loys , which is original,follows an erasure, on which the words lan de grace mil.ccc.li arewritten. Therefore, we must conclude the date is faulty. An explanationfor this unusual postdating does not come to hand readily.

A second argument against the identification of the Baltimoremanuscript with the third volume to J1 might be the fact, that today itssecond folio does not start with the words Le commencemant du regnede France. The original second folio unfortunately has now disappeared.On the first folio the alphabetical index to books 17-24 has begun withthe letter A, and the last word on f. 1v is Augustin. The folio that todayis f. 2r, begins with the words xviij liure lxvj chapitre i.e. the end of theletter D. The missing folio must have contained the index beginningwith the letters B, C, and D. Since J3 is the only extant manuscriptcontaing the alphabetical index to books 17-24 - in later manuscripts thedivision of the Miroir historial into four equal volumes was abandoned- it is difficult to pursue exactly with which words the original secondfolio started. However, it is highly unlikely it commenced by the wordsLe commencemant.

Often, in case of a long table at the beginning of a manuscript, thelibrarian mentions the first words of the second folio after the tables.

234 - F. Avril the Fauvel Master, forthcoming.235 A. van Buren in a letter to L. Randall: "Such a date [i.e. c. 1335] fits with the shapeof the messenger's garment on fol. 47, which is a surcote in transition toward the jaque,with a shortened skirt attached in a seam at the hips. Manuscripts from the 40s and 50sshow that the short jaque in its first definite form was the universal men's dress from theearly 40s until c. 1355." I thank Anne van Buren for her help on dating J3.


Here the alphabetical tables are followed by a table of contents of book 17.The words Le commencemant du regne de France form the rubric ofbook 17, chapter 3, and thus should appear three times: in thealphabetical table, in the table of contents of book 17, and at thebeginning of chapter 3.

J3 is missing some folios, especially at the beginning. The table ofcontents of book 17 lacks in its entirety. The first five chapters of book 17and the beginning of chapter 6 are also wanting. Consequently we areunable to check where the words le commencement du regne de Franceoriginally have been written. Since we do not know whether themissing pages contained illustrations, we are unable to make even arough estimate of the most likely position of the words in themanuscript. Nonetheless, the fact that we cannot check the first wordson the second folio does not undermine our first findings.

To resume, the arguments why without any doubt J3 is the thirdvolume to J1 are the following:

1) J3 has the same ruling pattern as J1 with exactly the samemeasurements up till f. 121v. The scribe of J1 has also written part of J3.

2) The Fauvel Master, the main master of J1, has illuminated somepages in the first quires of J3 The decoration of those pages is the same asin J1, too.

3) Both manuscripts belonged in the late 14th or early 15th century toa person who recorded the number of miniatures at the end of themanuscripts.

4) We can establish that both J1 and J3 belonged as part of a set of threevolumes to the Duke of Berry between c. 1403 and 1416, a fact that wasunknown until now.

*°*°*°*

78 Part III chapter 1- Other Manuscripts of the Miroir historial

PART III OTHER EXTANT MANUSCRIPTS OF THE MIROIRHISTORIAL

Part II has dealt mainly with the two oldest surviving manuscripts ofthe French Miroir historial : Paris BN fr. 316 - Baltimore Walters ArtGallery, W 140 (J1 and J3) and Leiden Un.Libr., Voss G.G. Fol. 3A - ParisArs. 5080 (A1 and A2).

However, several more manuscripts dating back as far as the 14thcentury are extant: when considering only the number of volumes theywere originally bound in, fourteen are known today.236 All of them wereillustrated, or designed to be so. The manuscripts without decoration,which old inventories prove to have been in existence, have alldisappeared. From the 15th century the number of illustrated volumescomes to thirteen, while some manuscripts with little or no illustrationhave also survived.

Part III wil deal with these manuscripts. First, in order to grasp theinterest and the response the Miroir historial encountered in the 14thand 15th century, a general survey will be given of the entries of thecopies in medieval royal French inventories. Together with a descriptionof the extant manuscripts, of which many a first owner could beidentified, we will assess the reception of the Miroir amidst the Frencharistocracy. In the last chapters an attempt is undertaken to classify theextant manuscripts, first on the basis of their textual contents, and later onthe basis of their iconographical programs. The prime concern is to findout whether the central manuscript of this study on (A1) served as amodel, either textually or iconographically, for the later ones, but on theway enough attention is paid to all volumes of the Miroir historial.

*°*°*°*

236 Lists of manuscripts were compiled by Snavely (Snavely 1908, passim), Keidel (Keidel1909 pp. 214-217), Knowles (Knowles Romania 1954 p. 381), followed by Ross (Ross 1963 p.22), who found the Lannoy Miroir, and Merrilees (Merrilees 1974 p. 362). The four volumesin The Hague were unknown to all of them.

Part III chapter 1- Other Manuscripts of the Miroir historial 79

Chapter 1: HISTORY AND PROVENANCE

1.1. Manuscripts known from French Royal Inventories

Like so many of the 14th century secular illuminated manuscripts, theearly Miroir manuscripts were commissioned by members of the royalfamily. Few other book collectors could afford the opulence of suchcomprehensive and richly illustrated encyclopedias. Apart from this, theValois, generation after generation, apparently valued the text as anhomage to its double royal patronage - Louis IX and Jeanne de Bourgogne.This transpires from their having it transcribed over and over again.Jeanne de Bourgogne's son Jean le Bon became the possessor of a lavishlyilluminated copy in four volumes (A1 and A2 and the now lost volumes3 and 4),237 as did his sons Charles V and Jean de Berry, and his grandsonsJean sans Peur and Louis d'Orléans.

Little is known about Jeanne de Bourgogne's library. Since Deslisledemonstrated that she was an ardent champion of literature238 it can beassumed that she owned quite a few manuscripts. We may assume sheowned a copy of the Miroir historial. It may have been the set of whichthe first volume is now Paris BN fr 316 (J1), it may haven been themanuscript in Leiden (A1), or a copy now lost.239 Jeanne de Bourgognemade up a testament on the 11th of May1329, leaving all her books to herdaughter Marie, but did not die until 1348.240 However, Marie, wife ofJohn of Brabant, died four years later, long before her mother. AfterJeanne's death her books may have gone to her son, the future king Jeanle Bon, which would explain why an inventory of the books of Charles,Jean's son, mentions seven books with the arms of Burgundy.241

Like his parents, Jean II le Bon made a policy of actively stimulatingFrench literature.242 The four volume set of the Miroir historial (A1-2 andthe lost 3 and 4) came into his possession before his accession to thethrone, since he signed the last leaf of A1 still as Duke of Normandy andGuyenne. It was not his only copy: we know of a fourth volume ofanother set that was later owned by his son.243

Charles V inherited his father's complete set of theMiroir (A1-2 and thelost 3 and 4)244 together with the single fourth volume after the latter's

237 A1-2: Leiden Un. Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A - Paris Arsenal 5080 (Delisle 1907 II No. 880),the other two volumes being lost. See Part II.238 - Delisle I 1868 pp. 14-15.239 See Part II chapter 5.3.240 Paris BN fr. 20367, f. 57r: Item li lesse tous mes livres en latin et en francois; - Delisle III1881 p. 324.241 - Delisle I 1868 p. 15; - Delsisle 1907 II Nos. 59, 148, 205, 253, 350, 957, 1039.242 - Delisle 1907 I pp. 326-336; - Cazelles 1974 p. 14.243 - Delisle 1907 II No. 883: le quart volume du Miroir historial (..) est signé du roy Jehan.244 - Delisle 1886, p. 90.


death in 1364, but, apparently not satisfied, he added more copies to hisextensive library. A catalogue of the Louvre tower compiled by hislibrarian Mallet in 1373 includes additionally an illuminated copy in threevolumes,245 a set of four with the third volume missing, "bien escript ethistorié ",246 and a single manuscript containing the first eight books "bienhistorié et enluminé".247 None of these manuscripts has yet beenidentified.248

Charles is a match for his bibliomanic brother Jean de Berry. Acatalogue made up in 1413 for the Duke of Berry mentions a set of fourvolumes,249 a set of three volumes (probably made for De Berry) (B1-3),très bien et richement historiés et enluminés,250 three illuminatedvolumes out of a set of four (J1,J3 and the lost J2) with over 900miniatures,251 and a single third volume, acquired by the Duke in 1405from the bookseller Colin Beaucousin.252

In the beginning of the 15th century Jean de Berry gave one of hiscopies (B1-3) to Jean de Montagu and, having retrieved the three volumesafter De Montagu's execution in 1409, he repeated the gesture by offering

245 - Delisle 1907 II No. 881 records: Un Livre de Vincent en trois volumes couvers de soie aqueue et tres bien hystoriez, chascun a quatre fermoirs esmaillez. - A mons. d'Anjou, 7d'octobre 1380. It is not clear whether this text is written in Latin or in French. See alsonote 12.246 - Delisle 1907 II No. 882.247 - Delisle 1907 II No. 884.248 Only in the case of the manuscript that was given to (or taken by) Louis I d'Anjou ahypothesis can be proposed. We do not know what happened to the manuscripts lent to theDuke of Anjou after the death of the French King. It is quite possible they went to his sonLouis II d'Anjou, and later to the son of the latter, René d'Anjou. René bequaethed hismanuscripts to Charles III d'Anjou, last Count of Provence, who in his turn left his richlibrary to the Monastery of St Maximin,(see Laurent 1931 pp. 357-359). An inventory ofthese books made up in 1508 in St Maximin and written in Latin mentions five volumes ofthe Speculum historiale (Albanès 1875 pp. 301-311, esp. p. 301 and Nos. 24-25, 60, 67-68)Two of the manuscripts (Nos. 24-25), accompanied by a volume of the Speculum naturale(No. 26), are recorded as with a coats of arms of France - one of them specified as Franceancien (cum quatuor floribus lilii in campo de hesur), and supported by two lions. Charles Vbeing the last French King to use the coats of arms of France ancien, it is most likely thatthe three volumes once belonged to him. What happened to the manuscripts in 1631 afterthe sale of the library of St Maximin is unknown. If the tentative proposition by ClaudeSchaefer proves to be true, another of the manuscripts of the Speculum historiale is now inLisbon (Schaefer VIII 1974 pp. 98-99). See also Part I.249 - Delisle 1907 II No. 200; - Guiffrey II 1896 p. 123.250 - Delisle 1907 II No. 201; - Keidel 1909 pp. 215-216; now Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939-44(originally bound in two volumes, containing books 1-13 and 14-24) and London BL Add. 6416art 5 (48 cut-out miniatures of books 25-32).251 - Delisle 1907 II No. 202, then unidentified; now Paris BN fr. 316 - Baltimore WAG W140. Unknown to Millard Meiss. See previous chapter.252 - Delisle 1907 II No. 203. According to the entry in the inventory, the first words on f. 2rread: Le xxive liure. As no other volume of the Miroir begins with book 24, it is likely thewords form part of the alphabetical index to books 17-24.


them in 1413 to his nephew Jean sans Peur duc de Bourgogne.253 Whenthe latter was murdered six years later they then came into the possessionof his heir and son Philippe duc de Bourgogne. According to theinventory of 1420, Philippe kept the manuscripts in his library in Dijontogether with a single third volume, "enluminé de rose et d'azur ".254

Burgundy's arch-enemy, Louis d'Orléans, inherited the love of booksfrom his father, Charles V. He too owned an illustrated copy of the Miroirhistorial. He had it made and illuminated under the supervision ofThevenin l'Angevin, between 1395 and1396 according to threeaccounts.255 Three out of four volumes survive and are now Paris, BN fr.312-314 (Or1,Or2,Or4).

Royal inventories of the 15th century do not yield much newinformation about the Miroir historial. When the library of Charles VIwas catalogued by order of the Duke of Bedford in 1423, mismanagementof the royal library during the King's lifetime must have been the reasonwhy the single last volume of Jean le Bon and an incomplete set withvolumes one, two and four were all that was left of the manuscripts of theMiroir once owned by Charles V.256 This also seems to suggest, however,that Charles VI probably did not order new copies of the Miroir. Indeed,royal interest in the text waned: those manuscripts mentioned in royalinventories are mostly volumes already known from earliercatalogues.257 In some later cases their entries are too vague to identifythem with either manuscripts or printed versions.258

A prince most likely to have been interested in the Miroir historial inthe later 15th century is René d'Anjou, grandson of Louis I d'Anjou andbrother-in-law of King Charles VII. He is known to have owned morethan one volume of the historical encyclopedia by Vincent of Beauvais.The inventory of his collection, left by Charles d'Anjou, last Count ofProvence to the monastery of St Maximin in the Provence was published

253 - Doutrepont 1906 pp. 99-100 Nos. 149-151. Now Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939-44 and LondonBL Add. 6416 art. 5. See for its provenance: Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Nouvellesacquisitions latines et françaises 1969-1971, in: BEC CXXX,2 (1972), pp. 56-58.254 - Doutrepont 1906 p. 53 No. 92, ; Keidel 1909 pp. 215-216.255 - Delisle I 1868 p100; - Keidel 1909 p. 216; - P. Champion, La Librairie de Charlesd'Orléans, Paris 1910, pp. XIII, XV, 110 -111.256 Inventaire de la bibliothèque du Roi Charles VI fait au Louvre en 1423 par ordre durégent duc de Bedford, Paris 1867, Nos. 396-398 and 414. Their entries fully accord with thedescriptions in Malet's inventory (Delisle 1907 II Nos. 882 and 883).257 Charlotte de Savoie, wife of Louis XI, borrowed a Miroir from a seigneur de Chastillon(Delisle I 1868 p. 92). There can be no doubt that this is the way how J1, then in thepossession of Louis de Laval, seigneur de Chatillon, entered the royal libray. Themanuscripts in the two inventories published by A.M. Chazaud (Les enseignements d'Annede France duchesse de Bourbonnais et d'Auvergne à sa fille Suzanne de Bourbon, Moulins1878), Nos. 175 and 184 can be identified with N1-2 and C4 respectively.258 - H. Omont, Anciens inventaires et catalogues de la Bibliothèque nationale, t I, Paris1908, p. 27 Nos. 161-165, p. 40 Nos. 244-246, pp. 222-223 Nos. 1349-1352 and 1356-1374, p. 224No. 1374, p. 318 Nos. 1121-1133, p. 370 Nos. 2220-2221.


by Albanès in 1875.259 In it, several manuscripts of the Speculumhistoriale are recorded. They are highly praised for their outstandingquality of decoration and illumination.260 As the inventory is written inLatin, it is not immediately clear whether the manuscripts were copies ofthe Latin or the French version.We have seen earlier, that manuscriptswith the Latin text usually do not contain such sumptuous decoration,which makes it unlikely that all René's manuscripts were copies of theLatin text. Indeed, French scholars actually have called them volumes ofthe Miroir historial.261 Although the catalogue does not mention thelanguage Vincent's works were written in, it does specify the language ofsome other Italian and French texts at the end of the catalogue.262 Thelisting states that Vincent's works are accompanied by a volume oftheSpeculum naturale, a Repertorium and several Libri capitulorum,which do not exist in French translation.263 We must suppose thereforethat the five volumes of René d'Anjou were extraordinary, illustratedcopies of the Latin Speculum historiale.264

*°*°*°*

1.2. Extant Manuscripts

The Miroir historial of Jean II le Bon, the one possibly made for Jeannede Bourgogne, the Berry Miroir and the copy made for Louis d'Orléans allsurvive, though partly. Furthermore, there are a few extant illustratedvolumes dating back as far as the 14th century whose first owner we donot know.

A single last volume (books 18-32), dating around1380, is nowCopenhagen, Roy. Libr., MS Thott 429 -in folio (T). There is no evidence ofwho commissioned the manuscript nor is there any trace of the othervolumes of this set, which should originally have contained threevolumes.

One copy, partly illuminated by the same workshop as the OrléansMiroir, was later in the possession of Prigent de Coëtivy, chamberlain ofthe King and admiral of France in the 1440's, who carefully erased thename of the first owner in the three surviving volumes (C1, C2, C4).265

259 - Albanès 1875 Nos. 24-25, 60, 67-68.260 E.g. Albanès 1875 No. 67 is described as: magnifice ac sumptuose et litteris aureys et dehesur quasi per totum historiatus et illuminatus.261 - Albanès 1875 p. 303; - Laurent 1931 p. 359.262 - Albanès 1875 No. 111, a Bocaccio in gallico Ytalicorum with the arms of René d'Anjou,and No. 120, a Bible historiale in gallico.263 - Albanès 1875 Nos. 26, 66, 69-71, of which No. 66 is described almost like the Speculumof No. 67: triomphaliter et magniffice historiatus quasi per totum litteris aureys et dehesur.264 - see also Part I Ch 2.265 Roma, Vat.Reg. Lat. 538 (books 1-8), London BL Lansdowne 1179 (books 9-16) and ParisBN fr. 52 (books 25-32).


Though these volumes are usually attributed to the first quarter of the15th century, they have such strong 14th century reminiscenses that a datearound the turn of the century seems more adequate.

Another last volume, containing books 26-32, came into the library ofPhilippe de Clèves before 1492 and is now The Hague, Roy.Libr., MS 72 A24 (GH). It was apparently written and illuminated for a member of theFrench royal family in the beginning of the 15th century. The three firstvolumes, decorated but not yet illustrated, found their way to Louis deBruges (G1-3).

In the 15th century the text of the Miroir historial was brought fromParis to Flanders, where a new tradition has proliferated a number ofexquisite illustrated manuscripts.

In 1455 Louis de Bruges, seigneur de Gruuthuse came into thepossession of three unilluminated volumes, the fourth of which hadgone astray and is now in The Hague (GH). He had the set completed andillustrated by Willem Vrelant and his circle. All four were later acquiredby the French King and are now in Paris, BN fr. 308-311 (G1-4). Anothercopy was made in about 1475 at Ghent at the request of a member of thefamily Lannoy d'Ameraucourt, the first volume of which was soldrecently to the Paul Getty Museum in Malibu, MS Ludwig XIII.5 (L). TheMiroir even reached England at the end of the century through a wellwritten, but modestly illustrated copy made in Flanders for King EdwardIV (E). The first volume of the set indeed crossed the Channel and is nowLondon BL, Roy.14 E I, whereas one may assume that the other threeremained in Flanders to be finished later for Philippe de Clèves (TheHague, Roy.Libr.128 C 1, EP2-4).

In the meanwhile Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours ordered aMiroir historial in France illustrated on the large scale of the previouscentury: his copy, bound into three enormous volumes and completed in1463, contains more than 500 miniatures (Paris BN f.r 50-51 and ChantillyCondé 722: N1-3). This manuscript is the only surviving French copy ofthe Miroir historial dating from the second half of the 15th century. TheParisian bookpublisher Vérard soon welcomed the extensive and stillviable text. He dedicated his printed version of the Miroir historial to theFrench King Charles VIII (1495-1496).266 The lay-out of the rubrics leftsome room at the beginning of each chapter for miniaturists to embellisha printed book to the taste of the purchaser. Large woodcuts mark thebeginning of each book for those who were content with the newinvention. The Miroir was again printed in five volumes by NicolasCouteau in 1531.267

The miniatures in printed books of the Miroir historial are notincluded in this study.

266 - Knowles 1954 p. 383; Cop.6250, Brun., V, 1255.267 - Knowles 1954 p. 383; Brun., V, 1255.


The following list is an inventory of the manuscripts mentionedabove. In order to show which tomes originally belonged together, allvolumes in this chapter are represented by a siglum, based - as much aspossible - on the names of their first owners, followed by their volumenumber. Those manuscripts that survived without their sequels, aremarked by a siglum only. A more extensive listing of the samemanuscripts is to be found in Appendix C.


MS NUMBER DATE BOOKS ILL FIRST OWNER KNOWN(a=destinarius, b=proprietor)

ILLUMINATED MANUSCRIPTS (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER)___________

A1 = Leiden UB c.1332- 1-8 280 Jean II le Bon (a) Voss G.G.Fol.3A 1333A2 = Paris Ars.5080 c.1332- 9-16 450 Jean II le Bon (a) 1335

J1 = Paris BN fr.316 1333 1-8 320 Jeanne de Bourgogne? (a?)J3 = Baltimore Walt. c.1333- 17-24 85 Jeanne de Bourgogne? (a?) Art Gall. W 140 1335

B1 = Paris BN 1370- 1-13 564 Jean de Berry (a or b) n.a.fr. 15939-41 1380B2 = Paris BN 1370- 14-24 144 Jean de Berry (a or b) n.a.fr. 15942-44 1380B3 = London BL . 1370- fragm. 48 Jean de Berry (a or b) Add 6416 art.5 1380 25-32

T = Copenhagen XIVd 18-32 16 ? KB Thott 429, in-2°

C1 = Rome Vat.Reg. XIV/XV 1-8 45 Prigent de Coëtivy (b) Lat. 538C2 = London BL XIV/XV 9-16 78 Prigent de Coëtivy (b) Lansdowne 1179C4 = Paris BN fr. 52 XIV/XV 25-32 33 Prigent de Coëtivy (b)

Or1= Paris BN fr. 312 1396 1-8 183 Louis d'Orléans (a)Or2= Paris BN fr. 313 1396 9-16 292 Louis d'Orléans (a)Or4= Paris BN fr. 314 1396 25-32 75 Louis d'Orléans (a)

GH = The Hague . XVa 26-32 20 Philippe de Clèves (late b) Roy. Libr. 72 A 24 268

G1 = Paris BN fr. 308 XVa/ 1-9 131 Louis de Bruges seigneur 1455 de Gruuthuse (b)

G2 = Paris BN fr. 309 XVa/ 10-17 90 Louis de Bruges (b)1455

G3 = Paris BN fr. 310 XVa/ 18-25 47 Louis de Bruges (b)1455

G4 = Paris BN fr. 311 1455 26-32 22 Louis de Bruges (a)

268 For a detailed explanation of the relation GH - G1-3 see Part III chapter 1.3.


N1 = Paris BN fr. 50 c.1460 1-11 211 Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours (a)

N2 = Paris BN fr. 51 c. 1460 12-22 186 Jacques d'Armagnac (a)N3 = Chantilly 1459- 23-32 110 Jacques d'Armagnac (a) Mus. Condé 722 1463

L = Malibu P.Getty c.1475 1-8 132 Lannoy d'Ameraucourt (a) Mus.Ludwig XIII.5 (2 vols)

E = London BL Roy. c.1480 1-9 8 Edward IV of England (a) 14 E I (2vols)EP2= Den Haag Roy. XVd 10-17 6 Philippe de Clèves (a or b) Libr. 128 C 1, vol 1EP3= Den Haag Roy. XVd 18-25 7 Philippe de Clèves (a or b) Libr. 128 C 1, vol 2EP4= Den Haag Roy. XVd 26-32 6 Philippe de Clèves (a or b) Libr. 128 C 1, vol 3

*°*°*°*

N ON ILLUMINATED MANUSCRIPTS____________________________

P=Paris BN fr. 315 XIVfin 9-16 ?TC1,2,4-7=Paris BN XVc 1-11+17-32 Tanneguy du Chastel + fr. 6354-59 (before1477) Jeanne Raguenel de

Malestroit (a)DL1-3,6=Paris BN XVB 1-16+26-28 Jean de Derval + fr. 317-327 (before1482) Hélène de Laval. (a)

*°*°*°*

Part III chapter 1- Other Manuscripts of the Miroir : Description 87

The extant manuscripts comprise 27 illustrated volumes (one ofwhich survived fragmentarily) and 11 un-illustrated ones, if one countsonly the volumes they were originally bound in (counting the modernbindings their numbers come up to 33 and 18 respectively). Taking acloser look at their history and provenance, their codicological,paleographical and stylistic details, it is possible to establish relationshipsand actually group the manuscripts into more or less complete sets. Formost of the well-known manuscripts the outcome will not be new, asscholars like Delisle studied them a long time ago, but in a few cases theresult may be called unexpected.

Therefore, all manuscripts of the Miroir historial, either complete orfragmented, will be described below, with an emphasis on provenanceand style. This listing merely includes those manuscripts that, ab initio,were intended to be a part or volume of the Miroir historial.Transcriptions of individual stories incorporated in different texts, suchas the Fables of Aesop, the romance of Ami and Amile, or the romanceof Barlaam and Josaphat have been omitted.

*°*°*°*

1.3 Description of the Extant Manuscripts in Chronological Order

1.3.1 Illuminated Manuscripts

A1 , A2, J1 and J3 have been described in extenso in Part II.

B1-2: PARIS, BN n.a.fr. 15939-44[Pls. 71, 72, 75, 91, 99, 105, 117, 122, 124, 126, 128]olim London, H.Y.Thompson Coll. MSS 79a and 79; olim Dublin, Chester Beatty MS 75.

Miroir historial, prologue, books 1-24. Originally bound into two volumes (books 1-13; 14-24), later for Chester Beatty by W.H. Smith into six volumes(books 1-7; 7-11; 11-13; 14-16; 17-20; 21-24). Made in France (Paris), c. 1375-80. Parch., 160+171+119+100+165 +171ff, ca.328x225 (235x142) mm, 2 columns, 52-54 lines, littera textualis. Gatherings of 8 ff.Decorated initials, vine borders in gold, red and blue, half fleur-de-lys decoration,alternating blue and red, or red, blue and gold. 1 historiated initial and 707 miniatures(originally 735) , mostly the width of 1 column; large miniature on MS n.a.fr. 15943 f. 1r(beginning of book 17).Incomplete at the beginning of books 1 and 14, and at the end of book 13.Coats of arms of Jean, duc de Berry at the bottom of n.a.fr. 15943 f. 1r (olim Vol II f. 101r,beginning book 17). The same arms are on the outer, upper and lower edges of B2, nowseparated into MS n.a.fr. 15942-44.

88 Part III chapter 1- Other Manuscripts of the Miroir : Description

Provenance: Jean, duc de Berry (his signature on n.a.fr. 15944, f. 171r; inventories 1402,1413); Jehan de Montagu (†1409); 9-2-1413 given by Jean de Berry to Jean sans Peur; Dukesof Burgundy (inventories 1420, 1423, 1467); Vol.1: early 19th Century Van Zuylen vanNijeveld, Dutch Ambassador; his great-niece Van der Staal van Piershil; 15-12-1906bought by H.Y. Thompson at Sotheby's (lot 487) and in his collection as No. 79A; 23-3-1920 bought by A. Chester Beatty at Sotheby's (lot 55); 3-12-1968 acquired by Paris BNat Sotheby's (lot 20). Vol.2: Ashburnham (Appendix CXLVI); May 1897 H.Y. Thompson(No. 79); 1920 bought by A. Chester Beatty at Sotheby's (lot 55) and in his collection asNo. 75; 3-12-1968 acquired by Paris BN at Sotheby's (lot 20).

B3: LONDON, BL Add. 6416 Art. 5[Pl. 73]Miroir historial, 48 cut-out miniatures (originally 55) from books 25-32, all the width ofone column. Same script and lay-out, inasfar as preserved, as B1-B2 .Provenance: Jean, duc de Berry (inv. 1402, 1413); Jehan de Montagu (†1409); 1413 Jean sansPeur; Dukes of Burgundy (inv. 1420, 1423, 1467); before 1812 passed into the BritishLibrary.

Literature: - [Barrois] 1830 p. 114 No. 664, p. 144 Nos. 885-887; - Guiffrey I 1894 p. 258; - Adescriptive Catalogue of the second Series of Fifty Manuscripts Numbers 51 to 100. in theCollection of H.Y. Thompson, Cambridge 1902, pp. 192-206 No. 79; - Doutrepont 1906 pp.(99-100) Nos. 149-151; - Delisle 1907 I p. 280; - Delisle 1907 II No. 201 and note 201; -Doutrepont 1909 pp. 410, 413; - Keidel 1909 pp. 215-216; - A descriptive Catalogue ofFourteen Illuminated Manuscripts.. in the Library of H.Y. Thompson, Cambridge 1912,pp. 75-122 No. 79A; - Illustrations from one hundred Manuscripts in the Library of H.Y.Thompson, Vol V, London 1915, Pls. VIII-XV; - Catalogue of twenty-six IlluminatedManuscripts and eight XV Century Books printed on Vellum, the property of Henry YatesThompson, London auct. Sotheby 23-3-1920, p. 115 lot LV and Pls. 36, 37; - E.G. Millar,The Library of A. Chester Beatty. A descriptive Catalogue of the WesternManuscripts,Vol. II, Oxford 1930, pp. 156-212 and Pls. CLXII-CLXIX; - J. Sokolova, Obrazkrajiny ve Francouzskych miniaturâch goticke cloby (1250-1415), Praze 1937, p. 32 No. 45;- Meiss 1967 pp. 49, 291, 194, 310, 392 n 20a, 403 n 21; - Catalogue of thirty-sevenIlluminated Manuscripts of the 9th to the 16th Century, the Property of the late Sir A.Chester Beatty, London auct. Sotheby 1968 lot 20; - Nouvelles acquisitions (1969-1971) duDépartement des manuscrits, in: BEC CXXX,2 (1972), pp. 56-58; - De Winter 1985 p. 287 n39; [H.P. Kraus], Cimelia. A Catalogue of Important Illuminated and TextualManuscripts Pubished in Commemoration of the Sale of the Ludwig Collection, NewYork 1983, p. 32.

When Henry Yates Thompson bought the first volume at Sotheby'sin 1906 he had already acquired the second volume from LordAshburnham in 1897.269 Cockerell also identified the fragments of thethird volume some years later, at the British Museum, where they hadbeen "lying about loose in their cut-out condition, no one knowingwhether they belonged to the Cotton, Harleian or Sloane MSS".270

Léopold Delisle, with whom Thompson corresponded about hisrecent acquisition, suggested the manuscript was made on behalf of theFrench King Charles V because of the lions with their long tails,supporting the coat of arms on the bar-border at the beginning of book

269 - Descriptive Catalogue 1902 p. 193.270 - S.C. Cockerell in: Descriptive Catalogue 1902 p. 194 n 1 and Descriptive Catalogue1912 pp. 75, 78.


17.271 These lions do appear in other manuscripts made for the King.Thompson added in his catalogues later on that the Berry armsappearing at Vol. II were evidently altered from those of Charles V bythe addition of the red border.

Cockerell, who described the Miroir in Millar's catalogue of ChesterBeatty's collection,272 agreed with this point of view.273 Since then thiscopy appears in the literature as the Miroir of Charles V, although theBibliothèque Nationale, after buying the first two volumes at Sotheby'sin 1968,274 put it more cautiously by calling them "vraisemblablementexécuté pour Charles V".275

The manuscripts, however, never figured in the inventories of theroyal collection nor is there any other evidence for King Charles'sownership.

The lions with their long tails, mentioned by Delisle, are typical forthe period, but not unique to the King's manuscripts. Delisle foundthem in some manuscripts made for the King,276 but they also appearsupporting other families's arms,277 or arms which have not even beenfilled in [Pl. 74].278

Charles V indeed owned an illuminated copy in three volumes, butthis copy was given to -or taken by- the Duke of Anjou in 1380 a fewweeks after the King's death and never returned.279 There is noevidence of the Duke of Anjou exchanging manuscripts with hisbrother, Jean de Berry, except for the Bible de Charles V, now in theMuseum Meermanno-Westreenianum in The Hague.280

Consequently, there is no direct evidence for an ownership ofCharles V. It seems more likely that it was Jean de Berry ordering the

271 - Delisle 1907 I p. 280; - Delisle 1907 II pp. 306-307; - Descriptive Catalogue 1912 pp.74-75, where Delisle's letter is quoted: " Je crois que les manuscrits dans lesquels ont étépeints les lions à longues queues ont été faits pour Charles V, mais n'ont pas été incorporésdans sa bibliothèque. Votre Miroir historial est allé chez le duc de Berri".272 S. C. Cockerell, in: E.G. Millar, The Library of A. Chester Beatty. A descriptiveCatalogue of the Western Manuscripts Vol II, London 1930, pp. 156-212 and Pls. CLXII-CLXIX.273 - Cockerell, in Millar II 1930 p. 159: "M Delisle's conjecture... receives further supportfrom the fact that the engrailed bordure on the shield in the second volume, f 101, is amanifest addition to the arms of France."274 - Catalogue of 37 Illuminated Manuscripts of the IX to the XVI Century, the Propertyof the late Sir A. Chester Beatty, auct. Sotheby, London 1968, lot 20.275 - Nouvelles acquisitions (1969-1971) du Département des manuscrits, in: BEC CXXX,2(1972), p. 543.276 - Delisle 1907 I pp. 221-222, 284, 308, 320.277 London BL Add. 15244-45 bearing the arms of Hugues Aubriot, Provost of Paris 1367-1381; - Delisle 1907 I pp. 55-57, 219, 403; - Delisle 1907 II p. 306.278 Copenhagen Thott 6 in-f°, f. 264r, and Paris Maz. 1729; see - Exh. Stockholm 1952No.96 and Pl. XV; - Delisle 1907 I pp. 152, 285; - De la Batut 1933 p. 31.279 - Delisle 1907 II No. 881. The inventory does not mention the language the manuscriptwas written in, but it probably was a Latin copy of the Speculum historiale and Speculumnaturale. See Part III chapter 1.1 n 12.280 - Meiss 1967 p. 310.


copy without the intervention of the King. As Cockerell observed, thered grailed bordure on the shield at the bottom of f. 1r of n.a.fr. 15943 hasbeen painted over the blue background, but that does not necessarilymean that it was added at a later stage: it is probably the easiest way topaint a shield with an engrailed border.

In short, it is safer to speak of the manuscript as the Miroir of Jean deBerry than to connect it with Charles V.

At the beginning of the 15th century, the Duke of Berry offered thisMiroir first to Jean de Montagu, and, after the latter's execution in 1409,he presented the manuscript to his nephew Jean sans Peur.

A reason for Jean de Berry's generosity might possibly be the fact, thathe already owned more than one copy of the Miroir historial. Besides,Meiss could point at frequent gifts - not only manuscripts - by Jean deBerry to the dukes of Burgundy and vice versa during the years 1402-1413, the most extraordinary one being the presentation to Philippe leHardi of Berry's Très Belles Heures, now in Brussels.281

All three volumes (B1-3) have been illuminated by one atelier, bydifferent hands very close to one another. According to Cockerell asmany as fourteen artists worked on B1 and B2 , probably headed by amaster we now call the Master of the Livre du Sacre de Charles V.282

This atelier was patronized by Charles V, but it also accepted ordersfrom other members of the royal family, notably from Jean de Berry.283

T = COPENHAGEN, Roy.Libr., Thott 429 in-f°.[Pl. 141]Miroir historial, books 18-32. Made in France (Paris), XIVd. Parch., 541 ff., ca 400x290(ca 290x200) mm, 2 columns, 56-57 lignes, littera textualis. Gatherings of 8 ff. Decoratedinitials, vine borders in gold, red and blue, dragon on f. 1r. 16 miniatures, 15 1 columnwide; one large miniature (240x195 mm) on f. 1r (beginning tables book 18).Provenance: with the Thott collection acquired by the Royal Library in 1785.

Literature: - Abrahams 1844 pp. 77-78; -Chr. Bruun, De illuminerede haandskrifter fraMiddelalderen i. Det store Kongelige Bibliothek, Kjobenhavn 1890, pp. 127-129; -Gyllene Böcker. Illuminerade medeltida handskrifter i dansk och svensk ägo (cat. exh.

281 - Meiss 1967 pp. 48-49, 199.282 The Sotheby catalogue of 1968 opted for the atelier of Jean Bondol (p. 65). For theSacre Master, see: - Avril 1978 Nos. 27-28 and pp. 22, 26; - C.R. Sherman, The Queen inCharles V's "Coronation Book": Jeanne de Bourbon and the Ordo ad Reginam benedictam, in: Viator 8 (1977), pp. 256-297, esp. pp. 265-266, and Figs. 1-18 ; - [Kraus]Cimelia 1983 p. 32.283 For instance Cambridge (Mass), Harvard College, Houghton Library fMS Typ 201,made for Jean de Berry c. 1376. See R.S. Wieck, Late Medieval and RenaissanceManuscripts 1350-1525 in the Houghton Library, Harvard College Library, Cambridge(Mass) 1983 No. 2, pp. 4-5 and 128; - S.O.D. Smith, New Themes for the City of Godaround 1400: The Illustrations of Raoul de Presle's Translation, in: Scriptorium XXXVI(1982), p. 69 n. 6.


by C. Nordenfalk), Stockholm (Nationalmuseum)1952 , p. 57 No. 97.(Nationalmuseiutställningskatalog No. 193).

Unlike the other 14th century manuscripts that survived, themanuscript in Copenhagen was not intended to enhance the glitter of aprincely library. The lay-out shows a more modest approach, withilluminations at the beginning of each book only; the script does notshow the painstaking neatness of the other manuscripts.

The only thing we can say about the first owner of the manuscript isthat he or she either ordered or bought the manuscript in Paris in thelast quarter of the century. There is no trace, however, of any possessorprevious to Otto Thott.284

The illuminator was associated by Nordenfalk with the artist of theBrussels manuscript No. 2,285 who indeed has the same way ofrendering human figures without any three-dimensional ambition.Gaspar and Lyna could only dislike the artistic qualifications of thisman, "qui ne semble à aucun moment s'être surpassé; il est aussi froidet aussi raide à la dernière page qu'à la première. La composition nedénote aucune fantaisie; les armées sont disposées comme si ellesétaient composées de soldats de plomb placés les uns contre les autres.Tous les personnages, quels qu'ils soient, sont gauches et compassés. (...)Les plis sont indiqués d'une manière qui semble remonter à la premièremoitié du 14e siècle."286

Mediocre though he may be, the illuminator is not the completefailure suggested here. He has adapted himself to the style of those greatmasters of Charles V, who indeed seem to keep the first half of the 14thcentury in mind, but the result is nevertheless colourful and of a simplecharm.

C1: ROME, Vat. Reg. Lat. 538.[Pls. 129, 145]Miroir historial, prologue, books 1-8. Made in France (Paris), c. 1380-90. Parch., 266 ff.,ca 410x300(ca 285x198) mm, 2 columns, 45-49 lines, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of8 ff. Decorated initials, vine borders in gold, red and blue. 45 miniatures en grisaille, 44 1column wide; large miniature on f. 10r (beginnning of book 2).Provenance: c. 1440 owner's inscription of Prigent de Coëtivy, admiral de France on f.179v; 1649 signature of A. Petau on f. 1r; on the paper fly-leaf the name of L Heur or LMeur (?); 1650 purchased by Queen Christina of Sweden from Petau; 1689 purchased byPope Alexander VIII from Christina of Sweden.

Literature: - E. Langlois, Le miroir historial, exemplaire de Prigent de Coëtivy, in:Romania XIV (1885), pp. 131-132; - E. Langlois, Notice des manuscrits français etprovençaux de Rome antérieures au XVIe siècle, in: Notices et extraits des manuscrits de

284 I thank Erik Petersen, librarian of the Royal Library, Copenhagen, for thiscommunication.285 see Exh. Stockholm 1952, p. 57 No.97. See for comparison: Lejeune & Stiennon 1966 Pl.297 and Owen 1972 Pl. 1.286 - Gaspar & Lyna I 1937 pp. 358-360 and Pl. LXXX.


la Bibliothèque nationale et autres bibliothèques t XXXIII, 2e partie, Paris 1890, pp. 15-16; - L. de la Trémoïlle, Prigent de Coëtivy, amiral et bibliophile, Paris 1906, pp.; -Keidel 1909 p. 217.

C2: LONDON, BL Lansdowne 1179.[Pls. 76-78]Miroir historial, books 9-16. Made in France (Paris), c. 1380-90. Parch., 358 ff., c. 416x292(ca 285x200) mm, 2 columns, 48-50 lignes, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of 8 ff.Decorated initials, vine borders in gold, red and blue. 78 miniatures en grisaille, 1 columnwide.One folio is missing after f. 2 (beginning of book 9).Provenance: mark of ownership of Prigent de Coëtivy, admiral de France (ca. 1440) on topof an older signature razed out on f. 358r; 1789 bought by Lansdowne at the sale of theCount Macarthy-Reagh of Toulouse; since 1807 in the British Library.

Literature: A Catalogue of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum, London1819, p. 287; - P. Meyer, Rapport sur une mission littéraire en Angleterre, in: Archives desmissions scientifiques et littéraires, 2e série III, Paris 1856, pp. 278-279.

C4: PARIS, BN fr. 52[Pl. 130]Miroir historial, books 25-32. Made in France (Paris), c. 1380-90. Parch.,386 ff., 440x310(280x200) mm, 47-48 lignes, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of 8 ff. Decoratedinitials, vineborders in blue, red and gold, occasional dragons. 33 miniatures en grisaille,1 column wide.First folio missing.Provenance: Prigent de Coëtivy, admiral de France (ca 1440); Dukes of Bourbon (Inv.1507); 1523 confiscated by François I from the Connétable de Bourbon; Bibl. E.Baluze (nr32), whose collection was acquired by the King of France in 1719.

Literature: -PParis I 1836 pp. 57-58 (anc. 6732/2); - Delisle II 1874 p. 417; - L. Delisle, LesHeures de l'amiral Prigent de Coëtivy, in: BEC LXI (1900), p. 190; - Lejeune & Stiennon1966 p. 324 and Ill. 381; - De Winter 1978 p. 189.

The history of the surviving manuscripts indicates their diffusionsoon after the death of Prigent de Coëtivy in 1450 at the battlefield ofCherbourg. It was Paul Meyer who, touring around the libraries ofBritain, first recognised the Lansdowne manuscript in 1856 as being partof the same series as C4.287 It was then Langlois who in 1885 found thecorresponding first volume in Rome.288

287 - P. Meyer, Rapport sur une mission littéraire en Angleterre, in: Archives des missionsscientifiques et littéraires, 2e série III, Paris 1856, pp. 278-279; - id., Documentsmanuscrits de l'ancienne littérature de la France conservés dans les bibliothèques de laGrande Bretagne, 1er partie, p. 32.288 - Langlois 1885 pp. 131-132.


The list of Prigent de Coëtivy's books, published by Delisle in 1900,289

indicates that Prigent was in the possession of all four volumes of theMiroir historial. After his death in 1450 some of his manuscripts went tohis wife Marie, Dame de Rays, and later to his brother Alain de Coëtivy,bishop of Avignon, but it is not clear whether the Miroir went this waybefore being split apart.

The illustrations of C1 seem to be the work of one hand (here calledthe Master of the Vatican Miroir), also active in C2.

The miniatures of C2 are painted by two distinct artists. The Masterof the Vatican Miroir painted the illustrations on ff. 126v, 180r, 183r,259v, 273r and 315r. This hand, though not constant in style, is the sameas the illustrator of the first volume, C1.This painter is slightly clumsy,his round shaped faces are not elegant, but on the other hand his vividstyle gives expression to his subjects and brings them more in tune withthe fashion of the end of the century. The main master, responsible for72 out of 78 miniatures, is the same as the one who illuminated theOrléans Miroir and other manuscripts for Louis d'Orléans. For otherreason this artist, whose work we will discuss further on, may also becalled the pseudo-Remiet (see Or1,2,4).

The 33 miniatures of C4 have been painted for a great deal by handsdifferent from C1-C2: only four or five miniatures are by the pseudo-Remiet, the rest being the work of two artists. A first master painted theminiatures on ff. 1-188r (except for f. 66v), a second master alternateswith the pseudo-Remiet from f. 232v onwards: he illuminated ff. 66v,254v, 258r, 303v, 315r, 339v, and 343v, whereas the pseudo-Remiet isresponsible for the miniatures on ff. 232v, 279v, 287r, and 312r.

The grisaille technique is through all the manuscripts enhanced bylight touches of green, light blue, yellow en brown. The background isalways blank.

Or1 = PARIS, BN fr. 312[Pls. 100, 106, 112, 118, 143]Miroir historial, prologue, alphabetical tables to books 1-8, books 1-8. Written in Parisby Raoulet d'Orléans in 1396. Parch., 354 ff., 395x280 (271x182) mm, 2 columns, 46 lines,littera textualis formata. Gatherings of 8 folios. Decorated initials, vine borders in blue,red and gold. 183 miniatures en grisaille, 1 or 2 columns wide.Coat of arms of Louis d'Orléans supported by two wolves at the bottom of f. 1r.Provenance: Louis d'Orléans (d. 1407); Charles d'Orléans (Inventories 1417, 1427, 1436, c.1440); Marie de Clèves (inventory 1487); Kings of France.

Or2 = PARIS, BN fr. 313.[Pl. 142]

289 - L. Delisle, Les Heures de l'amiral Prigent de Coëtivy, in: BEC LXI (1900), pp. 186-200. The list was first gathered by P Marchegay, in: Bulletin de la Société archéologiquede Nantes X (1871), p. 161.


Miroir historial, prologue to volume 2, alphabetical tables to books 9-16, books 9-16.Made in Paris in 1395-1396. Parch., 392 ff., 390x275 (271x182) mm, 2 columns, 46 lines,littera textualis formata. Gatherings of 8 folios. Decorated initials, vine borders in blue,red and gold. 292 miniatures en grisaille, 1 or 2 columns wide.Coat of arms of Louis d'Orléans supported by two lions at the bottom of f. 1r.Provenance; same as Or1.

Or4 = PARIS, BN fr 314.[Pls. 79, 131]Miroir historial, prologue to volume 4, alphabetical tables to books 25-32, books 25-32.Written in Paris by Guillaume Hervi in 1395-1396. Parch., 438 ff., 398x280 (277x183) mm,2 columns, 46 lines, littera textualis formata. Gatherings of 8 folios. Decorated initials,vine borders in blue, red and gold; 75 miniatures en grisaille, 1 or 2 columns wide.Coat of arms of Louis d'Orléans supported by two wildmen at the bottom of f. 1r.Provenance: same as Or1,Or2 .

Literature: - A.J.V. Le Roux de Lincy, La bibliothèque de Charles d'Orléans à son châteaude Blois en 1427, Paris 1843, pp. 19, 35-36; - De Laborde III 1852 Nos. 5678, 5682, 5709,5725, 6632, 7194; - Delisle I 1868 pp. 99-101, 116 and Pl. 16; - Delisle III 1881 p. 311, Pls.XLVI, 5 and 6; - Delisle 1886 pp. 99-101; - Catalogue de l'exposition des primitifsfrançais (L. Delisle), Paris 1904, p. 30 No. 77; - Keidel 1909 p. 216; - Couderc 1910 Pl.XLII; - P. Champion, La Librairie de Charles d'Orléans, Paris 1910, p. 110 ff; - Martin1923 p. 99 and Fig. CII; - Exh. Paris 1938 No. 118; - Lejeune & Stiennon 1966 p. 324 and Ills.376-378; - Meiss 1974 p. 420; - Gabriel 1962, Pls. I, VII; - De Winter 1978 pp. 187, 197-198; -De Winter 1985 pp. 92, 283 n 13, 296 n 19.

Louis d'Orléans, son of Charles V and brother of the insane KingCharles VI, did not collect manuscripts in the same extensive way as hisfather and uncles used to do, but he, like his wife Valentina Visconti,was a bibliophile by birth.290 Most of the time he acquired manuscriptsfrom publishers or libraires (booksellers). He did so when paying thebookseller Thévenin l'Angevin in several terms for transcribing aMiroir historial. On the 12th of February 1396 Thévenin was given atotal of 300 francs for the purchase of parchment and other work donebetween February 13th 1395 and February 1396, and on the 3rd of Juneand the 2nd of September 1396 he received 50 and 40 francs respectivelyfor the same reason.291 And last, a receipt dated January 3rd 1397, speaksof "les escripvains, enlumineurs et autres ouvriers qui ont escript etenluminé le livre nommé le Mirouer historial contenant quatrevolumes" .292 As Thevenin was given money a day earlier tocommence a Cité de Dieu, des Étiques et Politiques et du Ciel et du

290 - Champollion-Figéac 1844 pp. 391-392; - Champion 1910 pp. VII-XVII.291 -A.J.V. Le Roux de Lincy, La bibliothèque de Charles d'Orléans à son château deBlois en 1427, Paris 1843, pp. 19, 35, 36; - de Laborde III 1852 Nos. 5678, 5709, 5725, 6632,7194; -Delisle 1886 p. 99; - Champion 1910 p. 111.292 - Le Roux de Lincy 1843 p. 37.


Monde , we may safely assume that by the begining of January 1397 theMiroir had been completed.293

Thevenin l'Angevin employed one of the best scribes in Paris at thattime, Raoulet d'Orléans.294 The King's favourite scribe, Raoul hadcopied for Charles V the Petite Bible historiale de Charles V in 1362-63,295 Jean de Vaudetar's famous Bible historiale in 1372,296 themanuscripts of Aristotle's Etiques and Politiques et Économiques in1376,297 and many more during his long working life. After the death ofthe French King in 1380 he continued to work for other members of theroyal family. The Miroir for Louis d'Orléans is his last dated workextant.

Raoulet finished the first volume of the Miroir historial the firstFriday in June in 1396, as he tells us at the end of the volume.298 Thesecond volume does reveal neither a name nor a date. Delisle sees ananalogy of its script with the script of the first volume.299 However,Raoulet, as is revealed in an inventory recently discovered by JennyStratford, London, finished a volume of a unique eleven-volumeFrench vernacular bible in the same year 1396. So, unless he transcribedthe second volume before he did the first volume, it is virtuallyimpossible that in one year he would have been able to complete boththe first and second volume of the Miroir and a volume of the Frenchbible.300 The fourth volume of the Miroir has been copied by a differentscribe, Guillaume Hervi, who wrote his name in the colophon on f.438v.301

Louis's eldest son, Charles d'Orléans (1391-1465), kept the fourvolumes in the library in Blois. Poet and bibliophile, he was extremelyattached to his books, but he did not get the chance to spend much timein his library. The fatal battle of Agincourt in 1415 brought him into along and lonely exile in England and there was serious question aboutselling or pawning his manuscripts in order to raise money to pay the

293 - Le Roux de Lincy 1843 p. 38 No. 21; - Delisle 1886 p. 99. The manuscripts concernedare now Paris, BN fr 9106/Chantilly 277 (Meiss 1974 p. 420).294 See - De Winter 1978 pp. 192-194 for the manuscripts transcribed by Raouletd'Orléans, and pp. 197-198 for the manuscripts made for Louis d'Orléans. See alsoColophons des manuscrits V 1979 Nos. 16284-16295.295 Paris BN lat. 5707. See Exh. Paris 1981 No. 278 for the most recent literature.296 The Hague MMW 10 B 23. See Exh. Paris 1981 No. 285 for the most recent literature.297 Now The Hague MMW 10 D 1 (Ethiques), and Brussels BR 11201-02.298 F. 394v: "Ci fine le premier volume du liure dit mireoir hystorial escript par raouletdorliens lan mil trois cens quatre vins & seize. par fait a dieu grace rendy de juing lepremier vendredi ."299 - Delisle 1886 p. 100.300 - J. Stratford, The Manuscripts of John, Duke of Bedford: Library and Chapel, in:England in the 15th Century (ed. D. Williams), Woodbridge, forthcoming (Proceedings ofthe 1986 Harlaxton Symposium). She will also publish the three copies of the inventoryshe was able to trace: J. Stratford, Three inventories of the Goods of John, Duke ofBedford (d.1435), forthcoming.301 "Cy fine le quart volume du mirouer historial translate du latin en francois par frerejehan du vignay de lostel saint jaque de haut pas. guille hervi" . On Guillaume Hervi, seeDe Winter 1978 p. 187.


ransom. Inventories had to be compiled in Blois and the Miroir isreported to be there in 1417,1427 and 1436.302 When the English besiegedthe town of Orléans in 1428-29, Blois had to be evacuated hastily, and thebooks were sent to the hôtel of Jean de Rochechouart, sire de Mortemart,in La Rochelle where they found refuge until 1436. On the Duke'sreturn to Blois in 1440 they were all on their shelves again.303

Three out of the four volumes of the Miroir appear in an inventorymade up in 1487 after the death of Charles's third wife, Marie de Clèves,at Chauny:"Trois des quatre volumes du Miroir ystorial et Monseigneurde Dunois a l'autre".304 One may assume that the volume borrowed bythe Duke of Dunois was never returned. Only three volumes are now inParis; the third volume, containing the books 17-24, has been lost. Mostprobably this missing volume went to the Duke of Dunois. Aninventory of the library of Jean de Dunois, bastard of Orléans andCharles's half-brother, was compiled in 1468 and does not include aMiroir.305 So Jean's son François is probably the one referred to in theinventory of Marie de Clèves.306

The three remaining volumes found their way into the royalcollection through Louis XII, son of Charles d'Orléans and Marie deClèves. Duke of Orléans, he became King of France in1498. He had theroyal library transported to Blois to amalgamate it with the Orléanslibrary. From then onwards, the Miroir historial was to remain royal forcenturies to come.

The three extant volumes have been illustrated by one artist (orworkshop) whose prolific œuvre is characteristic for the grisaille-style ofhis time. Here he is called the pseudo-Remiet following François Avril'sfindings that will be discussed below. He is not a very imaginitiveminiaturist, continuity and neatness being his strengths. With his rootsstill firmly in the 14th century, he is a typical court painter, showing hisability in the beautiful garments of his royal figures. His graceful kingsand queens, all dressed elegantly albeit in an old-fashioned way, arestriding, horseriding, wining and dining in a style that will soon becomeen vogue internationally. A negative aspect might be his relative lack ofvariation in scenes and characters. He gives great care to defining facialfeatures, but without any personal touch.

Not being a first class artist, he has so far failed to secure a name inthe art historical world. Millard Meiss dubbed his style: "LateBoquetaux",307 thus relating him with the Maître aux Boquetaux, who is

302 - Le Roux de Lincy 1843 No. 32; - De Laborde III 1852 Nos 6324, 6632; - Delisle I 1868p. 116.303 - Delisle I 1868 p. 108.304 - Champion 1910 p. 115: Appendix I, No. 1.(= Paris BN fr 22335 ff 263-264)305 - Delisle III 1881 p. 194; - Champion 1910 p. 125: Appendix III.306 - Delisle 1886 p. 17; see Dictionnaire de Biographie française (ed. R. d'Amat), t XII,Paris 1970, cols 280-283, on the life of Jean de Dunois and his family.307 - Meiss 1974 p. 420.


the same as the Master of the Bible of Jean de Sy and his circle.308 DeWinter briefly mentions him and adds some more manuscripts to hisœuvre,309 but no one ever felt the urge to bestow on him a temporaryname.310

Nonetheless, a name to label him can be suggested on the followingevidence. Since long, one specific note written in a French manuscriptof the Pèlerinages by Guillaume de Digueville, now Paris BN fr. 823, hasbeen connected with the master of the Orléans Miroir. This manuscriptis illuminated by various distinct artists, the one responsible for themain part being the same as the master of the Orléans Miroir. The scribeof fr 823 wrote in a blank space on f. 18v: "Remiet, ne faites rien cy, car jey ferai une figure qui y doit estre.". This indicates that one of theilluminators obviously must be Remiet, or Perrin Remy as he is citedamidst the illuminators confirmed by the University in 1368.311 Variousscholars have assigned the name of Remiet to the main illuminator,312

but in a convincing article Avril demonstrates that Remiet was theilluminator who filled in the miniatures on ff. 95 and 102v only.313

Consequently, the master who illuminated the Orléans Miroir was thecollaborator of Remiet and not Remiet himself, and should therefore becalled the pseudo-Remiet. Patrick de Winter apparently does not agreewith this, and still associates the main master of fr. 823 - and so themaster of the Orléans Miroir - with Remiet.314

GH = THE HAGUE Roy. Libr., MS 72 A 24.[Pl. 80]Miroir historial, books 26-32. Made in France (Paris) in the beginning of the 15th century.Parch, 401 ff., 425x320 (254x196) mm, 2 columns, 43 lines, littera cursiva formata.

308 - Exh Paris 1981 No. 280 p. 325.309 - Brussels BR 9094 (Propriété des choses), Chantilly Condé MS 277/Paris BN fr. 9106(Politiques et Economiques, Etiques), New York Pierp.Morgan Libr MS 526 (Herman deValenciennes, Histoire de la Bible et de l'Assomption Notre Dame), Paris Ars. 5223/SteGeneviève 783 (Grandes Chroniques de France), Paris BN fr. 823 (Pèlerinages), BN fr9106, BN fr. 20009 (Eustache, Œuvres) and BN fr. 170-171 (Cité de Dieu), see - De Winter1978 pp. 176 n 12, 187, 191, 194, 197, and - De Winter 1985 pp. 91-92, Figs. 176-180. See forillustrations: - Martin 1923 p. 99 and Fig. CI, and - Catalogue of the portion of the famouscollection of Manuscripts the Property of the Earl of Ashburnham, known as the BarroisCollection, Auct. Sotheby, London 10/14-6-1901, Lot 263. According to Avril (Exh.Paris1981 p. 330) the Pseudo-Remiet also collaborated in another Grandes Chroniques deFrance (Paris BN fr. 2813). To this list of manuscripts can be added the two manuscriptsof the Miroir, mentioned above (C2 and C4) and a Valerius Maximus in the Frenchtranslation, now Troyes, Bibl.Mun. 126 (Morel-Payen 1935 pp. 138-140 and Pl. xxvii).According to Avril a list over over 40 manuscripts can be compiled.310 - Avril 1969 pp. 307-310; Exh. Paris 1981 No. 294 pp. 338-339.311 - P. Delalain, Étude sur le libraire parisien du XIII-XIV siècle, Paris 1891, p. 46; -D'Ancona & Aeschliman 1949 pp. 181-182.312 - P. Durrieu, in: A. Michet, Histoire de l'Art vol III,1, Paris 1907, pp. 157-158.313 - Avril 1969 pp. 307-308.314 - De Winter 1985 pp. 91-92.


Gatherings of 8 ff. Decorated initials, vineborders in gold, red/pink and blue, dragons. 20miniatures: 1 large miniature on f. 3r (beginning book 26) framed by a fleur-de-lys borderon a golden background, and 19 smaller miniatures, 1 column wide.Coat of arms of Philippe de Clèves (differenced by a black label) added at the bottom off. 3r. His signature on f. 401v over an erased name.Provenance: Acquired by Philippe de Clèves before 1492; 1528 Henry III Count of Nassau;libraries of the respective princes of Orange.

Literature: - W.G.C. Byvanck, De Oranje-Nassauboekerij..in de KoninklijkeBibliotheek..te 's-Gravenhage I: Handschriften en boeken 1450-1702, Haarlem 1898, p.13; -A.,W. Byvanck, Aantekeningen over handschriften met miniaturen IX. DeNoordnederlandse kunst en de miniaturen uit Zuid-Nederland en uit Noord-Frankrijk, in:Oudheidkundig Jaarboek 10 (1930), p. 98; - Byvanck 1931 p. 46; - Bourgondische Pracht.(Cat. Exh) Amsterdam 1951 No. 66; Le grand siècle des ducs de Bourgogne, (Cat.Exh.)Dijon 1951, p. 45 No. 53; - Meiss 1956 p. 193 n 24; - G.I. Lieftinck, Windesheim,Agnietenberg en Marienborn en hun aandeel in de Noordnederlandse boekverluchting, in:Dancwerc. Opstellen aangeboden aan Prof.dr. D.Th. Enklaar, Groningen 1959, p. 198; - M.Meiss, The First Fully Illustrated Decameron, in: Essays in the History of Art presentedto Rudolf Wittkower, New York 1967, p. 61 and Pl. 14; - Meiss, Jean de Berry 1967 p. 356;- Meiss 1974 pp. 188, 379, Fig. 688; - C.W. de Kruyter, Franse geïllumineerdehandschriften in de Koninklijke Bibliotheek, in: Bibliotheekinformatie 12 (Febr. 1975),p. 5; - Schatten van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek / Treasures of the Royal Library, 'sGravenhage / The Hague (Mus. Meermanno-Westreenianum) 1980, pp. xi, xii, 2, 39, 73,78, 83 No. 32, 153; - Brandhorst & Broekhuijsen 1985 p. 22 No. 44.

Unfortunately we do not know where Philippe de Clèves (1456-1528)acquired this Miroir historial together with other illuminated Parisianmanuscripts from the late 14th and early 15th century.315 All we can seeis that he already was a bookcollector before his father's death in 1492, asthe coats of arms he had added conspicuously at the first pages of thisgroup of manuscripts are differenced by a black label, like the one shownon f. 3r of this manuscript [Pl. 80].316

There is some evidence that Philippe got the manuscripts from thecollection of Louis de Luxembourg (1418-1476): a Livy manuscript, madein Paris in the late 14th century, likewise once in the possession ofPhilippe de Clèves, bears the signature of this unfortunate princewritten on its last page.317 Louis de Luxembourg was found guilty ofhigh treason in 1475, his property was confiscated by the French Kingand he was executed on the Place de Grève in Paris.318 In 1487 at theTreaty of Arras, those goods were returned to his descendants, amongthem Françoise and Marie de Luxembourg, daughters of Pierre II de

315 - The Hague, Roy. Libr., MS 71 A 18 (Livy, Histoire romaine), 72 A 22 (Augustine,Cité de Dieu), and 72 A 25 (Froissart, Chroniques).316 For a preliminary list of his manuscripts see: A.S. Korteweg, De bibliotheek vanWillem van Oranje: de handschriften, in: Boeken van en rond Willem van Oranje, (Cat.Exh.) Den Haag (Koninklijke Bibliotheek) 1984, pp. 26-27.317 The Hague, Roy.Libr., MS 71 A 18. See Exh. The Hague 1980 pp. 72-73 No. 29.318 - N. Vigner, Histoire de la Maison de Luxembourg, Paris 1617, pp. 285-291; - [A.G.P.Brugière] de Barante, Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne de la Maison de Valois 1364-1477vol II, Bruxelles 1838 p. 492: "La cour a déclaré et déclare chacun de ses biens, meubles etimmeubles, être confisqués et appartenir au Roi".


Luxembourg, comte de Saint Pol.319 Possibly Philippe de Clèves, marriedto Françoise de Luxembourg, acquired the manuscripts through his wife.Nevertheless, Louis can not have ordered the Miroir because themanuscript was completed before his birth.

The erased signature at the end of the volume, on top of whichPhilippe de Clèves has put his own, is tantalizing. It looks like early15thcentury but it doesn't give away more clues. The first owner thus is stillunknown to us. He seems to have been a member of the French royalfamily because of the blue and gold fleur-de-lys border on f. 3r and thegolden fleur-de-lys held by two dragons above the miniature on thesame page. The first words on the second folio: par les lieux de grece (or,with neglect of the table of contents, on f. 4r: pasteur et hommes) do notcorrespond however with any of the items referred to in this way in theinventories known to us.

Millard Meiss ascribed the 20 miniatures to the workshop of the'Master of the Cité des Dames'.320 The half page miniature on f. 3r iscertainly one of this master's best achievements: rich colours - variousshades of yellow and orange, a soft green next to the more conventionalblues and reds -, expressive figures, and a real effort to create a threedimensional space. The green underpainting in the flesh areas (adoptedby the master through the influence of Jacquemart, according to Meiss),adds to an Italianate plasticity which, if combined with French elegance,is the core of the International style.

One of the main benefits of putting together a catalogue ofmanuscripts is the arising opportunity to compare various volumes onpaleographical and codicological grounds. In this case, themeasurements, justification and number of lines of GH accord with thefirst three volumes (G1-3) of the Gruuthuse Miroir historial, describedbelow. The script and border decoration, typical of early 15th centuryParisian workshops, also reveal a striking resemblance, and even themuch rarer golden fleur-de-lys bar decoration on the first page of GHfinds its counterpart in G3 on f. 49v. When measuring the ruling, theyprove to be identical: the lines are 6 mm high, the space between therunning title and the column is 22 or 23 mm, the columns are 241x84mm, the intercolumnar space is 22 or 23 mm. It clearly indicates that GHmust have been the fourth volume of the original set G1-3-GH. Itapparently became separated from its sequel volumes and came intoother hands before Gruuthuse acquired the rest of the set in the middleof the 15th century.

G1 = PARIS BN fr. 308.[Pls. 81, 93, 113]

319 - Vigner 1617 pp. 291, 296, 299, 301.320 - Meiss 1974 p. 379.


Miroir historial, prologue, books 1-9. Written in France (Paris) in the beginning of the15th century and illuminated in Flanders (Bruges) in, or shortly after, 1455. Parch., 381ff., 412x306 (266x185) mm, 2 columns, 44 lines, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of 8 ff.(except for ff. 337-342). Decorated initials, vine borders in gold and red/pink, dragons.131 miniatures, mainly grisaille. Large miniature on f. 13r (beginning of book 2).Coats of arms of Louis de Bruges replaced by those of Louis XII on f. 13r.Provenance: Louis de Bruges Seigneur de Gruuthuse; Louis XII.

G2 = PARIS BN fr. 309.[Pl. 82]Miroir historial, books 10-17. Written in France (Paris) in the beginning of the 15thcentury and illuminated in Flanders (Bruges) in, or shortly after, 1455. Parch, 393 ff.,429x326 (263x182) mm, 2 columns, 44 lines, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of 8 ff.Decorated initials, vine borders in gold and red/pink, dragons. 90 miniatures, mainlygrisaille .Provenance: see G1.

G3 = PARIS BN fr. 310.[Pl. 83]Miroir historial, books 18-25. Written in France (Paris) in the beginning of the 15thcentury and illuminated in Flanders (Bruges) in, or shortly after, 1455. Parch, 407 ff.,432x330 (252x194) mm, 2 columns, 43 lines, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of 8 ff.Decorated initials, vine borders in gold and red/pink, dragons. Painted blue and pinkfleurs-de lys on golden band on f. 49v. 47 miniatures, mainly grisaille; large miniature onf. 2r (beginning of book 18).Coats of arms of Louis de Bruges replaced by those of Louis XII on f. 2r.Provenance: see G1

G4 = PARIS BN fr. 311.[Pl. 84 and 84a]Miroir historial, books 26-32. Made in Flanders (Bruges), in 1455. Parch, 486 ff., 415x310(252x184)mm, 2 columns, 43 lines, littera cursiva formata (lettre bourguignonne).Gatherings of 8 ff. (except of ff. 261-270). Decorated initials, penline rinceaux with goldand colored leaves and flowers, and a few acanthus. 22 miniatures, mainly grisaille.Coats of arms of Louis de Bruges replaced by those of Louis XII on f. 6v; initials LA andfire-spitting mortar in lower border decoration.Provenance: see G1.

Literature: - [J.B.B. van Praet], Recherches sur Louis de Bruges, seigneur de la Gruthuyse,Paris 1831, pp. 205-206; - P.Paris II 1838 pp. 323-326; - Delisle I 1868 pp. 142, 250, 256;-Winkler 1915 pp. 71, 191; -Durrieu 1921 p. 46 and Pl. XIV; - V. Leroquais, Le Bréviaire dePhilippe le Bon. Bréviaire parisien du XVe siècle, Paris etc 1929, p. 165 and Pls. 23, 24; -Lejeune & Stiennon 1966 p. 324 and Ills. 379-380; - Exh. Bruxelles 1959 Nos. 104-105; -Schaefer Coppin Delf 1974 pp. 112-113 and Pl. 39; - Farquhar 1976 pp. 36-39, 60-61, 70 n46, 116-127, 130, 132, 150-163 and Pls. frontispiece, 6-9, 59, 95-97 ; - L.M.J. Delaissé, J.H.Marrow & J. de Wit, Illuminated Manuscripts. The James A. de Rothschild Collection atWaddesdon Manor, London 1977, p. 211; - Exh. Brugge 1981 p. 227 No. 75 (especially onGruuthuse MSS).

The history of the Miroir historial of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de laGruuthuse (ca.1422 - 1492), is more complicated than that of the otherMiroirs in this chapter. We know the date of completion of the last


volume: the scribe wrote on f. 486v of Fr. 311: "Cy fine le mireoirhystorial. Et fu accompli lan mil cccclv le vi me jour de septembre." Butscript and border decoration of the first three volumes suggest a muchearlier date than the one of the last volume, as Delaissé321 and laterFarquhar correctly observed.322

The first three volumes are transcribed in the round littera cursivaformata, fashionable for secular texts in the beginning of the century.The dense penline and thick rinceaux with gold and coloured ivy spikesand dragons in the borders do belong without doubt to the same lay-out.

The fourth volume, however, is written in the sharp littera cursivain favour at the court of the dukes of Burgundy since the1440's, which istherefore called the lettre bourguignonne. The vine borders, no longerthe fashion, have had to make room for elegant acanthus sprays withpenlike rinceaux , gold and colored leaves and flowers.323 It is clear thatLouis de Bruges, at whose request the last volume was written, wantedit to be in conformity with the other three without creating ananachronism.

I do not think there can be any doubt about Louis de Bruges being theone on whose command the illustrations were finished and his beingthe first owner of the complete set of the Miroir historial. The twomarks of the Gruuthuse ownership in G4 f. 6v: the interlaced initials L-M (the M changed into an A by the French King), and the fire-spittingmortar clearly belong to the first lay-out of the borders. One cannotargue about the arms of Gruuthuse being part of, or added to, theborders of G1-G4, as these arms have been overpainted by those of LouisXII.

It seems obvious that he also ordered the transcription of the lastvolume, and this should date the inception of Louis's bibliophilicactivities as early as 1455, the year of the completion of thetranscription.324 The date of 1455 coincides with his marriage toMarguerite van Borssele, which explains the incorporation of the twoinitials L-M, linked by a love-knot, in the border.

The transcription of the last volume being finished, it is more likelythat Louis de Bruges then had the four volumes illuminated in Brugesor Ghent rather than sending them to France as Farquhar supposes.325

Farquhar ascribes this Miroir together with a series of manuscripts to aFrench atelier (The Master of Arsenal 575) in the Paris/Rouen region in

321 - Exh. Bruxelles/Amsterdam 1959, pp. 106-107 Nos. 104-105322 - Farquhar 1976 pp. 118-123.323 The difference is clearly shown in Farquhar 1976 Pls. 95 and 96. Farquharnevertheless doubts about Louis being the first owner of the last volume, p. 132: "These[Gruuthuse] arms were added after the decoration of the fourth volume was finished".324 Cl. Lemaire (De bibliotheek van Lodewijk van Gruuthuse, in: Exh. Bruxelles 1981 pp.207-229), knows this Miroir historial quite well (p. 212, 227), but does not include thedate of 1455 into the commissions of Gruuthuse (pp. 213, 215): she dates the bibliophilicactivities of Gruuthuse between c. 1462-1480.325 - Farquhar 1976 p. 132.


an attempt to re-classify the manuscripts attributed to Vrelant. NeitherPächt326 nor Anne van Buren327, however, agree with his thesis.

Bruges as yet being the most likely place of origin, we prefer to stickto Delaissé's attribution, shared by Durrieu and Leroquais,328 that is toWillem Vrelant's workshop .329 This makes the Gruuthuse manuscriptthe first dated manuscript by Vrelant's hand and the first illuminatedMiroir in the Low Countries.

A description of G1-4 does not end here. By sheer coincidence thefourth volume of the original set dating from the beginning of the 15thcentury, survived apart from G1-3 and is now The Hague, Royal Library,MS 72 A 24 (GH, see above for description). As the measurements andthe ruling, the script, the layout, the border decoration and all otherminutiae are identical in G1-3 and GH, there can be no doubt about theirbelonging to one and the same set. A slight hesitation may be caused bythe fact that GH apparently was commissioned by a member of the royalfamily, as suggested by the blue and golden fleur-de-lys decoration on f.3r, whereas G1-3 do not seem to justify such royal provenance. Thisdoubt can be overcome by looking at f. 49v of G3: here, the same fleur-de-lys decoration on a golden band clearly proves a common parentage.

It is true only GH has been contemporaneously illustrated by aprominent Parisian atelier while G1-3 were left unillustrated until the1450's. This very uneven illustrative treatment may have beenresponsible for their being separated already at an early stage: GH bearsan erased signature on the last folio, dating from the early 15th century,that does not appear in G1-3.

N1 = PARIS BN fr. 50[Pls. 94-95, 101, 107, 119, 147]Miroir historial, prologue, books 1-11. Written in France (Paris) in 1463 or shortly before.Parch., 396 ff., 470x315 (325x206) mm, 2 columns, 49 lines, littera cursiva formata.Gatherings of 8 ff.. Decorated initials, border decoration with penlike rinceaux withgold and colored leaves, acanthus, fruits and flowers on the illustrated pages. 211miniatures, mostly 1 column wide. Large miniature on f. 1r (beginning of the prologue).Coats of arms of Jacques d'Armagnac replaced by those of Pierre de Bourbon, supported bytwo mermaids, a lion and two wildmen in the lower margin, and Pierre's device:"Esperance", and a centaur in the margins of ff. 1r, 2r, 10v, 54r, 91v, 120v, 141r, 174v, 215r,266v, 308r, 353v and 354r.Coat of arms of Jacques d'Armagnac still visible on the fore-edge of the book; those on theupper and lower edges changed into Bourbon.

326 - Pächt Jenni & Thoss 1983, pp. 90-91.327 - A.H. van Buren, review of Pächt Jenni & Thoss 1983, in: AB LXVII (1985), pp. 330-31; - id., Thoughts, old and new, on the sources of early Netherlandish painting, in:Simiolus 16 (1986), p. 97 n 21.328 - Durrieu 1921 p. 46 and Pl. XIV; - V. Leroquais, Le Bréviaire de Philippe le Bon.Bréviaire parisien du XVe siècle, Paris etc 1929, p. 165 Nos. 24 and Pls. 23-24.329 - Exh. Bruxelles/Amsterdam 1959 pp. 106-107 Nos. 104-105; - Delaissé Marrow & deWit 1977 p. 211.


Provenance: Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours (†1477); 1476 taken by Pierre de Bourbonsire de Beaujeu (†1488) after the siege of the castle of Carlat; 1523 confiscated byFrançois I from the Connétable de Bourbon.

N2 = PARIS BN fr. 51

Miroir historial, books 12-22. Written in France (Paris) in 1463 or shortly before. Parch.,454 ff., 480x325 (321x210)mm, 2 columns, 49 lines, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of 8ff. Decorated initials, border decoration with penlike rinceaux with gold and colouredleaves, acanthus, fruits and flowers on the illustrated pages. 186 miniatures, 1 or 2columns wide. Large miniature on f. 211r (beginning Book 17).Coat of arms of Pierre de Bourbon full page on f. 1r. The same coat of arms, covering thoseof Jacques d'Armagnac, on the lower margins of ff. 2v, 43r, 85v, 130r, 168r, 211r, 247r, 288v,328v, 376v.Provenance: same as N1.

N3 = CHANTILLY, Musée Condé 722[Pl. 85]Miroir historial, books 23-32. Written in France (Paris) between 1459 and 1463 by GillesGracien. Parch., 484 ff. (non foliated), 453x335 (323x200)mm, 2 columns, 49 lines, litteracursiva formata. Gatherings of 8 ff. Decorated initials, border decoration with penlikerinceaux with gold and colored leaves, acanthus, fruits and flowers on the illustratedpages. 110 miniatures, mostly 1 column wide.The arms of Jacques d'Armagnac together with an anagram of his device FORTUNEDAMIS painted on the fore-edge; his arms on ff. 42v, 104, 202, 244, 294, 339, 391, 440v.His coat of arms replaced by those of Tanneguy du Chatel on f. 2v and f. 145r.Provenance: Jacques d'Armagnac, duc de Nemours ( his inscription of f. 484v); 1476 givento, or taken by, Tanneguy du Chastel, vicomte de la Bellière (†1477); 19th century LordStuart of Rothesay, who is said to have it bought in Switzerland; 1855 bought by theDuke of Aumale at the sale of Lord Stuart of Rothesay's library.

Literature: - P.Paris I 1836 pp. 53-57 (Anc. 6731-6732); - Delisle I 1868 pp. 87-89, 91, 170,173; - P. Durrieu, Un grand enlumineur Parisien du 15e siècle: Jacques de Besançon et sonœuvre, Paris 1892, pp. 19, 51-52 Nos. XXVI-XXVIbis and Pl. 1; - L. Delisle, Notecomplémentaire sur les manuscrits de Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours, in: BEC LXVI(1905), p. 256; - J. Meurgey, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures du Musée Condé àChantilly, Paris 1930, pp. 111-114 and Pls. LXXI-LXXIII (Bulletin SFRMP); - Exh. Paris1938 No. 142; - Exh. Paris 1955 p. 128 No. 265; - Manuscrits datés I: Musée Condé etbibliothèques parisiennes (ed. M.-C. Garand, J. Metman & M.Th. Vernet), Paris 1959, p.51; - Lejeune & Stiennon 1966 p. 324 and Pls. LVI, 382; - Schaefer Coppin Delf 1974 pp.112-113 and Pls. 40-41.

Jacques d'Armagnac was one of the most famous book collectors ofhis time. Gifted with an exquisite taste and endowed by inheritance witha small share of the immense collection of the Duke of Berry,330 -probably not all manuscripts from this library were dispersed - he wasable to form a collection of superior quality, which he divided between

330 De Berry's daughter Bonne was married in 1393 to Bernard d'Armagnac. Their secondson Bernard married Eléonore de Bourbon in 1424, who gave birth to Jacques in 1433. SeeDelisle I 1868 p. 86.


his two castles Castres and Carlat.331 In 1476 he had to surrender Carlatto Pierre de Bourbon-Beaujeu, who was accompanied by Tanneguy duChastel and Jean du Mas. De Laborde notes that all three champions areknown to have owned books from Jacques's library, so it has beenassumed that they must have divided the spoils between the three ofthem.332 In the case of the Miroir historial, the first two volumes wentto Pierre de Bourbon, the third came into the possession of Tanneguy duChastel. To mark his indisputable ownership, Pierre de Bourbon hadalmost everywhere d'Armagnac's arms replaced by those of Bourbon,and even had his coat of arms painted full page on the empty folio ofthe second volume. Tanneguy du Chastel planned to do the same withthe volume allotted to him, but that project was not completed, possiblybecause Du Chastel suddenly died at the siege of Bouchain in 1477.333

Jacques d'Armagnac's employing Jean Fouquet for the completion ofthe Antiquités judaïques, a manuscript left unfinished by the Duke ofBerry, has given his bibliophilic activities a reputation recognized in thebeginning of this century (Paris BN fr. 247/n.a.fr. 21013).334 But this wasonly one of his numerous orders. Of the other artists patronized by him,the Maître François was particularly favoured: many of his books showthe hand of this master.335

All three volumes of his copy of the Miroir historial are illustratedby the Maître François, shortly after the transcription by Gilles Gracienhad been finished in 1463.336 After the time's fashion, he depicts variousallegorical scenes, especially in the first book. Until then the illustrationof the earlier manuscripts of the Miroir had a merely narrativecharacter.

After the completion of the text it was bound into three volumes -and N3 still has its original binding. The binder, however, did notfollow the divisions in the text. Not only does the large miniature at thebeginning of book 17 (fr. 51, f. 211r) imply the beginning of a newvolume, the extensive introduction to book 17 itself mentions clearlythe opening of the third part.337 Here we find the same misplaced

331 see Delisle I 1868 p. 86 ff; - Saige et de Dienne, Documents historiques relatifs à lavicomté de Carlat II, pp. CCLXXXIV-CCLXXXVIII.332 - De Laborde 1909 II p. 316. De Laborde argues this to be unlikely in the case of duChastel, as the decree of condemnation of the Duke was not issued until July 1477, twomonths after du Chastel's death at the siege of Bouchain. His suggests that the sharewhich would have been Tanneguy's was allotted to the latter's widow.333 Durrieu 1892 p. 74.334 - P. Durrieu, Les Antiquités judaïques et le peintre Jean Foucquet, Paris 1908, passim; -Jean Fouquet (exh.cat. by N. Reynaud), Paris (Louvre) 1981, No. 23 pp. 66-70, (+bibliography).335 E.g. - Durrieu 1892 Nos. xxv, xxva, xxvii, xxviia, xxixa, xxixb.336 The scribe of N3 wrote on the last folio: "Fut escript et commence le present livre parmoy Gilles Gracien (word erased) lan LIX et fut finy le premier jour de septembre milCCCC soixante et trois".337 Fr. 51 f. 211r: "Le xvij liure contient premierement les comancemens les lignee et lessuccessions daucuns royaumes qui sont commencees a estre demonstrees es chroniques du


introduction seen at the beginning of book 17 in the middle of B2 (nowfr.15943 f. 1r).

L = MALIBU, P. Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5[Pls. 86, 102, 108, 114, 120, 144]Miroir historial, prologue, alphabetical tables to books 1-8, books 1-8. Made in Flanders(Ghent), ca. 1475. Originally one volume, now bound into two (books 1-4, 5-8). Parch.,191+232 ff., 438x305 (290x200) mm, 2 columns, 42 lines. Littera cursiva formata (lettrebourguignonne). Gatherings of 8 ff (vertical catchwords). Decorated initials, floweredborders. 132 miniatures, mostly the width of 1 column, occasionally en grisaille. Largeminiatures at vol I f.. 1r (beginning of book 1) and vol II f. 1v (beginning of book 5)Arms of the Picardian family de Lannoy d'Ameraucourt on vol I f. 1r (beginning book 1)and vol II f. 1v (beginning book 5).Provenance: member of the family de Lannoy d'Ameraucourt; note on vol II f. 231vmentions the death of Jean de Lannoy (1542-1602); William H. Crawford; 1891 C.FairfaxMurray; 1906 C.W. Dyson Perrins (MS 101); 1960 Sammlung P & I Ludwig (MS XIII.5);1983 P. Getty.

Literature:- G.F. Warner, Descriptive Catalogue of illuminated Manuscripts in theLibrary of C.W. Dyson Perrins, Vol I, Oxford 1920, pp. 226-231 and Pl. LXXXVI; -Flemish Art 1300-1700. Exh. London (Royal Academy of Arts) 1953-54, p. 155 No. 578; -Catalogue of 59 Illuminated Manuscripts, the Property of the late C.W. Dyson Perrins,(Auct. Sotheby & Co 29-11-1960), vol III, pp. 86-87 and Pls. E and 43; - Euw & Plotzek III1982 pp. 243-249, Pls. 168-211.

This manuscript is, after the Gruuthuse Miroir the second copy tohave Flanders as its homeland. At the time of its inception it was notthe only Miroir in Flanders, as some French copies had found their wayto the Burgundian territories: G1-3 were in Bruges, B1-3 were at theBurgundian Library, and GH was probably in the Lowlands as well. Onewould expect L to be copied from one of these but in actual fact anotherexemplar was used instead, as will be discussed further on (Part IIIchapter 3).

Nothing is known about manuscripts made at the request of, oracquired by members of the family De Lannoy d'Ameraucourt (orDameuraucourt). They must have owned a library in the 15th century -or at least had the intention to form one - as evidenced by theircommissioning a transcription of a copy of the Miroir historial: Thiswell-written, folio-sized volume out of a set of four, with 132illustrations, must have been ordered by a person familiar with thebibliophilic tradition of the time. He or she did not belong to a familystanding in the limelight and was in no way related to the famousBrabantine family De Lannoy. We therefore can neither say whichmember commissioned the transcription nor do we know whathappened to the manuscript after the death of Jean de Lannoy's in 1602.

temps gracien. Et apres il contient listoire de vij ans esquelz gracien tint lempire. Et cestetierce partie du mirouer hystorial contient listoire conquiellie de divers volumes"


According to Anton von Euw, the manuscript has been illuminatedin Ghent by three distinct artists.338 The first can be related to the Masterof the Traîtés de morale and other artists around Margaret of York, theDuchess of Burgundy.339 The second illuminator, who is responsible formost of the miniatures, works in grisaille-technique in the style of theParis manuscript BN fr. 181,340 whereas the third reminds Von Euw ofSimon Marmion and his circle.

Most remarkable is the opening-miniature, which shows exactly thesame iconogaphy as the first miniature of Or2. Both are based on asynthesis of the iconography of the double opening-scene in A1 et al. Anearly French manuscript must have served as a model. Part IV will dealwith this subject in detail.

Another unusual fact is the large miniature at the beginning of book5, now opening the second volume, but intended to be in the middle ofthe manuscript. The miniature is on the verso of a folio. Maybe it wascopied from a manuscript, the first eight books of which were dividedinto two volumes, though none of the surviving manuscripts shows abreak after book 4.

E = LONDON BL Roy. 14 E 1.[Pls. 87, 146]Miroir historial, prologue, books 1-9. Made in Flanders (Bruges) shortly after 1478 andbefore 1483. Originally one volume, now bound in two (books 1-4, 5-9). Parch., 208+243 ff.,464x343 (290x220) mm, 2 columns, 42 lines. Littera cursiva formata (lettre bourguignonne).Gatherings of 8 ff. Decorated initials, flowered borders with acanthus at the beginningof each book. 4+4 miniatures, of whcih 7 are 1 column wide. Large miniature at vol I f. 3r.Coats of arms of Edward IV King of England appear three times in the right and lowerborder decoration of f. 3r, the same arms but differenced by a black label (his two sons)are painted twice in the lower border, and a Yorkist badge with the King's device "Dieuet mon droit" in the right border of the same folio.Provenance: Edward IV King of England († 1483); Royal Library in Richmond (inventory1535); as part of the Royal Collection presented by George II to the British Museum in1757.

Literature: - H. Omont, Les manuscrits français des rois d'Angleterre au château deRichmond, in: Études romanes dédiées à Gaston Paris, Paris 1891, pp. 1-13 No. 26; -Snavely 1908 pp. 39-40; - Keidel 1909 p. 215; - Warner & Gilson II 1921 p. 139.

Edward IV apparently became acquainted with the Miroir historialwhile in exile in Flanders during the early months of 1471. Welcomedwith every consideration by Louis de Bruges in the town of Bruges, theKing had plenty of time to catch on to his host the love for books - if hisaffection had not been sparked off already by his own sister, the Duchess

338 - Euw & Plotzek III 1982 pp. 248-249.339 See Exh.Brussel Charles the Bold 1977 No. 17 and Pl. 20.340 See Exh. Brussels 1959 No. 200 and Pl. 61; - Exh. Brugge 1981 No. 112 and col.Pls. 27-28.


of Burgundy. Louis generously gave him the opportunity to haveseveral manuscripts copied.341 The twenty-five Flemish manuscriptswhich are still in the Royal Collection at the British Library are the floridremainders of this unvoluntary though fruitful journey.

According to Janet Backhouse, Edward ordered the manuscripts intwo stages: after his visit in 1471, and later, during the years 1478-1479.342

The Miroir historial belongs to the latest group of twelve manuscriptsbecause of the three coats of arms of the King and his sons together withthe Yorkist badges on f. 3r.

We may assume E was copied from one of the manuscripts at handin Flanders at that time: B1-3 or G1-4. Indeed the Gruuthuse-manuscriptis more likely to have served as a model than the other copy in thelibrary of the Duke of Burgundy for various reasons, both internal andexternal. First, the hospitality displayed by Louis de Gruuthuse to hisroyal guest went beyond the use of his library, and second, the text hecould supply the King with was far more recent - and by consequencemore legible - than the old copy written in the Duke of Berry's heyday.Third, Edward's copy is divided into four volumes in the same way asG1-4, the first volume E, like G1, containing the first nine books. In thenext chapter this hypothesis will be further supported by textualcomparison.

An inventory made up in 1535 of the Royal Collection at the castle ofRichmond briefly but clearly defines each volume and it may be at thisstage that the first volume had become separated from its fellows: theinventory mentions only one item of a"Miroeur hystorial".343

Where had the other three volumes gone? Did they disappear fromthe Royal Collection as early as the beginning of the 16th Century? DidEdward order only the first volume or had the set not yet beencompleted at the time of the King's death in 1483, causing the remainingthree to be sold later to some other aristocrat?

The last questions may be too suggestive. As will be indicated in thefollowing description of three manuscripts, now in the Royal Library inThe Hague, there is reason to believe that the first volume of the set,ordered by Edward IV, indeed found its way to England, whereas thesubsequent volumes, ruled, transcribed but not yet illuminated,remained in Flanders, to be finally completed at the request of Philippede Clèves, Seigneur de Ravenstein. The matter will be fully discussedbelow.

341 - Van Praet 1831 pp.; - Exh. Brugge 1981 pp. 220-221.342 - Backhouse in the Proceeding of Harlaxtone 1987, forthcoming. The main thrust ofher article is to argue against the theories by G. Kipling, The Triumph of Honour, Leiden1977 that were later adopted by R. Strong, The English Renaissance Miniature, London1984.343 - H. Omont, Les manuscrits français des rois d'Angleterre au Château de Richmond,in: Etudes romanes dédiées à Gaston Paris , Paris 1891, p.1-13.


The frontispiece can be associated with the work of the Master of theWhite Inscriptions; the other miniatures are likely to be by a differenthand [Pls. 87, 146].344

EP2: THE HAGUE KB, 128 C 1, vol I

Miroir historial, books 10-17. Made in Flanders (Bruges), XVd. Parch., 451 ff., c. 412x350(287/295x217/220) mm, 2 columns, 42 lines. Littera cursiva formata (lettrebourguignonne). Gatherings of 8 ff. Decorated initials, flowered borders in Ghent-Brugesstyle at the beginning of each book. 6 miniatures, 1 column wide.The large opening-miniature at the beginning of book 10 between f. 2 and f. 3 is nowmissing, the offset of whose borders is still to be seen on f. 2v; miniature on f. 289r(beginning book 15) also missing.Provenance: signature of Philippe de Clèves on f. 451r; Henry III Count of Nassau;Princes of Orange.

EP3 = THE HAGUE KB, 128 C 1, vol II.

Miroir historial, books 18-25. Made in Flanders (Bruges), XVd. Parch., 470 ff., c. 426x338(293x220) mm, 2 columns, 42 lines. Littera cursiva formata (lettre bourguignonne).Gatherings of 8 ff. Decorated initials, flowered borders in Ghent-Bruges style at thebeginning of each book. 7 miniatures, 1 column wide. The large opening-miniature at thebeginning of book 18 is missing.Provenance: Signature of Philippe de Clèves on f. 469v; same as EP2.

EP4 = THE HAGUE KB, 128 C1, vol III

Miroir historial, books 26-32. Made in Flanders (Bruges), XVd. Parch.,471 ff., c. 420x345(284x217) mm, 2 columns, 42 lines. Littera cursiva formata (lettre bourguignonne).Gatherings of 8 ff. Decorated initials, flowered borders in Ghent-Bruges style at thebeginning of each book. 6 miniatures, 1 column wide. The large miniature between f. 2 andf. 3 at the beginning of book 26 is now missing, the offset of whose borders and topsilhouette remains to be seen at f. 2v.Provenance: same as EP2 and EP3, though no signature of Philippe de Clèves.

Literature: - W.G.C. Byvanck, De Oranje-Nassauboekerij..in de KoninklijkeBibliotheek..te 's-Gravenhage I: Handschriften en boeken 1450-1702, Haarlem 1898, p.13; - Byvanck 1931 p. 44; - E. Brayer, Jubinal et les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque royalede la Haye, in: Bulletin d'Information de l'IRHT 3 (1954), p. 85; - Brandhorst &Broekhuijsen 1985 pp. 112-113 Nos. 419-421.

Only three out of a set of four volumes are now to be found in TheHague. Apart from their enormous size these three volumes are at firstsight not very remarkable. The transcription has been the joint labour ofdifferent hands, as has been the illumination, and none of thecontributors was of outstanding quality. The opening pages at the

344 Cf. Dogaer 1987 p


beginning of the volumes probably were more eye-catching, butunfortunately all three have since long been excised.

Philippe de Clèves was one of the most highly-born at theBurgundian court, John the Fearless being his grandfather, Philip theGood his uncle, the Duchess Marie d'Orléans, wife of Charles d'Orléansand mother of Louis XII, his aunt.

That he, like the dukes of Burgundy and Louis de Gruuthuse,formed an extensive library, is quite understood. His ways of acquisition,far from being sensational, were threefold: by simply inheriting hisfather's books, by purchasing from booksellers and by ordering himselfnumerous transcriptions. The acquisition of a manuscript of the Miroirhistorial, with copies at hand both at the Burgundian court and at theGruuthuse library, was an easy target.

Philippe de Clèves, who already owned a single third volume (GH),signed two of the volumes on the last page. This would suggest that heordered the manuscript, or at least that he was the first proprietor, butthere is room for doubt.

The most striking reason for second thoughts is the observation, thatthe ruling pattern of a first volume, made for Edward IV of England (E),is identical to that of EP2-4. That is, the lines confining the columns arein purple ink and make for an outer column width of 97 mm and aninner column of 90/91 mm. Both are 290/292 mm high. The inter-column space is 32 mm. Quality of parchment, number of lines, andillumination programme (a miniature at the beginning of each bookonly) are the same throughout the four volumes. The four volumescomplement each other exactly in asfar as text is concerned, aremarkable feature since this particular division into books is onlyfound in G1-4. Together, the four tomes would form a perfect set.

This codicological argument gains weight by the outcome of a surveyof ruling patterns in the majority of manuscripts made at the request ofEdward IV in the British Library.345 These manuscripts all differ in theirjustification, but have been ruled according to the same formula: alllines, including the vertical ones confining the columns, are in thesame purple ink. In other words, they cannot have been ruled accordingto a uniform system, but together form a distinct group. Fourmanuscripts with an identical pattern must therefore have beenconceived jointly, one is inclined to conclude.

Does this imply that E and EP2-4 belong to one series? We may saythey were intended to form a set, but it is not likely that originally theyall belonged to Edward IV: the illustrations in EP2-4 are definitely laterin style than E. EP2-4 were illustrated at the end of the 15th century, thatis after Edward's death. But it is quite possible that Edward IV took onlythe first volume home, leaving the other three incomplete, later to befinished for Philippe de Clèves.

345 The royal collection as gathered by Edward IV was on display in the British Libraryin August 1987, which allowed a direct comparison of over twenty manuscripts.


Philippe's manuscripts were catalogued after his death in 1528.346

Though not many details are given, this inventory is apodictic in asfaras the volumes of the Miroir historial are concerned: "le second, tiers etquart volusme du Miroir historial, couvers et garnys comme dessus".That is to say, at the time of his death Philippe did not possess a firstvolume, which strongly supports the option of just one series, shared byEdward IV and Philippe de Clèves.

The strongest argument against this option, however, is, that E wasfoliated in red by the scribe in the upper right corner, whereas EP2-4were not foliated contemporaneously. Moreover, the scribe was not thesame throughout the four volumes. In turn, one could argue thatdetails like foliation need not be maintained consistently: for instancethe set C1,2,4 does not sustain its running titles throughout either. Andmore than one scribe was needed to undertake the vast task oftranscribing four folio-sized volumes of a Miroir historial. And is not afirst volume more often of a better quality than a second one?

Another more general objection might be that we have to take intoaccount the loss of many manuscripts. We do also know of more thanone other example of a contemporary series of manuscripts of theMiroir: E.g. A1,A2 and J1,J3, C1,2,4 and Or1,2,4. So it might well havebeen the case that two distinct sets were ordered at the same time. Buteven then, the congruity of the ruling pattern bespeaks a direct relation.

*°*°*°*

1.3.2. Non-illuminated manuscripts

P = PARIS, BN fr. 315[Pl. 88]Miroir historial, books 9-16. Made in Paris at the turn of the 15th century. Parch., 462 ff.,395x280 (276x171) mm, 2 columns, 45 lines, littera cursiva formata. Gatherings of 8 ff.Decorated initials, vine borders in blue, red and gold at the beginning of each book. Openspaces at the beginning of each book and also in the text, ment to be filled in withminiatures.Provenance: unknown. Binding of Louis XIV (Colbert).

Literature: P.Paris II 1838 p. 328 (Anc 6936).

This manuscript, though carefully planned and written with theintention to be illuminated, did not find its way to an illustrator. It iswell written on good parchment and the quality of the border decoration

346 - J. Finot, Inventaire sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790(Archives civiles - Série B [Nord], Chambre des Comptes de Lille, Nos. 3390 à 3665), vol8, Lille 1895, p. 55.


clearly indicates that, had the illustration been completed, the bookwould have would have reached a high standard.

The border decoration with its thick rinceaux and gold and colouredivy spikes and dragons recalls the style of the late 14th century; thescript, a littera cursiva formata, however, looks more modern.

We have no indication who commissioned the manuscript, nor isanything known about its further history.

TC1,2,4-7 = PARIS, BN fr. 6354-59

Miroir historial, prologue, books 1-11, 17-32. Bound in 6 volumes (books 1-7, 8-11, 17-21,22-25, 26-28, 29-32), a seventh (books 12-16) being lost. Made in Northern France(Brittany?), XVc (before 1477). Pap.(Briquet 1741), 321+288+309+270+228+296 ff.,390x288(266x176)mm, 1 column, c. 36-39 lines (no ruling), littera cursiva. Gatherings of 12ff. No decoration.Coats of arms of Tanneguy du Chastel and of his wife Jeanne de Malestroit at thebeginning of the prologue and of each new book.Provenance: Tanneguy du Chastel, vicomte de la Bellière and chambellan of Louis XI(†1477) and his wife Jeanne de Malestroit; 18th century collection Bourbon-Vendôme atchâteau Anet; with this collection sold by auction in 1724.

Literature: - Delisle II 1874 p. 353; - H. Omont, Catalogue général des manuscritsfrançais. Ancien supplément français I, 6171-9560 du fonds français, Paris 1895, p. 22.-Snavely 1908 p. 44; - Keidel 1909 p. 217.

The Miroir Tanneguy du Chastel (ou de Châtel) ordered for himselfis of a much more modest proportion than the one he seized from thelibrary of Jacques d'Armagnac after the latter surrendered in1470 toPierre de Beaujeu and Tanneguy du Chastel (see N1-3). The text is, infact, copied from N1-3. It is written on paper in an unpretentious litteracursiva, and there is no decoration at all - nor was any envisaged -,except for his coats of arms and those of his wife in the lower border onthe opening of each book.

Du Chastel, of well known Breton nobility, had a small butinteresting library, witness the surviving manuscripts in theBibliothèque Nationale in Paris.347 Besides, he had seized more thanone manuscript from the library of Jacques d'Armagnac, as Durrieuobserved.348 What happened with his collection after his death isunknown. According to a note on the first folio of each volume, themanuscript much later belonged to the collection Bourbon-Vendôme atthe castle of Anet, sold by auction in 1724.349

347 Paris BN fr. 25, 569, 723, 738, 1276, 1608, 9186, 12781, 17270. See - Delisle II 1874 p.353.348 Durrieu 1892 Nos. xxv, xxviia, now Paris BN fr. 9186 and fr. 2544.349 I owe this information to François Avril, Bibliothèque nationale.


It is worth noting that the text was bound in seven volumes of amore practical size than the heavy volumes of the past. This is in linewith the lack of decoration, which makes this copy a library book to beread rather than to be shown.

DL1-3,6 = PARIS, BN fr. 317-327

Miroir historial, prologue, books 1-16, 26-28. When complete, originally bound in 7volumes (books 1-7, 8-11, 12-16, 17-21, 22-25, 26-28, 29-32), the remaining now seperatedinto 11 volumes (books 1-2, 3-4, 5-6, 7, 8-9, 10-11, 12, 13-14, 15-16, 26, 27-28). Made inNorthwest France (Brittany?), XVB (between 1451 and 1482). Pap.(Briquet 5232) and 4parchment leaves, 79+107+80+64+150+130+71+152+127+83+139 ff, 380x260 (264x180) mm,1 column, ca 37 lines (no ruling), littera cursiva. Gatherings of 12 ff. No decoration. Aspace is left open for illustration on fr. 327, f. 3r.The coats of arms of Jean de Derval and his wife Hélène de Laval appear full-page on aparchment folio at the beginning of fr. 317 (book 1), fr. 321 (book 8), and fr. 326 (book 26);they also appear in the initial on a parchment folio at the beginning of fr. 323 (beginningof book 12).Provenance: Jean de Derval (†1482), married to Hélène de Laval (†1500) in 1451; BéthuneMS 121; with the Béthune collection in 1662 acquired by the King of France.

Literature: -P.Paris II 1838 p. 331 (Anc. 6939-6949); - Delisle II 1874 pp. 359-360; - DelisleIII 1881 p. 382; - A. Coville, Recherches sur quelques écrivains du XIVe et XVe siècle,Paris 1935, p. 166; - J. Dupic, Un bibliophile Breton du XVe siècle, in: Les trésors desBibliothèques de France V (1935), pp. 157-162, esp. 158, 160; - G. Mombello, La tradizionemanoscritta dell' "Epistre Othéa" di Christine de Pizan, Torino 1967, pp. 43 n 4, 45.

This manuscript, very much like TC, was made for the sake of thetext alone and not for a pretentious bibliophilic library. In fact, we knowthe patrons quite well through a beautiful portrait in a manuscript inParis, BN fr 8266, f 393v.350 There, Jean de Derval and Hélène de Lavalare sitting in a richly decorated room, surrounded by their court, andreceiving an Histoire de Bretagne by Jean's secretary and chroniclerPierre Le Baud.

Jean de Derval's library, of which at least 17 items were known toDupic in 1935,351 reveals an interest in history, theology and classicalliterature, typical for 15th century France. Most of the items are plainmanuscripts written on paper.352

Like TC, the manuscript was originally divided into seven volumes.This can be deduced from the location of the gatherings with a first - andnecessarily so a twelfth - leaf of parchment, upon which the coats ofarms perform an Ex libris function.

350 Published, among others, in: Couderc 1910 Pl. 100; - Blum & Lauer 1930 Pl. 49; -J.Dupic, Un bibliophile breton du XVe siècle. Jean de Derval, in: Les Trésors desbibliothèques de France V (1935), Pl. LVIII.351 - Dupic 1935 pp. 157-162, and Pls. LVIII-LIX.352 See - Mombello 1967 pp. 43-45 for a short history of the wanderings of the collection.


Jean de Derval, of equally noble Breton birth as Du Chastel, sawTanneguy du Chastel married to his niece, Jeanne de Malestroit. Bothmen knew each other well and shared their love for books. Tanneguyeven bestowed upon Jean an illustrated manuscript of Froissart'sChroniques (Paris, BN fr 2663-2664).353

It is no surprise therefore that their two manuscripts of the Miroirhave a common source - or are copies of one another. Indeed, as will bediscussed in the next chapter, the two manuscripts show a direct textualrelationship with N1-3. They also look very similar: each containing 7volumes divided into the same way, written about the same time onpaper over 1 column in a modest cursiva, and made for a Breton family,with their coats of arms as the only illustration.

*°*°*°*

353 - Dupic 1935 p. 161, and Pl. LIX.

114 Part III chapter 2 - Manuscripts of the Miroir historial: Text

Chapter 2: GROUPING OF THE MANUSCRIPTS BOOKS 1-8: TEXT

In this chapter an attempt will be made to classify the first volumesof the Miroir historial on the basis of their textual content, in order tofind an answer to the question: was A1 an exemplar for latermanuscripts or did other manuscripts like J1 set the tradition?

2.1. General Remarks

The genesis and manuscript tradition of the French translation of theSpeculum historiale is as complex as the genesis of the original Latintext. The reconstruction of the transmission of the French text is themore intricate, since few manuscripts from the time of origin havesurvived, and the last eight books exist only in late 14th century copies.Moreover, by varying the amount of books per volume, changes weremade in the text. This makes it difficult to discern whether certainversions date as far back as Jean de Vignay's time.

It would lead too far to make a stemma of all the manuscripts of theMiroir, books 1-32. First, they contain an enormous quantity of text.Even the latin manuscripts of Vincent's text as a whole (preserved inmore than 240 manuscripts) are only now being studied in detailbecause of that amount of words354. A critical edition of the Speculumhistoriale is still far from being undertaken.355 Therefore, to stay withinthe boundaries of the Miroir historial of the Leiden University Library,only the first 8 books of the Miroir will be studied here356. As nomanuscript of books 9-16 survives without the first 8 books (with,perhaps, the exception of EP2), the conclusions drawn may to a certaindegree be applied to books 9-16.

Secondly, an art historian should be reluctant to reach beyond hisdiscipline. Yet, as it is not forbidden to look at text and search forsimilarities, one can safely attempt to classify the manuscripts in rough

354 - Voorbij thesis, in preparation; - Duchenne Guzman & Voorbij 1987, forthcoming.355 - B.L. Ullman, A Project for a New Edition of Vincent of Beauvais, in: Speculum 8(1933), pp. 312-316; - J.A. Weisheipl, Is a Critical Editon of the Speculum maiuspossible? in: Vincent of Beauvais Newsletter III (1978), pp. 5-6.356 G.E. Snavely, The Æsopic Fables in the Mireoir of Jehan de Vignay, (diss) Baltimore1908, gives a stemma , based on the Æsopic Fables in book 4, ch. 2-8 without anexplanation. Since he does not know of B1, L and DL, and dates both C1 and G1 wronglyafter 1455, it seems worthwile to try for a new version.

Part III chapter 2 - Manuscripts of the Miroir historial: Text 115

order on the basis of the text, and later compare these results with one'sresearch in the iconography of the illustrations.

Before turning to the text itself however, one should become awareof a more general facet of the manuscripts that had a serious impact ontheir contents and tradition: the division of the 32 books among more orless equal volumes.

*°*°*°*

2.2. The Division into Volumes

A few words have to be said about the subdivision into volumes ofthe manuscripts of the Miroir historial. Originally the text, following themost common version of the Speculum historiale (the so-called Douai-version),357 was set up into four volumes. Each of these contained eightbooks: books 1-8, 9-16, 17-24 and 25-32. The oldest manuscripts A1-2, J1,J3, C1,2,4, Or1,2,4 and P give proof of this. Because L too contains books1-8 it is likely that this manuscript was transcribed from a copy withstrong 14th century reminicenses. As in the Douai-version, eachvolume of the French translation was preceded by an alphabetical tableof contents of all the books in that volume. Jean de Vignay added aprologue to every volume, a large one at the beginning of the first, andshort ones with only a few lines at the beginnings of volumes 2, 3 and 4.For unknown reasons the short prologues and alphabetical tables areomitted in C1,2,4 and P.

When bookmanufacturers started dividing the 32 books anotherway, the alphabetical tables at the beginning became useless and werediscarded together with the short prologues heading books 9, 17 and 25.By the end of the 14th century the first changes are visible in T, which,comprising books 18-32, calls itself a third part. The lost first and secondvolumes of T probably were divided into books 1-9 and 10-17. G1-3 andGH, dating from the beginning of the 15th century, show this caesuraafter book 9 and 17, but adhere to the concept of four volumes: they aredivided into books 1-9, 10-17, 18-25 and 26-32. Because E and EP2-4 weremodelled on G1-4, they took over the same division. The lastilluminated Miroir written in France, N1-3, made a entirely newarrangement by dividing the 32 books into three equal volumes,containing books 1-11, 12-22 and 23-32 respectively. The unillustratedmanuscripts DL and TC are divided into seven volumes, in a lastattempt to reshape the vast text into a manageable size.

*°*°*°*

357 - Voorbij 1986, passim.


2.3. The Rubrics of J1 and the Corrections in A1

The manuscripts containing books 1-8 are relatively easy to arrangeinto two main groups on the basis of the text. In Part II an attempt wasmade to compare the two oldest surviving manuscripts A1 and J1,written immediately after the completion of the translation by Jean deVignay, i.e. the year or years following 1332. As demonstrated there, theydiffer both iconographically and textually.

With regard to the text, we have encountered two main sources ofdifference:

a) the additions and alterations made by the Corrector in A1 do notoccur in J1, and

b) in order to avoid empty spaces the headings in J1 occasionally havebeen expanded beyond proportion and differ to a great extent from theLatin version - and from A1.

The differences referred to in a) and b) will be compared below withthe other manuscripts containing books 1-8, with the intention toclassify these manuscripts into two or more groups. The main questionstill is, to what extent they depend on A1. Finally, we wil check theresult with a story in book 2, chapters 117-123. This should help us tofind out whether the classification based on a) and b) is tenable and, if so,whether it is liable to refinement. Chapter 2.4 elaborates on this test.

Ad a)One of the most obvious dissimilarities of type a) occurs in Book 6

chapter XIX of the Miroir historial (A1 f 192v, J1 ff. 220v-221). This is aunillustrated chapter on the size of the earth, the rise of the sun, thelength of shadows as the sun sets and other astrological mensurations.A1 gives the reader a full account of the observations made (a faithfultranslation of the Latin Douai-version), whereas J1 only sums up briefly.The text is given in Part II, chapter 3.

When comparing these two versions of A1 and J1 with the othermanuscripts containing Book 6, there is no doubt which text served as amodel: all manuscripts reveal a direct relation with J1 and not withA1.358

This in itself does not yet prove that J1 served as the model for latermanuscripts; it only shows that the other manuscripts were not basedon A1. The conclusion thus is: A1 - and therefore A2 as well - areisolated from the rest due to the additions and corrections made by theCorrector.

358 B1 f. 135r; C1 f. 150v; Or1 f. 197v; G1 f. 183v; N1 f. 145v:; L vol 2 f.; E1 vol 2 f. 7v; DL f.44r; TC f. 217v-218r.


Ad b)Rubrics in manuscripts are at times altered by scribes as they, like

headlines in today's newspapers, are additions to the main text. In casethe lay-out necessitates a shorter or more elaborate version, the scribehas to adjust their length. The author is not responsable anyway for thechanges made by scribes with a view to the lay-out.359

The differences between A1 and J1 under category b) can be foundanywhere in J1 where a gap between text and (two column-) miniaturewas considered uncomely by the scribe writing the rubrics. There hefilled the space with a text in red ink amounting to a summary of thefollowing chapter. A good example is to be seen at the beginning ofchapter XX of the same book 6.

This kind of variation is significant, since it proves that the extensiverubrics were made especially for J1 and were not copied from an earliermodel, the rough text. The lay-out of J1 dictated the tradition. If the latermanuscripts contain similar rubrics, the direct relation with J1 is clear.

The two distinct versions of the rubric of book 6, chapter XX are thefollowing:

Rubric of A1 f. 192v in margine [Pl. 24]: " xx De branno duc desfrancois. Comment il seurmonta les macedoniens"

Rubric of J1 f. 220v [Pl. 25]:" De brenno duc des galliens comment ilseurmonta les macedoniens et les delphiens. Et comment il desroba parsa cruaute les temples des diex. Et comment les pierres acoururent de caet dela au temple des delphiens et sassistrent lune sus lautre et firentmur par la volonte des diex. Sanz mainz dome. par quoi la cite et letemple furent garantis encontre leur anemis. xx"

A comparison of these two rubrics with those of the othermanuscripts produces a result similar to the comparison of thecorrections under a).360 A few deviations occur however: themanuscripts derive directly from J1 but with the exception of Or1 and L,whereas C1 has a shortened version of J1's rubric.361

Or1 and L depend on neither A1 nor J1, but are a faithful translationof the original Latin text:362

Or1 f. 197v and L vol 2 f.: "Ci dit de brenno duc des galliens commentil seurmonta les macedoniens et les delphiens"" .

359 In this respect we cannot agree with Gossman, who assumes "that these indications(i.e. the rubrics in C1) belong to the reception-pattern programmed by the author, andthat they are not, at least not in all cases, due to scribal editing" (Gossman p. 88 and note14).360 B1 f. 135r; C1 f. 150v; Or1 f. 197v; G1 f. 183v; N1 f. 145v:; L vol 2 f.; E1 vol 2 f. 7v; DL1f. 44r; TC1 f. 218r.361 C1 f. 150v: "De bremo et des galiens et comment il seurmonta les macedoniens et lesdelphiens et comment il desroba par sa caulte les temples des diex et comment il ediffiales pierres si acoururent de ca et de la lune sur lautre et fut fait un mur xx".362 Vincent Douai 1624 Lib. 5 cap. XIX (p. 142): "De Brenno gallorum duce, qualiterMacedones & Delphos superavit."


We may therefore conclude that the manuscripts containing the first8 books of the Miroir, can be divided into three groups: first A1, with nooffshoot at all; second Or1 and L, following neither A1 in the correctionsnor J1 in the rubrics; and third J1 with all the other extant manuscriptsfollowing in its wake. In other words, J1 has definitely been the modelfor all but three of the extant manuscripts of the Miroir historial.

*°*°*°*

2.4. Other Evidence: Examples from the Story of Joseph and Aseneth

To define these three groups in a more specific way, we will nowfocus on the text of book 2, chapters 117-123, containing the story of thePatriarch Joseph and his bride-to-be, the Egyptian belle Aseneth. Wechoose this text - which, to be exact, starts at chapter 118 - because it wasnot well known, neither to the world of Vincent of Beauvais nor to Jeande Vignay and his clientele. Incorporation of the story in the SpeculumHistoriale has led to the inception of a pictorial tradition of the Josephand Aseneth narrative in Western Europe. Hence it will be taken as anexample in our next chapter on iconography.

The chapter previous to the Aseneth story (chapter 117), i.e. thechapter on the young Joseph being put into a well by his enviousbrothers - so familiar to us as a biblical narrative- is included here fortwo reasons. First, as we shall see, some scribes have made significantmistakes in copying this story in some of the later manuscripts, andsecondly, it is useful to see how such a well-known episode fromJoseph's life can lead to different scenes and interpretations.

The text, according to A1 ff. 59v-62r can be found in Appendix E,whereas the text from J1 was published by Moland and d'Hériacault in1858.363 Collating the text of A1 to the latest copy we know of, E, wenoticed a peculiar sort of mistake, easily made by a scribe who faces thetranscription of such an extensive text: when a specific word occurstwice within a short distance, the scribe tends to omit the words inbetween. German scholars gently call this the "Augensprung". This sortof omission can be found thrice in the latest manuscript, E:364

1) line 7-9, whilst A1 reads: il le despoillerent sa cote et le mistrent enune cisterne. Et puis se conseillerent que il enferoient et le mistrent horsde la cisterne. et le vendirent aus ysmaelitiens &c.

E reads: il le despoillerent sa cote et le mistrent en une cisterne. et levendirent aus ysmaelitiens . The scribe of E here omits the line betweenthe words cisterne.

363 Moland & d'Héricault 1858 pp. xiv-xvi, 3-12.364 The line numbering refers to Appendix E.


2) line 18-21, whilst A1 reads: et le prince de la chevallerie comme ditjosephus estoir puthifar. Et avoit femme et enfanz car Joseph espouse safille. et ne fu pas celi puthifar qui fu dit des petiz enfanz que le roy faisoitchastrer.

E reads: et le prince de la chevalerie estoit puciphar qui fut ditermuchus le roy qui chastroit les petiz enfanz. The scribe of E hereomits the line between the words puciphar, which reverses the meaningof the sentence. On the other hand, the scribe of A1 omits the wordernuchus , thus making the sentence, already messed up by Jean deVignay, even more incomprehensible and forcing us to look at the Latintext to understand the original meaning.365

3) line 49-51,whilst A1 reads:et les parois estoient de pieres precieusesasises en laz dor. et la couverture doree. et la estoient les diex desegyptiens dor et dargent les quiex assenech aouroit et leur sacrefioitchascun iour..

E reads: et les parois estoient de pierres precieuses asises en laz dor etdargent les quiex asseneth aouroit et leur sacrefioit chascun jour. Thescribe of E here omits the line between the words dor. Since Aseneth'sworshipping the golden and silver statues of her Egyptian gods plays avital part in the whole story, an essential clue is withheld from thereader.

Looking at the other manuscripts containing books 1-8, it becomesclear that it is not the scribe of E who made this particular error:omission 2) is already apparent in J1. Omission 3) appears in a later stageof the text transmission through C1. Omission 1) comes into the textthrough G1. Omission 1) is of particular interest, since in J1 the wordcisterne occurs twice at the beginning of a line (f. 73ra lines 8 and 9). It islikely this coincidence provoked the Augensprung, which, en passant,evidences that J1 was used as an exemplar at least twice.

The same mistake or Augensprung, but at a different place, wasmade by the scribe of N1 (or its predecessor), copying line 8 and 9. Histext on f 48v reads thus: ils le despouillerent sa cote et le mistrent horsde la cisterne et le vendirent aux ysmaeliciens. Here the omission occursbetween the words mistrent. It is clear the text was copied from acomplete sentence - hence the word hors - , but this new omissionobscures the story in such a way, that the illustrator of N1 had to inventa new scene (see next chapter).

When drawing all manuscripts into this textual relationship, a schememay clarify the situation. The order of the manuscript given below ispartly chronological, partly textual. The numbers 1), 2) and 3) refer to the

365 Nunc Josephus vocat Putefrem, sed Hieronymus non bene translatum nomen asserit.Hic habuit uxorem et liberos, quia & Joseph filiam ipsius duxit uxorem; nec de eunuchisregis fuit, qui paruuli castrabantur. (Vincent Douai 1624 p.). Vincent copied this passagefrom Comestor's Historia scholastica (MPL 198 col. 1126D)


examples given above; a + means the sentence is right, a - means thatwords have been omitted. X stands for the Augensprung as found inN1:

Example: 1) 2) 3)

A1 + + + - ernuchusOr1 + + + - "L + + + - "

J1 + - + + "B1 + - + + "C1 + - - + "

G1 - - - + "E - - - + "

N1 X - + + "TC1 X - + + "DL1 X - + + "

This scheme evinces that:A1, Or1 and L are the only manuscripts with the complete sentences

of examples 1), 2) and 3), and are the only ones missing the wordernuchus. In this way they are linked together

J1 and B1 do have 1) and 3), but lack 2). We already knew they belongto the same group.

N1, TC1 and DL1 derive from a copy with 1) and 3), but have their'own' error in 1).

C1, a carelessly written copy over all, has only got 1). This makes clearthat N1 and C1 are independent from one another, but are bothderivative from the group of J1,

G1 and E have the same text, lacking 1), 2) and 3), which leads to theconclusion that E was copied from G1 or from a very similarmanuscript.366

What finally remains to be sorted out is the relation between A1, Or1and L. Below some other passages in chapters 117-123 have been takenwhere A1 differs from J1 and these have been compared with the text inOr1 and L:

line 26 line 54 line 145A1: evesque delyopolis et fut garnisons asseneth ..tient a dire na oir

366 The printed version published by Vérard in 1495 is not included in this study.Nonetheless we looked at Vérard's text with regard to omissions 1) 2) and 3), and found apattern similar to J1/B1.


Or1: evesque delyopolis et fut garnisons asseneth ..tient a dire na oireL evesque deleopoleos et fu garnisons asseneth ..tient a dire ne a oireJ1 evesque et fut celiers asseneth ..tient na oir

line 39 line 182A1 dargirie en egypte la cite paradis.Et lange dist AusiOr dargirie en egypte la cite paradis.Et lange dist AusiL dargirie en egipte la cite paradis. Et lange dist AussiJ1 dargirie la cite paradis.Ausi

The above examples suggest Or1 and L depend on A1 rather than onJ1. The two manuscripts, however, have had their own source divergingfrom both A1 and J1, as may be demonstrated by the following:

line 7 line 65 lineA1 fu envoie a les arbres planctez pourpensa ce eleOr1 fu venu et envoie a les arbres qui estoient plantez pourpensa et dist ce eleL fu venu et envoie a les arbres qui estoient plantez pourpensa et dist ce eleJ1 fu envoie a les arbres plantez pourpensa ce ele

Only one example connects Or1 and L with J1 rather than with A1:

line 178A1 merueilles comme iacinthesOr1 vermeilles comme iacinthesL vermeilles comme iacinthesJ1 vermeilles comme iacinthes

which is obviously a slip of the pen, made by the scribe of A1.

In all these examples of A1 differing from J1, the Corrector isresponsible for the discrepancy. Since both Or1 and L follow thesecorrections only incidentally, we must admit that, apart from the un-corrected version (J1) and the corrected version (A1) there is at least athird version (Or1 and L) that accords to a semi-corrected text. Thoughthese versions may not vary considerably, their mere presence makesthe genesis of Jean de Vignay's translation as intricate as its model, theLatin Speculum historiale.

One realizes that these conclusions are narrow-based, but to go anyfurther into the puzzles of text transmission would be beyond the scopeof this study. All we need to know is the extent to which the text of A1served as an exemplar for the later manuscripts. It is now clear that itdid in no way.

Combining these results with those of chapter 2.3, we may, in short,resume that:

Or1 and L are both transcribed from a manuscript related to acommon source of J1 and A1, but neither Or1 nor L have been copied


-directly or indirectly - from A1. It confirms all previous suggestions thatA1, though closest to the Latin model, never has been used as anexemplar for any of the extant manuscripts. And:

J1 has been the model for the other manuscripts, of which B1 is avery close copy. G1 and E are directly related to each other. TC1 and DL1are copies from N1.

*°*°*°*

Part III chapter 3 - Manuscripts of the Miroir: Illustration 123

Chapter 3. COMPARISON OF THE MANUSCRIPTS, BOOKS 1-8:ILLUSTRATION

In Part III chapter 1, a descriptive catalogue was given of all volumescontaining parts of the text of the Miroir historial, with emphasis onprovenance and style. Chapter 2 focused on the text of the manuscripts, inorder to group them roughly and to investigate their possible dependence onA1. The following chapter will deal with the iconography of the illustrations.To study the illustrations of all the 32 books would be beyond the scope ofthis work, and therefore only the illustrations of the first 8 books are beingdiscussed below. Still, this involves over 1500 miniatures.

3.1. General Remarks

In order to get an idea about the quantity of the miniatures in all firstvolumes of the manuscripts of the Miroir historial, a list is given here withthe amount of miniatures in the prologue and in the first eight books.

- = no miniature(s); + = miniature(s) lost; Pr = prologue; Tot = total

Miniatures in:

Books: Pr 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Tot

A1 1 1 33 30 28 26 40 22 99 280J1 1 - 48 43 28 29 39 25 109 322B1 + 1 43 40 26 28 26 24 111 299C1 1 - 7 3 4 13 5 3 9 45Or1 1 1 42 26 23 17 17 19 47 193G1 1 1 27 17 4 12 7 1 55 125N1 1 1 37 18 6 9 13 14 25 124L 1 1 40 26 6 8 4 14 30 130E - 1 - 1 1 1 1 1 1 7_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _Tot 7 7 277 204 126 143 152 123 486 1525

124 Part III chapter 3 - Manuscripts of the Miroir: Illustration

The scheme is not final however, since we have to consider that both A1and B1 have been mutilated. A1 lacks twenty folios, many of which musthave been illuminated, and B1 is missing a similar amount.367

The two oldest manuscripts A1 and J1 contain a staggering number ofillustrations. We can only imagine the richness of both these manuscripts,each of which, if complete, would have been illustrated by over a thousandminiatures.368 B1, ordered by the next generation of the royal family, is asambitious in its design, whereas Louis d'Orléans some years later, thoughreducing the number of illustrations for his copy Or, still owned a lavishlyillustrated manuscript. C1, illustrated at the same time and sharing Or'sworkshop environment, was apparently commissioned by a more modestpatron.

The manuscripts of the 15th century can never compete for theabundance of the past. N1 is one of the most beautiful copies ever made,remarkable as it is for its quality of script, lay-out and illumination, but thequantity of illustrations is only half of that of A1, J1 or B1. The Flemishoffshoot, G1 and L, do have a similar amount of illustrations, but thescheme evidences these are dispersed about the books in a different way andillustrate different chapters, as a comparison between Farquhar's andWarner's lists quickly tells.369 E, though written in the direct neighbourhoodof B1 and G1, (and in fact, apparently copied from G1) and requested by theKing of England, stands for the most modest version, with illustrations at thebeginning of each book only.

The scheme also shows where most illustrations are to be found: that is inbook 2 (stories from Genesis) and book 8 (from the youth of Christ to thedeath of Emperor Gaius, including the Miracles of the Virgin). To explainthis with the miniaturist's and patron's familiarity with these stories seemspremature, since books 2 and 8 are also the most extensive. If that is takeninto account and one figures out the average number of illustrations in eachbook of every manuscript (i.e. the amount of folios divided by the amount ofillustrations), book 8 is still the most elaborate in A1, J1, B1, and G1; as is book2 in Or1, N1, and L; the only exception is C1 with the top amount ofillustrations in book 5.

No obvious rationale is available to explain why the Alexander story(book 5) is extensively illustrated in one manuscript (C1), while in the otherthe emphasis lies on the Miracles of the Virgin, book 8. One is tempted toascribe these dissimilarities to the personal tastes of those whocommissioned the manuscripts, but that would imply their constantsupervision and thorough knowledge of the text. We can only speculate thateither the book manufacturer or the miniaturist tried to make themanuscript as attractive as possible by meeting the supposed personal taste ofhis patron.

367 According to Philippe le Bon's inventory of 1420 the then first volume of the set with books1-13 contained 584 miniatures (Doutrepont 1906 Nos. 149-151), 564 of which have beenpreserved.368 In Jean de Berry's inventory of 1413 the three volumes extant at the time, J1-(2)-3 wereilluminated with 320, 513 and 92 histoires respectively; see Delisle 1907 II No. 202.369 - Farquhar 1976 pp. 150-154, and - Warner I 1920 pp. 227-231.


We have seen before, that the French version was ab initio set up as anillustrated encyclopaedia for the non-academic, that is to say members of theFrench upper class. This circumstance is in contrast to the Latin original (seePart I chapter 2), used by clergymen as a reference book, as a source forexamples of divine omnipresence, and thus divine interference in history.Illustration in the Latin text would have been contrary to tradition, and,moreover, unnecessary in a reference work.

Thus, no illustration-scheme was available which could serve as a directmodel for the French text of the Miroir historial as a whole. Where then thevarious illuminators drew their inspiration from? Did they depend heavilyon each other? And did the group of manuscripts following J1's text also copyits miniatures?

*°*°*°*

In a previous chapter of Part II we took a closer look at the illustrations ofA1 and J1. Iconographically they appear not to have had a common source,except for the presentation-miniature on the first folio, which is based on theheading of the prologue of A1. The presentation-miniature will be discussedin Part IV.

In order to compare the illustrations of all the manuscripts of the Miroirhistorial, a characteristic cycle of miniatures has to be selected from the manyfeaturing in the Miroir. Without thus limiting the focus of attention theresearch involved would be endless and would not necessarily yield a cleareroutcome. Our aim is to determine whether the extant witnesses are in factpartial redactions within a single iconographic recension. And if so, to deductfrom their testimony the sharpest possible outline of their hypotheticalprototype.

This cycle should not be as common as the cycles of the Creation in book 2or that of Christ's Life in book 8, elaborate though they are in manymanuscripts of the Miroir. Even the comprehensive cycle of Alexander andthe miniatures illustrating the Fables of Aesop would be inappropriate, asthey are too well-known outside the Miroir historial. If we want to grasp theinnovative qualities of the miniaturist, we need an unknown narrative. Forthis purpose, the Joseph and Aseneth story seems ideally suited.

3.2. The Joseph and Aseneth Story

3.2.1 Text

One of the most novel cycles in the Miroir historial is the relatively shortstory about the Patriarch Joseph and his Egyptian bride Aseneth, or Asnath(book 2 chapter CXVIII-CXXIV). Vincent's main source, apart from his usualones like Petrus Comestor's Historia scholastica, was the Confessio et Oratio


Asenath found in Helinand of Froidmont's Chronicon.370 A story practicallyunknown at that time to the Western world, it was copied and epitomized byHelinand probably from a late 12th century manuscript at the abbey of StVictor in Paris (now Paris BN lat. 14656).371 According to Burchard ahellenistic Jewish narration, with perhaps some Christian interpolations, ofthe first or second century AD,372 it sought to clarify why Joseph - accordingto Genesis - married the daughter of a heathen priest and still could be aJewish patriarch and the ancestor of Jewish tribes. Other Jewish sourcessought different explanations, such as Aseneth being the illegitimatedaughter of Dinah, Jacob's daughter by Leah. Turned out by Jacob, a platewith the name of God tied around her neck, she is carried by the archangelMichael to the house of Potiphar.373 The famous Early Christian ViennaGenesis probably illustrates this event on f. 16v.374 Vincent was no scholarwith a specific interest in Jewish exegesis,375 but as a compilator with a keeneye for detail, he valued Helinand's text and included the novella, nearlyunaltered, in his encyclopaedia.

370 Helinand of Froidmont, Chronicon, book 7: tempora Joseph et apis et mesapi (London, BLCotton MS Claud. B IX ff. 88va-90ra). I am most grateful to Hans Voorbij, University ofGroningen, for giving me Vincent's source. Until now, it was Vincent who was thought to haveabridged the story of Joseph and Aseneth. See - J.B. Voorbij, The Legend of Guntram inHelinand of Froidmont's Chronicon, in: Non Nova, Sed Nove. Mélanges de civilisationmédiévale dédiés à Willem Noomen (ed. M. Gosman et J. van Os), Groningen 1984(Mediaevalia Groningana 5), p. 268 and note 12; - Burchard 1987 p. 601 n 85a. On Helinand see:- M. Paulmier-Foucart, Hélinand de Froidmont. Pour éclairer les 18 premiers livres inédits desa chronique. Edition des titres des chapitres et des notations marginales d'après le ms. duVatican, Reg.lat. 535, in: Spicae. Cahiers de l'Atelier Vincent de Beauvais 4 (1986), pp.81-254.The first 18 books of the Chronicon are awaiting publication (E.R. Smits & J.B. Voorbij), books19-44 are presumably lost, books 45-49 have been published in MPL 212, cols. 771-1082.371 - Voorbij 1984 p. 268; - Burchard 1987 p. 601 n 85a. The 'Confessio et Oratio Asenath', ofwhich Vincent's text is an epitome, was first published by P. Battifol, in Studia PatristicaFasc. i,ii, Paris 1890. The text was later translated in English by E.W. Brooks, Joseph andAsenath. The Confession and Prayer of Asenath Daughter of Pentephres the Priest,London/New York 1918. (Translations of Early Documents Series II Hellenistic-Jewish Texts).The latest annotated translation in English, together with a punctual bibliography is given byChr. Burchard, Joseph and Aseneth, in: The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. J.H.Charlesworth, II, New York 1985, pp. 177-247. The Latin text as it appears in the Speculumhistoriale, book 1, cap. cxvii-cxxiv recently has been published by Ch. Burchard: Burchard1987 pp. 593-660 (with extensive bibliography). The French translation by Jean de Vignay as itappears in J1 was published by L. Moland & Ch. d'Héricault, Nouvelles françoises en prose duXIVe siècle publiés d'après les manuscrits, Paris 1858, pp. xv-xvi and 3-12. For clarity's andcomparison's sake, and because Moland & d'Héricault's book is not widely available, Jean deVignay's translation is given in this study, Appendix E, according to A1 ff. 59v-62v.372 - Burchard 1985 p. 187.373 - J. Perles, La légende d'Asnath fille de Dina et femme de Joseph, in: Revue des étudesjuives 22 (janv-juin 1891), pp. 87-92; - V. Aptowitzer, Aserlath, the Wife of Joseph, in: HebrewUnion College Annual I (1924), pp. 239-306, esp. pp. 243-256; - L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews,vol II, Philadelphia 1910, p. 38, and vol V, Philadelphia 1925, p. 337; - Burchard 1987 pp. 578-581 (with bibliography).374 - M. Levin, Some Jewish Sources for the Vienna Genesis, in: AB 54 (1972), pp. 241-244.375 - J. Guttman, Die Beziehungen des Vincent de Beauvais zum Judentum, in: Monatschrift fürGeschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums 39 (1895), pp. 207-221, especially p. 212.


We have seen in a previous chapter that the miniatures of the Frenchtranslation of Vincent's encyclopedia could not depend on the Latinmanuscripts, which are un-illustrated except for a few historiated initials.The two surviving manuscripts of the Chronicon (Rome, Vat.Reg.lat. 535and London, BL Cotton Claud. B IX), are devoid of illustration and we mayassume that the Chronicon by nature, like the Speculum historiale, wasmeant to be without illustrations. Other manuscripts containing the Latinversion of the Confessio et Oratio Asenath are not illustrated either,376

whereas the story does not occur in contemporary commentaries on theBible, like the Glossa ordinaria,377 and the Aurora by Petrus Riga.378

So it seems fair to suggest the French Miroir historial contains the firstoccidental cycle of illuminations of the story of Joseph and Aseneth.Illustrated Byzantine or even Jewish manuscripts may have been around inParis at the time, and attempts have been made to see a Middle Byzantineprototype behind the Miroir' s cycle,379 but to discover such a source wouldhave taken the illustrator more time than reading the text and acting uponthat knowledge. In Part II it was made clear that the illuminator of A1 usedhis own creativity on many occasions. He probably did so too in this instance.An even more significant example of illuminator's creativity can be found inN1. There the illuminator did adjust his picture to the specific redaction ofhis text, which in his case was copied faultily by the scribe who omitted animportant line.

The story of Joseph and Aseneth was long unknown to both royalclientele and bookmanufacturers, and never became popular in WesternEurope.380 This implies the relationship of the illustration to De Vignay'stext must have been a very close one. The illustrator apparently did not haveaccess to other iconographic sources.

Vincent of Beauvais relates in book 1, cap. CXVIII-CXXIII (book 1 in theDouai-edition, book 2 in most manuscripts), how Joseph, sold by his brothersto Egypt and now the viceroy of that country, availed himself of theopportunity to visit his old master Potiphar. The Bible does not mention this

376 - Burchard 1987 pp. 566-567 discusses Greek illustrated manuscripts of a much later periodonly.377 - MPL 113 (1879); 114 (1879).378 P.E. Deichner, Aurora Petri Rigae Biblia versificata. A verse commentary on the Bible, 2vols, Notre Dame (Ind.) 1965.379 - Vikan SBLS 1976 p198 n 52; - G. Vikan, Vincent of Beauvais' Speculum historiale and theRomance of Joseph and Aseneth, unpublished paper delivered at the Twelfth Conference onMedieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Michigan, May 1977. I thank the author for sending me hispaper; - see Vikan Diss 1976 pp. 46-215 for a full discription of the miniatures in the threemanuscripts in question: Virginia Beech, Greeley Coll, cod M (McKell); Oxford, Bodl. Libr. Roe5, and Mount Athos, Koutloumousi cod. 100; - also J & O Pächt, Un unknown Cycle ofIllustrations of the Life of Joseph, in: Cahiers archéologiques VII (1954), pp. 36-49, Pls. XII-XVI.380 Lexica on chritian art rarely mention her; if so, she is to be found under the entry of Joseph.The most recent is: Kl. Wessel, Joseph, in: Reallexicon zur Byzantinischen Kunst (ed. Kl.Wessel & M. Restle), vol III, Stuttgart 1978. cols 655-665. Aseneth is mentioned in col. 660.Jewish encyclopedie, such as The Jewish Encyclopedia II, New York/London 1902, 1909, pp.172-176, and Encyclopaedia Judaica vol 3, Jerusalem 1971, col 693, and vol 10, Jerusalem 1971,cols 202-217, however, give her full credit.


visit, but reports at a later stage the marriage of Joseph to Asenath, thedaughter of Poti-phera, Priest of On or Heliopolis (Genesis 41:45 and 41:50).Vincent - literally copying Comestor at this point381- identifies in Chapter 117this Potiphera with Joseph's first Egyptian master Potiphar, thus marryingJoseph to the daughter of his previous temptress. But before this event cantake place, Aseneth must be converted from a worshipper of heathen idols toa pious wife, worthy of a Jewish Patriarch.

The story continues in a second part with the attempted kidnapping ofAseneth by the Pharaoh's son, blinded by his love for this beautiful womanespoused to his adopted brother. This part is omitted here as its illustrationsdo not enhance our understanding of the way the first part was illustrated.On the other hand the chapter preceding the Joseph and Aseneth story -Joseph sold by his brothers - will be looked into as well, since it isworthwhile seeing how miniaturists acted upon an abbreviated story theyknew so well from the Bible.

For purposes of comparison, a short account is given of the contents ofthe chapters CXVII-CXXIII, followed by a brief description of the miniaturesof the several extant manuscripts containing book 2.

3.2.2. Illustrations

Caput CXVII De venditione Joseph, et liberatione, et de carcere

This well-known chapter from the Bible (Genesis 37) relates how Jacob'sfavourite son Joseph is thrown into an empty pit by his ten envious half-brothers and they, though first out to kill him, later sell him to twomerchants on their way to Egypt. To cover up their crime, they smear hismulti-coloured coat with kid's blood and feign to their father that Josephmust have been killed in the fields by an evil beast. Vincent here omits thedetail of the stained coat. The story is followed by a summary of the story ofJuda and Thamar plus Joseph's adventures in jail, and how he is finallyreleased by explaining the foretelling dreams of the Egyptian pharao.

A1, f. 59v [Pl. 89]: Cxvii Comment joseph fu vendu et delivre de chartre.On L the ten brothers put the little Joseph into a well; one of them shows his blood-stained

coat to Jacob at the far L; in the middle Joseph is taken out of the well by a brother who holdsout his hand to receive a bag of money from two Ishmaelites standing on R with two horses.

J1 f. 72v [Pl. 90]: Comment ioseph fu venduz et delivrez de chartre par les marcheanz qui lenporterent en egypte. cxviij

Joseph, in the middle, is being thrown into a stone cistern by eleven brothers: five arestanding on L, six are standing on R

381 - P. Comestor, Historia scholastica, in: MPL 198 (1855), col 1126D, cap. LXXXVIII: hic(Potiphar) habuit uxorem, et liberos, quia et Joseph filiam ipsius duxit uxorem; he gives thesame evidence in cols 1130B-C, cap XCII: Et (Pharaoh)dedit ei (Joseph) Asseneth, filiamPutiphar, domini sui, virginem.


B1 f. 41v [Pl. 91]: Comment ioseph fu venduz et delivrez de chartre par les marcheans quilen porterent en egypte. cxviij

Joseph's brothers on L deliver him to two merchants, who approach from R leading theirhorses, and hand over a bag of money as payment.382

C1 f. 47r: Comment Joseph fut vendu et puis fut delivre par marchans CxvijNot illustatedOr1 f. 65v [Pl. 92]: Coment joseph fut vendu et delivre de chartre cxvij.A man (the Pharaoh) is sitting on a chair on L. Joseph is standing before him on R, followed

by two men, one of them holding a sword. A tower on the far R.G1 f. 61v [Pl. 93]: Comment joseph fu vendu et delivre de chartre par les marchans qui

lemporterent en egipte cxviij.A group of Joseph's brothers stand at the foot of a slope on L. On the foreground is another

brother negotiating with two men on R. Joseph is seen centre background; he is standing up tohis shoulders in a rectangular hole in the ground.

N1 f. xlvii verso: Comme joseph fu vendu et delivre de chartre par les marchans quilemporterent en egypte.

F. xlviij recto [Pl. 94]: In a hilly landscape with a walled city on the background is littleJoseph standing on a hilltop, wearing a purple mantle and watching the sun and the moon. Inthe middle on L his brothers pull out of (or put into) a stone cistern Joseph's blood-stainedpurple coat. Below on L stands Joseph again, wearing his purple coat, being taken by threemerchants. One of them is handing over a bag of money to one of the brothers. Below on R,coming from behind a rock, are three more merchants, driving their camels.

The second part of the story is illustrated two chapters further on in the manuscript:N1 f. xlviij verso [Pl. 95]: Comment Joseph reprint asseneth de adourer les ydolles vixx.Four different scenes are illustrated here in a three-dimensional space. Behind a building,

occupying the width of the miniature, Joseph is being sold to Potiphar by three Ishmaelitesholding their camels: one of the merchants holds up a hand and points with the other at thekneeling Joseph, who is beardless, and dressed in purple. Potiphar makes a gesture of givingmoney to the merchant and takes Joseph by the hand. On the first floor of the building on LJoseph flees from Potiphar's wife. On the foreground Potiphar's wife, her hair loose, makesher explanation to Potiphar on L. Joseph is led to jail by two men on R. Behind prison bars onthe far R two men (the butler and the baker?) watch the event.

L f. 78v [Pl. 96]: Comment Joseph fut vendu et delivre de chartre si com[m]e vous trouverezcy apres. C.xvij.

Joseph is put into prison. He descends steps under an archway on R. Three armed menbehind him on L.383

E f. 68v: Coment joseph fut vendu et delivre de chartre par les marchans qui lemporterent enegipte. c.xviije ch.

Not illustrated.

Different episodes from this chapter have been used for as manyillustrations. A1 covers the beginning of the story with four different scenes,one of which (the brothers showing Joseph's coat to Jacob) does not occur inthe text [Pl. 89]. J1 simply illustrates Joseph being thrown into the stonecistern by his brothers without many details [Pl. 90]. The artist has workedaccording to a routine pattern we have seen in other manuscripts illustratedby this workshop [Pls. 64, 65]. G1 and B1 emphasize the next event, thebrothers selling Joseph to the Ishmaelites [Pls. 91, 93]. Or1 visualizes the lastsentences of the chapter, Joseph foretelling Pharaoh's dreams, whilst L

382 The descriptions from B1 are taken from Cockerell in: Millar II 1930, pp. 156-212.383 Except for this miniature, the descriptions of L are taken from Warner I 1920 pp. 226-231.Warner (and Von Euw) here make Joseph enter a cistern house, which to our opinion is highlyunlikely, regarded the armed men behind him.


illustrates the moment Joseph is put into prison [Pls. 92, 96]. N1 (firstminiature) like A1, shows some events from the first paragraph of thechapter, but they differ from A1 in their contents, e.g. sun and moonsubmitting to young Joseph [Pl. 94]. The only similarity in the total ofillustrations of this chapter lies in the two horses on the right of theminiature in A1: these also occur in exactly the same way in B1.

We can only conclude, that, while most manuscripts depend on J1 for thetext, they do not here for the iconography. It seems that miniaturists actedmore or less on their own initiative, unless we might suppose they had other(now lost) manuscripts at their disposal.

A few scenes from N1 out of the large range already explain how theminiaturist organized his work and where he got his inspiration from. Onescene of N1 in particular is telling [Pl. 94]. In the centre of the picture thebrothers throw Joseph's purple coat into the well, - or take the coat out of it.In either direction the scene is most peculiar; we dare speak of a uniquescene. We all know it was Joseph who was put into the well and, evidently,without his multi-coloured coat; certainly not the coat without Joseph. Whatmight have led the miniaturist to dream up this entirely new story?

An error made by the scribe might supply us with the clue to solve theproblem. Where the text in A1 (the most complete version at this point)reads: Et une fois que il fu envoie a ses freres il le despoillerent sa cote et lemistrent en une cisterne. Et puis se conseillerent que il enferoient et lemistrent hors de la cisterne. et le vendirent aus ysmaeliciens,

the scribe of N1 (or his model) has omitted the line between the wordsmistrent :

-Et une fois que il fu envoie a ses freres. il le despouillerent sa cote et lemistrent hors de la cisterne et le vendirent aux ysmaeliciens.

The essential line about Joseph being put into the well is missing. Theminiaturist, who either ignored the Bible story or was not familiar with it,acted upon these lines and interpreted them in his own way, keeping Josephout of the well and hiding the coat. Though this may lead us to think that theminiaturist acted only and directly upon the text in front of him, he twicegives proof of the reverse as well.

First, in the background of the picture we see young Joseph standing on ahilltop, watching the sun, moon and stars making obeisance to him. Vincentabbreviated and altered this passage from the Bible by summarily relatingthat Joseph was envied by his brother because of his foretelling dreams.384

Nevertheless, the miniaturist showed his knowledge of the Bible story byvisualizing Joseph's dreams. This can be seen again in the second miniaturethat illustrates the story of Potiphar's wicked wife in full glory withoutVincent mentioning its details.

The same can be said en passant about the miniaturist of A1, who addedthe story of the blood-stained coat handed over to Jacob in the far left corner[Pl. 89]. This detail too was left out by Vincent, who epitomized Helinand atthis point.

384 Vincent Douai 1624 p.: invidiam & odium fratrum incurrit propter familiarem erga sepatris dilectionem & propter somniorum narrationem. Jean de Vignay, who was not very brightat this point, translated it as if Joseph foretold his father's dreams.


Second, the illuminator of N1 illustrated the rest of this chapter at thebeginning of chapter CXIX, that is two chapters further on. Illustrations in thewrong place suggest the illustrator copied from another manuscript withoutthinking, especially when this error is carried along through the followingchapters as it is here. This would mean the illustrator did not read the text, atleast not when painting the second and following miniatures. He followed alist of pre-existing drawings for whole miniatures and mixed them up. Hemight also have followed instructions or sketches in the margins, supposingsuch signs were left for him by the bookdesigner or scribe. No clues are left inthe manuscript, however, indicating how the illustrations had to be set up.

In short, the only explanation we have reason to give credence to, is theidea that the illuminator of N1, though with ready patterns at hand to choosefrom, at the same time tapped his own knowledge and imagination.

Caput CXVIII De sublimatione eius, et arrogantia Aseneth.

One day Joseph, sent by Pharaoh to collect corn from all over the country,announces his intention to paying Potiphar a visit in his sanctuaryHeliopolis. Potiphar has a beautiful daughter, whom he would like to marryto Joseph. And it is here that we first meet Aseneth, Asenath or Asseneth.She herself "was in all things like the daughters of the Jews, being tall asSarah, comely as Rebecca and beautiful as Rachel",385 not wanting to know ofany man - perhaps with the exception of a beautiful prince. Together withher seven maidens she has taken refuge into a huge tower, the top of whichconsists of ten rooms, three for Aseneth and seven for her servants. In thefirst room Aseneth keeps countless golden and silver idols she worshipsevery day. Aseneths bedroom, full of precious fabrics and gold-wovenclothes, has three windows: the biggest one facing east, the second one facingsouth, and the thirdvers aquilon, which is north. The third room isAseneth's storeroom, containing 'all the good things of the earth'.

This chapter is not illustrated in any of the present manuscripts.

Caput CXIX Qualiter eam Joseph de idolatria arguit.

When Joseph's messenger makes his appearance at the gates of Heliopolisto herald his visit, Pothiphar rejoices with exceeding joy and declares toAseneth his intention of marrying her to Joseph. She bursts out in temper,interrupted by a messenger announcing Joseph's arrival. She quickly flees toher tower, but looking out of her window, she is struck by remorse. There isJoseph, sitting in a golden chariot, drawn by four snow-white horses, wearinga radiant white tunic under a splendid purple mantle, a golden crown withtwelve precious stones resting on his head. In his hand he is holding an

385 The English translation of the text is according to Burchard 1985. The French version byJean de Vignay is given in Appendix E.


olive branch bearing an abundance of fruit. This must be the son of Godhimself.

Joseph, welcomed with great consideration by Potiphar and his wife andhaving noticed Aseneth at the window, asks for her identity. Potipharhastens to tell him she is his virgin daughter, who has never seen a man nora male child. Joseph, a champion of virginity himself, agrees to meet her ashis sister, but when Aseneth is told by her father to kiss Joseph, he repels heras an idolater of mute and deaf statues rather than a worshipper of a livingGod.

A1 f. 60v [Pl. 97]: Cxix Comment joseph reprist assenech daourer les ydoles.Aseneth is looking out of the window of her tower on L, whilst Potiphar and his wife

receive the messenger of Joseph at the gates of the building. The messenger points at Joseph'sgolden chariot behind him, which is waiting on R. The chariot is drawn by four white horses.Joseph, beardless, sits on a golden sella curulis in the chariot. He wears a red mantle over awhite tunic; a golden crown rests on his hair and he holds a branch of olives in his right hand.

J1 f. 73v [Pl. 98]: Com[m]ent ioseph reprist asseneth de aourer les ydoles cxx .Joseph, beardless, is standing in the middle and points at a golden statue on a pedestal on

R. He looks at Aseneth, who is standing with her father on L.B1 f. 42r [Pl. 99]: Coment ioseph reprist asseneth de aourer les ydoles. Cxx.Joseph points to a golden idol (?Serapis) on a pedestal on R. Aseneth, followed from L by

her parents (Potiphar and his wife), listens to her condemnation.C1 f. 47v: Comment Joseph reprist asseneth de aourer les ydoles Cxix.Not illustrated.Or1 f. 66v [Pl. 100]: Ci devise lystoire com[m]ent ioseph rep[ri]st asseneth daourer les

ydoles Et com[m]ent il parla ali chiez son pere, et com[m]ent elle voult baisier ioseph p[ar] leco[m]mandement de son pere. et ioseph li refusa. Cxix.

Joseph's chariot, without horses, is waiting on L. Potiphar and his wife kneel beforeJoseph, who stands in the middle. Joseph is crowned and is waering a long mantle. He islooking at them, but points at the same time at the three-window tower on R, where Aseneth,standing at the left window, is throwing out two statues.

G1 f. 62v: Comment assenech fu reprise de joseph de aourer les ydoles. vjxx.Not illustrated.N1 f. xlviij verso a [Pl. 95]: Comment Joseph reprint asseneth de adourer les ydolles vixx.The miniature at this chapter in fact illustrates chapter CXVII (see above) It is the

miniature at the head of the following chapter that covers the story we are looking at now:N1 f. xlviij verso b: De la penitence Asseneth et de la consolation de lange et comment il

vint des cielz en la chambre Asseneth et parla a lui et la conforta doulcement vj xxi. F. xlix recto a [Pl. 101]: From L the golden chariot with Joseph is approaching. Aseneth is

watching him from the window of her tower on L, her hands up in a gesture of amazement.Joseph sits in his chariot under the cover holding a staff and a brach of olives in his hand; hewears a white tunic under a red mantle, a golden crown is on his head. The chariot is drawn byfour white horses and is led by a page to the R. Aseneth is depicted a second time, standingnext to the chariot and trying to kiss Joseph; he averts her and turns his head aside In themiddle, in front of their house, Potiphar and his wife stand ready to welcome him.

L f. 79r [Pl. 102]: Ci devise listore co[m]ment Joseph reprind assenech daourer les ydoles. Etcom[m]ent il parla a lui chiez son pere. Et comment elle voult baisier joseph par lecom[m]andement de son pere. Et Joseph lui refusa . Cxix

Aseneth sees Joseph from the window in her tower. He approaches from L in a carriagedrawn by four white horses with a postillion. Potiphar and his wife stand ready to welcomehim on R.

E f. 69v: Coment assenech fut reprise de Joseph de aourer les ydoles. vixx.Not illustrated.

This set of illustrations is more uniform than the previous one, possiblybecause the chapter is shorter and relates a simpler story. A1, N1 and L [Pls.


97, 101, 102] show the moment of Joseph's arrival at the gates of Heliopolis,whilst the illustrators of J1 and B1 have taken their inspiration from therubric, emphasizing the argument Joseph is having with Aseneth aboutidolatry [Pls. 98, 99]. It is Or1 that makes an exception [Pl. 100]. Or1 includes ascene which is related in the next chapter: how Aseneth throws her goldenidols out of her window. As Joseph points at Aseneth we may assume we seehis departure here rather than his arrival, though in the story Aseneththrows her stuatues out long after Joseph has left. The covered royal chariothas become a sort of fairbooth with no sign of fairy snow-white horses. Twodifferent scenes apparently have been put together. The miniature gives thusshows a rather incomprehensible scene.

A1, N1 and L are distantly related in their representation. In general thereis a similarity, thouwh we see a difference in the position of the postillion orpage, left and right are reversed, N1 combines Joseph's repulsing Asenethright with his arrival. This is strange, as all three manuscripts textuallybelong to different groups.

J1 and B1 in fact have the same iconography and the same composition,with people making the same gestures. The only difference is the addition ofthe mother behind Potiphar.

Caput CXX De poenitentia Aseneth, et consolatione angelica

Upon Joseph's words, Aseneth bursts into tears. Joseph, comforting andblessing her, prays for her conversion and promises to return in eight days.Aseneth returns to her tower, throws all her golden idols out of the northwindow, and gives all the royal meat to the dogs. Overcome with fear anddistress, she dresses herself in mourning clothes, girds a sackcloth around herwaist and weeps and prays for seven days, laying on the floor and coveringherself with ashes. The morning of the eighth day, at the cry of the cock, thearchangel Michael, who has the same looks as Joseph, in a white robe, a royalstaff in his hand and a golden crown resting on his radiant head, descendsfrom heaven into her room through the east window. The girl, paralysedwith fear, can only put herself together after having been addressed thrice bythe angel. He tells her to wash her face and change her mourning-dress.Thanks to her penitence she will be Joseph's bride. She should unvelil herhead, as she is a virgin. She will be reborn and her new name will be "City ofrefuge".

A1 f. 61r [Pl. 103]: CXX De la penitence asseneth et de la consolacion de langre.The miniature, two columns wide, is divided into two scenes by an architectural frame.Left compartment: the archangel, large-winged and crowned, is standing on L, holding a

staff in his hand. He adresses Aseneth, who is standing on R. She wears a black mantle over ablue dress, her head covered with a white veil.

Right compartment: the archangel, standing on L, points to a large washing-basin on apedestal in the middle of the room. Aseneth, on R, dressed in blue, bends to wash her head -now unveiled - in the basin.

J1 f. 74r [Pl. 104]: cxxi De la penitance asseneth. et de la [con]solacion de langre [com]ment ilvint des ciex en la chambre asseneth. et parla a li et la co[n]forta m[ou]lt doucement. cxxi


The miniature, two columns wide, is divided into two compartments.Left compartment: Aseneth sits on L, her hand to her face in a gesture of despair. Joseph

stands before her and talks to her.Right compartment: the scene is set within the architectural frame of a redbricked tower.

Aseneth, wearing a lightblue dress, sits on a bench on R, her hand to her face. From above, thearchangel, of whom only the upper part of the body is visible, appears on L, his hand raised ina speaking-gesture.

B1 f. 42r [Pl. 105]: cxxi Dela penitence asseneth et de la consolacion de langel quant il vintdes cieulz en la chambre asseneth, et parla a lui et la comforta m[oul]t doucement. Cent.et.xxj

Aseneth sits on L. Joseph stands near her and blesses her. On R. she sits clad in black in herroom, and an angel stoops over her and comforts her. This picture has been damaged.

C1 f. 48r: De la penitence asseneth et coment lange descendit en sa chambre.p[re]m[iere]m[e]nt. vjxx.

Not illustratedOr1 f. 67r [Pl. 106]: Cy apres devise lystoire de la penitance assenech. et de la consolacion

de lange. C.xx.The angel, standing on the far L, talks to Aseneth, who stands before him, her hair loose.

Joseph stands on R, looking down at Aseneth (so twice depicted in the miniature) kneelingbefore him; her hair is now plaited along her face.

G1 f. 63r: Dela penitence assenech et de la consolacion de langre comment il vint des cieulxen la chambre assenech et parla a luiet la conforta moult doulcement vjxxj.

Not illustrated.N1 f. xlviij verso: De la penitence Asseneth et de la consolation de lange et comment il vint

des cielz en la chambre Asseneth et parla a lui et la conforta doulcement vj xxi. Miniature on f.xlix recto a [Pl. 101].

The miniature at this chapter in fact illustrates chapter CXIX (see above) It is theminiature at the head of the following chapter that covers the story we are looking at now:

N1 f. xlix recto b [Pl. 107]: De la table et du miel que asseneth mist alange et com[m]entlange beney asseneth vjxxij

An impressive tower with one large window and two small ones is standing in the middleof a landscape. Aseneth is depicted twice looking out of the large window. Her hair loose andclad in a dark mantle, she throws out three golden statues on L, and stands repenting, the armscrossed, on R. The now empty high pedestrals that once carried her statues are visible behindher. She is depicted a third time in front of the tower, kneeling on the ground before the angel,who is standing on R. Aseneth, bending her head, holds out her arms towards the angel; theangel makes a speaking-gesture above her head.

L f. 79v [Pl. 108]: de la penitence assenech. et dela consolation de lange cxx.F. 80r: In an empty room, Joseph, crowned, with sceptre, blesses Aseneth, who kneels before

him. Potiphar and his wife on L.E f. 69v: De la penitance assenech et de la consolacion de lange et comment il vint des cielx

en la chambre assenech et parla a elle et la conforta moult doulcement vixxii.Not illustrated.

Out of the great variety of scenes we see here, two manuscripts can belinked together immediately: J1 and B1 again have the same iconography,based on the rubric [Pls. 104, 105]. Even the decor of the room in the tower isthe same. Admitted that the miniaturist of B1 has included more detail byhaving Aseneth actually being blessed by Joseph and by dressing Aseneth inthe second scene in real mourning clothes, the relation is neverthelessunmistakable.

The miniaturist of L has chosen the same moment in Joseph's blessingAseneth; here Aseneth is kneeling down and is watched by her parents in thebackground [Pl. 108]. Maybe the same scene is represented in Or1, though thisminiaturist has made things more obscure than ever [Pl. 106]. In Or1 we see


Aseneth first standing and listening to the angel and subsequently kneelingbefore Joseph. The second time the artist changed her hairdress, so we cannotbe sure he meant to represent Aseneth twice. It can be he sought to depictPotipahr's wife bidding Joseph to stay. However, in the story of Aseneth,Potiphar's wife plays no part at all, and we even do not know her name.With the iconography of L's miniature in mind, one can also imagine theartist of Or1 had to work from a scheme similar to L (two people talking toeach other on L, a woman kneeling before a man on R) and, being unfamiliarwith the story, just changed Potiphar into a winged angel.

So, as in its previous miniature, Or1 is mixing things up and makes usthink the miniaturist copied without knowing what the actual story was.

The miniature of N1 is once again one chapter ahead [Pl. 107]. Aseneththrowing her statues out of the window does remind us of the miniature ofOr1 in chapter CXIX; here she is shown a second time in a penitential pose,and a third time being addressed by the angel. Both these scenes we have notseen before.

A1, too, shows us moments in the story we have not yet encountered inother manuscripts, and we may again be surprised by the detailed illustrationand the close relation of text to image [Pl. 103]. At the left the archangel,dressed and crowned like is described in the text, tells Aseneth to change hermourning clothes, to clear her face from ashes and to take her veil off; at theright the now unveiled girl stoops to wash her face under the watching eyesof the angel.

Caput CXXI De mensa et sauo quem angelo apposuit.

Now that she has found mercy in the angel's eyes, Aseneth asks the angelto sit down on her bed ("sie toy un petit sus ce lit") while she is going to set atable in order to serve him bread and wine. But the angel orders ahoneycomb, which the girl must confess not to have in her storeroom. By amiracle, however, it is there, made by the bees of paradise from the dew ofthe roses of life. The angel, after blessing her because of her new belief in aliving God, eats a small portion of the honey and puts another part inAseneths mouth, saying that now she has eaten the bread of life and drunkthe cup of immortality. Touching the honeycomb again, heavenly bees comeout of it and surround Aseneth's head until the angel orders them away.Touched a third time, the honey is consumed at once by fire withoutdamaging the table.

A1 f. 61v [Pl. 109]: Cxxi De la table et du miel que assenech mist a langre.The angel, haloed, but without a crown, stands behind a trestle-table laid with cutlery, a

jar, a calice, and plates. He addresses Aseneth standing on L, who gives him a plate with ahoneycomb. Aseneth is clad in a pink tunic and wears a head-cloth. Behind her, on the far R, isa red door, part of the architectural frame of the miniature.

J1 f. 74v [Pl. 110]: De la table et du miel que asseneth mist a langre. Et [com]ment langrebeney asseneth. cxxij.

The miniature is two columns wide. On the far L and far R are two large red-brickedtowers, each with a little window. Out of the L one a male head and out of the R one a femalehead look at the main scene in the middle.


There, the angel, haloed, stands behind a table without legs and addresses Aseneth, whois standing next to him. She wears a golden tunic. She has both hands stretched out empty onthe table as if in embarassment. On the table is just one bowl.

B1 f. 42v [Pl. 111]: De la table et du miel que asseneth mist a langel. Et [com]ment la[n]gelbeney asseneth. c.xxij.

A building with a tower on L from windows of which two maidens look out on the angel andAseneth, who sit together at a table. The angel holds out to Aseneth a ball of honey made bythe bees of paradise.

C1 f. 48v: De la table et du miel que asseneth mist a lange et beneit asseneth.Not illustrated.Or1 f. 67v [Pl. 112]: De la table que asseneth mist a lange et du miel quelle lui bailla. C.xxj.The angel, haloed, sits behind a trestle-table, laid with some plates and a jar. Aseneth

stands on right, her hair put up, and watches the angel touching the honeycomb on the table.Two bees fly out of the comb.

G1 f. 63r: De la table et .du miel que assenech mist a lange et comment lange beney assenechvjxxij.

F. 63v [Pl. 113]: In a room with windows at two sides the angel is sitting on Aseneth's bed onL. On the table in front of the angel are two little round breads and a large plate with arectangular honeycomb. Aseneth sits opposite at the other side in a high-backed chair,looking at the honeycomb.

N1 f. xlix [Pl. 107]: De la table et du miel que asseneth mist alange et comment lange beneyasseneth vjxxij

The miniature at this chapter in fact illustrates chapter CXX (for description see above).Ther is no miniature illustrating the contents of chapter CXXI.

L f. 80v [Pl. 114]: de la table et du miel que Assenech mist a lange .c.xxi.The angel and Aseneth stand on R and L of a table, on which is a cup, the miraculous

honeycomb, and two loaves. A bed on R.E f. 70r: De la penitence assenech et de la consolacion de lange et comment il vit des cielx en

la chambre assenech et parla a elle et la conforta moult doucement. vjxxi.Not illustrated.

This time the iconography seems to be surprisingly homogenuous: allmanuscripts give us a scene with Aseneth preparing the angel a meal. Theydiffer, however, in detail and therefore in the moment of the story.

A1 depicts the moment Aseneth has come out of her cellar with themiraculous honeycomb [Pl. 109]. The angel in J1 , standing behind an almostempty table, is talking to Aseneth [Pl. 110]. The moment, as in the previousscenes, is chosen from the rubric. B1 again has exactly the same poses andgestures as J1, but differentiates the moment by giving the angel a piece ofhoney in his outstretched hand [Pl. 111]. Or1, this time very clear in itsiconography, prefers to illustrate the second part of the chapter with theheavenly bees aiding the purification of Aseneth [Pl. 112]. L and G1 illustratethe same moment as J1 but in a three dimensional setting [Pls. 113, 114].

One detail is highly peculiar and at first sight difficult to explain. Both inJ1 and B1 the scenes are watched by two people (a man and a woman) fromout of a tower window - which does prove, by the way, the direct linkbetween the two manuscripts. Aseneth's parents were never ever allowed toenter their daughter's tower, nor was any other person except for the sevenmaidens who were born on the same day. As Aseneth's penitence is done incomplete solitude, the spectators are in no way part of the story. Only whenwe take a further look at the rest of the illustrations of J1 that we becomeaware of the illustration technique of the miniaturist. He uses this sort ofarchitectural frame more often to frame his illustration, for instance in f.


180v and f. 282r, but mostly the towers lack windows [Pl. 121]. In f. 113r (De lapenitence David cxxiii) however, the same configuration occurs: towers usedas borderframes and juxtaposed on either side of the miniature, both havinga window from which a spectator watches the central scene without havingto do anything with the subject. Smeyers and Cardon, who commented on amanuscript from the same workshop, noticed the strange habit of thisilluminator too.386 It seems to be the miniaturist's way to fill up the space. Sothe two spectators in Aseneth's bedroom in J1 must be seen as merelydecorative. The miniaturist of B1, not familiar with this system, copied thetwo tower windows but placed them together at the left hand side. He did notcopy absentmindedly, as proved by the fact that he changed the vaguegesticulation of the angel in J1 into a clear action by the angel, handing overof a piece of honey to Aseneth.

Caput CXXII De benedictione septem virginum, et coniugio Aseneth.

After the miracle of the honeycomb, Aseneth seeks the benediction by theangel of her seven maidens, born on the same day and fostered with her. Theangel complies, and tells them to be like the seven columns of the City ofRefuge. Then, when Aseneth is taking away the table, the angel disappears,and she can only see from her east window how a heavenly chariot drawn byfour white horses, is ascending to heaven.

Immediately afterwards, a postillion announces Joseph's arrival at thegates of Heliopolis. Aseneth goes out to meet him and informs him aboutthe miraclulous events. The next day, Josephs begs Pharaoh to give himAseneth as his wife. Pharaoh puts his best golden crowns on their heads,orders them to kiss each other, and decrees seven days of festivities.

A1 f. 62r [Pl. 115]: C.et.xxij. De la beneicon des .vij. vierges et du mariage asseneth.The miniature, the width of two columns, is divided into two compartments by an

architectural frame.Left compartment: seven maidens, kneeling on the floor on L are blessed by the archangel,

standing on R.Right compartment: four musicians on L. Joseph and Aseneth, both crowned, stand in the

middle and kiss each other. A fifth musician is playing un instrument on R.J1 f. 75r [Pl. 116]: De la beneicon des .vij. vierges. et du mariage assenech selonc lystoire

.cxxiij.Aseneth stands on L, looking at the angel who stands in the middle and blesses seven

maidens sitting on a bench on R.B1 f. 43r [Pl. 117]: De la beneico[n] des .vij. vierges et du mariage asseneth selo[n]c listo[ire]

.c.xxiij.At Aseneth's bidding, the angel blesses seven virgins born and engendered on the same

night as herself. They sit on R. Aseneth stands on L.C1 f. 48v: De la beneicon des trois vierges Et coment Asseneth fut marie selon listoire vjxxij.Not illustrated.Or1 f. 68r [Pl. 118]: Ci parole de la beneicon des .vij. vierges et co[m]ment assenech pria

lange de leur beneicon. Et puis parole du mariage assenech et Joseph. C.xxij.

386 - Smeyers & Cardon 1983 pp. 62-63.


A priest stands on L, holding out one hand. In the middle Joseph and Aseneth are kissingeach other. Both wear a crown on their heads. On the R stands Pharaoh, also crowned, andwatches the event with three men of his suite.

G1 f. 63v: De la beneicon des .vij. vierges et du mariage assenech selon listoire vixxiij.Not illustrated.N1 f. xlix verso [Pl. 119]: De la beneicon des vij vierges et du mariage Asseneth selon

histoire vixxiij.The miniature is divided horizontally into two compartments.Upper compartment: In a room, Pharaoh, dressed and crowned like a medieval monarch,

sits on L. He is crowning Aseneth who kneels in the foreground before him. Joseph kneelsbehind her. Potiphar and his wife stand on the background on R.

Lower compartment: In a landscape Aseneth stands on L. In front of her, her seven maidenskneel before the angel, their hands in prayer. The angel stands on R and blesses them.

L f. 81r [Pl. 120]: Cy parle de la beneicon des sept vierges. Et comment Assenech prya langede leur beneicon. Et puis parle du mariage assenech. C.xxij

The angel blesses Aseneth's seven maidens, who kneel before him, Aseneth standing by.E f. 71r: De la benedicion des vij vierges et du mariage assenech vixxiij.Not illustrated.

In this last scene text and illlustration have been coordinated extremelywell in all manuscripts.

Five manuscripts out of six represent the blessing of Aseneth's sevenmaidens. In its iconography, they are mostly the same: the maidens aresitting or kneeling on the floor, the angel is standing in front of them andstretches his hand in a gesture of blessing. In N1 and L Aseneth is present tointroduce her maidens to the angel [Pls. 119, 120], in A1 she is absent [Pl. 115],in J1 and B1 she stays shyly behind [Pls. 116, 117]. B1 has slightly altered J1 'siconography by having the angel turning his head backwards in order toactivate Aseneth's part.

Next to the blessing, A1 shows us the joyful scene of the marriage ofJoseph and Aseneth, enlivened by bustling musicians. As in the text, the twoleading figures, crowned with Pharaoh's best crowns, kiss each other and, bydoing this, give raise to seven days of festivities. In Or1, the only manuscriptnot representing the angel's blessing, Pharaoh and a priest are present at thekissing [Pl. 118]. N1, its miniature at last in tune with the contents of thechapter, gives us, besides the blessing of the maidens, the unique scene of thecrowning of the two betrothed by Pharaoh [Pl. 119].

*°*°*°*

3.2.3 Evaluation of the Cycle

The above observations establish some clarity about the relation betweenthe manuscripts in general. It is important to notice first, however, thatseven of the nine illuminated manuscripts contain a more or less completecycle of illustrations of the story of Joseph and Aseneth. Two manuscripts donot illustrate the narrative: E, the copy with illustrations at the beginning ofeach book only, and C1, which contains only seven miniatures in book 2.We will study their iconographic repertoire in chapter 3.3.


The fact that Joseph and Aseneth have so often caught the attention of theillustrators suggests that somehow within the illuminated manuscripts atradition existed emphasizing this remarkable albeit brief story. Knowingthis, the more remarkable it is to see that most illustrations of the Asenethcycle seem to have come about independently of one another - with oneobvious exception: J1 and B1, which will be discussed below. Though thereare a few similarities, like Joseph's arrival at the gates of Heliopolis in A1, L,and N1, no picture-cycle resembles another. Where similarities occur, oneshould not forget that in many cases the content of a chapter calls for onespecific scene, like Aseneth's serving a meal to the angel. Clearly not oneparticular prototype was underlying the illustrations of the Joseph andAseneth cycle, nor did the miniatures of both J1 and A1 set a firmiconographic tradition that would dictate all later copies. This is especiallystriking since J1 did set the textual tradition. In other words: a textualdependence apparently does not guarantee an iconographic subjection, too.

A1 and other manuscripts

In Part II chapters 3 and 5 we discovered a relationship of text and imagemuch closer in A1 than in J1, This is visible again in the Joseph and Asenethcycle. Details such as the veil and the black mantle in which Aseneth firstmeets with the archangel, the role of the postillion and Joseph's clothes onhis arrival at Heliopolis, the golden crown on the angel's head, are alldirectly based on the text itself. Now we can see that the other manuscripts,including the oldest one, J1, are not as accurate. Most manuscripts doillustrate their chapters correctly, but they do contain neither the minutiænor the vividness that together make A1 so attractive. J1 is maybe the leastdetailed, this being inherent to the working-method practiced by itsworkshop, that illuminated numerous, mostly vernacular, manuscriptswithin a short time.387

The conclusion crucial to this study is that hardly any relation of A1 withthe other manuscripts can be traced. The one and only parallel can be foundin the first miniature where Joseph is sold by his brothers: the miniatures ofA1 and B1 present us here with identical horses. It is difficult to interpret thisresemblance, especially since it does not occur in other places, B1 beingdependent on J1 and not on A1. It is, in fact, the only fragment in the cyclewhere B1 does not depend on J1. Possible explanations, e.g. that theminiature had originally been omitted and was later completed with a scenefrom an exemplar different from J1 and more closely related to A1, all haveto remain hypothetical. One thing remains clear: A1 has not provided thelater manuscripts with a prototype.

J1 and B1.

The only direct and almost constant parallel is apparent in the cycles of J1and B1. In fact, in turning over the leaves of both manuscripts, one realizescontinuously that the entire illustration-scheme of B1 proves a direct and

387 Part II chapter 5.2; - Smeyers & Cardon 1983, passim; - Avril, Maître de Fauvel,forthcoming.


strong relationship to its earlier equivalent J1. We will never know whetherthis relation has indeed been direct or via a now lost manuscript.

The miniaturist of B1, however, had to fill in spaces only one columnwide, whereas his exemplar J1 was provided with an ample layoutcontaining many miniatures two columns wide. Some way or another hehad to fit his illustrations into a smaller frame. In order to achieve this, heused different methods: he either chose the right (or left)-hand side of theminiature, or he simply compressed the two column wide scene into onecolumn, leaving out some details. Apart from this, as a particular habit hesometimes reversed the scene as other artists did when copying. Ross alreadynoticed this phenomenon in other illustrated texts.388

To illustrate the working-method of the miniaturist, a few examples,taken from book 5, are given below.

J1, f. 180v [Pl. 121]:Du parlement de B1, f. 110v [Pl. 122]: same rubric as J1.Neptanabus avec Olympiade. etcoment il li dist que .1.diex gerroita lie.ij.

(2 columns)Within a frame of thick B1(1 column) The same scene withinredbrick walls Neptanabus and Olympias 1 column. In order to compress theare sitting on a bench; he shows her a scene the illustrator has omitted theastrologic table (?). redbrick frame.

J1 f. 185r [Pl. 123]: Des bones enfances B1 f. 113v [Pl. 124]: same rubric as J1alixandre et [com]ment il montapremierement sus bucifal so[n] cheval.xij.

(1 column) Alexander is riding on his B1 (1 column) The same scenehorse to the left. Behind him stand two reversed: Alexander is riding to themen within a porch on R. right whereas the two people are

standing on L.

J1 f. 187 [Pl. 125]: De la mort phelippe de B1 f. 114v [Pl. 126]: same rubric asmacedonie hystoire dalixandre. xviij. J1 minus the two last words: ..deEt coment alixandre fu envoie de p h e l i p p ephelippe ala cite de mochone pourdestruire la. Et alixandre la soumist alui. et de la response que alixandre fista mesages daires qui venoient aphelippe pour querre le treu. Et comentalixandre prist pausanias qui en portoitolympiade sa mere ravie par force dep h e l i p p e .

(2 columns) In the left compartment B1 (1 column) Only the scene of theAlexander on his horse kills an adversary. right compartment has beenIn the right compartment he sits on a bench copied: Alexander sits on a benchand receives three messengers. and receives Daires' messengers.

J1 f. 200v [Pl. 127]: Comment alixandre vint B1 f. 122v [Pl. 128]: same rubric as J1.a bataille a porus et comment bucifal

388 - D.J.A. Ross, Illustrated medieval Alexander Books in Germany and the Netherlands,Cambridge 1971, p. 12.


son cheval fu occis en la premierebataille. Et comment les .ij. roissacorderent que ils se combatroientcors a cors. et alixandre le tua.

(2 columns) On a crowded battlefield B1 (1 column). A horsefight, butPorus, on L, beats Alexander whose horse without the decor of a battlefield. Ittumbles head foremost. seems to be the same scene, but it is

Alexander who here kills Porus in asingle combat. By leaving out thedecor of the other figures, theillustrator had to change the subject.

The other manuscripts

No direct parallel can be found between the illustrations of J1 and thelater manuscripts, not even when the texts belong to the same group. Ingeneral, the miniatures accord with the text passages they head. Or1 and N1are exceptions. This lack of relationship of text and image found in Or1 andN1 must have a different rationale.

N1 provides us with clear pictures that are put in the wrong place. In Or1the illuminator did not understand his exemplar, misinterpreted thesketches or written notes that were possibly made for him, or he lackedinstructions anyhow and did not read the text properly. This can be noticedthroughout the manuscript. Lejeune and Stiennon in their study on Rolandnoticed the same shortcoming of inspiration in Or4: "le miniaturiste ne faitguère d'efforts pour décorer un texte qui, manifestement, ne l'inspire pas".389

Apart from the Joseph and Aseneth cycle, one other example may suffice - apicture we used in Part II to test the relation of A1 to the text.

Chapter 63 in Book 2, describing the Earthly Paradise, so beautifullyillustrated in A1(f. 40v, Pl. 40), has confused the illuminator of Or1. Instead ofrendering the Earthly Paradise guarded by an angel to avoid humanintrusion, he depicts the Expulsion, a composition similar to the EartlyParadise but with quite a different meaning (f. 45v). The Expulsion fromParadise is not recorded in chapter 63, but in chapter 41. So here again hemisinterpreted his source.

As for the Joseph and Asseneth cycle, Or1 and L, though textually linkedto each other and both independent from J1, do not have much in common.In other chapters, however, one or two illustrations show a remarkablecongruity.

The first chapter of Book 2 deals with the unity of the divine substance.Usually at this place we are shown either the Trinity or a Maiestas Domini.For unknown reasons the illuminator of Or depicts here the adoration of abull (probably Serapis) by a group of men, which has nothing to do with thesubject. It should be an illustration not to the first but to the last chapter ofbook 2, dealing with Apis and Serapis. A misinterpretation of a picture-list?The same picture occurs at the same place in L. As we shall see in the next

389 - Lejeune & Stiennon 1966 p. 324.


chapter, the frontispieces in the two manuscripts also have a commoniconography. There must be a common though remote source to Or1 and L.

3.3. Manuscripts not containing the Joseph and Aseneth Cycle

Two manuscripts out of the nine illustrated manuscripts of the Miroir donot contain the cycle of miniatures referring to the Joseph and Asenethnarrative. It is therefore necessary to investigate their possible relation to A1,J1 and the later manuscripts in a different way.

3.3.1. The miniatures of C1.

Compared to the other illustrated manuscripts of the Miroir, the numberof miniatures in C1 is relatively modest: 45. With only seven miniaturesillustrating book 2 it is not surprising to find the Joseph and Aseneth storyun-illustrated. The best way to trace parallels for the miniatures of C1 is toinvestigate the ones illustrating book 5, i.e. the narrative of Alexander,because here the illustration-scheme is relatively elaborate. When wecompare the above-described miniatures of J1 and B1 with the Alexandercycle in C1, they prove to have little in common:

F 126r: Des bonnes enfances alixandre. Et comment il monta premier sur bucifal son cheval.xij.

(1 column) King Philippe is sitting on L. He and three man express amazement asAlexander is going to mount Bucephalos on R.

F 127r [Pl. 129]: De la mort phelipe de macedoine et coment alixandre fu envoie dephelippe en la cite de mochone pour la destruire et comment il la soubzmist soubz lui et de laresponse quil fist aux messaige daires. Et comment il prist pausanias qui emporte olympiade samere par force. xviij.

(1 column) Alexander interrogates the dying Philippus standing on L; on R Alexander takesPausanias who was fleeing with the kidnapped Olympias.

F 136v: Coment Alixandre vint a bataille contre porrus et coment bucifal son cheval fut occiset coment les deux roys furent daccort deulx combatre corps a corps et alixandre les tua. xlix.

(1 column) On a battlefield Porus, on R, beats Alexander whose horse tumbles head foremost on L.

These few examples may suffice to demonstrate that the illustrations ofC1 do not follow the J1/B1 tradition. The same can be said with regard to A1,of which an Alexander miniature has been discussed in Part II chapter 3.6. C1,like the later manuscripts, went its own way in depicting morphologicallyindependent stories. A comparison of C1 with the later manuscripts: Or1, G1,N1 and L will show that these copies did not base their iconography on C1.

3.3.2. The miniatures of E.

In illustrating the beginnings of the books only, E is the most modest ofthe illustrated manuscripts. Its miniatures, far from being allegorical ortypological, conform to the first chapter in a narrative way. In that respect,


they may be compared with the other more elaborately illuminatedmanuscripts. Nonetheless, the miniatures do not seem to depend onprevious cycles.

One would expect a relation of E to G1. Apparently the text of E was copiedfrom G1: their volumes are divided in the same way, and they show thesame mistakes in the text (Part III chapter 2.4). Their illustration-schemes,however, prove to be different and no direct parallel is visualized.

Summarizing we may say that some signs indicate that pattern-books orpicture-lists were available to the miniaturists working on the copies of theMiroir Historial. The illustrations of most manuscripts, however, wereexecuted independently of one another and do not show one particularprototype. J1 and B1 are exceptions to this rule. A1 shows the closest relationof text and image.

*°*°*°*

144 Part III chapter 4 - One Miniaturist Illustrating the Same Text Twice

Chapter 4: THE QUESTION OF THE ONE MINIATURISTILLUSTRATING THE SAME TEXT TWICE.

In Part II chapter 3 we established that A1 and J1 were partlyillustrated by the same hand: the Master of Jean de Papeleu or hisworkshop. One miniaturist, illustrating the same text twice (e.g. A1f.104r and J1 f. 124v) [Pls. 41, 63], turned out not to have used the sameiconography in the two manuscripts (except for the frontispiece).Nonetheless, the miniatures do follow the narrative accurately.

Unusual though this may be, we see the same situation arise again ina much later context, i.e. in the last years of the 14th century. There itoccurs in relation to some of the volumes of the Orléans Miroir and theMiroir once in the possession of Prigent de Coëtivy: Or1-4 and C1-4. TheMaster of the Orléans Miroir , also called the pseudo-Remiet, at the endof the 14th century painted all volumes required for the Duke ofOrléans, whereas the illumination of C1,2,4 was a joint effort of at leastthree masters, the pseuod-Remiet being responsible for parts of C2 andC4. Accordingly, as was the case in A1 and J1, here time and again onemaster illustrated parts of the same text twice, i.e. in Or2/C2 and inOr4/C4. One would expect, in turning over the leaves of bothmanuscripts, not only to meet the same style, but to recognize the sameiconography, too. This, surpisingly, is not the case. Looking at, forinstance, the miniature heading book 31 in C4, f. 287r [ Pl. 130] andcomparing it with the miniature in Or4 illustrating the same chapter onf 324v [Pl. 131], one must hesitantly admit there is no iconographicalcorrelation between the two: they relate to different episodes in theaccompanying chapter. What does this mean? What a waste of time forone artist to illustrate a vast text with hundreds of miniatures such asthe Miroir historial in a different way at least twice. Or does it imply thatnot the illustrator was responsible for the iconography of theminiatures, but the person who designed the lay-out? In the case of theillustrations in Or1-4 this seems understandable, their relation to thetext being sometimes far from logical. But with regard to the Master ofJean de Papeleu in A1 and J1, he was commended in Part II for being sovery accurate in visualizing its text. And suppose the entrepreneur isthe one defining the iconography, why would he time and again opt fordifferent programs?

No immediate explanation springs to mind for this seeminglyunnecessary creativity. In the light of time, we must however realizethat the artist's attitude towards copying and creativity had altered. Onemust bear in mind that in the Western world the 13th and 14th century

Part III chapter 4 - One Miniaturist Illustrating the Same Text Twice 145

mark an outburst of new (and mostly vernacular) literature. This led tothe creation of a entire new range of pictorial representations andpermitted an inventive freedom in the shaping of an appropriateiconography unparalleled before. We might go as far as to say that eitherthe entrepreneur or miniaturist did not feel the need to copy an existingscene. Instead, he often wanted to surpass his copy and to create his ownimages.

Miniatures in Western medieval manuscripts can theoretically bedivided into three groups according to their function.390 The first groupconsists of those miniatures aiming to be complementary to the text,like in the field of exact sciences and technology, e.g. medical treatisesand herbals.391 Without the illustration the text would be difficult tounderstand and therefore their iconographical programme is fixed.Prototypes here can be traced, as has been done for the Aratus and thePseudo Apuleus .392

The second group is formed by those miniatures illustratingdevotional and liturgical texts, like Books of Hours and Missals. Theirprograms, narrative though they can be, may have an additionalintrinsic or typological meaning. By their place they supplement thetext. The Crucifixion pictured in a Missal can only be at the beginning ofthe Te igitur , the Annunciation is the visualization of the inception ofthe Hours of the Virgin. The iconographical program of the secondgroup may vary according to use and fashion. As an essential addition tothe structure of the text, the illustration cannot meet the whims of anindividual illuminator, at least not till the second half of the 15thcentury.

The third and last group comprises those miniatures illustratingnarratives and moralizing treatises. Those are essentially narrative incharacter. They are not part of the structure of the text and do neitherelucidate nor complement the accompanying text: they merely illustrateit. This narrative characteristic offers the creator of the miniature aconstant flexibility iconographic formulas, since one chapter usuallyyields more than one possible subject.

390 - H. Toubert, Formes et functions de l'enluminure, in: Histoire de l'édition française I:Le livre conquérant, Paris 1982, pp. 87-129, defines only two main functions:ornamentation and illustration.391 - C. Singer, The Herbal in Antiquity and its Transmission to Later Ages, in: Journal ofHellenistic Studies 47 (1927), pp. 1-52; - W. Blunt & S. Raphael, The IllustratedHerbal, London 1979; - P. Jones, Medieval Medical Miniatures, London 1985.392 G. Thiele, Antike Himmelsbilder. Mit Forschungen zu Hipparchus, Aratos undseinen Forsetzern und Beiträgen zur Kunstgeschichte des Sternhimmels, Berlin 1898; -H.Grape-Albers, Spätantike Bilder aus der Welt des Artzes, Wiesbaden 1977.Associable with this group inasfar as the complementary character is concerned, are theillustrations of allegorical treatises and theaterplays (Cf. - H. Woodruff, Theillustrated manuscripts of Prudentius, Cambridge (Mass.) 1930; - L.W. Jones & C.R.Morey, The illuminated manuscripts of Terence prior to the thirteenth century, Princeton1931).

146 Part III chapter 4 - One Miniaturist Illustrating the Same Text Twice

By their nature, the narrative cycles of the Miroir historial belong tothe third group. In every manuscript, the text has been a never endingsource of inspiration for the initiator of the iconography. In fact it neverceased to be. In this light the creative freedom visible in the Miroir' sthemes should not be surprising.

*°*°*°*

One specific miniature has, until now, been left out of considerationor has only been mentioned in passing. Its intrinsic meaning is differentfrom the rest. The frontispiece, apart from its historic and thereforenarrative meaning, confronts us with a typological content as well: theparallel between Saint Louis's request to Vincent and Jeanne deBourgogne's ordering the translation from Jean de Vignay. This peculiardouble scene featuring in several manuscripts needs its owninvestigation, to be found in the following chapters.

Part IV - The Frontispiece 147

PART IV: THE FRONTISPIECE

In the preceding chapters the limited iconographic interconnectionbetween the manuscripts of the Miroir historial became evident. Onewould not expect this conclusion, given the elaborateness of theirpicture cycles and the small circle from which their patrons originate.

The frontispiece as it appears in several copies of the Miroir,surprisingly, is an exception to the above conclusion. Apart from that, itconfronts us with an almost unprecedented iconography, of which wewill speak later. Its unusual character can only be understood against thehistorical background of the tradition of the frontispiece in general.

*°*°*°*

Chapter 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In the strict sense of the word, each miniature opening a book is anopening miniature, but in this part we are understandably dealing withthose miniatures which, when the manuscript was manufactured, wereemphatically meant to emphasize the beginning of a text. They do notnecessarily appear at the beginning of the codex. Some manuscriptscontain various texts with as many opening miniatures. Sometimes onewill find an unillustrated prologue or index before the text, sometimes atext is preceded by several openings.

A history of the frontispiece from the beginning of westerncivilisation till the present day has yet to be written.393 Since antique

393 The literature on this subject has concentrated on Early Christian, Carolingian andOttonian periods. See - J. Prochno, Das Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild in der deutschenBuchmalerei bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 1929; - P. Bloch, ZumDedikationsbild im Lob des Kreuzes des Hrabanus Maurus, in: Das Erste Jahrtausend I,Düsseldorf 1962, pp. 471-494; - P.E. Schramm, Das Herrscherbild in der Kunst des frühenMittelalters, in: Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg 1922/23 I, pp. 10-224, esp. 167-179).More recent is: - U. Bergmann, PRIOR OMNIBUS AUTOR - an höchster Stelle aber steht

148 Part IV - The Frontispiece

times, the immense variety of texts has engendered a multiformity offrontispieces that makes the task to structure their entirity a difficultone. As a matter of course, changing traditions and local variations havecompounded to this complex image.

In order to grasp the essence of the iconography of the frontispiece ofthe Miroir historial we need a framework. For that purpose, we havedivided the more or less common frontispieces into five groupes. Thosefrontispieces that are the results of extraordinary circumstances whichled to the writing of the text, or that visualize a special aspect of thecontent of the text, have been left out.394

1). Narrative miniature. Just like other miniatures which mayappear in the manuscript, the narrative miniature has to be anillustration of the accompanying text. At times this first miniature hasbeen given an additional, usually symbolic meaning: the first historiatedinitial of a Paris bible often shows the Creation and the Crucifixiontogether;395 the Légende dorée will open with the Coronation of theVirgin, etcetera.396

2). Author portrait.397 In Greek and Roman manuscripts the portraitof the author is the most common type of illustration. At the same time,according to Weitzmann, it is the oldest form of western illustration.398

Since early Hellenistic times three categories may be distinguished: theportrait medaillon, the seated writer, and the dialogue form, e.g.between author and Muse.399 The portrait of the author sitting at a deskwith a book on top of it, is the most familiar to us by means of thealmost endless number of representations of evangelists usuallypictured composing their Gospels.400

der Stifter, in: Ornamenta Ecclesiae. Kunst und Künstler der Romanik, (Exh.Cat.) Köln1985, vol 1, pp. 117-169.Literature about late medieval frontispieces is scarce. See: - Holtzknecht 1966 passim; -Cl. Salter & D. Pearsall, Pictorial illustration of late medieval poetic texts: the role ofthe frontispieces or prefatory picture, in: Medieval Iconography and Narrative, Odense1980, pp. 110-123; - Toubert 1982 pp. 99-100. A dissertation by Evelyn Benesch, Vienna, onthe iconography of the dedication is awaiting completion.394 Prochno discerns four categories: Donationsbild, Devotionsbild, Schreiberbild andRepräsentationsbild. Schramm favours three categories: Belehnungsbild, DevotionsbildandTrabantenbild. His Trabantenbild is meant to be the same as Prochno'sRepräsentationsbild. Both do not deal with late medieval frontispieces.395 - R. Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of Saint Louis, Berkeleyetc 1979, Appendix IVB.396 Appendix D No. 6.397 - Prochno 1929, pp. xx-xxix and passim; - "Autorenbild" in: LCI I (1968) cols. 232-234(by P. Bloch); - "Autorenbild" in: RDK I (1937), cols. 1309-1314 (by D. Klein).398 - Weitzmann 1977 p. 10; - Toubert 1982 p. 100.399 - "Autorenbild" and "Dialog" in: LCI I (1968), cols. 232-234, 506-507.400 - A.M. Friend, The Portraits of the Evangelists in Greek and Latin Manuscripts, in:Art Studies 5 (1927), pp. 115-147; - idem, ibidem 7 (1929), pp. 3-29.


3). Repraesentatio. This image is not necessarily related to either thecontent of the book, or the book itself: "Der Autor oder Besteller ist ohneBeziehung zur Umwelt oder zum Umweltlichen dargestellt; dieBeziehung zur Handschrift beschränkt sich, falls sie vorhanden ist,darauf, daß er ein Buch hält."401 To avoid confusion, we restrict therepraesentatio to images of the patron or the dedicatee; pictures of theauthor should better be transferred to the above category of the authorportrait. Thus, the repraesentatio portrays the one who ordered thebook, or the one to whom the book is dedicated, seated in a hieratic posewithout showing a connection to the world around him. According toDavis-Weyer, the origin of the theme may be found in the iconographyof the Traditio Legis.402

4) Dedicatio.403 The image of a dedication can, in principle, onlyoccur in liturgical texts, if we take the word dedicatio in its originalsense of devoting to the service or worship of a divine being. Blochdefines the word clearly: "Das Dedikationsbild ist die Darstellung derDarbringung eines kultisches Objektes an eine höhergestellte Person mitdeutlicher Betonung des Aktes der Darbringung."404

Bloch finds the origin of this motif in a combination of theHellenistic custom of offering to a deity or ruler (Darbringung), with theclassical repraesentatio. The oldest representation of the book dedicationmay be found in the title miniature of the Rabbula Codex from the year587.405 Beyond the art of miniature painting the dedication is frequentlyapplied in Early Christian monumental painting. Here, the object ofdedication usually is the model of a church, such as is the case for theSan Vitale at Ravenna.406

The development of the theme is diffuse and because of its veryreligious nature every dedication scene was given an additional,individual value. The various iconographic outlines that may bedistinguished should not be argued here.407 Bloch concludes that thededication miniature becomes more scarce in the 13th century and fromthe 14th century on it occurs mainly in the secular realm. In our

401 - Prochno 1929 p. xx.402 - C. Davis-Weyer, Das Traditio Legisbild und seine Nachfolge, in: MünchenerJahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 3 Folge 12 (1961), pp. 7-45.403 - Schottenloher 1920, passim; - Prochno 1929 passim; - Bloch 1962 passim; -"Dedikation" and "Devotionsbild" in: RDK III (1957) cols. 1189-97, 1367-1373 (by E.Lachner); - "Dedikation" in: LCI I (1968). cols. 491-494 (by. P. Bloch).404 - Bloch 1962 p. 474. Later Bloch will no longer emphasize the essence of a liturgicalcontext in "Dedikation", in: LCI I (1968), cols. 491-494.405 Florence, Bibl.Laur. Plut. I, Cod. 56, f. 14r. See the facsimile edition by C. Cecchelli,G. Furlani & M. Salmi, The Rabbula Gospels, Olten/Lausanne 1959; - Weitzmann 1977No. 37 p. 105.406 - C. Ihm, Die Programme de christlichen Apsismalerei vom vierten Jahrhundert biszur Mitte des achten Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden 1960, passim (Forschungen zurKunstgeschichte und christliche Archäologie 4).407 See Prochno 1929 for extensive illustrations, and Schottenloher 1920 for numerousdescriptions. See Bloch 1962 pp. 490-494 for examples after the year 1100.


opinion in that case it is better to speak of a presentation rather than adedication.

Dedicatio or Praesentatio?A dedication miniature resembles a presentation miniature in many

respects (see under 5). Usually one does not distinguish between the twoin present literature.408 The Dutch language adds to this the doublemeaning of 'opdracht': it may mean dedication, the devoting of a bookto a higher placed person, as well as commission, ordering themanufacturing at a certain fee. An act of physically handing over onlytakes place in the latter case.

In both dedication and presentation we see a book being presented bya person, with an humble gesture, to a highly placed person, e.g. a ruler,a saint or even God himself. In the dedication, the person who presentsthe book is he who commissioned the book. He is the donor and hewants to be immortalized for his deed. It is only his commissioning thetranscription that enables him to be portrayed, he is in no way linked tothe text itself. In a presentation miniature, on the other hand, it is theauthor (or scribe) who presents his text to his patron, so in that situationthere is no question of a donor as such. In other words: the person whois kneeling in a dedication made the same request (ordered themanuscript and payed for it) as the person who, in the presentation,receives the codex from the author or scribe.

In monumental painting one sees practically without exception thesponsor as donor, whereas in bookpainting both donors and presentersappear together. The Hornbach Sacramentary from approximately theyear 980, now in Solothurn, is an example which is both illustrative andartificial.409 It has four dedication miniatures. In the first picture on f. 7vthe author (or illuminator?) Eburnhart presents the manuscript to abbotAdalbert of Hornbach. In the second miniature the abbot presents it tothe founder of the monastery (St Pirmin). In the third Pirmin hands itto St Peter, the patron of the monastery, and last but not least St Peterhands it to Christ. In the late Middle Ages such intermediary steps willbecome unnecessary thanks to the new approach to perceive Christ as ahistorical person beside his undisputed Deity.

5) Praesentatio. In the presentation miniature a book is presented tothe patron or future owner, usually by the author or scribe. It is thesecular parallel of the monastic tradition of the dedication miniature.The praesentatio is most widespread in the late Middle Ages throughthe secularisation of literature, the rise of bibliophile patronage andconsequently the coming into being of private libraries. The earliestexample of a presentation miniature, however, can be traced to the early

408 Prochno adheres both the term "Donationsbild"; Schottenloher combines them in the"Dedikations- oder Überreichungsbild".409 Solothurn, Zentralbibliothek MSU 1, ff. 7v, 8v, 9v and 10v. See -Prochno 1929 pp.30*-31*; - Bloch 1962 p. 490; - Bergmann 1985 pp. 139-142, 150 (with Col.Pls. on pp. 141-142).


byzantine period. The honor falls to princess Anicia Juliana in the year512-513. On f. 6v of the Vienna Dioskurides we can see her beingpresented with a book by a little putto.410

Since the traditional patronage is almost non-existent in the profaneliterature of the Early Middle Ages, there is no fixed iconographicoutline of the presentation miniature until the 13th century; onefollows either the iconography of the dedicatio or the repraesentatio.

The dedication scheme is not always successful, borne out by the factthat at times it is not a priori clear who presents the codex and to whomit is presented. The direction of the presentation then has to be deducedfrom the literary context.

For instance, one may compare the opening miniature of amanuscript of theVies de Saint Louis by Jean de Joinville from c. 1330-1340411 with the opening miniature of a copy of the Grand Coutumierde Normandie, of the same period [Pls 132, 133].412 One cannot gatherfrom the picture itself that in the first example, the 'normal' eventoccurs, in which the manuscript is presented to the seated king, whereasin the second example a king, seated on a high seat, presents the book tothe archbishop of Rouen, who stands in front of the king with hisclerics. Le Grand Coutumier with its reverse action, is no exception atall. In copies of the Rule of St Benedict and similar literature, one canfind a frontispiece in which the author hands his work over to pupils inorder to instruct them.

Restricting ourselves to France - and it seems that book presentationis mostly a medieval French tradition413 - we have to look for the rootsof the iconographic tradition in the period in which French sovereignsbegan to take an interest in books.414 Delisle and Branner agree that onlyat the time of Louis IX, the French court reluctanly assumed the role ofliterary patron. A few examples exist from the period of Louis IX ofsecular literature produced for the nobility, but these are exceptionsrather than the rule.415

Louis IX commissioned, apart from many liturgical books, also theSpeculum historiale. The manuscript in Dijon is possibly the earliestcopy. However, it does not show a presentation scene.416 In the firsthistoriated initial on f. 9r we see a king (King Louis IX) enthroned

410 Wenen, Österr. Nat.Bibl. Cod.Vind.med.gr.1; - Weitzmann 1977 No. 15; facmilie byGerstinger.411 Paris BN fr. 13568. See - Exh. Paris 1970 p. 111 No. 215.412 Paris, Musée du Petit Palais. See - Exh. Paris 1970 p. 78 Nr 78; - Exh. Paris 1981 p. 305No. 253.413 - R.v. Marle, L'art profane au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance, I: La vie quotidienne,La Haye 1931, p. 370.414 - Delisle I 1868 pp. 6-18; - Exh. Paris 1968 p. 56; - Branner 1977 p. 3; - P..D.Stirnemann, Bibliothèques princières et la naissance de la production privée au XIIesiècle, in: Artistes, artisans et production artistique au moyen âge (rapports provisoires),Rennes 1983, pp. 276-308.415 - Delisle I 1868 p. 6 n 8.416 Dijon, Bibl.mun. 568. See Appendices A and B.


without further entourage[Pl. 5]. In another manuscript the King playsthe same role: a Bible moralisée from the second quarter of the 13thcentury pictures the two patrons King Louis IX and his mother Blanchede Castille sitting next to each other on the first folio [Pl. 134].417 Here, asin the manuscript of the Speculum historiale, the tradition of therepraesentatio has been followed rather than the dedicatio tradition.

More literary books have been preserved from the reign of PhilippeIII le Hardi and his son Philippe IV le Bel. Two of these manuscriptsshow what shape either type of book presentation - repraesentatio anddedicatio - can take.

In 1275 the monk Primat in St Denis finished the definitive versionof the Grandes Chroniques de France (sparked by the chronicle forAlphonse de Poitiers). Primat presented the first copy to Philippe III.This one survived and is now kept in the Bibliothèque Ste Genevièvein Paris, MS 782 [Pl. 135].418 It shows a presentation according to theclassical dedication scheme: the sovereign, enthroned and surroundedby his retinue, receives the book from the author, who is kneelingbefore him. On the right, behind Primat are the abbot of St Denis andthree monks from the monastery. It is one of the oldest presentationminiatures in France.

The representation iconography was maintained besides thispresentation iconography for a while. A manuscript of a Latintranslation by Raimond de Bezières, the Liber de Dina et Kalina, nowParis BN lat. 8504, is likely to have been the copy presented by Raimondto Philippe le Bel in 1313 [Pl. 136].419 The French King is shown in thecentre of the miniature, sitting amidst his wife and sons. No action takesplace and nothing points to a relation between the King and the text,wheras the opening rubric right under the miniature explicitlymentions the dedication of the translation to Philippe le Bel. Only hishieratic presence hints at his relationship to the text.

In the first half of the 14th century, repraesentatio and dedicatio thusmay occur side by side. Because of the increase in royal commissions fortranslations and the growing interest of the French dynasty in literaryand bibliophile matters as a public affair - culminating with Charles V -,the repraesentatio wanes as an alternative for book presentation. Thededication iconography becomes the definitive outline for rendering abook presentation.

417 New York, Pierpont Morgan Libr. MS 240, f. 1r. The manuscript survives in two parts:one is in New York, the other in Toledo, Treasury of the Cathedral. See - A. de Laborde,La Bible moralisée illustrée, t. V, Paris 1928, pp. 41-73; - R. Haussherr, Christus-Johannes-Gruppen in der Bible Moralisée, in: Zeitschrift f. Kunstgeschichte 27 (1964),pp133-152; - O. v. Simson, Das Mittelalter II: Das Hohe Mittelalter, Berlin 1972, Pl. 94,p. 129. (Propyläen Kunstgeschichte).418 - Boinet 1921 pp. 39-47; - Exh.Paris 1968 No. 146; - Sherman 1969 pp. 17-18; - Exh.Paris 1970 No. 211.419 - Delisle I 1868 p. 11; - Delisle III 1881 p. 303.


At the same time, the presentation miniature acquires a dualisticcharacter. We may distinguish two types (not qua form, but quafunction): a literary-historical and a book-historical tradition.

In the literary-historical presentation, the text as an intellectualproduct is presented to the dedicatee or benefactor, and not the book asan object. The request to the author to compose the original text iscommemorated here. That means that the person pictured does nothave to be the first owner of the book in which the presentationminiature occurs, but he is always the literary instigator. Usually hisname is mentioned in the text or the prologue starts with a dedicatoryparagraph of the author to him.

A dominant patron such as Charles V of France, who had manytranslations and original texts made, may be found not only inmanuscripts destined for his own library. His portrait also adornspresentation miniatures in manuscripts commissioned by others manyyears after his death.420 To avoid confusion, in many cases the coats ofarms of the recipient in the margin make it sufficiently clear who wasthe intended first owner of the manuscript.

Of lesser fame as a book collector compared to his son, Jean le Bondid not live on in such a predominant way. A good example is theopening miniature of the Jeu des Echecs. The originally Latin text byJacopo da Cessolis was translated into French by Jean de Vignay c. 1335-1340. In the first sentence of his prologue, Jean de Vignay dedicates thetranslation to Jean le Bon, then only Duke of Normandy.421 Throughthe years, one can find the ruler's portrait in almost all openingminiatures of the manuscripts of the Jeu des Echecs, from the 14th to theearly 16th century [Pl. 149]. In every such miniature, Jean le Bon, seatedon a chair, receives the translation from Jean de Vignay, who iskneeling before him.422

Within this group of manuscripts of the Jeu des Echecs, however,one deviation draws the attention. In one of the opening miniatures thebook is presented not to Jean le Bon, but to Charles V. [Pl. 150]423 It is amanuscript undoubtedly copied for Charles V by Henri de Trévou, and

420 Sherman (Sherman 1969) does not mention these miniatures, apparently since theycannot be treated as real portraits of the King. But there are many of them. We may citeas examples: Paris BN fr. 134, a Livre de la propriété des choses, completed in 1470 atthe request of Louis de Bruges. The French translation had been finished by JeanCorbechon a hundred years earlier at the instigation of Charles V. In the openingminiature of fr. 134 the manuscript is presented to Charles V (Exh. Brugge 1981 No. 108).A manuscript, now Brussels Roy.Libr. 9016 is a Cité de Dieu in two volumes, a translationthat was completed by Raoul le Presles in 1373 at the request of Charles V. In the firstminiature of the second volume, ordered by Jean Chevrot, bishop of Tournai in 1445,Raoul offers his translation to Charles V in a richly decorated 15th century Flemishinterior (Exh. Bruxelles 1959 No. 35).421 - Knowles 1954 pp. 368-369; see Appendix D No. 4 for more bibliography.422 All opening miniatures known to us are listed in Appendix D No. 4.423 Paris BN fr. 1728, f. 157r. See - L. Delisle, Facsimile de livres copiés et enluminéspour le roi Charles V, Paris 1903, Pl. XI; - Delisle 1907 I, pp. 260-262; - Couderc 1910 p. 13and Pls. XXXI, XXXII; - Martin 1923 p. 97 and Fig. XC; - Exh. Paris 1968 No. 185.


illuminated by the Master of the Coronation of Charles VI. However,nobody else but Jean de Vignay presents the manuscript to him: he canbe identified by the Tau-cross on his chest. At the time of Charles V, Jeande Vignay had been dead for many years. This anachronism can only beexplained by the reminiscence of Charles V's literary activitiesprevailing over those of his father.

Once a literary-historical presentation has become the traditionalfrontispiece of a certain text, as a rule it is passed on to later copies. Aprologue mentioning the dedicatee by name certainly adds to thetransmission of his portraiture.

A dedicatee of modest significance to later generations will risk to bereplaced by later patrons. We may see his external characteristics beingsubstituted by the physionomy and possible coat of arms of the personordering a later copy. In that case, we may speak of a book-historicalpresentation. The book we see being presented is the book we hold inour hands, and the aristocrat accepting it in the miniature, is the firstowner at the same time. The contents are not dedicated to him, and hedoes not appear in other copies of the same text. The book-historicalpresentation is less common than the literary-historical variety.

This type occurs mainly in manuscripts ordered by influential andwell-known bibliophiles such as Charles V and Philippe de Bourgogne.A good example is the copy of the Jeu des Echecs, just mentioned, withthe portrait of Charles V substituted for that of Jean le Bon [Pl. 150].424

However, we can also find the book-historical presentation in texts thatdo not mention a benefactor by name.425

A number of existing presentation miniatures can be seen as book-historical as well as literary-historical. That is the group of the 'firstcopies', the original copies presented, whereby the instigator of theoriginal text is also the first owner.426 Needless to say this group is verysmall and as a rule we have to be content with second hand copies. Inthe literature on book illustration one encounters 'first copies' relativelyoften: they are usually executed with great care and are richlyilluminated. Moreover, libraries of great literary instigators, such as anumber of French and Burgundian sovereigns, have caught the

424 The best example is apparently the presentation miniature in the Bible historialecompleted in 1371, now The Hague, Mus. Meermanno-Westreenianum 10 B 23. Here, Jeande Vaudetar offers his copy to Charles V, although the translation of the Latin text byGuyart de Moulins dates from 1295. Another example: La geste ou histoire du noble royAlixandre was translated by order of Jean de Bourgogne, comte d'Estampes. However, inParis BN fr. 9342, f. 5r the manuscript is presented to Philippe le Bon (Durrieu 1921 Pl.XXXVII).425 In Paris BN fr. 424, a copy of the Vie de Saint Hubert is presented to Louis deBruges, whereas the original text has no dedicatory paragraph (Durrieu 1921 Pl. LI).426 One of the best known examples is Brussels Roy.Libr. 9242, the frontispiece of whichshows Jean de Wauqueling presenting his translation of the Annales Hannoniae toPhilippe de Bourgogne (Durrieu 1921 Pl. XXXVI; - Exh. Brussel 1977 pp. 82-83 No. 5, Pl.5)


attention of scholars who made their findings widely known. So theinformation about 'first copies' is lop-sided, which makes the readerforget their special place in literature and art.

The application of the art of printing has led to an explosivepropagation of the literary book in the 16th century. At that time, if aprinter worked on request, he usually expressed his gratitude in wordsrather than in images. Often he, or the author, had the presentationcopy embellished with a precious binding. This tradition of presenting a'first copy' made with special care still exists.

To itemize the complex of differences between dedication, book-historical and literary-historical presentations, it may be helpful to putthe above into a diagram:

M i n i a t u r e Tex t S u b j e c t I c o n o g r a p h y

Dedication generally donor to saint different iconographicreligious or divine schemes,but the meaning is

personage always the same

same iconographic schemes,but with a different meaningThree types:a)'First copy':text is presented by author to instigator of text (who is also first

Presentation generally author/scribe owner of this copy)secular to instigator of b) Texthistorical: subsequent

text/copy copy of a) (recipient is not first owner of this copy)c) Bookhistorical: copy is presented by scribe to his patron (who is first owner of this copy)

Of the above types of opening miniatures each one has been acommon one, although not to the same extent in every region and inevery century. The repertoire was again enlarged in the 15th and early16th century as a result of the changing social position of patron andauthor as well as scribe. The social gap between patron and author orscribe was narrowed because of the popularisation of reading and thegrowing esteem for authorship. Thus we may encounter genre-like


scenes such as Charles le Téméraire hiding behind a pillar to watch thescribe David Aubert at work.427

Moreover, fictitious literary-historical scenes may come intoexistence when classical authors, in translation or in their originallanguage, meet with a new sense of appreciation.428 This is not essential,however, for the following chapter, where we speak of the iconographyof a frontispiece from the second quarter of the 14th century. Yet onemust consider the opening miniature of A1 against the backdrop of theabove classification.

Chapter 2: DESCRIPTION OF THE FRONTISPIECE OF A1(Pl. 137)

The miniature on f. 1r is two columns wide and takes up little morethan one half of the text block area (dimensions: 154 x 187 mm). Thepicture is divided into two compartments by an architectural frame. Thepage is slightly damaged, but this cannot lead to misinterpretation ofeither text or illustration.

In the left part, Louis IX, who may be recognized by his Franciscanhabit, his crown and halo, has entered the study of Vincent of Beauvais.The King has raised his right hand in a speaking gesture and with hisleft hand he points to a book, that is lying in front of the author. Behindhim, five men are standing, the front one is holding a glove. Vincent -an elderly man in a brown cowl over a white habit - sits in front of theKing, in a high-backed writer's chair, onto which a writing tablet isattached. His right hand is raised, his left one with a little knife is restingon the manuscript he was studying. Behind him stands a bookfilledcupboard with a triangular top. The arms of France: golden fleurs-de-lyspainted on an azure field form the background.

In the right hand part, we see an almost identical scene in reflection:Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne enters the room of Jean de Vignay from theright. Jean, young, with a tonsure, is sitting on the left in a writer's chair,busy writing a book - in his hands a small knife and a pen. QueenJeanne stands in front of him and gives him instructions. Behind her inthe far right one sees a lady-in-waiting who holds the train of the Queenover her arm. There are also a few people, who cannot be identified,amongst them a man wearing a béguin In the background the arms ofFrance and Burgundy alternate in a diaper pattern.

The iconography and composition of the miniature are remarkable.In the first place it is unusual for a frontispiece to show a double

427 - Exh. Brussel 1977 pp. 83-85 No. 6 and Pls. III, 6.428 As an example we may cite Les secrets d'Aristote, an anonymous treaty from the 15thcentury. The frontispiece, f. 7r of a copy, now Paris BN fr 562, pictures the presentation ofthe book by Aristotle to Alexander the Great (see Exh.Brugge 1981 No. 107, and Col.Pl.20).


composition. Secondly the iconography does not fit any of the schemesas described above: here we see a patron literally being pictured whilstperforming the act of commissioning. As said before, in miniatures thatrecall the commission it is always the end of that commission, thecompletion of the work which is called to attention primarily.

Before we can further study these two facets we must find outwhether other manuscripts of the French Miroir historial show asimilar image, or whether they follow a different tradition. Inanticipation however, we must take into consideration the outcome ofPart III. In chapters 2 and 3 of Part III we discovered that apart from A1,Or1 and L, all manuscripts are based on the text of J1. Like J1, they do notmention Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne. Therefore, the frontispieces thatconvey the iconography of the double commission do not depend onthe text, but follow the earlier model. In other words, later frontispieceswith the double iconography cannot be re-creations of the themebecause of the lack of a supportive text.

Chapter 3: THE OPENING MINIATURES IN OTHER MANUSCRIPTSOF THE MIROIR HISTORIAL

3.1. Double composition: the identical image

The opening miniature described above not only occurs in theLeiden manuscript (A1) but also in :

A2 = Paris Bibl. de l'Arsenal 5080 (books 9-16), c. 1332-1335 [Pl. 138]J1 = Paris Bibl. Nat. fr 316 (books 1-8), dated 1333 [Pl. 139]J3 = Baltimore Walters Art Gallery W. 140 (books 17-24) c. 1333-1335 [Pl. 140]

Ad A1/A2 [Pls. 137, 138]. A1 and A2 were made in the same period,partly illuminated by the same workshop and moreover belong to thesame series. Therefore it is not surprising that the opening miniaturesof both manuscripts show an almost identical composition.

What was hardly visible in A1 because of its poor condition is clearin A2. For instance, Vincent is found in his room while reading,whereas Jean de Vignay undeniably holds a little pen in his handtogether with a knife. A couple of minor changes can be traced, on theother hand. The triangular top of the bookcase behind Vincent has beenomitted in A2. Another detail, absent in A1 is the fact that both writersnow have a second book in front of them. This is understandable forJean de Vignay as translator. The image possibly emphasizes, withrespect to Vincent, that he is a learned man who compiles his Speculummaius based on the works of many authors. The book cupboard with anopen book on top behind Vincent symbolizes the source of hisinspiration.


Both opening miniatures are damaged, making it difficult toconclude whether they were made by one and the same miniaturist.However, it seems they were.

Looking at the opening rubric immediately below the miniatures itbecomes evident that the images are based on the text. The initial rubricof A1 reads:

Ci commence le premier volume du Mirouer hystorial translate de latin en francoiz par lamain iehan de vignay. a la requeste de tres haute et tres excellente dame jehanne debourgongne Royne de France. Et fu commencie ou quint an de son regne, lan de grace.Mil.CCC.et.XXXII. Selonc loppinion de frere vincent qui en latin latin le compila a larequeste de monseigneur saint loys jadis roy de france.

A2's opening rubric was later erased and partly replaced by laterwriting, but in the original text with ultraviolet light one can still detectthe words:

Le present livre du miroir historial de Vincent de Beauvais a ete translate en francoispar Jean de Vignay (.....)Jeanne de Bourgogne (.....)

For both reader and miniaturist it was thus clear who had beenpictured in the image and what part each person played.

ad J1 [Pl. 139]. J1 is from the same period as A1 and A2 - it is dated1333 - and was partly illuminated by the same workshop (see Part IIchapter 5).

The opening miniature was repainted in the second half of the 15thcentury because here too the first page got damaged. The repaintingapparently was done c. 1480 by order of Louis de Laval, who also had hiscoats of arms added in the margin. However, the iconography of theminiature remained unchanged even as far as details go. Only the coatof Saint Louis received a different colour: instead of the brown habit ofthe Third Order, his coat was painted bright blue, strewn with goldenlilies. He received a collar of ermine, the shape of which resembled thehood of the habit which was painted over. As time went by, the thicklayer of paint peeled off and the original brown clothes became visibleagain.

Compared to A1 and A2 one can see some small differences: in boththe King's and the Queen's retinue one can see a man who has raised amace horizontally in order to protect the royal company, the back of Jeande Vignay's chair has disappeared, Jean de Vignay has two books on hiswriting tablet whereas Vincent has one; Saint Louis carries a small staffin his left hand (this seems a 15th century addition like the royal coat),the bookcase behind Vincent does not have a triangular top as in A2.

The opening rubric has been preserved in its original state:

Ci commence le premier Volume du mireoir hystorial. translate de latin enfrancois parlamain iehan du vingnai. selonc loppinion frere Vincent qui en latin le compila a larequeste monseignor saint loys.


Although Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne is not mentioned by name inthis rubric, her identity is clear through the arms of France andBurgundy in the background.

The question may be raised how the miniaturist knew whom heshould picture. Since the Queen was only identified in the initial rubricof A1, it must be A1 which underlies this iconography and not J1.

ad J3 [Pl. 140]. J3 was finished and illuminated, shortly after 1333, asthe third part of J1. This was partly done by the same workshop as J1(Part II, chapter 5). Because the miniature was touched up later, one cannot say much about the miniaturist. Most probably he was not the sameperson who made A1, A2 or J1: the postures and gestures are clumsy, thefaces without expression.

The opening miniature was copied as accurately as possible, in orderto accord the third part with the first. The initial and marginaldecorations also correspond directly to J1. We see Louis IX in aFranciscan habit (but here the habit has been ambigiously painted blueand red) in the way he was dressed in J1. The other details - such as thefigure behind Louis IX with a glove in his right hand - are copied withcare from this manuscript, except on three counts: Jean de Vignay wearsa long black cowl with a white hood over a brown undergarment, he hasonly one book in front of him, and - what is more important - the coatsof arms of France and Burgundy in the background have disappearedand have been replaced by an ordinary background with a chequeredpattern. Louis IX can still be recognized by his attributes (crown andaureole), but Jeanne de Bourgogne is stripped of her identifyingcharacteristics.

The initial rubric does not mention either how she is related to thetranslation:

Ci comence la tierce partie du mireoir hystorial translate en francois de jehan du vignay.

Because Jean de Vignay in his prologue hints only indirectly atJeanne de Bourgogne as his patron, it is not clear to the readers whichqueen is pictured.

These four manuscripts must have been illuminated in each other'svicinity. It is not surprising that they have the same frontispiece, even ifthe iconography is unusual.We may dwell a little on the identicalpictures, the un-varying dark red of the queen's coat and ever returningglove which the companion of Louis (his son?) loosely holds in hishand.

3.2. Double composition: comparable images

It only becomes striking when much later manuscripts of the Miroirhistorial open with the same miniature, following the same formula,albeit with small changes.


Two manuscripts of the Miroir historial open with a miniaturewhich must have been derived directly from the group mentionedabove:

T = Copenhagen, Roy.Libr. Thott 429-in fº. (books 18-32) XVd [Pl. 141].Or2 = Paris BN fr. 313. (books 9-16), dated 1396 [Pl. 142].

ad T.[Pl. 141]. Folio 1r of Thott 429 shows a three coloured quatrefoilon a golden background. It covers almost two thirds of the height of thewritten space and has a width of two columns. The quatrefoil is dividedinto two parts, horizontally. In other words the two scenes are oneunderneath the other, not beside each other.

Vincent is seated in the upper part, dressed in the white habit withblack cowl of the Dominican order. He is seated in a large chair with armrests, en trois quarts turned towards a book placed on a revolving standto the left of him - for us to the right. Behind him - for us to the extremeleft - is a small building with a bolted door. Although Vincent holdsonly one object in his hand, it is clear that he is writing a text, becausethe sheet in front of him is written upon, up to the spot where his penrests on the parchment. The text on the sheet is quite legible and reads:

le xvii ie liur e conti ent his toyThese are also the words with which the manuscript itself starts.A king is standing in the centre in front of Vincent, this time

without aureole. He is regally dressed and with his right hand makes aspeaking gesture. Six members of the court are behind him to the right;one holds a mace. The background consists of fine, coloured squares.

In the lower part, the same formation has been applied. To theextreme left we see a building with a bolted door. Straightly underVincent, Jean de Vignay is seated on a similar but somewhat smallerchair. He is dressed in a dark habit with a dark red cowl over it. On hisshoulder one detects a large cross of the Hospitaller order, that might bea misunderstood Tau-cross, token of his order. He also writes a book,turned to the centre of the picture.

His text reads: ment de len

pireThe preceding words were erased, but without a doubt they relate to

the column of the first chapter of book 18, where one may read thewords: "De premier chappitre du commencement de lempire detheodosien" in the index on f. 1r, sixth line from the bottom. A queen isstanding in front of him, in the same spot where the king stands beforeVincent, in the upper part. Like the king she is wearing a crown inwhich we can see a small chapeau. A lady-in-waiting is carrying her longtrain. Behind her four other ladies are present. The background is, herealso, made up of little squares.


Because the coats of arms of France and Burgundy are absent in bothparts, and because the aureole around the king is also missing, neithercommisioning patron can be identified. We only assume they must beLouis IX and Jeanne de Bourgogne based on the data of oldermanuscripts, but we are not allowed to actually use their names withrespect to this manuscript. They are not mentioned, neither in theopening (there is no initial rubric) nor in the colophon of themanuscript. This also goes for Vincent and Jean de Vignay. It is quiteillogical to picture a text in French rather than in Latin in Vincent'shands.

All these points taken together make it clear that the miniaturistcopied the frontispiece from an older example without knowing whomhe pictured and why. This may not be surprising as far as Jeanne deBourgogne is concerned after a few generations, but it does not hold forLouis IX.

Ad Or2. [Pl. 142]. Or2 is the second part of a series which is nowincomplete; it was finished in 1396 in Paris for Louis d'Orleans. The firstpart Or1 [Pl. 143] opens with a miniature which will be discussed laterand the last volume, Or4 has four narrative images within one frame asfrontispiece [Pl. 79].

Folio 1r of Or2 shows a miniature en grisaille, divided into two,vertically; the miniature has been enlivened here and there with yellowand green, the borders have been coloured blue and red. It takes upalmost two thirds of the height of the textblock and is two columnswide. The set-up of the two halves is almost identical. While in thegroup of the Leiden Miroir the people were placed symmetrically, here,like in T, the images are parallel: both the writers are seated in the lefthand corner, while their patrons are entering from the right.

In the left part, Vincent is seated in the extreme left on a chair witharmrests and a very high and canopied back. A writing tablet is fixed tohis chair, on the tablet next to an inkpot lies a double sheet on which heis writing. The sheet is kept in place by a string with two lead balls at theends. Vincent holds in his hands a pen and a knife. He is dressed in ahabit and cowl. In front of him, to the right for us, is Louis IX, dressed inthe habit of the Third Order, crowned and with an aureole around thehead. He has raised his left arm. Behind him, a number of men, four ofwhom are visible, hold up three maces and two lances.

In the right half Jean de Vignay is seated in a high-backed chair,while he is reading a book, which is in front of him on a desk. He looksyounger than Vincent and is wearing an undergarment over which hewears a scapular with the Tau-sign on his breast. Jeanne de Bourgogne,this time without a train and ladies-in-waiting, is followed by a numberof men, who raise two maces and a lance. Her coiffure and dress areaccording to the latest fashion. She wears a crown in her braided hair. Inboth compartments the background is plain. Louis IX can be recognized


by his attributes, but Jeanne de Bourgogne could be any other queen,since the arms of France and Burgundy are missing in the background.

We may try to understand why her arms have been omitted. Thegrisaille technique does not allow a patterned background. But theremay be another reason. Louis d'Orléans, at the time the manuscript wasmade, was no longer on speaking terms with his uncle, the Duke ofBurgundy. He certainly would not have accepted a manuscript with thearms of Burgundy dominating the first folio.

The rubric of Or1 fails to talk about Jeanne de Bourgogne:

Cy commence le secont volume du mirouer hystorial. translate de latin en francois par lamain iehan de vingnay. Le quel mirouer frere vincent de lordre des freres preescheurscompila en latin a la requeste mon seigneur saint loys roy de france.

The other three main persons on the other hand are clearlymentioned and pictured.

It remains noteworthy that the outline of the frontispieces of A1, A2,J1 and J3, all from the periode 1332-1335, was followed until 1396,whereas there is no further iconographic relationship whatsoeverbetween any of the manuscripts.

3.3. Single composition

Yet another imagery seems to have resulted from the precedingoutline.

Besides the originally double composition of the Miroir historial, animage came into existence in the 14th century, in which the two sceneswere combined into one. Two manuscripts exist in the Miroir historialwith such a single frontispiece:

Or1 = Paris BN fr 312 (books 1-8), 1395-1396 [Pl. 143].L = Malibu P. Getty Museum Ludwig XIII.5 (books 1-8), c. 1475

[Pl. 144].

ad Or1. [Pl. 143]. Or1, the first part of Or2, was written andilluminated in 1396. The miniature has the width of two columns, herealso, and occupies about two thirds of the text block. The image is doneen grisaille with green and yellow highlights.

The author is seated on the left in a monumental chair, with a highcanopied back. A reading tablet on which an open book is fastened to theleft arm of the chair. The writer is dressed in a long habit, over which along cowl. He looks like an elderly man and wears a short beard. He isreading the book, while his hand with the knife is resting on the book.The portrayal is almost identical to that of Vincent in the left hand partof f.1r of Or2 [Pl. 142].

On the right hand stands a king, crowned and dressed in a long coat,next to him a queen. Behind them there are a lady-in-waiting and anumber of men holding two maces and a lance. The queen carries hertrain over her left arm. This set-up is well-known to us, but who are the


king and queen? Is she an anachronistic Jeanne de Bourgogne next toLouis IX or is she the saint's spouse? She may bear a likeness to Jeannede Bourgogne in Or2, but this is not decisive: all queens look similar inthe manuscript. This time the solution is not given by the openingrubric, because only Jean de Vignay is mentioned by name and he of allpeople does not figure in the miniature:

Ci commence le premier volume du mirouer hystorial, translate en francois par frere Jeande Vignay, et contient les livres I-VIII du miroir hystorial.

The king proves at least as problematic. Is he Louis IX or not? Allattributes, who identify him in the older manuscripts: habit, aureole andcrown, have disappeared, but he can hardly be an other king. It is quiteimpossible that he would be the commissioning patron: we know forcertain that Louis d'Orleans ordered the manuscript, but Louisd'Orléans was not a king, although he would have liked to be one. Theonly other possibility is Jeanne de Bourgogne's husband, Philip VI ofValois, who was the King until 1350. Although he had a hand in othertranslations, he certainly did not play a part in the Miroir historial.

Because it is most probably Vincent who is pictured here, it is mostlikely that Louis IX is the commissioning patron. Is it certain that Louiskept his attributes until the end of the 14th century? If one looks atpictures of him dating from the 14th and 15th century one sees that hisFranciscan habit is often replaced by a regal dress and that his aureole isnot a constant attribute either.429 A convincing example of the changein iconography is the frontispiece of J1, which was touched up in the15th century. At that time it was thought that a blue regal coat withgolden lilies and ermine lining suited the holy King better than aFranciscan habit.

If we accept that Louis IX is indeed pictured here, then the queen athis side must be either his wife Marguerite de Provence or Jeanne deBourgogne. Even if the latter does not fit in historically speaking. But, aswe know, the reader in the Middle Ages was not concerned withanachronism (see for instance Pl. 150, in which Jean de Vignay presentshis translation to Charles V). It might be better to say that the queen hasno identity at all: most probably the miniaturist did not know whom hepictured and now after six hundred years it makes no sense to link thepicture to a definite person.

ad L.[Pl. 144]. The manuscript now in Malibu was made around 1475in Ghent for the family Lannoy d'Amerancourt. We are acquainted withthe frontispiece on f. 1r from Warner's description: "The author,tonsured, sits on the left, on a high-backed chair with a book before himon a revolving stand. He addresses a king, who enters from right,followed by a queen, a page, who supports the queen's train, a male

429 - Exh. Paris 1970 ch. IV: L'iconographie du roi; - Thomas 1976 pp. 209-231.


attendant, and a waiting-woman. In the background are red and goldareas, columns, and windows, with landscape beyond".430

The iconographic formula of the miniature is identical with that ofthe frontispiece of the manuscript Or1 mentioned above, but for detailssuch as the background, the number of servants and the fact that thequeen's train is now carried by a page. Apart from his physionomy onemay conclude that Vincent is pictured here and not Jean de Vignay,from an insignificant detail: the writer sits in a 'high-backed chair'.Examining all the above descriptions we see that Vincent is alwaysseated in a chair higher or bigger than Jean de Vignay's. This is an odddetail, very likely derived from the bookcase behind Vincent's chair inthe frontispieces of A1, A2, J1 and J3, and copied by all miniaturists as anaccidental addition.

One might wonder how the formula of the single compositionoriginated. Either it developed from the group of the doublecomposition, which did relate to the text and the history of the text, or itmust have originated quite independently.

In our opinion it seems likely that - as gradually Jeanne's part in thetranslation faded and her visit to Jean de Vignay's workshop was fittedin the same scheme as Louis's commission to Vincent of Beauvais (Or2and T bear this out) - the two scenes were simply combined: the queenwas put next to the king and writer and translator became oneclergyman. When T was illustrated this was not the case yet; Or1 andOr2 , part1 and 2 of one and the same series, show the transition andfinally L is a late Flemish example of the combination.

That at least is the way things look when our starting point is themanuscripts that have survived. Of course there have been others. Ofthe remaining manuscripts, the frontispieces are missing in eight cases:

B1 = Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939-41 (books 1-13), c. 1370-1380.B2 = Paris BN n.a.fr. 15942-44 (books 14-24), c. 1370-1380.B3 = London BL Add. 6416 art. 15 (fragments), c. 1370-1380.C2 = London BL Lansdowne 1179 (books 9-16), XIVfin.C4 = Paris BN fr. 52 (books 25-32), XIVfin.EP2 = The Hague Roy.Libr. 128 C 1, vol 1 (books 10-17), XVd.EP3 = The Hague Roy.Libr. 128 C 1, vol 2 (books 18-25), XVd.EP4 = The Hague Roy.Libr. 128 C 1, vol 3 (books 26-32), XVd.

Although their frontispieces are missing, we can safely speculateabout the lost miniatures since the manuscripts are parts of series.

In the case of B1 only, one can suppose that its frontispiece belongedto the category of the double composition: in chapter 2 we showed thatthis manuscript was copied directly or indirectly from J1. C2 and C4 verylikely followed an other tradition as is evident from the frontispiece ofC1, mentioned below. The Hague manuscript may have started with the

430 - Warner 1920 p. 227. See also: - Euw & Plotzek III 1982 p. 243, Pl. 168.


picture of Vincent writing, in the same way as the first part E to which itis related (see below).

The remaining manuscripts of the Miroir historial all have othertypes of frontispieces, or no frontispiece. We will describe them herebriefly.

3.4. Other frontispieces of the Miroir historial

Manuscripts of the Miroir, which either have no frontispiece, or afrontispiece which is different from the scheme outlined above are thefollowing:

C1 = Rome Bibl.Vat.Reg.lat. 538 (books. 1-8), XIVfin [Pl. 145].Or4 = Paris BN fr. 314 (books 25-32), 1396 [Pl. 79].GH = The Hague Roy.Libr. 72 A 24 (books 25-32), XVa [Pl. 80].G1-4 = Paris BN fr. 308-311 (books 1-32), 1455 [ Pls. 81, 83, 84].N1-2 = Paris BN fr 50-51 (books 1-11, 12-22), c. 1460 [Pl. 147].N3 = Chantilly Mus. Condé 722 (books 23-32), 1463.E = London BL Roy. 14 E 1 (books 1-8), c. 1480 [Pl. 146].

N3, G2 and G4 have been set up without a frontispiece [e.g. Pl. 84, 84a].Of the other manuscripts Or4, GH, and G1,3 are provided with anarrative opening miniature [Pls. 79-81, 83]. On the first page of N2 theenormous coat of arms of the Connétable de Bourbon, occupying theentire folio, was added after 1488. All these are not of interest to us, apartfrom the fact that, apparently, a frontispiece tradition different from theoriginal type was also existant.

C1 opens with a portrait of the author. Folio 1r shows, one columnwide, a picture of Vincent reading or compiling [Pl. 145]. The scholar issitting in a room, dressed in a dark coat over a white undergarment, in achair with a high back. On the reading tablet which is fastened to thechair he holds a book. On the right, two servants bring him severalbooks: under their arms and on their shoulders they carry large andsmall codices. Behind them we see open shelves with rows of books.The idea is to point out that Vincent was not only a learned man whohad read a lot, but that he also compiled an encyclopaedia and in thatway made use of the knowledge of many other authors. It is certain wedeal here with Vincent and not with Jean de Vignay.

The rubric under the miniature could have led to a more extensivepicture:

Ci commence le premier volume du mirouer historial translate de latin en francois par lamain Jehan de Vignay selon loppinion de frere vincent qui en latin le compila a larequeste de monseigneur saint loys.

We see the same image in the beginning of E (f. 3r) [Pl. 146], althoughhere Vincent has no helpers. The rubric is also the same as in C1, fromwhich we may conclude that Louis IX as person who commissioned themanuscript, lasted longer in the rubric than in the miniature.


N1 has no opening rubric on f. 1r, but does have a beautifulfrontispiece, composed of different images. In the upper left corner, abook-historical presentation takes place: a cleric presents the manuscript,not to Louis IX or Jeanne de Bourgogne, but to a nobleman whoundoubtedly commisioned the manuscript, the unfortunate Jacquesd'Armagnac, duc de Nemours. It is the one and only book-historicalpresentation of the Miroir tradition, that survived [Pl. 147].

It may be useful to recapitulate what was said sofar:

-A1 and A2, J1 and J3 all have the same frontispiece with the sameoutline. The four main characters, Vincent of Beauvais, Jean de Vignayand the commissioning patrons Louis IX and Jeanne de Bourgogne(with the exception of J3), can easily be recognized. The four manuscriptsdate from the years shortly after the translation of the Miroir wascompleted, that is shortly after 1332-1333 [Pls. 137-140].

- T and Or2 each have a frontispiece that is closely related to the A1formula, but here the two compartments have a parallel outline insteadof a symmetrical one. The queen has become anonymous and in T,Louis IX is also not characterized. Both manuscripts date from the lastquarter of the 14th century [Pls. 141, 142].

- In two manuscripts: Or1 and L the two scenes have been combined:a king with a queen pay a visit to a clergyman in his study. These datefrom 1396, respectively c. 1475 [Pls. 143, 144]].

- All other manuscripts have frontispieces which do not fit the aboveoutlines. Two of these picture Vincent at his desk (C1, E); another (N1)shows a book-historical presentation. They date from the 15th century[Pls. 145-147].

From the above one may conclude that originally the two patrons,together with the author and the translator were rendered, and that astime progressed, these people were omitted one by one. First Jeanne deBourgogne, then Jean de Vignay, then Louis IX, until only the mostimportant person, the author Vincent of Beauvais, remained.

The iconography of the frontispieces of A and J has provided a longtradition, which through its history was gradually reduced to the simpleportrait of the author. The illustrator was unfamiliar with the picturefor two reasons. Firstly, the image is based on the rubric of A, while inall other manuscripts the rubric gives a shorter description. Due to thiscircumstance the illustrator lacked vital data. Secondly, in the course ofthe 14th century frontispieces in general are made according to one fixedtheme, thanks to the many commissions of Jean le Bon and his sonCharles V: the book presentation. This explains why the iconographicformula of the actual commissioning process remained a practice on its


own that was not followed. Only during the patronage of Philip ofBurgundy will this image be used again, in a new context.431

*°*°*°*

Chapter 4: PROVENANCE OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THEFRONISPIECE OF THE MIROIR HISTORIAL

We have to ask ourselves whether the two aspects, which during thedescription of the miniature of A1 at the end of chapter 2 led toquestions, are specifically true for the Miroir historial, or whether theymay occur in other texts.

In the first place there is the matter of the double composition. Is thistypical for the Miroir or does it occur in other translations? Secondly wemust deal with the request formula instead of the presentation scheme.Is this really something unusual or do other manuscripts commissionedby the royal family recall their literary patronage in the same way?

Or do we have to look for the origin of this image in the circles ofJean the Vignay? After all he dedicated many of his translations tomembers of the French court or produced them as ordered by the courtmembers. Or do the works of Vincent, for one reason or another, call foran opening miniature with a request instead of a presentation? It is notpossible to give a definite answer to these questions, because the numberof manuscripts that would have to be investigated is too vast. We havemade a selection, hoping to arrive at some conclusions:

- We have investigated the frontispieces of all manuscriptscontaining translations by Jean de Vignay. It concerns eleventranslations, extant in 125 manuscripts from the early 14th century tothe early 16th century. These are mostly translations commissioned byJeanne de Bourgogne, Philip VI of Valois and Jean le Bon [APPENDIX D].

- We have investigated whether the Speculum historiale by Vincentof Beauvais had led to a special frontispiece for the first part of the text[APPENDIX B].

431 For example: - Brussels KB 9244 f. 3r: visit by Philip of Burgundy to Jean Wauquelin,third part of the Chroniques de Hainaut translated by Jean Wauquelin, completed in1468 ( Gaspar & Lyna 1937 III pp. 1-26; Exh.Brussel 1977 No. 5, Pl. 4). - Brussels Bib.Roy.6 f. 9r: visit by Philip of Burgundy to David Aubert, first part of Histoire de CharlesMartel, written by David Aubert before 1472 (Gaspar & Lyna 1937 III pp. 148-159;Exh.Brussel 1977 No. 6 Pl. 7). - Brussel Bibl.Roy. 8 f. 7r: visit by Charles le Téméraire toDavid Aubert, third part of the Histoire de Charles Martel (see before) (Exh.Brussel1977 No. 6 Pls. III and 6).- Paris BN fr 6185 f. 1r: visit by Emperor Tiberius to ValeriusMaximus, French translation by Simon de Hesdin and Nicolas de Gonesse. Thismanuscript made for Philip the Good (Exh. Brussel 1959 No. 34 Pl. 15). - Brugge GrootSeminarie 154/44 [G. Boccaccio Genealogia deorum.] f. 9r: presentation by Boccaccio toHugo IV with, left, a visit by a nobleman to the author's workshop. This manuscriptmade for Jan Crabbe 1470-75 (Exh. Brugge 1981 No. 88 Col.Pl. 15)


4.1. Manuscripts with translations by Jean de Vignay[APPENDIX D]432

Of the eleven translations undertaken by Jean de Vignay, nine havebeen commisioned by members of the royal family or dedicated to them:Le Directoire a faire le passage de Terre Sainte, Le Miroir de l'Eglise andLes Enseignements ou ordenance pour un seigneur qui a guerres etgrans gouvernemens a faire were translated for Philip VI of Valois (whoreigned from 1328-1350); in our opinion one should add to these LesMerveilles de la Terre d'Outre Mer.433Les Epîtres et Evangiles del'année, Le Chronique de Primat, La Légende dorée andLe Miroirhistorial were made for his wife Jeanne de Bourgogne, and Le Jeu desEchecs for his son Jean le Bon who was then still Duke of Normandy.434

It is unknown who were the instigators of the other two translationsby Jean de Vignay: De la Chose de la Chevalerie by Vegetius and LesOisivetez des Emperieres by Gervais of Tilbury.

4.1.1. Translations for Jeanne de Bourgogne

The illustrated copies of Les Epîtres et Evangiles de l'année and LeChronique de Primat (numbers 4 and 10 in APPENDIX D) start with anarrative image and consequently do not concern us. The manuscriptsof the Légende dorée (APPENDIX D No. 6) aimed at a rich clientele: of thenearly 40 manuscripts that survive, only four are not illustrated.

In modern catalogues one often has not bothered to count the greatnumber of miniatures. The manuscripts open with a narrative image:the Coronation of Mary, the Last Judgment or a Maiestas scene or scenesfrom the life of some saint. Jeanne de Bourgogne's picture occurs in onemanuscript only, which not otherwise illustrated (London BL Phillipps199, = Loan 36/199, f. 1r). Here, Jean de Vignay presents her with a copyof the text.

When the frontispiece is not placed on the first page but after theprologue or after the index, one sometimes finds on the first page asmall miniature of a writing cleric.

Nevertheless, in the text, a strong tradition about the role of Jeannede Bourgogne as a patron must have existed. Even in the early 15thcentury, the opening rubric of a beautiful specimen (Paris BN fr. 242, fArecto) is still quite explicit:

Cy commence le prologe de frere Jehan du vignay de lordre de saint Jacques du hault pas

432 See APPENDIX D for bibliographic references.433 In the London manuscript BL Roy. 19 D I, dating from shortly after 1333 , Jean deVignay on f. 136r presents the manuscript to a king, who cannot be anybody else but PhilpVI. Moreover, the Latin original had been dedicated to this king in 1333 according toKnowles (Knowles 1954 p. 353).434 - Knowles 1954 p. 353.


sur la legende doree laquelle il a translata de latin en francois a linstance et requeste detreshaulte noble et puissante dame de bourgoigne par la grace de dieu royne de france.435

From the presentation miniature of the Phillips manuscript inLondon it becomes clear that an iconographic tradition of a bookpresentation to Jeanne de Bourgogne must have existed as well, butfrom the beginning was supplanted by a Coronation of the Virgin or aMaiestas scene, better suited for the contents of the book.

4.1.2. Translations for Philip VI of Valois

The manuscript London BL Roy. 19 D I, ff. 165v-192v is the only copyof Le Directoire a faire le passage de Terre Sainte which survives. [Pl. 12].[APPENDIX D No. 2]. It must have been copied shortly after 1333, the dateof completion of the translation. On f. 165v, Jean de Vignay, who can berecognized by the large Tau-cross on his right shoulder, presents histranslation to Philip VI who sits on a throne (sella curulis) on the right.

Almost the same scene is shown on f. 136r of the same manuscript 19D I. This is the start of Les Merveilles de la Terre d'Outre Mer (ff. 136-148) which was copied around the same time and illuminated by thesame miniaturist [Pl. 148].[APPENDIX D No. 7]. The frontispiece picturesfour scenes : two images based on the contents of the first book, a bookpresentation and an image of Jean de Vignay writing, also wearing theTau-sign on his shoulder.

A second copy of this text is kept in Paris BN Rothshild 3085, ff. 207-236. The frontispiece of f. 207r pictures a scene from the first chapter,where Odoric tells of a man who is always accompanied by fourthousand partridges.

The illustrated copy of Le Miroir de l'Eglise [APPENDIX D No. 8]shows a narrative image. Les Enseignements by Theodorus Paléologus[Appendix D No. 3] survives in three manuscripts, one of which isillustrated. On f. 1r of the Brussels manuscript Roy.Libr.11042, Jean deVignay presents the translation to his patron.

4.1.3. Translations for Jean le Bon

Jean de Vignay dedicated Le Jeu des Echecs moralisé to Jean le Bonwhile the latter was not a king yet. [APPENDIX D No. 5]. It must havebeen a very popular text in the Middle Ages, because no less than fiftycopies survive. Twentyfive of these are illustrated with one or moreminiatures. Of these illustratrated copies, seventeen picture a bookpresentation [Pls. 149, 150], two picture Jean de Vignay while he iswriting his translation, and six picture some people playing chess.

4.1.4. Translations for unknown patrons

435 - Thomas 1979 p. 26, and Fig. XV; - Sterling 1987 Fig. 183.


Jean de Vignay translated De Re militari by Flavius Vegetius and theOtia Imperialia of Gervasius of Tilbury for unknown patrons. De la Cosede la Chevalerie [APPENDIX D No. 1] was his first translation and mayhave been used as practice material.436 Nine complete manuscripts anda fragment of this work survive. Six of these have a frontispiece. In twominiatures Vegetius is shown as a teacher; in one copy Jean de Vignaypresents his book to a royal patron. The other three frontispieces relateto the completion of the latin text and picture an emperor as patron(Theodosius or Valentinianus).437 The manuscript in London BL Roy.20 B I from the second quarter of the 14th century shows this action inthe shape of a double composition [Pl. 151].

As a last translation we should mention Les Oisivetez desEmperieres by Gervasius of Tilbury [APPENDIX D No. 9]. One copy ofJean's translation survives and this must date from the thirddecennium of the 14th century, shortly after completion of De Vignay'stranslation. Paris BN Rothschild 3085 (IV.1.5) starts on f. 5r with adouble miniature, which Porcher in 1955 considered to be a doublepresentation [Pl. 152]. He did not specify this further.438

In the left compartment the author Gervasius, dressed in a dark bluecoat, presents the manuscript in a golden cover to Emperor Otto IV. TheEmperor is seated on a golden chair, wearing an emperor's crown andholding his sword, raised. In the right compartment two men (clerics?)hand each other a book. The figure on the left is tonsured and wears apinkish red dress, the one on the right wears a blue-violet coat. The firstchapter deals with " Premierement des deux glaives qui senefientprestrise et jurisdiction temporel qui sont les deux gouvernements dumonde", according to the index. The rubric of the first chapter ("ladivision de regne et de prestrise et [com]ment lun et lautre doivent estregouvernez en terre") is in line with this and indeed the first chaptertalks of the two powers which govern the world: the clerical and thesecular power.439

We think it probable that the double presentation miniaturesymbolizes these two powers. At least, this seems the most reasonableexplanation for the right scene.

4.2. Manuscripts of the first books of the Speculum historiale[APPENDICES A and B].440

436 - Knowles 1954 p. 358.437 - Löfstedt 1982 p. 3.438 - Exh. Paris 1955 No. 47 pp. 28-29; - E. Picot, Catalogue des livres composant labibliothèque de feu M. le baron James de Rothschild IV, Paris 1912, p. 462.439 Its contents must have hurt emperor Otto IV because of his deeply felt disagreementswith pope Innocentius III.440 See Appendix B for literature on the manuscripts mentioned here. In Part I chapter 2,the transmission of the text and the manuscripts of the Speculum historiale are beingdealt with in greater detail.


The majority of the 76 surviving manuscripts of the Speculumhistoriale are not illustrated (see Part I chapter 2.3). Historiated initialsdo occur, but are mostly restricted to the beginning of a new book [Pls. 5-11]. The only richly illustrated copy dates from the late 15th century [Pls.2-4].

The oldest surviving manuscript might also have been the copypresented to Louis IX (Dijon, Bibl.mun. ms 568); it dates from around1260 [Pl. 5].441 In this manuscript are a few historiated initials at thebeginning of the main passages: on f. 9r (start of the Epistola actoris adRegem Ludovicum) is a picture of Louis IX, seated on a throne with astaff in his hand; on f.15r, after the prologue. we see a picture of theCrucifixion. If anywhere a good reason existed for picturing the actualordering of the text by Louis IX, then it was in this manuscript. Instead,the old representatio formula has been chosen for the initialillustration: the King enthroned.

The other manuscripts do not recall Louis's order either. Only oneextant manuscript hints at the relation of St Louis to Vincent and hiswork.442 On f. 3r of this manuscript Vincent of Beauvais, seated on leftin a high-backed chair with books stored above his head, exchanges abook with King Louis IX, who is seated on right. Though the miniatureaccentuates Vincent's position as a lecturer patronized by the King, itstill does not visualize Louis's ordering the text.

We may conclude that a scene with Louis's request to Vincent didnot belong to the tradition of the Latin manuscripts. It is surprising tosee the role Louis IX played in the genesis of the Speculum historialebeing emphasized not in the Speculum historiale itself, but in itsFrench translation.

4.3. Conclusions

We can be brief about the results of both investigations concerningthe manuscripts with translations of Jean de Vignay, and manuscripts ofthe Speculum historiale : a frontispiece that pictures the request of a textoccurs nowhere. A double frontispiece with a double presentation doesoccur a few times.

Now that we may safely assume the iconography of A1-2 and J1,J3was created especially for the Miroir historial without an existingformula at hand, we must scrutinize the reason why the miniaturist ofA1-2 opted for this theme instead of the traditional dedication orrepresentatio formula. Or, in other words, we should follow Panofsky'sintentions and look for the intrinsical meaning of the subject.

The years of the inception of the Miroir historial were of decisiveimportance to the French royal family. We all know that theacknowledgment in 1328 of Philippe VI de Valois as King of France

441 - Oursel 1924 passim; - Exh.Paris 1970 pp. 85-86 No. 148.442 Paris, Bibl. de la Sorbonne MS 54, f. 3r.


(1328-1350) was disputed by the English. Queen Isabel of England, spouseof the unfortunate Edward II and sister of the last three French kings,presented her rights to the French throne. The French were quick indismissing her rights; according to Froissart they "maintained that therealm of France was of so great noblesse that it ought not by successionfall into a woman's hand."443 Because of the Plantagenet's claim thefeud between the English and the French gathered momentum in theyears following Valois's accession to the throne. It was a vitalcontributory factor to the Hundred Years War. The Valois defendedtheir rights because of their royal descendance via the male line:Philippe VI was the son of the son of Philippe III (1270-1285), who wasthe son of Louis IX (1226-1270). Moreover, they had yet another trump-card in hands: Philippe VI's wife Jeanne de Bourgogne was directlyrelated to Saint Louis since her mother Agnes was his daughter. Inshort, if a female lineage could convey the French crown as the Englishclaimed, then Jeanne de Bourgogne could stand on her rights as well.

Against these historical data we have to look at the frontispiece of A1again. By juxtaposing Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne to Louis IX, theminiature perforce demands a comparison between the twocommissioning patrons. Thus the typological meaning becomesevident: Jeanne de Bourgogne follows the example of her grandfatherLouis, the holy King, and so accentuates her lineage. The depicting ofthe actual commission of both text and translation instead of theirpresentation makes the typology the more clearer: it not only shows thefamily tie of the two patrons, but actually parallels the deeds of theQueen with those of her holy predecessor.

The need for typology between Jeanne de Bourgogne and St Louiswas highly topical around the 1330's, but inevitably less so as timeprogressed. In the course of the 14th century the intrinsical meaning ofand J's frontispiece therefore waned, and with it its iconography. Due tolack of a supportive rubric the whole idea finally got lost.

*°*°*°*

443 Book 1 ch. 42: Par le raison de che qu'il dient que li royaumes de France est de si grantnoblèce qu'il ne doit mies par succession aler à fumelle, ne par consequense à fil defumelle. ( Chroniqes de Jean Froissart, ed. S. Luce, vol. I, Paris 1869, p. 84).

Conclusions 173

CONCLUSIONS

In this study, the manuscripts of the first eight books of the Frenchtranslation of the Speculum historiale have been investigated. First, tostart at their prime source, the provenance, reception and illustration ofthe Latin text had to be surveyed. The Speculum historiale wascomposed in the middle of the 13th century to serve the clericalintelligentsia as a reference book. Consequently, most copies werewritten in monasteries that did not require illustrations. Illumination ofthe Latin manuscripts thus is modest: flourished initials are mostcommon. In general, when historiated initials occur, they are placed atthe beginning of a new book. Of the 76 manuscripts containing the firstbooks, four are illustrated beyond the initial, but even they cannot haveprovided the miniaturists of the 14th century with the models for therich picture-cycles as found in the vernacular manuscripts.

The French translation aimed at another clientele: the royal family.Jean de Vignay used the Douai-version when translating the Speculumhistoriale. Although Leiden, Un.Libr. Voss.G.G. Fol 3A (A1) in itsopening rubric states the translation was commenced in 1332, Jean deVignay must have started long before. Several points support thisconclusion. The oldest dated manuscript of the Miroir containing books1-8, Paris BN fr. 316 (J1), is dated 24 November 1333, so before that timeJean had completed the first 8 books. We know he translated theDirectorium that was composed the year before in 1333, and he probablystarted to translate the Legenda aurea as well. Therefore, in 1333 Jeanseems not only to have concluded the translation of the first 8 books ofthe Miroir but the entire text, containing 32 books, or over one millionwords. From Latin copies made in monasteries we know that thetranscription of each volume, that is 8 books, took about a year. Since wemay assume that to translate a text takes longer than to transcribe it, it isclear Jean de Vignay cannot have translated all 32 books of theSpeculum historiale within one year. The contents of the prologue anda chapter in book 20 that Jean de Vignay both added to the translationlead to the same assumption that he started before 1328.

Two contemporary manuscripts stand at the genesis of the texttradition: A1 and J1. In the Leiden manuscript (A1) a corrector altered,interpolated and improved the translation after the manuscript hadbeen transcribed but before it was decorated. In the Paris manuscript (J1)no such corrections appear. This manuscript, however, is peculiar, sincehere the scribe expanded the rubrics at the head of two-columnminiatures if there was room left. So both texts differ on two scores: thecorrections of A1 and the rubrics of J1 . A third, semi-corrected version is

174 Conclusions

extant only in two manuscripts, dating from the end of the 14th and15th century (Paris BN fr. 312, Malibu P. Getty Museum Ludwig XIII.5).

The nucleus of our study is A1. For this we have various reasons.First, the corrections and interpolations in the text show an unusualinterest in quality on the part of the corrector, who might have beenJean de Vignay himself. They are essential for a better understanding ofthe text tradition. Second, the relation of text to miniature is extremelyclose: the miniatures we were able to investigate are based directly onthe French text. We could point at several illustrations where theadditions or errors by Jean de Vignay yield the iconography of theminiature. These minutiae, not found in later copies, suggest theminiatures are not based on prototypes, but have been conceivedespecially for A1. And third, like J1 , the Leiden Miroir seems to providearguments that it was the earliest copy, made on the request of QueenJeanne de Bourgogne.

Until now, J1 always had been assumed to be the copy presented toQueen Jeanne de Bourgogne, who ordered the translation. The mainargument for that assumption is that the arms of Burgundy and Franceare painted in the background of a miniature on f. 19v. However, in J1Queen Jeanne is not mentioned in the opening rubric as she is in A1.Moreover,we were fortunate to trace its third volume (J3) in Baltimore(Walters Art Gallery W 140). This volume bears no evidence at all ofbeing a royal commission, and various workshops completed it in ahasty way. In contrast, A1 and its second volume A2 (Paris, Bibl. del'Arsenal 5080) could well form the presentation copy. The carefulcorrections in the text, and their naming the Queen in the openingrubric support such a theory.

We proposed the hypothesis that A1 and J1 were orderd by the Queenon behalf of her two childeren who were both to marry in 1332. Thecopy she might have required for her own use, according to that line ofthought, is now lost. It would explain the royal emphasis in bothsurviving first volumes. A1 and its subsequent tomes indeed foundtheir way to her son Jean, the later King Jean II le Bon, witness hisinscription on the last folios of A1 and A2. However, since Jeanne'sdaughter Marie died in September 1333, the set being made for her wasno longer required and thus cancelled. That would explain why J3 issuch a poor manuscript compared to its first volume and why it lacksany sign of being ordered by a member of the royal family.

In the end J1, and J3 nevertheless became part of a princely library:thanks to the accurate inventories of the library of Jean duc de Berry welearned they were offered to the Duke around the year 1403. From theseinventories we know the now lost second volume of J1 and J3 wasenriched with over 500 miniatures.

For a survey of the extant manuscripts containing books 1-8, we couldnot ignore their subsequent volumes, and so we described all 38surviving volumes of the Miroir historial. Some new aspects came tolight. A volume in The Hague, Roy.Libr. 72 A 24 proved to have beenthe fourth volume of a set, the first three volumes of which were left

Conclusions 175

un-illustrated. These three volumes came later in the possession ofLouis de Bruges, seigneur de Gruuthuse. He added a fourth volume andhad them illustrated in Bruges in 1455 (now Paris BN fr. 308-311). Fourvolumes of the late 15th century may also have formed a set because oftheir identical ruling pattern: the first volume was made at the requestof Edward IV (now London, BL Roy. 14 E I), the three subsequentvolumes probably were completed later and sold to Philippe de Clèves(The Hague Roy.Libr. 128 C 1).

With regard to the text transmission of books 1-8, we found that A1did not have any impact on later manuscripts. Instead, with theexception of the two manuscripts containing the semi-corrected version,all later copies are modelled on J1. Through text comparison it becameevident the Miroir of Edward IV was copied after the Gruuthusemanuscript, and that the manuscript of Jacques d'Armagnac (Paris BNfr. 50) served as an exemplar for two un-illustrated copies (Paris BN fr.317, and fr. 6354).

One would assume, if J1 set the tradition for the text, it would do sofor the illustrations, too. In actual fact, it did not. Neither did A1 norany other manuscript: the picture-cycles of the Joseph and Aseneth storywe took as a specimen to compare the illustrated manuscripts of books1-8, prove to have little in common. Even workshops that had toillustrate the same text twice, as is the case in two 'fourth volumes'(Paris BN fr. 314 and fr. 52), chose to depict different scenes withdifferent compositions.

Two clear exceptions came to light. First, the miniatures of the firstvolume of the Miroir historial of Jean de Berry (B1) turned out to bebased on the illustration of J1. Secondly, some frontispieces of latermanuscripts go back to those of A1 and J1, the iconography of which isprovided exclusively by the opening rubric of A1. The frontispiecerepresents in the left compartment St Louis visiting Vincent ofBeauvais, and in the right compartment Jeanne de Bourgogne orderingthe translation from Jean de Vignay. Since the text of A1 has not hadany impact on later copies, the opening rubric mentioning the partJeanne de Bourgogne played in the translation is only extant in A1. Inlate 14th and15th century copies, therefore, illustrators did notunderstand the role of the queen in the right compartment. They firstjuxtaposed her to the king, thus compressing the two scenes into one.Later, the royal visit was discarded; what remained were portraits ofeither author or translator.

So here we are confronted with a remarkable illustration tradition: onone hand the picture-cycles in general have been created independentlyof one another; on the other hand the opening miniature of A1 definesa tradition that is sustained till the late 15th century. To appreciate thisdiscrepancy, one must be aware of the distinct functions illustrationsperform. They may have a complementary function, like in herbals andmedical treatises; they may have a symbolic function like therepresentation of the Crucifixion on the Te igitur page of a Missal; andthey may have a merely illustrative function. The two first categories

176 Conclusions

form part of the text, and thus depend on prototypes, often created whena text was first transcribed. The last category, however, is narrative bynature, and so subject and composition may vary as long as they areinspired by the text they illustrate.

To return to the illustrations of the Miroir: the picture-cycles have anarrative function, whereas the frontispiece conveys an extra,typological meaning. By juxtaposing the request of both the Latin andthe French text, it aims to visualize the direct relation of Jeanne deBourgogne to St Louis, her grandfather. Because of the claim of theEnglish of the French throne via the female lineage, such an emphasison the Queen's family ties can be gathered from the political situation.

Last, we have to answer the question posed in the introduction: didA1 exert any influence on text and illustration of later copies?Surprising though the outcome is, it will now be clear that, except forthe frontispiece, it did not.

*°*°*°*

Appendix A: Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale, first volume 179

A provenance not contemporary to the date of origin, is given betweensquare brackets [].1 XIVA means: first half of the 14th century; XIVa: firstquarter of the 14th century; XIVin: beginning of the 14th century.

The illustrated manuscripts are marked with an asterisk *. Manuscriptswith their illustration excised are marked (*).

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE SPECULUM HISTORIALE, FIRST VOLUME.

LIBRARY DATE ORIGIN PROVENANCE

1. Arras, Bibl.Mun. 566 XIII/XIV NFr [Arras, St. Vaast OSB]

2. Augsburg, Un.Libr. 1469 SGerm Füssen, St. Magnus II.1 fol. 194, vol. I (Füssen) OSB3. Auxerre, Bibl.Mun. 92 XIVB Fr(Pontigny?) Pontigny, abbey

OCist4. Barcelona, Cath.Cod. 23 XIV ? ?5. Barcelona, Cath.Cod. 95 XIV ? ?6.*Boulogne, Bibl.Mun. 130 XIIIfin Fr St. Bertin, abbey

OSB7.*Boulogne, Bibl.Mun. 131 1297 Fr (St. Bertin?) St. Bertin, abbey

OSB8. Brussels, Bibl.roy. 9146 1448-50 SN (Liège) Liège, St. Laurent

OSB9. Brussels, Bibl.roy. 9330 1453 SN (Huy) Huy, N Dame

OAug.10.Brussels, Bibl.roy.II 941 1270/80 SN (Cambron) Cambron, abbey

OCist11.*Brussels, Bibl.roy. XIVin SN (Tournai?) Tournai, St. Martin II 1396 OSB12. Cambridge, Corp.Chr. XIVa NFr? ? Coll. 813. Cambridge, St.John's XIII/XIV Fr [Canterbury, Coll. B. 21 St. Augustine OSB]14.(*)Cambridge, Un.Libr. XV ? ? Ff III.22 (1230)15.*Cava dei Tirreni 1320 It (Cava) Cava, SS Trinità Bibl.abb. 25 OSB16.*Châlon s/Saone XIVin Fr (La Ferté) La Ferté-s-Grosne, Bibl.Mun. 5 abbey OCist

1 We have not been able to study all manuscripts in autopsy. Most findings are based onprinted catalogues. Where Voorbij and the Atelier Vincent de Beavais could provide uswith additional information, they kindly did so on many an occasion. Origin andprovenance of the Utrecht Speculum historiale have been supplied by Peter Gumbert,Leiden.

180 Appendix A: Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale, first volume

17.*Dijon, Bibl.Mun. 568 ca 1260 Fr Royaumont OCist(Royamont?)

18. Douai, Bibl.Mun. 797 XIVa NFr Marchiennes, abbey(Marchiennes) OSB

19. El Escorial, Ms.lat.e.I.14 XIVfin ? ?20.*El Escorial, Ms.lat.O.I.2 XIVb Fr [Conque-Duce de

Olovares]21. Florence, Bibl.Med. XIV ? [Fiesole, abbey OSB] Laur., MS Fiesole 14222. Göttweig, Bened. Stift 1459 SGerm/ Göttweig, St. Mary 404 (359) Austria OSB23. Halle, Univ. und XV NGerm Erfurt, Landesbibl. (Stolb.-Wernigerode) Georgskloster Za. 85, vol. 124. Heidelberg, Bibl.Univ. XIVa SGerm Salem, abbey OCist Cod.Sal. IX.4125. Innsbruck, Un.Bibl.17 XIVA Austria Stams, St. JohnBapt

(Stams) OCist26. Innsbruck, Un.Bibl. XVmid Austria (Tirol) Wilten, St. 103 Laurence & St.

Stephen OPraem?27. Kaliningrad ca 1408 Fr (Paris) Pelplin, St. Mary (Königsberg), Bibl. Reg. OCist et Univ. 1758 I (lost in World War II)28. Klosterneuburg, ca 1430 Austria Klosterneuburg, Chorherrenstift 128 (Kloster- St. Mary &

neuburg) St. Saviour OAug29. Krakow, Bibl.Jagell. 442 XVa ? ?30. Lambach, Bened.Stift XVmid Austria/SGerm Lambach, St. Mary C.l.c.9 & St. Chilian OSB31. Leipzig, Un.Bibl. 1311 ca 1280 NGerm? Altzelle, abbey

OCist32.*Liège, Bibl.un. 60E 1350 SN (St. Trond) St. Trond, abbey

OSB33.*Lisbon, Bibl.Nac. XIV B Fr (Paris?) ? MS ill. 12534.*Lisbon, Bibl.Nac. 1460/70 Fr (Angers) ? MS ill. 12635.*Lisbon, Bibl.Nac. XIII/XIV Fr or SN ? MS ill. 13036. London, BL Harl.3689 XVmid Germ? ?37. London, BL Roy. 1333 Fr [Sion Monastery] 13 D VIII [William Cates]38. Luzern, Zentralbibl. 1338 NFr. Pairis, abbey OCist KB P 13 fol, vol.1 [St. Urban, abbey

OCist]39. Lyon, Bibl.Mun. 180 XIVmid Fr [Arles, Ph. de Lévis,

Appendix A: Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale, first volume 181

archbishop 1463-75]40. Molembaix (Belg.), 1474 SN (Elsegem) Elsegem, B. Maria priv.coll de Vallo OAug41. München, Bay.St.Bibl. 1432 SGerm ? Clm 29242. München, Bay.St.Bibl. ca 1320 Germ Aldersbach, abbey Clm 2661 (Aldersbach) OCist43. München, Bay.St.Bibl. XV SGerm Benedictobeuern, Clm 4524 abbey, OSB44. München, Bay.St.Bibl. 1332 SGerm Metten, St. Michael Clm 8201 a (Metten?) OSB45. München, Bay.St.Bibl. 1437 SGerm Oberaltaich, SS CLM 9509 Peter & Paul OSB46.*München, Bay.St. Bibl. XIVb SGerm Schäftlarn, Clm 17.129 (Schäftlarn) monastery OSB47. München, Bay.St.Bibl. 1464 SGerm Scheyern, St. Mary Clm 17.416 (Scheyern) OSB48. München, Bay.St.Bibl. XV SGerm Tegernsee, abbey Clm 18.060 (Tegernsee) OSB49. Namur, Mus.Arch., 1503-04 SN (Walcourt) Walcourt, N Dame Fonds de la Ville V.66 du Jardinet OCist50. Oxford, Bodl.Libr. XIVA Engl? Exeter, R.Hereward, MS 287 (2435) canon († 1362)51. Oxford, Lincoln Coll. XIV ? ? MS lat. 3452.*Oxford, Merton Coll. XIVin Fr (Paris?) Salisbury, Roger of MS 123 (M.2.7) Martival, bishop53. Padua, Bibl.Ant. XIV Fr (Paris) ? 42 Scaff. II54.*Paris, Ars. 1010 XIVb NFr ?55. Paris, BN lat. 4897 XIV NFr [Béthune]56.*Paris, BN lat. 14354 XIVmid Fr (Paris) Paris, St. Victor

OAug57. Paris, BN lat.16014 XIII/XIV Fr [Paris, Sorbonne]58. Paris, BN lat.16919 XIV Fr [Dijon, Cab.

Brouhier][Clairvaux?Troyes?]

59. Paris, BN lat.17548 XIV Fr (Paris) Paris, Gr.Augustins60.*Paris, Sorbonne, MS 54 XIVmid Fr [Paris, Jesuit

College Louisle Grand]

61.*Prague, Knihovna XIVA Fr Prague, Dean and metr. Kapitoly G III Chapter62. Prague, Národni Muz. XIV ? ? XVII B 19 (3823)63. Reims, Bibl.Mun. 1356 1402 Fr (Reims) Reims, Guy de Roy

archbishop

182 Appendix A: Manuscripts of the Speculum historiale, first volume

1390-140264. Rein, Stifsbibl. 97 XVa Austria (Rein) Rein, abbey OCist65.*Rome, Vat.lat. 1962 XIVB Fr Le Puy, bishop66.*Rouen, Bibl.Mun. U.23 XIV Fr Jumièges, abbey

OSB67. Salamanca, Bibl.univ. XV ? ? 174868. Stuttgart, Würt.Bibl. 1423-25 Dtld Wiblingen, HB XI 47 Martin OSB69.*Troyes, Bibl.Mun. 170 XIII/XIV Fr Clairvaux, abbey

OCist70.*Troyes, Bibl.Mun. 464 XIII/XIV Fr Troyes, Dean and

Chapter?71. Uppsala, Un. Libr. XIVa NFr Frauenburg C 680 (Ermland), Dean

and Chapter72.(*)Utrecht, Un.Bibl.738 1465 NN Utrecht, St. Mary (4 A 5) (Deventer) Dean and Chapter73. Vellereille-lez- XIVa S N Bonne Espérance, Brayeux, Coll.Bonne OPraem Espérance74. Vienna, Österr.Nat. XIV Austria ? Bibl.39275. Vienna, Österr.Nat. ca 1470 S N Brussels, Bibl. S.n. 12704 Rooklooster OSB76. Wroclaw, Bibl ca 1379 ? ? Uniwersytecka IV F 96

*°*°*°*

Appendix B - Illustrations in the Speculum historiale, first volume 183

ILLUSTRATIONS IN MANUSCRIPTS OF THE SPECULUM HISTORIALE, FIRSTVOLUME

MANUSCRIPTS WITH MINIATURES:

1. CAVA DEI TIRRENI, Bibl. abb., MS 25.Speculum historiale, books 1-16 (with MS 26 complete). Made in Cava, dated 1320.

Parch., 336 ff., 425x280 mm, 2 columns, 70 lines. Littera textualis formata. Borderdecorationwith flowers, acanthus and drôleries at the beginning of each book, 14 ornamented initials, 3historiated initials, 2 miniatures, of which one historiated initial and one miniatureillustrate books 1-8:

f. 1r: miniature (2 columns), divided into 8 compartments: Creation of angels, Fall ofLucifer, separation of water, creation of land, creation of firmament, creation of animals,creation of man, Maiestas Domini.

f. 1r: initial: portrait of Philippo de Haya, standing between a deacon and an acolyte.Coats of arms of Philippo de Haya, abbot of Cava (1316-1331) frequently at the bottom of apage, e.g. ff. 1r, 181r.Provenance: Since its origin the manuscript has been part of the library of the Holy Trinity'sAbbey of Cava dei Tirreni.

Literature: - L. Mattei-Cerasoli, Codices Cavenses, I: Codices membranacei, AbbatiaCavensi 1935, pp. 50-51; - M. Rotili, Miniatura francese a Napoli, Benevento-Romana 1968,pp. 15-16, Tav. XIV; - B. Degenhart & A. Schmitt, Corpus der italienischer Zeichnungen1300-1450, Berlin 1968, vol I,1, pp. 46-48, Figs. 75-78a; - Avril 1969 p. 326; -F. Bologna, Ipittori alla corte angioina di Napoli 1266-1414, Roma 1969, pp. 139, 145 (nn 145-147), 352; - F.Sabatini, La cultura a Napoli nell' età angioina, in: Napoli angioina. Cultura e società,Napoli 1975, p. 75; - M. Rotili, La miniatura nella Badia di Cava. I. Lo scrittorio i coraliminiati per l'abbazia, Cava/Napoli 1976, pp. 57 ff., 118-119, Tav. LXIII-LXVa (with morebibliography).

2. LISBON, Bibl.Nac., MS illuminado 125.Speculum historiale, books 1-18. Made in France, XIVB. Parch., 2 columns, littera

textualis and cursiva. Borders decorated with vine leaves and dragons, 3 miniatures, ofwhich at least one is illustrating books 1-8.

Beginning of book 6: within a quatrefoil frame Alexander the Great is sitting on a bench,surrounded by four knights.No more details available.Provenance: unknown. It would be too hypothetic to suggest, that it belonged, together withMS ill. 126, to René d'Anjou (see next manuscript). Note on f. 1r: Beja.

Literature: - R. dos Santos, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures conservés en Portugal, Paris1932 (Bull.SFRMP 14, 1930), p. 13 and Pl XIIIa; - Cl. Schaefer, Le maître de Jouvenel desUrsins (Coppin Delf?), illustrateur du 'Speculum historiale' de Vincent de Beauvais (ms 126de la Bibliteca Nacional à Lisbonne, in: Arquivos de centro cultural português VIII (1974), p.81.

184 Appendix B - Illustrations in the Speculum historiale, first volume

3. LISBON, Bibl.Nac., MS illuminado 126/ NEW MEXICO, PrivateCollection

Speculum historiale, books 3-16. Made in France (Anjou, Master of the Geneva Boccaccioor Jouvenel Master), ca 1460/70. Parch., 339 ff., 450x315 mm, 2 columns, 52? lines, litteracursiva formata. Gatherings of 12 ff.. Decorated initials, borders with flowers and acanthus.First quire with books 1-2 (and, without doubt, with illuminations) is wanting. In Lisbon, 4miniatures are still present. 9 leaves, probably with pictures, have been cut out; 3 leaves,with their miniatures excised, are kept loose with the manuscript. In New Mexico, 6 cut-outminiatures are in a private collection, three of which illustrate the first 8 books:

Illustration of book 3 (New Mexico): the Finding of Moses. Pharaoh's daughter, standingat the brink of the river Nile, hands the little naked Moses over to his mother, who iskneeling in the foreground. Three handmaidens are standing behind the princess. In an opencastle in the top right-hand corner the princess presents Moses to the Pharaoh, who isseated in a golden chair. The priest of Heliopolis is standing next to him and makes a gestureof protest.

Illustration of book 4 (New Mexico): Vision of King Astiages who dreamed of his onlydaughter with a vine growing out of her and occupying all Asia where it becomes the army ofCyrus, who kills the king.2

Illustration of book 5 (Lisbon 126, folio unnumbered): Nectanabus visits Queen Olympiain her bedroom; outside Philip of Macedonia at the head of his army requires theexplanation of a dream from his astrologer.

Illustration of book 7 (New Mexico): Probably Cicero disputing over the definition of God(Book VII, chap. 6) with a man on the right pointing to a statue of a deity and crowds of menlooking up at it and gesticulating, pointing, and shaking their fists, all in the presence of aking who looks both ways at once.Provenance: It has been suggested that the manuscript was made for René d'Anjou (SchaeferVIII 1974 pp. 98-99), but no sign of this remains. If so, it then went from Charles III d'Anjou tothe cloister of Saint-Maximin, to be sold later in the 17th century (Albanés 1874 p. 301;Laurent 1931 p. 359). It is unknown how the manuscript found its way to Lisbon. 6 cut-outminiatures were acquired by Daniel Burckhardt-Wildt (1759-1819); his album, No. 31 was24-4-1983 sold by auction at Sotheby's, lot 129.

Literature: R. dos Santos, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures conservés à Portugal, Paris1932, p. 13 et Pls XIIIb, XIV (Bull. SFRMP 14); - Cl. Schaefer, Deux enluminures du Maître deJouvenel des Ursins à la Biblioteca Nacional à Lisbonne, in: Arquivos do centro portugês VII(1974), p. 137 n 44; - Cl. Schaefer, Le maître de Jouvenel des Ursins (Coppin Delf?),illustrateur du 'Speculum historiale' de Vincent de Beauvais (ms 126 de la BiblitecaNacional à Lisbonne, in: Arquivos de centro cultural português VIII (1974), passim and col.Pls.I-IV; - Pächt & Thoss I 1974 p. 36 n 2; - König 1982 pp. 167, 169; - Catalogue of single leavesand miniatures from western illuminated manuscripts, Auction Sotheby's, London 24-4-1983lot 129, col.Pls. and ill.

4. PARIS, Bibl. de la Sorbonne, MS 54Speculum historiale, books 1-8 (with MSS 55-57 complete). Made in France, XIVb (c.

1330). Parch., 193 ff., 478x325 (318x200) mm, 2 columns, c. 58 lines. Gatherings of 12 ff.Decorated initials, borders with vineleaves. One miniature at the beginning of the prologueon f. 3r, the width of 1 column.

F. 3r: Vincent of Beauvais, seated on L in a high-backed chair with books stored abovehis head, exchanges a book with King Louis IX, seated on a sella curulis on R.

2 Christopher de Hamel, Sotheby's, was so kind as to provide me with photographs ofthe illustrations of books 4 and 7. I have followed Sotheby's description of theminiatures of books 4 and 7.


Provenance: Paris, Jesuit college Louis-le-Grand.

Literature: La vie universitaire parisienne au XIIIe siècle, Exh. Paris (Sorbonne) 1974, p. 8No. 4 and Ill.

MANUSCRIPTS WITH HISTORIATED INITIALS

1. BOULOGNE S/MER, Bibl.Mun. 130 (166)Speculum historiale, books 1-18. Made in France, St Bertin?; since the end of the 13th

century in the monastery of St Bertin (OSB)Historiated initials at the beginning of each book. Illustration of the first 8 books:f. 6v: Vincent of Beauvais writing. Lectern with open book before him.f. 25r: God the Father enthronedf. 48v: The Finding of Moses. The princess, standing, holds the baby high in her arms. A

lady-in-waiting follows her, a castle behind the two ladies.f. 68r: Astyages lies asleep at the bottom of the initial, and dreams of his daughter's

offspring: she is lying asleep above him, with a vine growing from her body.f. 83r: Two kings standing in seperate compartments; one looks up at the sky.f. 92v: Four kings standing in seperate compartments. In margine: Alexander lying on his

deathbed, three men standing next to him.f. 110v: A king enthroned speaks to two men standing before him.f. 131r: Two kings addressing each other.

Literature: Cat.gén IV (anc.sér) 1872 pp. 654-655; - L'Art du Moyen Age en Artois, Exh. Arras(Palais Saint Vaast) 1951 p. 60 No. 66; P. Heliot, Les manuscrits illustrés de la Bibliothèquede Boulogne, in: Bulletin du comité flamand de France (1934), p. 12; - Stones 1977 pp. 7, 22 n25, and her Appendix C.

2. BOULOGNE S/MER, Bibl. Mun. 131 (168)Speculum historiale, books 1-17. Made in 1297 for Eustache Gomer de Lille, abbot of St

Bertin (OSB). MS 130 is likely to have been copied from this manuscript soon after itscompletion.

Historiated initials at the beginning of each book, representing the same scenes as MS130.Literature: same as MS 130.

3. BRUSSELS, Bibl.roy. II 1396Speculum historiale, books 1-9 (books 17-24 are London, BL Add. 25441). Made for or by St

Martin's cloister in Tournai, at the beginning of the 14th century; later in the collection ofPhillipps, Middlehill No. 2074.

One historiated initial on f. 1r: Vincent teaching pupils from his own tripartite work.Literature: - V.d. Gheyn III (1903) No. 2109; - Gabriel 1962 Pl. IV; - Stones 1977 pp. 7, 22 n 24,and her Appendic C.

4. CHALON s/SAONE, Bibl.Mun. 5Speculum historiale, books 1-7. Made for or by the abbey of La Ferté-sur-Grosne (OCist)

at the beginning of 14th century.One historiated initial on f. 232: Caesar enthroned.

Literature: S. Bougenot in Catalogue général 6, Paris 1887, p. 361.

5. DIJON, Bibl.Mun. 568Speculum historiale, books 1-7. Made in NFrance, c. 1260. Belonged first to Royaumont

(OCist), later to Cîteaux (OCist).


Two historiated initials:f. 9r: King (Louis IX) enthroned.f. 15r: Crucifixion.

Literature: - Ch. Oursel, Les manuscrits à miniatures de la bibliothèque de Dijon, Paris 1923,pp. 21-22 and Pl. XI (Bull SFRMP 7); - Oursel 1924, passim; - Gabriel 1962 Pl. V; - Guzman1969, passim; -Exh. Paris 1971 pp. 85-86 No. 148; - Lusignan 1972 pp. 32-34; - Branner 1977 p. 9n 39; - Stones 1977 pp. 6, 21 n 21 and Appendix C; - Lusignan 1979 passim; - Voorbij 1986 pp. 14-15 and passim.

6. EL ESCORIAL, MS lat O.I.2Tabula of Jean de Hautfuney and Speculum historiale, books 1-8. Made in the 14th

century in France. The work of Jean de Hautfuney is dedicated to Simon d'Archiac, doyen deSaintec, archibshop of Vienne; later in the library of the Conde-Duque de Olivares.

Historiated initials, probably at the beginning of each book.F. 158r: The poisoning of Alexander. No more details available.

Literature: - Ross 1963 p. 21; - R. Lejeune & J. Stiennon, La légende de Roland dans l'art dumoyen-âge, Bruxelles 1966, vol 1 p. 320, vol 2 Pl. 371 (not Pl. 370); - D.D.R. Owen, RidderRoeland Paladijn van Karel de Grote, Bussum 1973, Pl. 30 (also in English, London 1972).

7. LIEGE, Bibl. univ. 60ESpeculum historiale, books 1-16 (MS 61E is second part, dated 1352). Written in 1350 by

Guillaume de Dycka for Jean de Mierle, provost of the monastery St Trond (OSB) in Liège(see f. 285r).

One historiated initial at f. 17r: the donor kneels before St Trond who is holding a modelof a church; around the initial the words:.."sancti trudonis"Literature: - Trésors d'art de la vallée de la Meuse, Exh. (Musée des Arts Décoratifs), Paris1951-52, No. 258 (also in Rotterdam, Museum Van Beuningen, No. 243); - M. Coens, Les saintsparticuliers honorés à l'abbaye de Saint Trond II, in: Analecta Bollandiana 73 Fasc. I-II(1955), pp. 141, 148; - Masai & Wittek I 1968, No. 49 and Pls. 138-140; - Benedictus in deNederlanden, cat.exh. Gent 1980-1981, p. 265 No. 640 and Pl. facing p. 197.; - P. de Winter, Labibliothèque de Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne 1364-1404, Paris 1985, p. 228; -Handschriften uit de abdij van St Truiden, cat exh. Leuven 1986, pp. 225-230.

8. LISBON, Bibl.Nac. MS ill. 130, vol 1.Speculum historiale, books 1-7 (vol 2 contains books 16-27). Made at the end of the 13th

century, probably in France.One historiated initial on f. 22r: Maiestas Domini.Provenance: unknown. Note of f. 1r: Beja, which indicates that this manuscript at one

time belonged to the same collection as Lisbon, Bibl.Nat. MS ill. 125.

9. MÜNCHEN, Bay.Staatsbibl. 17.129 (Olim Schefl. 129)Speculum historiale, books 1-8 (with MSS 17.130-132 complete). Probably made for

Scheftlarn monastery (OSB) shortly before 1333(on the last folio a contemporary handreads:" Quatuor volumina Chunradus Sachsenhauserus a fratre Hainrico Talhaymaero a.1333 emit 180 florenis")3.

One historiated initial on f. 3v: Vincent writing.

10. OXFORD, Merton College 123Speculum historiale, books 1-8 (with MSS 124-126 complete). Made in the beginning of

the 14th century in France (Paris?). Bequaethed by Roger Martival († 1330), chancellor of

3 In another manuscript from Scheftlarn (München, Bay.St Bibl. 17.030) Chunradusdescribes himself as "praepositus in Schefflarem"; see Colophons I 1965 p 379.


Oxford University and bishop of Salisbury to Merton College; later in the hands of EdmundPalmer who died in 1543.

Historiated initial at the beginning of each book:f. 5r: Vincent writing; table with books in front of him.f. 37r: God the Father enthronedf. 72v: Moses shows the tabula to his people.f. 104r: King Astiages gives orders to two soldiers; on R a counsellor consults his books.f. 127v: King (Alexander) enthroned.f. 144v: initial excised.f. 170v: Nativity.f. 202v: on L two kings on both sides of a tower address each other. On R: Death of the

Virgin.Literature: F.M.Powicke, The Medieval Books of Merton College, Oxford 1931, p. 110 No.

143; - J.J.G. Alexander & E. Temple, Illuminated Manuscripts in Oxford College Libraries,Archives and the Taylor Institution, Oxford 1985, p. 71 No. 716.

11. PARIS, Bibl. de l'Arsenal 1010Speculum historiale, books 1-8 (with MSS 1011-1013 complete). Written in France, XIVb;

provenance unknown.One historiated initial on f. 3r: Dominican teaching four pupils.

Literature: Martin Arsenal II 1886 p. 231.

12. PARIS, Bibl.Nat. lat 14354Speculum historiale, books 1-18 (with MS lat. 14355 complete). Made in Paris, c. 1350,

probably for the Abbey of St Victor (OAug) in Paris (their coats of arms on f. 4v).Historiated initials at the beginning of each book. 4 of them have been cut out.f. 4r: Annunciationf. 8v and all other initials: Mary with the Infant Jesus enthroned.

Literature: L. Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits de l'abbaye de St Victor, Paris 1869, p. 7.

13. PRAGUE, Knihovna metr. Kapituly G IIISpeculum historiale, books 1-8. Made in N France in the 14th century. Belonged in the

XVIII century to the Dean and Chapter Library of Prague (see f. 1r)One historiated initial on f. 4r: a saint, haloed, is standing with a book in his hand.

Literature: A. Podlaha, Soupis Rukopisu knihovny Metropoltní Kapitly Prazske; F-P, Praze1922, No. 993.

14. ROME, Vatican Libr lat 1962.Speculum historiale, books 1-12 (with MSS 1963-64 complete). Made in France, XIVB.Belonged to the bishop of Le Puy, who died in 1418.Historiated initial at the beginning of each book. Illustration of the first 8 books:f. 7v: Trinityf. 48r:?f. 81r: Finding of Cyrus by a shepherd.f. 107r: Birth of Alexanderf. 125v: king (Alexander) surrounded by 4 peoplef. 155r: ?f. 190r: revolt against the emperor

Literature: N. Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini III: Codd 1461-2059, Romae 1912, pp. 375-376; - Lusignan 1979 p. 34; - Ross 1963 p. 21; - [M-C Duchesne], Notices descriptives desmanuscrits du Speculum maius. 1. Le Speculum historiale manuscrits de la BibliotecaApostolica Vaticana, in: Spicae 4 (1986), pp. 11-29, esp. 16-17.

15. ROUEN, Bibl.Mun. U 23


Speculum historiale, books 1-16. Written in the 14th century, probably for the abbey ofJumièges (G.5). Three historiated initials:

f. 7r: Vincent sitting at a desk with 4 books, dictates to 2 scribes, who are sitting on theright hand side.

Beginning of book 5: Alexander, sitting on his horse, receives the keys of a city from agroup of men.

Beginning of book 6: Alexander lying on his deathbed, is surrounded by his four crownedsuccessors and two attendants.

Literature: Cat. gén.-Dept. 1, p. 283.

16. TROYES, Bibl.Mun. 170, vol 1Speculum historiale, books 1-16 (with vol 2 complete). Written in France in XIVA,

possibly for Clairvaux (OCist). It belonged to Clairvaux (Q 52).One historiated initial on f. 1r:Adam and Eve are both eating an apple from the tree of

paradise.Literature: L. Morel-Payen, Les plus beaux manuscrits et les plus belles reliures de la

bibliothèque de Troyes, Troyes 1935, p. 110 and Pl. XVIII fig 71; - Stones 1977 pp. 7, 22 n 26; -A. Vernet, Catalogue des manuscrits de l'abbaye de Clairvaux du XIIe au XVIIIe siècle, vol 1,Paris (IRHT) 1979, pp. 244, 489, 677; - Voorbij 1986 p. 36.

17. TROYES, Bibl.Mun. 464Speculum historiale, books 1-9. Written in France (Paris) at the beginning of 14th

century. Probably from the Dean and Chapter Library at Troyes.One historiated initial on f. 13r: Vincent writing.

Literature: Cat.gén II (anc. sér)1855 p. 83.

Appendix C - List of Manuscripts of the Miroir historial 189

A comparable list but without the indication of the first miniature andwithout bibliographic references can be found on pp. 93-94.4 The origin ofthe manuscripts is usually Paris, with the exception of L, E, EP2-4, and theillustrations of G1-4: these originate from Flanders.

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE MIROIR HISTORIAL IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER

Illuminated Manuscripts

LIBRARY DATE BOOKS ILL FIRST MINIATURE

A1= Leiden Un.Libr c.1332- 1-8 280 f.1r: L: Louis IX/Vincent Voss. G.G.Fol.3A 1333 R: JeannedB/JdVignay.5 (Jean le Bon)A2= Paris Ars.5080 c.1332- 9-16 450 f.1r: L: Louis IX/Vincent (Jean le Bon) 1335 R: JeannedB/JdVignay.6J1 = Paris BN fr.316 1333 1-8 322 f.1r: L: Louis IX/Vincent (Jeanne de Bourgogne?) R: JeannedB/JdVignay.7

4 This appendix is based on the lists published by Christine Knowles in: - Knowles 1954p. 381, and by D.J.A. Ross in: - D.J.A. Ross, Alexander historiatus, London 1963, p. 21(manuscripts containing book 5 i.e. the story of Alexander). There is also a list ofmanuscripts containing book 12, in: - B.S. Merrilees, la vie des sept dormants en ancienfrançais, in: Romania 95 (1974), pp. 362 ff. Older lists were compiled by: - G.C. Keidel,The history of French Fable Manuscripts, in: Publications of the Modern LanguageAssociation of America XXIV (1909), pp. 214-217. GH and EP2-4 were unknown to them.5 - Delisle 1886 pp. 89-98, Pls. 14-15; - H. Martin, Les miniaturistes français, Paris 1906,p. 60; - Vitzthum 1907 pp. 178-179; - Delisle 1907 I pp. 278-280; - H. Martin, Les peintresde manuscrits et la miniature en France, Paris 1909, p. 60; - Byvanck 1924 p. 25; - Byvanck1931 pp. 88-92 and Pl. XXVII; - J.W. Thompson, The Medieval Library p. 414; - L.Lefrançois-Pillon & J. Lafond, L'art du XIVe siècle en France, Paris 1954, p. 133; - Ross1963 p. 21; - Schatten uit de Leidse Bibliotheek, Leiden [1967], p. 17 No. 24; - Exh. Paris1968 No. 150; - Avril 1978 p. 9; - Exh. Paris 1981 p. 298; - Exh.Leiden 1987 pp. 172-173 No.107.6 - H. Martin, Catalogue de manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, t V, Paris 1889pp. 43-44; - Martin 1906 pp. 122-124; - P. Durrieu in: A. Michel, Histoire de l'Art t III,1,Paris 1907, p. 121 and Fig. 64; - Vitzthum 1907 pp. 178-179; - Delisle 1907 I pp. 279- 280; -Martin 1923 pp. 24, 93 et Pl. 40, Fig. L; - Martin & Lauer 1929 pp. 24-25 et Pl. XXVI; Exh.Paris 1938 No. 82; - Exh. Paris 1968 No. 150; - Exh. Paris 1980 pp. 53-54 No. 92; - Exh.Paris 1981 p. 298-299 No. 245.7 - P. Paris I 1836 pp. 328-330; - P. Paris II 1838 pp. 89-90; - L. Moland & C. d'Héricault,Nouvelles françoises en proses du XIVe siècle, Paris 1858, pp. xv-xvj, 3-12; - Delisle 1886pp. 88-89 and Pl. 13; - H. Suchier & Birch-Hirschfeld, Geschichte der französischenLitteratur von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart, Leipzig/Wien 1900, p. 261 andcol.Pl.- Martin 1906 p. 23 et Figs. 26-28; - Snavely 1908 pp. 19, 42-44; - Exh. Paris 1938No. 81; - Gabriel 1956 Pl. II; - Diamond Udovitch 1979 p. 186 and Figs. 35-36; - F. Avril,The Fauvel Master, forthcoming.

190 Appendix C - List of Manuscripts of the Miroir historial

J3 = Baltimore Walt. c.1333- 17-24 85 f.1r: L: Louis IX/Vincent Art Gall. W 140 1335 R: JeannedB/JdVignay.8 (Jeanne de Bourgogne??)B1= Paris BN n.a.fr. 1370- 1-13 564 f. 1 missing.9 15939-41 1380 (Jean de Berry)B2= Paris BN n.a.fr. 1370- 14-24 144 f. 1 missing. 15942-44 1380 (Jean de Berry)B3= London BL Add. 1370- fragm. 48 f. 1 missing.10

6416 art.5 1380 25-32 (Jean de Berry)T = Copenhagen Roy. XIVd 18-32 16 f. 1r: Up: Louis IX/Vinc. Libr. Thott 429, 2° Low: Jeanne/JdVignay.11

C1= Rome Vat.Reg. XIV/ 1-8 45 f. 1r: Vinc. writing. Lat. 538 XV f. 10r: 9 spheres.12

(Prigent de Coëtivy)

8 - S. de Ricci & W.J. Wilson, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in theUnited States and Canada, New York 1935, p. 846; - L.M.C. Randall e.a., Medieval andRenaissance Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery, vol. 1: France c. 875-1420,Baltimore, forthcoming (1988), No. 64.9 - [Barrois] 1830 p. 114 No. 664, p. 144 Nos. 885-887; - Guiffrey I 1894 p. 258; - Adescriptive catalogue of the second series of fifty Manuscripts.. in the collection of H.Y.Thompson, Cambridge 1902, pp. 192-206 No. 79; - Doutrepont 1906 Nos. 149-151; - Delisle1907 II p. 280; - Delisle 1907 II No. 201 and note 201; - Doutrepont 1909 pp. 410, 413; - Adescriptive catalogue of fourteen illuminated manuscripts.. in the library of H.Y.Thompson, Cambridge 1912, pp. 75-122 No. 79A; - Illustrations from one hundredManuscripts in the Library of H.Y. Thompson, Vol V, London 1915, Pls. VIII-XV; -Catalogue of twenty-six illuminated Manuscripts and eight XV Century Books printed onVellum, the property of Henry Yates Thompson, London auct. Sotheby 23-3-1920, p .115Lot LV and Pls. 36, 37; - E.G. Millar, The Library of A. Chester Beatty. A descriptiveCatalogue of the Western Manuscripts,Vol. II, Oxford 1930, pp. 156-212 and Pls. CLXII-CLXIX; - J. Sokolova, Obraz krajiny ve Francouzskych miniaturâch goticke cloby (1250-1415), Praze 1937, p. 32 No. 45; - Meiss 1967 pp. 49, 291, 294, 310, 392 n 20a, 403 n 21;-Catalogue of thirty-seven illuminated Manuscripts of the 9th to the 16th Century, theproperty of the late Sir A. Chester Beatty, London auct. Sotheby 1968 lot 20; - Nouvellesacquisitions (1969-1971) du Département des manuscrits, in: BEC CXXX,2 (1972), pp. 56-58 ; - Meiss 1974 pp. 416, 420; - [Kraus] 1983 p. 32; - De Winter 1985 p. 287 n 39.10 - Descriptive Catalogue 1902 p. 194 n 1; - Descriptive Catalogue 1912 pp. 75, 78.11 - Abrahams 1844 pp. 377; - Chr. Bruun, Die illuminerede Haandskrifter fraMiddelalderen i det store Kongelige Bibliothek , Kjøbenhavn 1890, p. 127(Aartsberetninger og Meddelelser fra Det Store Kgl Bibl. III); - Gyllene Böcker.Illuminerade medeltida handskrifter i dansk och svensk ägo, (cat. exh.Nationalmuseum) Stockholm 1952 (Nationalmusei utställningskatalog No. 193), p. 57No. 97.12 - E. Langlois, Le miroir historial de Prigent de Coëtivy, in: Romania XIV (1885), pp.131-132; - E. Langlois, Notices des manuscrits français et provençaux de Rome antérieuresdu XVIe siècle, in: Notices et Extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale etautres bibliothèques XXXIII (1890), 2e partie, pp. 15-16; - L de la Trémoille, Prigent deCoëtivy, amiral et bibliophile, Paris 1906.


C2= London BL XIV/ 9-16 78 f. 1 missing.13

Lansdowne 1179 XV (Prigent de Coëtivy)C4= Paris BN fr. 52 XIV/ 25-32 33 f. 1 missing.14

(Prigent de Coëtivy) XVOr1= Paris BN fr. 312 1395/ 1-8 183 f. 1r: Louis IX+Queen/ (Louis d'Orléans) 1396 Vincent.15

Or2= Paris BN fr. 313 1396 9-16 292 f. 1r: L: Louis IX/Vincent (Louis d'Orléans) R: JeannedB/JdVignayOr4= Paris BN fr. 314 1396 25-32 75 f. 5: 4 scenes e.g. (Louis d'Orléans) Charlemagne.GH= The Hague Roy. XVa 26-32 20 f. 1: 4 scenes e.g. Libr. 72 A 24 Hendrik II, Elphegus.16

G1= Paris BN fr. 308 XVa/ 1-9 131 f. 1r: writer in his study. 1455 f. 13r: Holy Trinity.17

(Louis de Bruges seigneur de Gruuthuse)

13 - A Catalogue of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum, London 1819, p.287; - P. Meyer, Rapport sur une mission littéraire en Angleterre, in: Archives desmissions scientifiques et littéraires, 2e série III, Paris 1856, pp. 278-279.14 - P.Paris I 1836 pp. 57-58 (anc. 6732/2); - Delisle II 1874 p. 417; - L. Delisle, Les Heuresde l'amiral Prigent de Coëtivy, in: BEC LXI (1900), p. 190; Lejeune & Stienon 1966 P. 324and Ill. 381; - De Winter 1978 p. 189.15 -A.J.V. Le Roux de Lincy, La bibliothèque de Charles d'Orléans à son château de Bloisen 1427, Paris 1843, pp. 19, 35-37; - De Laborde III 1852 Nos. 5678, 5682, 5709, 5725, 6632,7194; - Delisle I 1868 pp. 100, 106 and Pl. 16; - Delisle III 1881 p. 311, Pl. XLVI, 5 and 6; -Delisle 1886 pp. 99-101; - Catalogue de l'exposition des primitifs français (L. Delisle),Paris 1904, p. 30 No. 77; - Couderc 1910 Pl. XLII; - P. Champion, La Librairie de Charlesd'Orléans, Paris 1910, p. 110 ff; - Martin 1923 p. 99 and Fig. CII; - Exh. Paris 1938 No. 118;- Gabriel 1956 Pls. 1, VII; - Lejeune & Steinnon 1966 p. 324 and Ills. 376-378; - Meiss 1974 p.420; - De Winter 1978 pp. 187, 197-198; - De Winter 1978 pp. 187, 197-198; - De Winter1985 pp. 92, 283 n 13, 296 n 19.16 - W.G.C. Byvanck, De Oranje-Nassauboekerij..in de Koninklijke Bibliotheek..te 's-Gravenhage I: Handschriften en boeken 1450-1702, Haarlem 1898, p. 13; -A.,W. Byvanck,Aantekeningen over handschriften met miniaturen IX. De Noordnederlandse kunst en deminiaturen uit Zuid-Nederland en uit Noord-Frankrijk, in: Oudheidkundig Jaarboek 10(1930), p. 98; - Byvanck 1931 p. 46; - Bourgondische Pracht. (Cat. Exh) Amsterdam 1951No. 66; - Le grand siècle des ducs de Bourgogne, (Cat.Exh.) Dijon 1951, p. 45 No. 53; - Meiss1956 p. 193 n 24; - G.I. Lieftinck, Windesheim, Agnietenberg en Marienborn en hunaandeel in de Noordnederlandse boekverluchting, in: Dancwerc. Opstellen aangebodenaan Prof.dr. D.Th. Enklaar, Groningen 1959, p. 198; - M. Meiss, The First Fully IllustratedDecameron, in: Essays in the History of Art presented to Rudolf Wittkower, New York1967, p. 61 and Pl. 14; - Meiss 1967 p. 356; - Meiss 1974 pp. 188, 379, Fig. 688; - C.W. deKruyter, Franse geïllumineerde handschriften in de Koninklijke Bibliotheek, in:Bibliotheekinformatie 12 (Febr. 1975), p. 5; - Exh. The Hague 1980 pp. xi, xii, 2, 39, 73,78, 83 No. 32, 153; - Brandhorst & Broekhuijsen 1985 p. 22 No. 44.17 -Literature: - [J.B.B. van Praet], Recherches sur Louis de Bruges, seigneur de laGruthuyse, Paris 1831, pp. 205-206; - P.Paris II 1838 pp. 323-326; - Delisle I 1868 pp. 142,250, 256;- Winkler 1915 pp. 71, 191; -Durrieu 1921 p. 46 and Pl. XIV; - V. Leroquais, LeBréviaire de Philippe le Bon. Bréviaire parisien du XVe siècle, Paris etc 1929, p. 165 andPls. 23, 24; - Lejeune & Stiennon 1966 p. 324 and Ills. 379-380; - Exh. Bruxelles 1959 Nos.104-105; - Schaefer Coppin Delf 1974 pp. 112-113 and Pl. 39; - Farquhar 1976 pp. 36-39,60-61, 70 n 46, 116-127, 130, 132, 150-163 and Pls. frontispiece, 6-9, 59, 95-97 ; - L.M.J.

192 Appendix C - List of Manuscripts of the Miroir historial

G2= Paris BN fr. 309 XVa/ 10-17 90 f. 2v: Nero.1455

(Louis de Bruges seigneur de Gruuthuse)G3= Paris BN fr. 310 XVa/ 18-25 47 f. 2r: Theodosius before

1455 the city of (Louis de Bruges seigneur de Gruuthuse) ConstantinopleG4= Paris BN fr. 311 1455 26-32 22 f. 6v: monk beaten by 4 (Louis de Bruges seigneur de Gruuthuse) devils.N1= Paris BN fr. 50 c. 1460 1-11 211 f. 1r: different scenes, (Jaques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours) bookpresentation.18

N2= Paris BN fr. 51 c. 1460 12-22 186 f. 1r: Arms of Bourbon (Jaques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours) (added later).N3= Chantilly Mus. 1459- 23-32 110 f. 2v: Emperor Mauricius Condé 722 1463 and the destruction (Jaques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours) of Antioche.L = Malibu P.Getty c. 1475 1-8 132 f. 1r: Louis IX+Queen/ Mus.Ludwig XIII.5 Vincent.19

(Lannoy d'Ameraucourt)E = London BL Roy. c. 1480 1-9 8 f. 1r: Vincent writing.20

14 E 1. (Edward IV of England)EP2= The Hague Roy. XVd 10-17 6 f. 1 missing.21

Libr. 128 C 1, vol I (Philippe de Clèves)

Delaissé, J.H. Marrow & J. de Wit, Illuminated Manuscripts. The James A. de RothschildCollection at Waddesdon Manor, London 1977, p. 211; - Exh. Brugge 1981 p. 227 No. 75(especially on Gruuthuse MSS).18 - P.Paris I 1836 pp. 53-57 (Anc. 6731-6732); - Delisle I 1868 pp. 87-89, 91, 170, 173; - P.Durrieu, Un grand enlumineur Parisien du 15e siècle: Jacques de Besançon et son œuvre,Paris 1892, pp. 19, 51-52 Nos. XXVI-XXVIbis and Pl. 1; - L. Delisle, Note complémentairesur les manuscrits de Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours, in: BEC LXVI (1905), p. 256; - J.Meurgey, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures du Musée Condé à Chantilly, Paris 1930,pp. 111-114 and Pls. LXXI-LXXIII (Bulletin SFRMP); - Exh. Paris 1938 No. 142; - Exh.Paris 1955 p. 128 No. 265; - Manuscrits datés I: Musée Condé et bibliothèques parisiennes(ed. M.-C. Garand, J. Metman & M.Th. Vernet), Paris 1959, p. 51; - Lejeune & Stiennon1966 p. 324 and Pls. LVI, 382; - Schaefer Coppin Delf 1974 pp. 112-113 and Pls. 40-41.19 - G.F. Warner, Descriptive Catalogue of illuminated Manuscripts in the Library ofC.W. Dyson Perrins, Vol I, Oxford 1920, pp. 226-231 and Pl. LXXXVI; - Flemish Art 1300-1700, Exh. London (Royal Academy of Arts) 1953-1954, p. 155 No. 578; - Catalogue of 59Illuminated Manuscripts, the Property of the late C.W. Dyson Perrins, (Auct. Sotheby &Co 29-11-1960), vol III, pp. 86-87 and Pls. E and 43; - Euw & Plotzek III 1982 pp. 243-249,Pls. 168-211.20 - H. Omont, Les manuscrits français des rois d'Angleterre au château de Richmond, in:Études romanes dédiées à Gaston Paris, Paris 1891, pp. 1-13 No. 26; - Warner & Gilson II1921 p. 139.21 - W.G.C. Byvanck, De Oranje-Nassauboekerij..in de Koninklijke Bibliotheek..te 's-Gravenhage I: Handschriften en boeken 1450-1702, Haarlem 1898, p. 13; - Byvanck 1931p. 44; - E. Brayer, Jubinal et les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque royale de la Haye, in:Bulletin d'Information de l'IRHT 3 (1954), p. 85; - Brandhorst & Broekhuijsen 1985 p. 112Nos. 419-421.


EP3= The Hague Roy. XVd 18-25 7 f. 1 missing. Libr. 128 C 1, vol II (Philippe de Clèves)EP4= The Hague Roy. XVd 26-32 6 f. 1 missing. Libr128 C 1, vol III (Philippe de Clèves)

*°*°*°*

Non Illuminated Manuscripts

P=Paris BN fr. 315 XIVfin 9-16 - spaces left open.22

TC1,2,4-7=Paris BN XVc 1-11+17-32 -23

fr. 6354-59 (before 1477) (Tanneguy du Chastel + Jeanne Raguenel de Malestroit)DL1-3,6=Paris BN XVB 1-16+26-28 arms Derval- Laval24

fr. 317-327 (before 1482) (Jean de Derval + Hélène de Laval)

22 - P.Paris II 1838 p. 328 (anc. 6936).23 - Delisle II 1874 p. 353; - H. Omont, Catalogue général des manuscrits français. Anciensupplément français I, 6171-9560 du fonds français, Paris 1895, p. 22.24 - P.Paris II 1838 p. 331 (anc. 6939-6949); - Delisle II 1874 pp. 359-360; - Delisle III 1881p. 382; - A. Coville, Recherches sur quelques écrivains du XIVe et XVe siècle, Paris 1935,p. 166; - J. Dupic, Un bibliophile Breton du XVe siècle, in: Les trésors des Bibliothèques deFrance V (1935), pp. 157-162, esp. 158, 160; - G. Mombello, La tradizione manoscrittadell'"Epistre Othéa" di Christine de Pizan, Torino 1967, pp. 43-45.

Appendix D - Manuscripts with Translations by Jean de Vignay 195

Library Date Ill. First miniature

1 VEGETIUS, De la Chose de la Chevalerie25

1. Brussel, KB 11048 c.1445 - -.26

(Ducs de Bourgogne)2. Brussel, KB 11195 XIV 4 f. 4r: two groups of (Ducs de Bourgogne) (c. 1360) knights

f. 18v:Vegetius instructingEmperor Justinian II.27

3. Cambridge, Univ. XV B 1 f.?: two men fighting.28

Libr. Ee.II.17 (Duke of Gloucester)4. Cambridge, Caius c. 1315 - -.29

Coll.424, ff. 1-78 (?)5. Cambridge, Magd. XIV B 6 3 presentation miniatures Coll. Pep. 1938 on ff. 1r, 17v, 32v.30

25 - P.Meyer, Les anciens traducteurs français de Végèce et en particulier Jean de Vignay, in:Romania 25 (1896), pp. 401-423.; - C. Knowles, Jean de Vignay, un traducteur du XIVe siècle, in:Romania LXXV (1954), pp. 353-383; - J. Monfrin, Les traducteurs et leur public en France auMoyen Age, in: Journal des Savants (1964), pp. 5-20; - R.H. Lucas, Medieval FrenchTranslations of the Latin Classics to 1500, in: Speculum 45 (1970), pp. 225-253; - C.S. Schrader,A Handlist of extant Manuscripts containing the De Re Militari of Vegetius, in: Scriptorium 33(1979), pp. 280-302, esp. 300-302.; - J.A. Wisman, L'Epitoma rei militaris de Végèce et sa fortuneau Moyen Age, in: Le Moyen Age 85 (1979), pp. 13-31, esp. 19; - C. Buridant, Jean de Meun et Jeande Vignay, traducteurs de l'Epitoma rei militaris de Végèce. Contribution à l'histoire de latraduction au Moyen Age, in: Etude de langue et de littérature française offertes à André Lanly,Nancy 1980, pp. 51-69. (Publications de l'Université de Nancy II); - L. Löfstedt ed., Li livresFlave Vegece de la Chose de Chevalerie par Jean de Vignay, Helsinki (SuomalainenTiedeakatemia) 1982. (Annales Accademiae Scientiarum Fennicae Ser. B. Tom. 214.).26 - Meyer1896 pp. 419-420.; - Exh.Brussel 1967 pp. 148-149, No. 231.; - R. Calcoen, Inventairedes manuscrits scientifiques de la Bibliothèque royale Albert Ier, t III, Bruxelles 1975, p. 45 No.316 (+ literature).; - Löfstedt 1982, p. 14.27 - Gaspar & Lyna I 1937 p. 331-332 No. 134 et Pl. LXXb. (Bulletin SFRMP).; - Exh. Bruxelles1967 p. 148 No. 230 et Pl 14; - Calcoen l975 III p. 50 No. 334 (+ literature); - Löfstedt 1982, pp.12-13.28 George Keiser from Kansas State University give me the details concerning the miniature. -A Catalogue of the Manuscripts preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge, partII, Cambridge 1857 (reprint München 1980), pp. 33-34.; - P. Meyer, Les manuscrits français deCambridge. II: Bibliothèque de l'Université, in: Romania 15 (1886), p. 265.; - Löfstedt 1982 pp.12-13.29 - P. Meyer, Les manuscrits français de Cambridge. IV: Gonville et Caius College, in: Romania36 (1907), p. 522.; - M.R. James, Catalogue of Manuscripts of the Gonville and Caius College,part III, Cambridge 1908, pp. 495-496.; - L. Löfstedt, "Rien" et "chose". Etude lexicographiquesur la base de trois traductions, in: Studia neophilologica 44 (1972), pp. 372-342; - Löfstedt 1982p. 11, and passim.30 - Meyer1896 pp. 414-419.

196 Appendix D - Manuscripts with Translations by Jean de Vignay


6. London, Brit.Libr. c. 1470/80 1 f. 205r: Jean de Vignay Roy. 17 E V, ff. 205- presenting his book to a

king.31

7. London, Brit.Libr. XIV b 4 f. 1r: double miniature: Roy. 20 B 1 L and R kneeling figure

offering a book to anemperor.32

8. Paris, B.N.fr. 1229 XIV mid 4 f. 5r: 3 armed men (Duc de Berry) f. 16r: kneeling figure

offers book to anemperor.33

9. Rome, Vatic. Ross. c. 1370 5 f. 135r: bearded man 457, ff. 135-168. teaching young knight.34

10. Rouen, Bibl.Mun XIV - -.35

997 (I.61) 39 ff., fragments of books 3 and 4.

2. GUILLAUME ADAM(?), Directoire a faire le passage de Terre Sainte36

1. London, Brit.Libr XIV b 8 f. 165v: JdVignay offering Roy. 19 D 1, ff. 165v-192v his book to a king.37

31 - Meyer 1896 p. 420; - Warner & Gilson II 1921 p. 260; - Löfstedt 1982 p. 14.32 - Meyer 1896 p. 420.; - Warner & Gilson II 1921 p. 359.; - D.J.A. Ross, Methods ofBookproduction in a 14th Century French Miscellany (London, Brit.Mus. 19 D I), in: Scriptorium6 (1952), p. 70.33 - Meyer 1896 pp. 410-414.; - Ancien Fonds t I, Paris 1868, p. 203.; - Delisle 1907 II p. 253 andNos. 189, 305.; - Meiss 1967 1967, p. 314.; - Löfstedt 1982 p. 12.34 - E. Langlois, Notices sur les manuscrits français et provençaux de Rome antérieures du XVIesiècle, in"Notices et Extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autresbibliothèques 33 (1890).35 - Catalogue général - Départements, t 1, Paris 1886, p. 251.; - Löfstedt 1982 pp. 13-14.36 - Quetif et Echard, Scriptores ordinis Praedicatorum, t I, 1719, p. 571; Edited in: - Recueil desHistoriens des Gaules et de la France 23, pp. 5-106; - K. Kohler, Quel est l'auteur duDirectorium ...&c, in: Revue de l'orient latin Nos. 15 and 10, and in: Recueil des Historiens desCroisades, Documents arméniens II, pp. CXLIV-VI. Kohler ascribes the text to GuillaumeAdam; The Institut de Recherches de d'Histoire des Textes in Paris does the same; - H. Omont,in: Histoire littéraire de la France 35 (1921), pp. 277-284), pleads for an anonymous athor. -See also: Archives de l'orient latin, t II, l884, p. 139, No. 5990; - Knowles 1954 p. 366-367.37 - Ross 1952, pp. 63-71, and Pls.; - Warner & Gilson II 1921 pp. 339-341.



3. THEODORUS PALEOLOGUS, Enseignements ou ordenances pour unseignuer qui a guerres et grans gouvernemens a faire38

1. Brussel, KB 9467 XV - -.39

ff. 1-52 (copy of nr. 2)2. Brussel, KB. 11042 1384-1404 2 f. 1r: JdVignay and his f. 1a-86c benefactor (?).40

(Philips de Stoute)3. Dijon, Bibl.Mun. 215 - - -.41

ff. 33v-34v: Prologue of JdVignay.

4. Epîtres et Evangiles de l'année42

1. Lille, Bibl.Mun. 34 XV 1 f. 1r:Entry in Jerusalem.43

2. Paris, B.N.fr. 402 XVd 1 f. 4r: God the Father ff. 1-4, 21-fin enthroned between 4

evangelists.44

3. Paris, B.N.fr. 22890 XV - -.45

4. Paris, B.N. fr 22936 XV 1 f. 1r: Entry in Jerusalem.46

38 - J. Bastin, Le Traité de Théodore Paléologue dans la traduction de Jean de Vignay, in: Etudesromanes dédiées à Mario Roques, Paris 1946, pp. 78-88.; - C. Knowles, Les enseignements deThéodore Paléologue, in: Byzantion 22 (1952), pp. 389-394.; - Knowles 1954 pp. 369-370; - C.Knowles, Les enseignements de Théodore Paléologue, Londres 1983. (Modern HumanitiesResearch Association. Texts and Dissertations vol. 19). Les Enseignements are followed in thetwo Brussels manuscripts by the moral discours Richesses et Pauvretés, also by Th. Paleologusand translated by Jean de Vignay; usually this treatise is regarded as part of theEnseignements See - Knowles 1983, pp. 5-6.39 - Exh. Bruxelles 1967 p. 72 No. 101 et Pl. 17.; - Knowles 1983 pp. 17-18.40 - Gaspar & Lyna 1937 pp. 367-68 No. 154 and Pl. LXXXIIIb; - Exh. Bruxelles 1967 p. 72 No.101, et Pl 17.; - Meiss 1974 p. 418; - Knowles 1983 pp. 18-19; L'Héraldique dans les manuscritsantérieures à 1600 (C.v.d. Bergen-Pantens), exp. Cat Bruxelles (Bibl.Roy) 1985 No. 54.41 - Catalogue général - Départements, t V, p.; - Knowles 1983 pp. 10-11.42 - Berger 1884 pp.; - Knowles 1954 pp. 362-364; - F. Combaluzier, Une traduction française del'ordinaire de la Messe dans un manuscrit du XVe siècle (La Maison-Dieu no. 94), Paris 1968, pp.143-158. Cf. - Bull. Cod. No 78 in: Scriptorium 25 (1971), p. 129. The author argues that alsoParis BN fr. 180 contains a translation by Jean de Vignay. This manuscript lacks the first folio(P.Paris II p. 80)43 - Catalogue général - Départements, t XXVI, Paris 1897, p. 26.44 - Berger 1884 pp. 223 , 338.45 - Berger1884 pp. 227, 361; - H. Omont, Catalogue général, Ancien Fonds. Petits Fonds II, Paris1902, p. 2.; - L. Delisle, Inventaire général et méthodique des manuscrits français de laBibliothèque nationale, t I, Paris 1876, p. 34.46 - Berger1884 pp. 225, 362.; - H. Omont, Catalogue général - Anciens petits Fonds, t II, Paris1902, p. 15.



5. Paris, B.N.n.a.fr. 4508 XIV 6 f. 1r: Christ teaches the (Charles V) apostles.47

6. Roanne, Bibl.Mun. 12 XV - -.48

7. Tours, Bibl.Mun. 402 XV - first folio missing.49

4. JACOBUS DE CESSOLIS, Jeu des Echecs50

1. Albi, Bibl. Rochegude XV 14 f. ?: chess-man.51

1042. Besançon, Bibl.Mun. 1372 49 f. 240r: JdV presenting 434, ff. 240-279. his book to King Jean.52

(= ff. xiixx-v - xiiiixx-xiii) (Charles V).3. Brussel KB 11050 XIVmid 21 f. 1r: JdV presenting his (Mary of Hungary) book to king of France.53

47 - Olim Barrois No. 195; - L. Delisle, Les manuscrits du comte d'Ashburnham, Paris 1883, p.108. - L. Delisle, Catalogue des mss des fonds Libri et Barrois, Paris 1888, pp. 234-235.48 - Catalogue général - Départements t XXI, Paris 1893, p. 503.49 - Catalogue général - Départements, t XXXVII, Paris 1900, p. 321.50 - F. Lajard, Jacques de Cessoles, dominicain, in: HLF 25 (1869), pp. 9-41; - J. Rychner, Lestraductions françaises de la "Moralisatio super ludum scaccorum" de Jacques de Cessoles. Etudecomparée des traductions en tant que telles, in: Recueil de travaux offerts à M.C. Brunel, Paris1955, T II, pp. 480-493; - S. Solente, Le "Jeu des Echecs moralisé", source de la "Mutacion deFortune", in: Recueil de travaux offerts à M.C. Brunel, Paris 1955, T II, pp. 556-565; - V.A.Anderegg, Les traductions françaises du "Liber de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium superludum scacchorum" de Jacques de Cessoles, Position des Thèses, Ecole des Chartres 1957, pp. 11-15; - Th. Kaeppelli, Pour la biographie de Jacques de Cessoles, in: Archivum fratrumpraedicatorum XXX (1960), pp. 149-157; - G. Mombello, La tradizione manoscritta dell'"Epistre Othea" di Christine de Pizan, Torino 1967, pp. 266-269; - R.D. di Lorenzo, Thecollection from and the art of memory in the Libellus super Ludo Schachorum, in: MediaevalStudies XXXV (1973), pp. 205-221.The same text was also translated by Jean Ferron. Besides, there are numerous manuscripts ofDe Vignay's text interpolated with Ferron's translation. See: Knowles, Romania 1954 pp. 368-369; and: - Ch. Knowles, Caxton and his two French Sources: the "Game and Playe of theChesse" and the Composite Manuscripts of the two French Translations of the "LudusScaccorum", in: Modern Language Review XLIX, 4 (1954), pp. 417-423.51 - Cat. gén. t XL, Supplément t I, Paris 1902, p. 100; - Exh. Paris 1955 pp. 135-136 No 287; - J.Porcher, L'homme au verre du vin et le maître de Jouvenel des Ursins, in: Revue française (July1955), pp. 17-24; - König 1982 p. 13 n 38.52 - [A. Castan] Cat. gén. t XXXII, Paris 1897, pp. 250-253.; - A. Castan, Un manuscrit de labibliothèque du roi de France Charles V retrouvé à Besançon, in: Mémoires de la Sociétéd'émulation du Doubs 1882, p. 201 ff.; - Delisle 1907 I pp. 258-260; - C. Samaran & R. Marichal,Catalogue des manuscrits en écriture latine portant des indications de date de lieu ou de copisteV: Est de la France, Paris 1965, p. 15, Pl. LX.53 - (v.d. Geyn III No. 2080); - Gaspar & Lyna I 1937 pp. 322-323 No. 130 and Pl. LXVIIIb;-Manuscrits à peintures du IXe au début du XVe siècle, (Exh.Cat.) Bruxelles 1985, p. 35 No. 36.



4. Brussel KB 11136 XVa 1 f 1r: JdV presenting his (Charles de Croy) book to king of France54.5. Cambridge Univ.Libr. 1420 yes ??55

Ff.I.33, ff. 210-360.6. Carpentras Bibl.Mun. XV - -56

406, ff. 1-45.7. Cleveland Ohio XV - -57

Publ.Libr. 68. Dresden Sachs. Landes- XVA (drawings of bibl. Oc.59 chess-boards)58

9. Dresden Sachs. Landes- XVa 1 f. 83r: the dauphin before bibl. Oc.61, ff. 83-? chess-board receiving

volume offered by JdV.59

10 Grenoble Bibl.Mun. XIV yes ??60

86711. London BL Harley XV - -61

544012. London BL Roy. XVa 15 f. 1r: JdV writing62

19 C XI, ff. 1-5213. Lunel Bibl.Mun. 8 c. 1340 yes f. 1r: JdV offering his

book to prince Jean.63

14 Madrid Bibl.Naz. XV - -64

9789 (Ee.108), ff. 1-59.15. München Bay. Staats- XVa 1 f. 1r: JdV offering his bibl. Cod.Gall. 26 book to king of France65

54 - (v.d.Geyn III No. 2081); - Gaspar & Lyna I 1937 pp. 443-444 and Pl. CV,1.55 - Meyer 1886 p. 275.56 - [Duhamel] Cat. gén t XXXIV (Carpentras t 1), Paris 1901, pp. 212-213.57 - Ricci & Wilson 1935 p. 1933-35.58 - L. Olschki, Manuscrits français à peintures des bibliothèques d'Allemagne, Genève1932, p. 18. - R. Bruck, Die Malereien in den Handschriften des Königreichs Sachsen,Dresden 1906, p. 298. (Lost in World War II.)59 - Bruck 1906 pp. 240-243; - L. Schmidt, Katalog der Handschriften der königlichenBibliothek zu Dresden,III, Paris 1906, p. 124; - G. Doutrepont, Inventaire de la librairie dePhilippe le Bon (1420), Bruxelles 1906, p. 163 no. 240; -G. Doutrepont, La littérature française àla cour des ducs de Bourgogne, Paris 1909, p. 269; - Olschki 1932 pp. 17-18 en Pl XVI-XVII; -.J.Porcher, Hours of Rohan, London 1959, p. 9; - Meiss 1974 pp. 261, 366, 402, 419, 444n 253, 475 n 30and fig. 840. (Lost in World War II).60 - Cat. gén t VII, Paris 1889, p. 260.61 - A catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts in the British Museum III, London 1808, p. 268.62 - Warner & Gilson 1921 II pp. 337-338.63 - Cat. gén. - Dép. t XXXI, Paris 1898, pp. 168-169.64 - R. Etaix, Le cabinet des manuscrits du marquis de Cambis-Velleron, in: ScriptoriumXXXVII, 1 (1983), p. 80 No. 90.65 - A. Ebert, Beschreibung der königlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden p. 316; - Olschki 1932 p. 9 etPl III; - M. Meiss, The Exhibition of French Manuscripts of the XIII-XVI Centuries at the



16. München Bay. Staats- XVa 1 ?66

bibl. Cod.Gall. 2717. New York Pierp. XIVc 29 f. 1r: JdV writing, Morg.Libr. Glazier G.52 (c. 1360) grisailles surrounded by 12

chess-men67.18. New York, Bibl. XVa - -68. George A. Plimpton 282.19. Paris BN fr. 572 XVfin 1 f. 142v: JdV offering his ff. 142v-209 book to king of France.69

20. Paris BN fr. 580 XV 13 f. 1r: king and queen ff. 1-40 draw. sitting on bench.70

21. Paris BN fr. 812 XV 1 f. 76v: JdV offering his ff. 76v-120 book to prince.71

22. Paris BN fr. 1164 voor 1446 - -72. ff. 24-4823. Paris BN fr. 1165 XVA 2 f. 1r: JdV offering his ff. 1-64v book to king of France.73

24. Paris BN fr. 1166 XV 15 f. 1r: JdV offering his ff. 1-64 draw. book to king of France.74

25. Paris BN fr 1167 XV 1 f. 1r: JdV offering hisbok to king of France.75

26 Paris BN fr. 1168 XV - -.76

27. Paris BN fr. 1169 1367 - -.77

ff. 1-107.28. Paris BN fr. 1171 XV - -.78

Bibliothèque nationale, in: Art Bulletin XXXVIII (1956), p. 196 n 35; - Meiss 1967 p. 354; - Meiss1974 p. 370.66 - Codices manuscripti Bibliothecae regiae monacensis Gallici, Hispanici...descripti,Monachii 1858, p. 67 No. 492; - Olschki 1932 p. 9.67 - The International Style (Exh. Walters Art Gallery), Baltimore 1962, p. 41 No 38 and Pl.XLII; - J. Plummer, Manuscripts from the William A. Glazier Collection, New York (PierpontMorgan Library) 1968, pp. 31-32 No. 40 and Pl. 39.68 - Riccib & Wilson 1935 p. 1805.69- P. Paris V 1842 p. 13; - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 57.70 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 58.71 -P.Paris (anc 7204); - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 85; - [J.B.B. van Praet], Recherches surLouis de Bruges, seigneur de la Gruthuyse, Paris 1831, pp. 140-143; - Exh. Brugge 1981 p. 224.72 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 195.73 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 195.74 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 196.75 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 196.76 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 196.77 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 196; - P.M. de Winter, Copistes, éditeurs et enlumineurs de lafin du XIVe siècle. La production à Paris de manuscrits à peintures, in: Actes du 100e congrèsnational des Sociétés savantes, section archéologie (1975), Paris 1978 p. 193.78 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 196.



29. Paris BN fr. 1172 XVA 1 f. 1r: lady and gentlemanplaying chess.79

30. Paris Bn fr. 1728 c 1370 yes f. 157r: JdV offering his ff. 157-221 book to King Charles V.80

(Charles V)31. Paris BN fr. 1729 XV - -.81

32. Paris BN fr. 2148 XVA 21 f. 1r: JdV offering hisdraw. book to king of France.82

33. Paris BN fr. 2149 XV - -.83

34. Paris BN fr. 2471 XVd 16 f. 1r: JdV offering hisbook to king of France.84

35. Paris BN fr. 24435 XV - -.85

ff. 1-87.36. Paris BN fr. 25379 XIV - -.86

37. Paris BN fr. 25380 XIVd/XVa 1 f. 3r: JdV offering hisbook to king of France.87

38. Paris BN n.a.fr. 4783 XV - - (prologue missing).88

39. Paris BN lat. 10286 XV - -.89

ff. 185-264v.40. Paris Arsenal 2725 XVd 1 p. 1: group of men playing

chess.90

41. Paris Arsenal 3254 XVmid 17 f. 1r: JdV offering his bookto a gentleman.91

79 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 196.80 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 300; - Delisle 1902 Pl XI; - Delisle 1907 pp. 260-262; Couderc1910 p. 13 et Pl. XXXI, XXXII; - Martin 1923 p. 97 et Fig. XC; - S. Solente, Le "Jeu des Echecsmoralisé", source de la "Mutacion de Fortune", in: Recueil de travaux offerts à M.C. Brunel,Paris 1955, T II, pp. 556-565; - Mombello 1967 pp. 267-269; - Colophons de manuscrits 2 (1967),No. 6535; - Exh. Paris 1968 No. 185; - Sherman 1969 pp. 25, 31 and Pl. 14; - G.M. Cropp, Lesmanuscrits du livre de Boèce de Consolacion, in: Revue d'historie des textes XII/XIII (1982-83),pp. 273-274.81 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 301.82 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 363.83 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 363.84 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 423.85 - C. Couderc & Ch. de la Roncière, Catalogue général des manuscrits français, Anciens petitsFonds II, Paris 1902, p. 372.86 - Anc. petits Fonds t II, p. 575.87 - Anc. petits Fonds t II, p. 575.88 - H. Omont, Catalogue général des manuscrits français. Nouvelles acquisitions françaises I,Paris 1899, p. 251.89 - L. Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits latins conservés à la Bibliothèque nationale sous lesnuméros 8823-11503, Paris 1863, p. 68.90 - H. Martin, Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal t III, Paris 1887, p. 85.91 - Martin III 1887 p. 302.



42. Paris Arsenal 5107 XIVfin 22 f. 2r: JdV offering his (Jean de Berry) book to king of France.92

43. Roma Vat.Reg.1678 XV - -.93

44. Rouen Bibl.Mun. 941 XVB - -.94

ff. 1-80.45 Rouen Bibl.Mun. 942 1396 - - (ff. 3-10 missing).95

46 San Marino (Cal) Bibl. XV - - (incomplete).96

H.E. Huntington El.26.A.3, ff. 213-278v.47. Torino Bibl.Naz. 1682 XIV 1 author and king

playing chess.97

48. Troyes Bibl.Mun. 1472 - -.98

149649. Troyes Bibl.Mun XIV - -.99

213850 Wolfenbüttel Bibl. XV - - (spaces left open).100

Aug. 2990 (9.9.Aug.4°)

92 - Martin III 1887 pp. 59-60; -Delisle 1907 II pp. 251 No. 172, 304; - Meiss 1967 p. 312.93 - E. Langlois, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Biblitohèque nationale et autresbibliothèques XXXIII, partie II, Paris 1889, p. 194.94- Cat. gén. - Dép. t 1, Paris 1886, p. 238; - J. Dupic, Un bibliophile breton du XVe siècle. Jeande Derval, in: Les Trésors des Bibliothèques de France V (1935), p. 159.95 - Cat. gén. - Dép. t 1, Paris 1886, p. 238.96 - N.J. Lacy, The Huntington Romanum Sancti Pauli, in: Manuscripta LXXII,2 (1978), p. 113.97 - G. Pasini, Codices manuscripti Bibliothecae Regii Tauriniensis, Pars altera, Taurini 1749,p. 488 (Cod.gall. CXIV). (Damaged by the fire of 1903).98 - Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliotèques publiques des Départements II (A.Harmand), Paris 1855, p. 626; - C. Samaran & R. Marichal, Catalogue des manuscrits enécriture latine portant des indications de date de lieu ou de copiste V: Est de la France, Paris1965, p. 509.99 - Catalogue général des manuscrits de bibliothèques publiques des Départements II (A.Harmand|), Paris 1855, p. 862.100 - O.v. Heinemann, Die Handschriften der Herzoglichen Bibliothek zu Wolfenbüttel 2: Dieaugusteischen Handschriften IV, Wolfenbüttel 1900, pp. 147-148.



6. JACOPO DA VORAGINE, Légende dorée101

1. Arras Bibl.Mun. 630 XIV yes f. 1r: Christ with fourgris. evangelists.102

2. Brussel KB 9226 XVa 96 f. 1r: Coranation of (Charles de Croy Chimay) the Virgin.103

3. Brussel KB 9227 XVa? 2 f. 4r: Christ with4 evangelists.104

4. Brussel KB 9228 XV many f. 7r: 2 compartments: (+ Festes nouvelles) Last Judgement;

Annunciation.105

5. Brussel KB 9282-85 XV many f. 3r: prophets (+ Festes nouvelles) discussing.106

(Philippe de Clèves)6. Cambridge Fitzw.Mus. XIVmid 49 f. 3r: Coronation of the Mc Clean 124 c. 1360 Virgin.107

7. Chantilly, Mus.Condé XIVc many f. : Coronation of the 735 Virgin.108

8. Genève Bibl.Publ. et XIVB many f. 1 missing; f.?: Univ. 57 Coronation of the (+ Festes nouvelles) Virgin.109

101 - P. Butler, Legenda aurea - Légende dorée - Golden Legend, Baltimore 1899; - Knowles 1954pp. 364-366; - W.F. Manning, The Jean de Vignay version of the Life of Saint Dominic, in:Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum XL (1970), pp. 29-46. He also mentions the Manuscript LilleBibl.mun. 452, but this seems a Vie des Saints rather than a Légende dorée; - B.S. Merillée, Lavie des 7 dormants en ancien français, in: Romania 95 (1974), pp. 362-380; - K. Kunze, Katalogzur Uberlieferung der Legenda aurea des Jacobus de Voragine, in: Analecta Bollandiana 95(1977), p. 168; - Legenda aurea: sept siècles de diffusion. Actes du colloque international sur laLegenda aurea...à l'Université du Québec à Montréal 11-12 mai 1983, Montréal/Paris 1986.102 - Manning 1970 p. 42.103 - (v.d.Geyn 3420); - Gaspar & Lyna II 1947 pp. 15-18 No. 205 et Pl. CXVIII; - Meiss 1956 p.193 n 23; - Meiss 1967 p. 359; - Manning 1970 p. 43; - Meiss 1974 p. 397.104 - (v.d.Geyn 3421); - L. Delisle, Mélanges de paléographie et de bibliographie, Paris 1880,pp. 229-230; - Delisle 1907 I p. 285; Gaspar & Lyna I 1937 pp. 377-378 No. 158; - Manning 1970pp. 43-44.105 - (v.d.Geyn 3422); - Gaspar & Lyna II 1947 pp. 18-22 No. 206 and Pl. CXIX; - Exh. Bruxelles1967 No. 72; Manning 1970 p. 44.106 - (v.d.Geyn 3423); - Manning1970 p. 44.107 - (olim Ashburnham Appendix 93); - P. Meyer, Note sur la vente de la CollectionAshburnham, in: Romania XXVIII (1899), pp. 473-476; - P. Meyer in: Romania XXXIV (1905), p.492; - M.R. James, A descriptive Catalogue of the McClean Collection of Manuscripts in theFitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 1912, p. 269; - F. Winkler, Die flämische Buchmalerei desXV. und XVI. Jahrhunderts, Leipzig 1925 p. 182.108 - J. Meurgey, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures au Musée Condé à Chantilly, Paris 1930,p. 44 et Pl. XXXI; - Manning 1970 p. 42.109 - H. Aubert, Notices sur les manuscrits Petau conservés à la Bibliothèque de Genève (FondsAmi Lullin), Paris 1911, pp. 65-69; - Exh. Paris 1968 p. ; - Manning 1970 pp. 45-46; - B. Gagnebin,



9. Jena, Univ.Bibl. 1402 many f. 5v: Coronation of the Ms Gall.f..86 Virgin.110

(+ Festes nouvelles)10. London BL . XIV yes f. 1r: Coronation of the Add 16907 (1375?) Virgin.111

11. London BL XV - - (spaces left open).112

Egerton 64512. London BL XVa 1 f. 1r: JdV presents his book Philipps 199 to Queen Jeanne of (= Loan 36/199) France.113

13. London BL 1382 80 f. 2r: St. Jerome; Roy. 19 B XVII f. 5r: 4 scenes, o.a.

Coronation of theVirgin, Last Judgment, Saints.114

14. Mâcon Bibl.Mun. 3 1445-60 78 f. 2r: 2 scenes: Chrysanthe (+ Festes nouvelles) and Daria.115

(Jean d'Auxy)15. München, Bay. XVa 225 frontispiece missing.116

Staatsbibl. Cod.gall.3 (+ Festes nouvelles)16. New York Pierp. 1445-60 143 vol.1 f. 1r: scribe writing Morgan Libr. 672-675 vol.2 f. 2r: Martyrdom of (+ Festes nouvelles) St. Peter Martyr.117

17. Paris BN fr. 184 XV draw. f. 5r: tree of Jesse.118

(+ Festes nouvelles)

L'enluminure de Charlemagne à François Ier. Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque publique etuniversitaire de Genève, Genève 1976, pp. 78-79 No. 31 et 2 Pls.110 - W. Dexel, Untersuchungen über die französischen illuminierten Handschriften der JenaerUniversitätsbibliothek, Straatsburg 1917, pp. 33-39 und Taf. VIII; - Olschki1932 pp. 27-28 andPl. XXX (+ bibliography); not in Manning.111 -Ward, Catalogue of Romances II, p. 131; Manning 1970 p. 44.112 - Manning 1970 p. 44.113 - Manning 1970 p. 45.114 - Warner & Gilson II 1921 pp. 330-331 and Pl. 108; - E.G. Millar, Souvenir de l'exposition desmanuscrits français à peintures organisée à la Grenville Libraryt, Paris 1933, p. 27 No. 30 andPl. XXX (Bull SFRMP); - Manning 1970 p. 45; - Meiss 1968 pp. 93, 188, 263, 328, 401 n 24 and Figs.610, 612, 615; Meiss 1974 p. 414.115 - Volume 1 and 2 are in New York (see note 94); - Cat.gén - Dép. t VI, Paris 1887, p. 46; - V.Leroquais, Le Bréviaire de Philippe le Bon (béviaire parisien du 15e siècle), Bruxelles &c 1929,pp. 163-165 et Pl. 22bis (Œuvre nationale pour la reproduction de manuscrits à peintures deBelgique); - Manning 1970 p. 46.116 - Leidinger 1912 p. 26 No. 150; - Olschki 1932 pp. 9-10 et Pl. VI; - Meiss 1956 p. 195 n 30; -Meiss 1967 p. 358; - Manning 1970 p.; - Meiss 1974 p. 387; - König 1982 p. 64 n 169.117 - (olim No 458); volume 3 is in Mâcon (see note 92); - Leroquais 1929 pp. 163-165 and Pls. 21,22; - Manning 1970 p. 46.118 - Anc.Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 14; - Manning 1970 p. 40.



18. Paris BN fr. 241 1348 yes f. 1r: St. Jeromef. 3r: Christ in glory.119

19. Paris BN fr. 242 XV1 many f. a: Coronation of the (+ Festes nouvelles) (c. 1403) Virgin.120

20. Paris Bn fr. 243 XV 2 f. 1r: St. Jerome teachingf. 4r: Virgin and Childadored by saints.121

21. Paris BN fr. 244 XVB 90 fr. 244 f. 1r: the Fall, 245 Brazen Serpent,

St. Jerome in his study,St. Dominic preachingfr. 245: first foliosmissing.122

22. Paris BN fr. 414 1404 many f. 1r: Mary and Child inglory.123

23. Paris BN fr. 415 XV yes fr 415 f. 5r: Christ in 416 glory.124

24. Paris BN fr. 1535 XV - - (places left open).125

25. Paris BN fr. 6448 XVd 176 f. 1r: dominican writing (Jean du Mas) f. 3v: Last Judgement.126

26. Paris BN fr. 17232 XV - -.127

27. Paris BN fr. 23113 XIV - - (part II from f. 233).128

119 - Anc.Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 20; - Manning 1970 p. 40.120 - J. Porcher, Les Belles Heures de Jean de France, duc de Berry, Paris 1953, pp. 9 ff, 51 andFig.1; - Meiss 1967 pp. 252, 355, 387 n 68, 400 n 33; - M. Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jeande Berry. The Boucicaut Master, London/New York 1968, pp. 34, 63 ff, 101, 152 n 6 and Fig. 458; -Manning 1970 p. 40; - Meiss 1974 pp. 383-384 (+ bibl), 450 n 128, 476 n 61; - M. Thomas, TheGolden Age, London 1979, Fig. XV; - Sterling 1987 p. 279 Pl. 183.121 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 20; - Manning 1970 p. 41.122 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 20; - Durrieu 1892 pp. 82-83 No. XXXIII; - Manning 1970 p. 41.123 - [Van Praet] 1831 p. 215; - J. Porcher, Les Belles Heures de Jean de France duc de Berry, Paris1953, pp. 8-10, 50 and Fig. 2; - Exh. Paris 1955 p. 91 No 187; - J. Porcher, L'enluminure français,Paris 1959, p. 61 et Fig. 65; - M.Meiss, A Lost Portrait of Jean de Berry by the Limbourgs, in:Burlington Magazine CV (1963), p. 51; - Meiss 1967 p. 360; - Meiss 1974 pp. 138 ff, 255, 275ff, 398,408, 411, 455 ns 261-262, 456 n 274, 479 n 107 and Figs .388, 437, 809, 892.124 - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 40; - Manning 1970 p. 41; - Exh. Brugge 1981 p. 213.125 Probably the translation by Jean de Vignay. - Anc. Fonds t 1, Paris 1868, p. 242.126 - H.d'Orléans duc d'Aumale,Notes sur deux petites Bibliotèques françaises du XVe siècle,in: Philobiblon Society. Bibliographical and historical Miscellanies vol I, London 1854, p. 44; -H. Omont, Cat. gén. des manuscrits francais - Anc. suppl. fr I, Paris 1895, p. 34; - Manning 1970p. 41.127 - H. Omont & L. Auvray, Cat.gén. des manuscrits français - Anc. St Germain Fr. II, Paris1898, pp. 47-48; - Manning 1970 p. 41.128 - C. Couderc & C.H. de la Roncière, Cat. gén. des manuscrits français. Ancien petits Fondsfrançais II, Paris 1902, pp. 65-66; - Manning 1970 p. 41.



28. Paris Arsenal XV many first folios missing.129

3682-8329. Paris Arsenal 3705 XVA 6 f. 1r: 4 scenes, o.a.

Coronation of the Virgin,Deisis, saints.130

30. Paris Bibl.Maz. 1729 c. 1370 15 f. Ir: Coronation of the (Charles V?) Virign.131

31. Rennes Bibl.Mun.266 XIV 159 ?.132

32. Tournai (Doornik) XV 167 f. 5r: Last Judgement.133

Bibl.de la Ville 12733. Tours Bibl.Mun. XV - -.134

1011-1012.

34. Whereabouts 1480 217 f. 6r: Last Judgment a.o.135

unknown (Louis Bâtard de Bourbon)

Versions:136:35. Cambridge Fitzw. 22 c. 1480 145 f. 1r: author writing

f. 3r: Nativity, Judgement137.

36. London BL XV 1 f. 1r: Virging with Child Stowe 50-51 and Angels.

129 - Martin III 1887, p. 463; - Manning 1970 p. 42.130 - Martin III 1887 p. 473; - Manning 1970 p. 42.131 - Delisle I 1868 p. 49; - Delisle 1880 p. 230; - A. Molinier, Catalogue des manuscrits de laBibliothèque Mazarine , t II, Paris 1886, pp. 200-201; - Martin 1923 Fig. XCI; - Catalogue del'exposition du Moyen Age, Paris (Bibl.Nat.) 1926, p. 72; - G. de la Battut, Les principauxmanuscrits à peintures conservés à la Bibliothèque Mazarine de Paris, Paris 1933, pp. 31-32, PlXIII (Bull SFRMP 16); - Manning 1970 p. 42.132 - P. Jouin & D. Maillet, Description, notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèquepublique de Rennes, Rennes 1837, pp. 186-187 No 169; - Cat.gén. - Dép. t XXIV, Paris 1894, p. 127.133 - E. Soil de Moriamé, le Miroir des Hystoires du monde, manuscrit du 15e siècle à laBibliothèque communale de Tournai, in: Bulletin de l'Académie royale d'Archéologie deBelgique 1921, pp. 7-21, and 4 Pls.; - P. Faider & P.v. St. Jan, Catalogue des manuscritsconservés à Tournai, Gembloux 1950, p. 143 (Catalogues généraux des manuscrits des bibliotèquesde Belgique t VI).134 - Cat.gén. - Dép. t XXXVII,2, Paris 1905, pp. 724-725.135 - A Catalogue of Illuminated and other Manuscripts together with some Works onPalaeography offered for sale by B. Quaritch, London 1931, pp. 68-76 No 94. This manuscriptwas made for Louis le Bâtard de Bourbon in Monpensier, 6-9-1480, by the scribe Johannes.136 - P. Butler, Legenda aurea - Légende dorée - Golden Legend, Baltimore 1899, pp. 35-49.137 - (olim 7 E 7-Fw 54); - W.G. Searle, The illuminated Manuscripts in the Library of theFitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, Cambridge 1876, p. 121 No 150; - M.R. James, A DescriptiveCatalogue of the Manuscripts in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 1895, p. 43 ff; - W.H.Frere, Exposition de la Messe from la Légende dorée de Jean de Vignay, with Illuminationsreproduced from Fitzwilliam Manuscript 22, London 1922 (Alcuin Club Collections II), passim.



Epitomes:37. Brussel KB 9549 XV yes f. 4r: Martyrdom St.Stephen (extraits de 44 vies) and St Peter Martyr.138

38. Paris BN fr. 413 XV 29 f. 1: Nativity.139

(16 chapters of the Légende dorée added)39. Paris BN n.a.fr. XIV - -140. 11198, ff. 29-31.

7. ODORICO DA PORDENONE, Merveilles de la Terre d'Outre Mer141.

l. London BL XIVb 1 f. 136: 4 scenes, o.a. JdV Roy. 19 D 1 writing, JdV offering ff. 136-148 book to king of France.142

2. Paris BN Rothschild XIVb 1 f. 207r: L: Odoric, R: man 3085, ff. 207-236 with 4000 partridges.143

8. HUGUES DE ST CHER, Miroir de l'Eglise144

138 - (v.d. Geyn 3424).139 - Anc. Fonds t I, Paris 1868, pp. 39-40.140 - H. Omont, Cat.gén.mss.fr., Nouvelles acquisitions françaises IV, Paris 1918, p. 149.141 - A. Cordier (ed.), Les voyages en Asie au XIVe siècle du bienheureux Odoric de Pordenone&c, Paris 1891 (this might be the translation by Jean Belet); See: - Acta Sanctorum Janvier t 1,p. 986; - G. Gobulovich OFM, Il beato frate Odorico de Pordenone, OFM. Note critichebibliografiche, in: Archivum Franciscanum historicum X (1917), pp. 17-146; - Knowles 1954 pp.366-368.142 - P. Meyer, Documents manuscrits de l'ancienne littérature de France conservés dans lesBibliothèques de la Grande Bretagne, Paris 1871, pp. 16-30, 69-80; - Warner & Gilson II 1921 pp.339-341; - Ross 1952 pp. 63-71.143 - (olim Ashburnham 432); -E. Picot, Catalogue des livres composant la Bibliothèque de feuM. le baron James de Rothschild, t IV, Paris 1912, p. 462 and Pl.; - Exh. Paris 1955 pp. 28-29 No.47.144 - H. Suchier, Das lateinische Original im Vignay's Mirouer de l'Eglise, in: Zeitschrift fürromanische Philologie 23 (1899), p. 410 ff; - Jordan 1905, passim; - S.J. Fisher, Hugh of St Cherand the Development of Medieval Theology, in: Speculum 31 (1956), pp. 57-69; - Knowles 1954pp. 369-370; - T. Kaeppeli, Scriptores ordinis Praedicatorum 1975, No 1990; - Knowles 1983 pp.5-6.



1. Besançon Bibl.Mun. 1372 yes ?145

434, ff. xviixx-xix - xviiixx-xiv(?) (Charles V)2. Dijon Bibl.Mun. 213 XV - -146. (175), ff. 33-85v3. Paris Bn fr. 19810 XVB 1 f. 62r: Mass celebration.147

ff. 62-107. (Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours)4. Paris BN fr. 24432, XIV - -.148

ff. 317-328.

9. GERVAIS DE TILBURY, Oisivetez des Emperieres.149

1. Paris BN XIVb 46 f. 5r: L: author offering , Rothschild 3085 book to emperor; R: two ff. 1-206 clergymen exchanging

book.150

10. Histoire de St Louis et de Philippe le Hardi (CHRONIQUE DEPRIMAT)151.

1. Angers Arch. Dép. XIV 2 first miniature III F 6 (fragment). missing.152

145 - Delisle 1907 II pp. *88-*89; - C. Samaran & R. Marichal, Catalogue des manuscrits enécriture latine portant des indications de date de lieu ou de copiste V: Est de la France, Paris1965, p. 15 and Pl LX.146 - Cat.gén - Dép.t V, Paris 1889, p. 64.147 - H. Omont, Cat.gén, Ancien St Germain fr II, Paris 1898, p. 409; - L. Delisle, Notecomplémentaire sur les manuscrits de Jacques d'Armagnac duc de Nemours, in: Bibliothèque del'Ecole des Chartes LXVI (1905), p. 255.148 - Cat. gén. Anc.Petits Fonds fr II, Paris 1902, p. 367; - Romania 77 (1956), p. 124.149 - L. Delisle, La traduction par Jean de Vignay des 'Otia imperialia' de Gervais de Tilbury,in: HLF t 33, pp. 624-628; - Knowles 1954 pp. 367-368; - J.R. Caldwell, The AutographManuscript of Gervase de Tilbury (Vat. Lat. 933), in: Scriptorium 11 (1957), pp. 87-98; - A.Duchesne, Gervais de Tilbury et les Otia imperialia. Commentaire et édition critique de laTertia decisio dans les traductions françaises de Jean d'Antioche et Jean de Vignay, in: Ecole desChartes. position des thèses ..de 1971, pp. 65-69 (see: Bull.cod. No. 700, in: Scriptorium 26(1972), pp. 374-75).150 See note 143.151 - P. Meyer, Documents manuscrits de l'ancienne littérature de France conservés dans lesbibliothèques de la Grande Bretagne,Paris 1871, pp. 16-30.- Dewailly, Delisle et Jourdain(eds), Chronique de Primat, traduit par Jean de Vignay, in: Recueil des historiens des Gaules etde la France 23 (1876), pp. 1-106; - Knowles 1954 pp. 371-372.152 IRHT fichier, jack. 31386;



Chap. xxxii-xxxiiij2. London BL XIVb 11 f. 192v: Abbot of St Denis Roy. 19 D I, (after 1332) sending 2 armed ff. 192v-252 messengers.153

3. Paris BN n.a.fr. XIX - - 470 (19th century copy by N. de Wailly from London BL 19 D I).

*°*°*°*

153 - Warner & Gilson II 1921 pp. 339-341; - Ross 1952 p. 63 ff.

Appendix E - The story of Joseph and Aseneth 211

VOSS.G.G.Fol 3A

f 59v: CXVIJ Coment Joseph fu vendu et delivre de chartre.

Joseph fu ne en lan de son pere iiij.vinz.et.x. du tiers aage.ij.cens.et .i. dumonde .ij.mil.c.et.iiij.vins.et.xviij. Et qua[n]t il ot .xvi. anz et il pessoit les(5) bestes. ses freres oient envie de li et len hairent pource que le perelamoit le plus et pource que il exposa le songe son pere et que il encusoitses freres. Et une fois que il fu envoie a ses freres. il le despoillerent sacote et le mistrent en une cisterne. Et puis se conseillerent que ilenferoient et le mistrent hors de la cisterne. et le vendirent aus(10) ysmaelitiens et faindrent a son pere que il estoit ocis dont il fu tropcourroucie. Et entre tant judas son frere engendra en fornicacion de sabruz. thamar. phares. et aram. Et puis la saintefia il par oeure. Et si lavoitavant baillee a sela son filz qui estoit enfant et li avoit commende /f 60r/a garder soi tant que son filz fust grant. Et quant les ymaelichiens(15) orent achete ioseph il le porterent en egypte et le vendirent a puthifarqui estoit mestre de la chevallerie. Pharaon. Et les autrent dient aarchimacero qui estoit prince des queus. et cest semblable a vrai car enplusieurs liex celi qui donne la viande est tenu le plus honnorable. et leprince de la chevallerie comme dit josephus estoit puthifar. Et avoit(20) fe[m]me et enfanz car Joseph espousa sa fille. et ne fu pas celi puthifarqui fu dit des petiz enfanz que le roy faisoit chastrer. Et les hebriex dientque puthifar acheta joseph pour avoir a faire ali car il estoit trop formentbel. Mes nostre sire en garda ioseph car il refroida si puthifar que il notonques puis pouoir de avoir a faire a creature plus que sil fust(25) chastre. Et q[ua]nt le pueuple vit q[ue] il estoit refroidi. il le fire[n]tevesq[ue] delyopoleos. et fu plus honnore que il nestoit avant en saprince. et ioseph fu ame de li par sa bonte et le loa tant que pharaon leprist avec li. et sa dame le pria damer et pource que il ne vout habitier a lifu mis en chartre. et en la chartre exposa le songe du boutelier et quant(30) la verite fu conneue il fu mis hors du congie pharaon et fu amene aexposer le songe du roy en sa presence.

CXVIIJ. Du sushaucement joseph et de larrogance assenech.

(35) Joseph estoit en laage de .xxx. ans quant il exposa le songe pharaon etquant il ot expose il fut fait duc degypte. en lan de jacob .c.et.xxi. et du tiersaage .cc.lxxxi. et du monde .y.mil.cc.et.xxix. et li donna pharaon a femmeassenech fille puthifar vierge et furent nez manasses et effraim. Et en cetemps fist apis roy dargirie e[n] egypte la cite de me[m]ph[is].(40) De lystoire assenech. Du temps du premier des .vij. ans de la plentede blez envoia pharaon Joseph pour assembler le fourment et Joseph vinten la contree de elyopoleos ou puthifar estoit qui estoit prestre et mestreconseiller de pharaon. qui avait assenech sa fille bele sus toutes lesvierges de terre et sembloit aus filles des iuis en toutes choses. mes elle

212 Appendix E - The story of Joseph and Aseneth

(45) estoit orguilleuse et hautaine et despisat tout homme et nul hommene lavoit onques veue. Car ele estoit en une tour iointe a la messonputhifar grant et haute. Et desus cele tour avoit .i. estre ou il avoitchambres .x. et la premiere estoit bele et grant faite de pierres de marbrede couleurs. et les parois estoient de pieres precieuses asises en laz dor. et(50) la couverture doree. et la estoient les diex des egyptiens dor et dargentles quiex asseneth aouroit et leur sacrefioit chascun iour. En la secondechambre demouroit asseneth et la estoit aournement dor dargent depierres et de dras precieus. En la tierce chambre avoit de touz les biens deterre et la estoie[n]t les garnisons asseneth. Et les autres .vij.(55) chambres estoient a .vij. vierges qui servoient asseneth et estoienttres beles et homme navoit onques parle a eles ne enfant malle. En lachambre asseneth estoient .iij. fenestres. la p[re]miere tres grant pardevers orient. la seconde devers midi, et la tierce vers aquilon et en celechambre estoit .i. lit dore couvert de dras de pourpre tissus a or et a(60) iacinctes et la dormoit asseneth seule. ne onques homme navoit sissus ce lit. Et entour cele meson avoit un grant estre clos de tres haut mur.et en cel estre avoit .iiij. portes de fer a chascune porte garder avoit .xviij.hommes tres fors et ieunes et bien armes /f 60v/ et en la destre partie decel estre une fonteinne vive. et apres la fonteinne une cisterne qui(65) recevoit lyaue et arroussoit tous les arbres planctez en lestre quiestoient biaux et portans fruit. Et asseneth estoit grand comme saregracieuse comme rebeca et bele com[m]e rachel.

CXIX Comment Joseph reprist asseneth daourer les ydoles.(70)Joseph envoia un message a puthifar que il vouloit aler a sa meson. et ilest ot grant ioie. Et dist a sa fille. Joseph fort de dieu doit venir ci ie tevueil donner a li pour femme. et ele en ot despit et dit je ne vueil pasestre femme dun chietif mes de filz de roy et si comme il parloient .i.(75) message vint qui dist veez ci joseph et asseneth sen fui en sa tourhaut. Et ioseph vint soiant en .un. char qui fu de pharaon et estoit dore etle traioient .iiij. chevaus touz blans comme noif en frainz et en hernoisdore. et ioseph estoit vestu dune cote blanche tres resplendissant et unmantel de pourpre tyssu dor et avoit une coronne doree sus son chief et(80) en cele coronne estoient .xij. tres fines pierres esleves. et sus cespierres avoit .xij. estoiles dor et tenoit en sa main verge royal. et un raindolive tres plein de fruit. et puthifar et sa femme vindrent alencontre etlaourerent. Et entra iospeh en lestre et les huiz furent clos. Et quantassenth le vit de sa tour si fu trop courroucie de la parole quele avoit dite(85) de li. et dit veez ci le solleil. qui est venu du ciel a nous en son char.ie ne savoie pas que ioseph fut filz de dieu. Qui poot engendrer si gra[n]tbiaute domme. et quel ventre de femme poout porter tel lumiere. Etjoseph entra en la meson puthifar et eulz li laverent les piez. et ildemanda quel femme estoit cele qui estoit a la fenestre de la tour et dist(90) voise hors de ceste meson. car il creingnoit ia quele neut couuoitisede li comme pluseurz autres qui li avoient envoie leur messages et donsde diverses manieres que il avoit refuses o indignacion. Et puthifar dit.


sire cest ma /f 61r/ fille qui est vierge et het tout homme et ne vit onqueshomme que moy et toy au iour dui. Se tu veus ele vendra saluer toi.(95) Et il se pourpensa ce elle het tout homme ele ne sera pascouuoiteuse de moy. et dit a son pere. se vostre fille est vierge ie laimecomme ma seur. Et sa mere lala querre et la mena deva[n]t joseph. et sonpere li dist salue ton frere qui het toutes fem[m]es estrange ausi com[m]etu hez les hommes. Et donc dit asseneth. diex te gart qui es benoit de dieu(100) le haut. Et iospeh dist beneisse toy diex quie toute chose vivifie. Etdonc com[m]enda puthifar a sa fille que ele besat joseph. et ele le vot fairemes ioseph mist sa main contre la poitrine asseneth et dist. Il na partientpas a homme qui aoure dieu iuf et mengue pain de vie et boit calice sanzcorrupcion. besier femme estrange qui aoure ydoles sourdes et mues(105) et besa de sa bouche. et mengue a leur table pain de garnier. et boitcalice de leur esponges et se oint duille non enquerable.

CXX De la penitence asseneth et de la consolacion de langre.

(110) Quant asseneth out oy les paroles joseph si fu trop courciee et ploraet ioseph ot pitie de li et li mist la main sus la teste et la beney. et assenethsesioi de la beneicon. et se mist sus son lit et fu malade de pouour et deioie et renunca aus diex quele aouroit et fist penitence. Et iospeh but etmanga et quant il sen vout aler puthifar le vout retenir .i. iour(115) et il ne pot. Mes il sen ala et p[ro]mist revenir de denz .viij. iours. Etasseneth se vesti de cote noire quele vesti quant son frere le mendre fumort. et cestoit vesteme[n]t de tristesce, et clot luys de sa chambre sus liet ploura. Et ieta hors toutes ses ydoles par la fenestre de vers aquilon.et toute sa viande royal donna aus chiens. Et mist cendre sus(120) son chief et sus le pavement. et ploura amereme[n]t par .vij. jours.et aluitiesme iour qua[n]t le coc chanta et les chiens abaierent /f 61v/ aumatin. ele regarda par la fenestre devers orient et vit une estoile clere presdeli et le ciel ouri et apparut grant lumiere. Et asseneth chai a terreencline sus la cendre et home descendi du ciel. et se esta sus le chief(125) asseneth. et lapela par son non. Et elle nosa respondre de poour. Et illapela seconde foiz asseneth asseneth. et elle respondi veez me ci sire.di moi qui tu es. Et il li dist ie sui prince de la meso[n] de dieu et de sonhost. lieve toy sus tes piez et je parlerai a toy et asseneth leva so[n] chiefet vit un homme qui sembloit a ioseph en toutes choses. et(130) avoit estole et verge roial et coronne et le vout de li comme foudre.et ses iex comme raie de solleil. et les cheveus du chief com[m]e flambe defeu. et quant ele vit ele out poour et chai encline et langre la releva et laconforta et li dist. Oste ce vesteme[n]t noir que tu as vestu et to[n] caint detristesce. et ce sac de tes iambes et cele cendre de ta teste et lave ta(135) face et tes mains de vive yaue et ta orne de tes vesteme[n]z et ieparlerai a toi. Et ele saorna hastivement et retourna alangre. Et langre lidist. asseneth oste cel aournement de ta teste car tu es vierge. esiois toi etconforte car ton non vierge asseneth est escript ou liure des vivens et nensera iamais effacie. Et tu es renouvelee au iour dui et uiuifiee et mengeras(140) pain de beneicon et beuras bouire sanz corrupcion car tu seras ointe

214 Appendix E - The story of Joseph and Aseneth

de cresme saint. et je tai donnee espouse de ioseph. et ton nom ne seraplus apele asseneth mes non de grant refuge. car ta penite[n]ce a prie pourtoi. le haut roy de qui elle est fille et vierge touz iours riant et a trempee.Et ele demanda a langre son non. et il respondi. Mon non est escript(145) du doi de dieu ou livre du tres haut roy et tout ce qui est escripten celi livre nest pas a dire ne il na partient a dire na oir a nulmortel.

CXXI De la table et du miel que asseneth mist a langre.(150)Et dist asseneth qui tenoit le mantel de langre par desus. Si ie ai trouvegrace en tes iex sie toy. un petit sus ce lit sus lequel onques homme nesist. et ie ta parellerai la table. et langre dit fai tost. et ele mist le pain et levin douz et souef flairant et nape neuve et langre dit donne moy une(155) roie de miel. et elle fu courciee pource que ele nen avoit point. etlangre li dist entre en ton celier et tu en trouverras sus ta table. et ele y alaet trouva miel tres blanc comme noif et tres pur de soueue odeur. Et eledist a langre sire ie navoie point de miel et tu le deis de ta bouche sainteet il est fait. et loudeur de li sent comme laleinne de ta bouche et(160) langre si rist pour lentendiblete asseneth et mist sa main sus sonchief. et dit tu es benoite pource que tu delessas les ydoles et creus ennostre seigneur vif. Et ceulz sont benoiz qui viennent a li par penitencecar il mengont de cesti miel que les mouches de paradis firent de larousee des roses de paradis. Et ceulz qui en mengeront ne morro[n]t ia en(165) pardurablete. Et puis prist langre /f 62r/ le miel et en rompi unepetite partie. et en manga un pou et mist lautre en la bouche asseneth etdist. Tu as mangie en ce iour pain de vie. et es ointe de cresme saint et teschars sont renouuelees et tes os sont sanez. et ta vertu sera sans defaillir.ne ta iuennesce ne uieillira ia. et ia ta biaute ne faudra. et tu seras cite(170) souuereinne de touz les affuiens au non de nostre seigneuromnipotent roy des siecles. Et puis atoucha langre la ree de miel et elledevint entiere comme devant. Et puis estendit sa main et toucha de sonmestre doi le miel en croiz et la ou son doi toucha fu fait en sanc. et dist aasseneth regarde ce miel. et qua[n]t ele le regarda ele vist mouches issir(175) hors du miel blanches comme noif et aucunes merueilles commeiacinctes. Et avironnerent toutes asseneth et fessoient le miel en sapaume et mengierent li et langre de celi miel. Et langre dit aus mouchesalez vous en vostre lieu. et eles sen alerent vers orient en paradis. Etlangre dist. Ausi seront toute les paroles vraies que ie te hui dites. Et(180) encore entendi ( langre sa main tierce foiz et toucha le miel. Et le feusailli sus la table et usa le miel senz faire mal a la table. Et loudeur qui issidu miel et du feu fu tres douce.

C et XXIJ De la beneicon des VIJ vierges et du mariage asseneth.(185)Asseneth dist a langre: Syre je avec moy .vij. vierges qui i furent norriesavec moy et des enfance et fumes toutes neez et engendrees en une nuit.ie les apelerai et tu les beneiras comme moi. Et il les fist apeles et les


beney. et dist: beneisse vous diex nostre seigneur tres haut. et soiez ausi(190) comme .vij. columpnes de la cite de refuge. Et donc commendaasseneth oster la table. et quant ele ot ostee et ele aloit mettre la en sonlieu langre sesvanoui de ses iex. et quant ele retorna ele vit ausi commeun curre a .iiij. chevaus alant vers orient ou ciel. Et asseneth commenca aprier /f 62v/ dieu que il pardonnast ce que ele avoit parle si hardiement(195) a li. Et veez ci tantost un message qui nunca a putifar que josephami de dieu venoit. et son message est ia ala porte. Et asseneth se hastadaler encontre et saresta devant les estables de la meson. et quant iospehentra en lestre de le salua. et li dist les paroles que langre li avoit dites. etli lava les pies. Et lendemain pria joseph pharaon q[ue] il li donnast(200) asseneth a femme et il li donna. et leur mist coronnes dor lesmeilleurs que il avoit, et les fist entrebesier lun lautre, et leur fist grantnoces et grant disner qui durerent .vij. iours et commenda que nul nefeist euure les noces durantes. et apela ioseph filz de dieu. et asseneth filledu tres grant roi haut. Comestor. Et avant que le temps de la famine(205) venist ele ot .ij. filz et le premier fu apele manasses qui est adireobliance. et dist diex me fist oublier mes labours et la meson de mon pere.Et lautre fu apele effraim. qui est a dire fructifiement et dist diex me fistcroistre en la terre de ma pourete.

*°*°*°*

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*°*°*°*

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The Hague 1980 Schatten van de KoninklijkeBibliotheek/Treasures of the Royal Library, (A.S.Korteweg & C.A. Chavannes-Mazel),'s Gravenhage/The Hague (Mus. Meermanno-Westreenianum) 1980.

Paris 1980 Trésors de la Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, Paris(Bibl.de l'Arsenal) 1980.

Brugge 1981 Vlaamse kunst op perkament. Handschriften enminiaturen te Brugge van de 12de tot de 16deeeuw, Brugge (Gruuthusemuseum) 1981.

Paris 1981 Les Fastes du Gothique. Le siècle de Charles V,Paris (Grand Palais) 1981/82.

Diest 1983 Handschriften uit Diestse kerken en kloosters,Diest (Stedelijk Museum) 1983.

London 1985 Hidden Friends. A Loan Exhibition of theComites Latentes Collection of IlluminatedManuscripts from the Bibliotèque Publique etUniversitaire Genève, London (Sotheby's) 1985.

Bruxelles 1985 Manuscrits à peintures duIXe au début du XVe siècle, Bruxelles 1985.

Leiden 1987 Goed Gezien. Tien eeuwen wetenschap inhandschrift en druk, Leiden (Museum vanOudheden) 1987.

*°*°*°*

Illustrations 233

ILLUSTRATIONS

PART I

1. Lisbon, Bibl.Nac. MS Ill. 125, Speculum historiale, beginning of book6: Alexander the Great.

2. Lisbon, Bibl.Nac. MS Ill. 126, Speculum historiale, beginning of book5: Olympias and Neptanabus.

3. New Mexico (USA), priv. coll., fragment of Lisbon MS 126, beginningof book 3: Finding of Moses.

4. New Mexico (USA), priv. coll., fragment of Lisbon MS 126, beginningof book 4: Dream of Astiagus.

5. Dijon, Bibl.Mun. 568, Speculum historiale, f. 9r: King Louisenthroned.

6. Brussels, Roy.Libr., II 1396, Speculum historiale, f. 1r: beginning ofbook 1: Vincent writing.

7. Boulogne, Bibl.Mun. 131, Speculum historiale, f. 7v: beginning ofbook 1: Vincent writing.

8. Boulogne, Bibl.Mun. 130, Speculum historiale, f. 6v: beginning ofbook 1: Vincent writing.

9. Boulogne, Bibl.Mun. 131, Speculum historiale, f. 54v: beginning ofbook 3: Finding of Moses.

10. Boulogne, Bibl.Mun. 130, Speculum historiale, f. 48v: beginning ofbook 3: Finding of Moses.

11. Cava dei Tirreni, Bibl.Abb. MS 25, Speculum historiale, f. 1r:beginning of book 1.

12. London BL Roy. 19 D I ff. 165v-192v, Directoire a faire le passage deterre sainte, f. 165v: Rubric giving the dates of both Latin text andFrench translation.

PART II

13. Paris Bibl. de l'Ars. 5059, Bible historiale, f. 34r: Joseph sold by hisbrothers. The Papeleu Master.

14. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5059, Bible historiale, f. 260r: Judgement ofSolomon. The Second Master.

15. Leiden, Un.Libr, Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 135r: Death ofXerxes. The Papeleu Master.

16. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 330r. The thirdhand.

234 Illustrations

17. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 357r. Mahiet.18. The Hague, Roy.Libr., 71 A 23, Bible historiale, f. 73v. Hand a.19. The Hague, Roy.Libr., 71 A 23, Bible historiale, f. 151r. Hand b.20. The Hague, Roy.Libr., 71 A 23, Bible historiale, f. 270v. Hand c.21. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 322v. The

Cambrai Master.22. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5080, Miroir historial, f. 398r. The Cambrai

Master.23. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 92v, detail.

Corrector's hand in lines 6-7.24. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 192v. Book 6

ch. XIX. Additions by the corrector.25. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 220v. Book 6 ch. XIX.26. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 214v. Layout

changed by corrector.27. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 215r.28. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 101r. The

Papeleu Master.29. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 139v. The

second hand.30. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 297v: Jesus in

the house of Simon the Pharisee. The Papeleu Master.30a. Detail of Pl. 30.31. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 313v: Jesus

dining with the disciples. The third hand.31a. Detail of Pl. 31.32. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 342v. The

third hand.33. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 344v. The

third hand.34. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 351r: the

youth whose soul had been promised to the devil. Mahiet.34a. Detail of Pl. 34.35. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 357v. Mahiet.36. Paris BN fr. 5716, Vie de St Louis, f. 99r. Mahiet.36a. Paris BN fr. 5716, Vie de St Louis, f 48r, detail.37. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 356v, detail.

Mahiet.38. Paris BN n.a.lat. 3145, Horae of Queen Jeanne de Navarre, f. 150r.39. Paris BN lat .10483, Bréviaire de Belleville, f. 33r: note by Jean

Pucelle.40. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 40v: The

Earthly Paradise.41. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 104r: Finding

of Romulus and Remus.42. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 41r: India.43. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 175r: Death of

Bucephalos.

Illustrations 235

44. The Hague, Roy. Libr., Ac XX, Spieghel historiael, f. 34r: Death ofBucephalos; duel between Alexander and Porus.

45. London BL Roy. 16 G VI, Grandes Chroniques de France, f. 124r.Mahiet.

46. London BL Roy. 16 G VI, Grandes Chroniques de France, f. 221v. TheCambrai Master.

47. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 164r: detail oflower margin.

48. Leiden, Un.Libr., Archief van Curatoren 169, p. 61.49. Leiden, Un.Libr., BPL 127 A F, p. 58.50. Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecae publicae Universitatis Lugduno-

Batavae, Lugduni MDCCVI, p. 358.51. First page of the handwritten catalogue of the Germ.Gall.F.

manuscripts in: Catalogus manuscriptorum ex Biblithecae IsaaciVossii, c. 1850.

52. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5080, Miroir historial, f. 12r. The Papeleu Master.53. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5080, Miroir historial, f. 92v. The second hand.54. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5080, Miroir historial, f. 225r. The third hand,

follower of hand 2.55. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5080, Miroir historial, f. 218v. The second hand.56. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5080, Miroir historial, f. 371r. The Cambrai

Master57. London BL Roy. 16 G VI, Grandes chroniques de France, f. 310v. The

Cambrai Master.58. Brussels, Roy. Libr. 9225, Vies des saints, f. 72v.59. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 17r. The Fauvel Master60. Paris BN fr. 146, Roman de Fauvel, f. 34r. The Fauvel Master.61. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 19v: Holy Trinity, with arms of

France and Burgundy in the background.62. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 123r. The Papeleu Master.63. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 124v: Finding of Romulus and

Remus. The Papeleu Master.64. Paris Bibl Ste Geneviève 22, Bible historiale, f. 35v: Joseph put into

the well. The Fauvel Master65. Paris BN fr. 156, Bible historiale, f. 36v: Joseph put into the well. The

Fauvel Master.66. olim Portsmouth, Ep. Libr.Horae of Savoie: Blanche the Bourgogne

kneeling before the Holy Trinity; in the background the arms ofFrance and Burgundy.

67. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 414r: two notes by previousowners (Jacques d'Armagnac).

68. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, MS W 140, Miroir historial, f. 434r:note by previous owner.

69. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, MS W 140, Miroir historial, f. 9v.The Fauvelmaster.

70. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, MS W 140, Miroir historial, f. 433v:colophon.

236 Illustrations

PART III

71. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15943, Miroir historial, f. 1r (olim B2 f. 101r): Ninekingdoms.

72. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 1r: Jean de Vignay writing.73. London BL Add. 6416, art. 5, Miroir historial, fragments of B3.74. London BL Add. 15244, f. 1r: detail of lower margin with arms of

Hugues Aubriot.75. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15940, Miroir historial (olim B1 f. 203r): Christ

between Mary and apostles.76. London BL Lansdowne 1179, Miroir historial, f.4v. Pseudo-Remiet.77. London BL Lansdowne 1179, Miroir historial, f. 315r. Master B.78. London BL Lansdowne 1179, Miroir historial, f. 259v. Master B.79. Paris BN fr. 314: Miroir historial, f. 5r. Pseudo-Remiet.80. The Hague, Roy.Libr., 72 A 24, Miroir historial, f. 3r.81. Paris BN fr. 308, Miroir historial, f. 13r.82. Paris BN fr. 309, Miroir historial, f. 179r.83. Paris BN fr. 310, Miroir hsitorial, f. 2r.84. Paris BN fr. 311, Miroir historial, f. 6v.84a. Deatil of Pl. 84.85. Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS 722, Miroir historial.86. Malibu, P.Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial, vol 2, f.

1v.87. London BL Roy. 14 E I, Miroir historial, vol 1 f. 177v.88. Paris BN fr 315, Miroir historial, f. 2r.89. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 59v: Joseph

put into the well.90. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 72v: Joseph put into the well.91. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 41v: Joseph sold by his

brothers.92. Paris BN fr. 312, Miroir historial, f. 65v: Joseph before the Pharaoh.93. Paris BN fr. 308, Miroir historial, f. 61v: Joseph sold by his brothers.94. Paris BN fr. 50, Miroir historial, f. 48r: Joseph sold by his brothers.95. Paris BN fr. 50, Miroir historial, f. 48v: Joseph put into prison.96. Malibu, P.Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial, vol. 1, f.

78v: Joseph put into prison.97. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 60v: Joseph's

arrival at the gates of Heliopolis.98. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 73v: Joseph points at Aseneth's

golden idol.99. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 42r: Joseph points at

Aseneth's golden idol.100. Paris BN fr. 312, Miroir historial, f. 66v: Joseph arguing with

Aseneth's parents.101. Paris BN fr. 50, Miroir historial, f. 49ra: Joseph's arrival at the gates

of Heliopolis.102. Malibu, P.Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial, vol. 1,

f. 79r: Joseph's arrival at the gates of Heliopolis.

Illustrations 237

103. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 61r: Asenethvisited by the angel; Aseneth cleaning her face.

104. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 74r: Joseph talking to Aseneth;Aseneth visited by the angel.

105. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 42rb: Joseph blessingAseneth; Aseneth visited by the angel.

106. Paris BN fr. 312, Miroir historial, f. 67r: Angel talking to Aseneth;Aseneth kneeling before Joseph.

107. Paris BN fr. 50, Miroir historial, f. 49r: Aseneth repenting; Asenethvisited by the angel.

108. Malibu, P.Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial, vol. 1,f. 80r: Joseph blessing Aseneth.

109. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 61v: Asenethgiving honey to the angel

110. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 74v: Angel talking to Aseneth.111. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 42v: Angel giving honey to

Aseneth.112. Paris BN fr. 312, Miroir historial, f. 67v: Angel showing the

heavenly bees to Aseneth.113. Paris BN fr. 308, Miroir historial, f. 63r: Angel talking to Aseneth.114. Malibu, P.Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial, vol. 1,

f. 80v: Angel talking to Aseneth.115. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 62r: Blessing

of Aseneth's maidens; marriage of Joseph and Aseneth.116. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 75r: Blessing of Aseneth's

maidens.117. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 43r: Blessing of Aseneth's

maidens.118. Paris BN fr. 312, Miroir historial, f. 68r: Marriage of Joseph and

Aseneth.119. Paris BN fr. 50, Miroir historial, f. 49v: Pharao crowning Aseneth;

blessing of Aseneth's maidens.120. Malibu, P.Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial, vol. 1,

f. 81r: Blessing of Aseneth's maidens.121. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 180v: Neptanabus and

Olympias.122. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 110v: Neptanabus and

Olympias.123. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 185r: Alexander riding on

Bucephalos124. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 113v: Alexander riding on

Bucephalos.125. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 187r: Alexander receiving

messengers from Darius.126. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 114v: Alexander receiving

messengers from Darius127. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 200v: battle between Alexander

and Porus.

238 Illustrations

128. Paris BN n.a.fr. 15939, Miroir historial, f. 122v: duel betweenAlexander and Porus.

129. Rome, Vat.Reg.Lat. 538, Miroir historial, f. 127r: Alexander takesOlympias from Pausanias.

130. Paris BN fr. 52, Miroir historial, f. 287r: Book 31, chapter I. Pseudo-Remiet.

131. Paris BN fr. 314, Miroir historial, f. 324v: Book 31, chapter I. Pseudo-Remiet.

131a. Detail of Pl. 131.

Part IV

132. Paris BN fr. 13568, Vie de St Louis, f. 1r.133. Paris, Musée du Petit Palais, Coll. Dutuit 95, Le Grand Coutumier de

Normandie .134. New York, Pierp. Morgan Libr., MS 240, Bible moralisée, f. 11r.135. Paris, Bibl. Ste Geneviève, MS 782, Grandes Chroniques de France, f.

1r.136. Paris BN lat. 8504, Liber de Dina et Kalina, f. 1v.137. Leiden, Un.Libr., Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A, Miroir historial, f. 1r.138. Paris, Bibl. de l'Ars. 5080, Miroir historial, f. 1r.139. Paris BN fr. 316, Miroir historial, f. 1r.140. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, MS W 140, Miroir historial, f. 1r.140a. Detail of Pl. 140.140b. Deatil of Pl. 140.141. Copenhagen, Roy. Libr., MS Thott 429 in-f°, Miroir historial, f. 1r.142. Paris BN fr. 313, Miroir historial, f. 1r.143. Paris BN fr. 312, Miroir historial, f. 1r.144 Malibu, P.Getty Museum, MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial, vol 1 f.

1r.145. Rome, Vat.Reg.Lat. 538, Miroir historial, f. 1r.146. London BL Roy. 14 E I, Miroir historial, f. 3r.147. Paris BN fr. 50, Miroir historial, f. Ir.148. London BL Roy. 19 D I ff. 136r-148r, Merveiles de la terre d'outre

mer, f. 136r.149. Paris BN fr. 572 ff. 142v-209r, Jeu des Echecs, f. 142v.150. Paris BN fr. 1728 ff. 157r-221r, Jeu des Echecs, f. 157r.151. London BL Roy. 20 B I, De la Chose de la chevalerie, f. 1r.152. Paris BN Rothschild 3085 ff. 1-206, Oisivetez des Emperieres, f. 5r.

Index of Manuscripts 247

INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS

The manuscripts in the appendices are not included in the index.

Baltimore, Walters Art GalleryMS W 140, Miroir historial, (J3), 2, 20 n

71, 28, 36, 47, 70-71, 74-77, 78f, 85,110, 115, 157-159, 164, 166, 171, 174Pls. 69-70, 140-140b

Brugge, Groot SeminarieMS 154/44, Genealogia deorum, 167 n

431Boulogne, Bibliothèque Municipale

MS 130, Speculum historiale, 15, Pls. 8,10

MS 131, Speculum historiale, 15, Pls. 7,9

Brussels, Bibliothèque RoyaleMS 2, Grandes Chroniques de France,

91 n 285MS 5, 65 n 198MS 6-9, Histoire de Charles Martel,

156, 167 n 431,MS 9016, Cité de Dieu, 153 n 420MS 9094, Propriété des choses, 97 n 309MS 9225, Vies des saints, 65 n 198,

Pl. 58MS 9229-30, 65 n 198MS 9242-44, Chroniques de Hainaut,

154 n 426, 167 n 431,MS 11042, Enseignements de

Paléologue, 169MS 11060-61, Très Belles Heures de

Jean de Berry, 90MS 11201-02, Politiques, Economiques,

95, 97 n 309MS II 1396, Speculum historiale, Pl. 6

Cambrai, Bibliothèque Municipale.MS 157, 34, 48

Cambridge, University LibraryMS Dd 5.5., 50

Cambridge (Mass), Harvard College,Houghton Library

fMS Typ 201, Cité de Dieu, 90 n 283Cava, Bibl. abbaziale

MS 25, Speculum historiale, 15, Pl. 11Chantilly, Musée Condé

MS 277, Etiques, 94 n 293MS 722 (N3), Miroir historial, 26, 81 n

258, 83, 86, 103-105, 115, 165, Pl. 85Copenhagen, Royal Library

MS Thot 6 in-fol, 89 n 278MS Thott 429 in-fol. (T), Miroir

historial, 82, 85, 90-91, 115, 160-

161,164f Pl. 141Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale

MS 568, Speculum historiale, 14,151-152,171, Pl. 5

Florence, Biblioteca LaurenzianaPlut. I, Cod. 56, Rabbula Gospels, 149

Geneva, Bibliothèque PubliqueMS fr. 2, 50 n 159

The Hague, Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum

MS 10 B 23, Bible de Charles V, 89, 95,154 n 424

MS 10 D 1, Etiques, 95The Hague, Royal Library

MS Ac. XX, Spieghel historiael, 54-55,Pl. 44

MS 71 A 18, Livy, 98MS 71 A 23, Bible historiale, 32-33, 45,

51, Pls. 18-20MS 72 A 22, Cité de Dieu, 98 n 315MS 72 A 24 (GH), Miroir historial, 83,

85, 97-99, 102, 109, 115, 165-166,Pl. 80

MS 72 A 25, Chroniques de Froissart,98 n 315

MS 128 C 1 (EP2-4), Miroir historial,83, 85, 108-110, 114-115, 164

Leiden, University LibraryMS Voss.G.G. Fol. 3, Boccaccio, 60MS Voss.G.G. Fol. 3A (A1), Miroir

historial, passim, Pls. 15-17, 21, 23-24, 26-35,.37, 40-43, 47, 89, 97, 103,109, 115, 137

Lisbon, Biblioteca NacionalMS Ill. 125, Speculum historiale,

13 n 43, 14, Pl. 1MS Ill. 126, Speculum historiale,

13 n 43, 14-15, Pl. 2London, British Library

Add. MS 6416 Art. 5 (B3), Miroirhistorial, 88-90, 164, Pl. 73

Add. MS 15244-45, Cité de Dieu, 89,Pl. 74

Cotton MS Claud. B IX, Hélinand deFroidmont, 126-127

Lansdowne MS 1179, (C2), Miroirhistorial, 82, 85, 92-93, 97 n 309, 110,115, 144, 164 Pls. 76-78

Phillipps 199, Légende dorée, 168, 169Royal MS 13 D VIII, 13

248 Index of Manuscripts

Royal MS 14 E I, (E) Miroir historial,83, 86, 106-110, 115f, 123f, 165-166,Pls. 87, 146

Royal MS 16 G VI, Grandes Chroniquesde France, 50 n 159, 57, 76, Pls. 45-46,57

Royal MS 19 D I, Merveilles etc, 21 n73, 168 n 433, 169, Pl.s 12, 148

Royal MS 20 B I, Vegetius, 170, Pl. 151Malibu, J.P. Getty Museum

MS Ludwig XIII.5, Miroir historial,(L) 19, 25, 71 n 216, 83, 86, 105-106,115f, 123f, 157, 162-164, Pls. 86, 102,108, 114, 120, 144

Mount AthosKoutloumousi cod. 100, Life of Joseph,

Romance, 127 n 379New Mexico (USA), Private Collection

Fragments Speculum historiale, 13 n43, Pls 3, 4

New York, Pierpont Morgan LibraryMS 240, Bible moralisée, 152, Pl. 134MS 526, Histoire de la Bible et de

l'Assomption de la Vierge, 97 n 309Oxford, Bodleian Library

MS Roe 5, Life of Joseph, Romance, 127n 379

Oxford, Merton CollegeMS 123-126, Speculum historiale,

11-13, 15Paris, Bibl. de l'Arsenal

MS 5059, Bible historiale, 31-32, 45,Pls. 13-14.

MS 5080 (A2), Miroir historial, 2, 27-29, 34, 37, 61-63, 78f, 85, 110, 115,144, 157-159, 164, 166, 171, 174 Pls.22, 52-56, 138

MS 5223, Grandes Chroniques deFrance, 97 n 309

Paris, Bibliothèque MazarineMS 1729, 89 n 278

Paris, Bibliothèque NationaleMS fr. 25, 111 n 347MS fr. 50-51 (N1-2), Miroir historial,

26, 81 n 258, 83, 86, 102-105, 115f,123f, 165-166, Pls. 94-95, 101, 107,119, 147

MS fr. 52 (C4), Miroir historial, 81 n258, 82, 85, 92-93, 97 n 309, 115, 144,164, Pl. 130

MS fr. 134, Livre de la propriété deschoses, 153 n 420

MS fr. 146, Roman de Fauvel, 65-66, Pl.60

MS fr. 156, 66 Pl. 65MS fr. 170-71, Cité de Dieu, 97 n 309MS fr. 181, 106MS fr. 242, Légende dorée, 19, 168-169,

MS fr. 247, Antiquités judaïques, 104MS fr. 308-311 (G1-4), Miroir historial,

25, 83, 85, 99-102, 105, 107, 109, 115f,123f, 165-166 Pls. 81-84a, 93, 113

MS fr. 312 (Or1-2,4), Miroir historial,19 n 69, 26 n 87, 71 n 216, 81, 85, 93-97, 110, 115f, 123f, 144, 157, 160-163,165-166 Pls. 79, 100, 106, 112, 118,131, 142-143

MS fr. 315 (P), Miroir historial, 86,110-111, 115f, Pl. 88

MS fr. 316 (J1), Miroir historial, 2, 3,19, 20, 28, 29, 31f, 34-36, 40-42, 44 n140, 47, 57, 64-85, 110, 115f, 123f,144, 157-159, 163-164, 166, 171, 173-176 Pls. 25, 59, 61-63, 67, 90, 98, 104,110, 116, 121, 123, 125, 127, 139

MS fr. 317-327 (DL1-3,6), Miroirhistorial, 86, 112-113, 115f

MS fr. 409, 73 n 229MS fr. 424, Vie de St Hubert, 154 n 425MS fr. 562, Les secrets d'Aristote, 156 n

428MS fr. 569, 111 n 347MS fr. 572, Jeu des Echecs etc., 153, 169,

Pl. 149MS fr. 723, 111 n 347MS fr. 738, 111 n 347MS fr. 823 Pèlerinages, 97 and n 309MS fr. 693, 24MS fr. 1276, 111 n 347,MS fr. 1608, 111 n 347Ms fr. 1728, Jeu des Echecs, 153, 154,

169, Pl. 150MS fr. 2544, 111 n 348MS fr. 2652-54, 73 n 229MS fr. 2663-64, Chroniques de

Froissart, 113MS fr. 2813, Grandes Chroniques de

France, 97 n 309MS fr. 6354-59 (TC1,2,4-7), Miroir

historial, 86, 111-112, 115fMS fr. 5716, Vie de St Louis, 44 n 140,

49, 50, Pls. 36, 36aMS fr. 6185, Valerius Maximus, 167 n

431MS fr. 8226, Histoire de Bretagne, 112MS fr. 9106, Politiques, Economiques, 95

n 293, 97 n 309MS fr. 9186, 111 n 347, 111 n 348MS fr. 9342, Histoire d'Alixandre, 154

n 424MS fr. 9558, 23 n 78MS fr 12781, 111 n 347MS fr. 13568, Vie de St Louis, 49, 50,

151, Pl. 132MS fr. 17270, 111 n 347MS fr. 20009, Œuvres d'Eustache, 97 n

Index of Manuscripts 249

309MS fr. 20367, 71 n 214MS lat. 920, 73 n 229MS lat. 1288, 50 n 159MS lat. 5707, Petite Bible historiale

de Charles V, 95MS lat. 8504, Liber de Dina et Kalina,

152, Pl. 136MS lat. 14354, 15MS lat. 14656, 126MS lat. 10483-84, Bréviaire de

Bellevile, 33, 49, 50, Pl. 39MS n.a.fr. 15939-44 (B1-2), 25, 62-63,

80f, 85, 87-90, 105, 107, 115f, 123f,164, Pls. 71-72, 75, 91, 99, 105, 117,122, 124, 126, 128

MS n.a.fr. 21013, Antiquités judaïques,104

MS n.a.fr. 24541, 57MS n.a.lat. 3145, 50 Pl. 38MS Rothschildt 3085, Merveilles,

Oisivetez, 17, 169, Pl. 152Paris, Bibl. Ste. Geneviève

MS 22, 66 Pl. 64MS 782-83, Grandes Chroniques de

France, 97 n 309, 152, Pl. 135Paris, Bibl. de la Sorbonne

MS 54, Speculum historiale: 10, 171Paris, Musée du Petit Palais

Coll. Dutuit 95, Grand Coutumier deNormandie, 151, Pl. 133

olim Portsmouth, Episcopal LibraryHorae of Savoie, 69, Pl. 66

Rome, Bibliotheca Apostolica VaticanaCod.Vat. Reg. lat. 535, Hélinand de

Froidmont, 127Cod. Vat.lat. 538 (C1), Miroir

historial, 82, 85, 91-93, 110, 115f,123f, 144, 164-166, Pls. 129, 145

Solothurn, ZentralbibliothekMSU 1, Sacramentary, 150

Troyes, Bibliothèque MunicipaleMS 126, Valerius Maximus, 97 n 309

Vienna, Österreiches NationalbibliothekCod.Vind.med.gr.1, Dioskurides, 151

Virginia, Beech, Greeley CollectionCod. M (McKell), Life of Joseph,

Romance, 127 n 379

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The Miroir historial of Jean le Bon. The Leiden Manuscript and its Related Copies, vol 1 TEXT....

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