The growing importance of left behind social networks in the face of feminized labour migration

INTD 497 Professor Kazue Takamura

Niyati Malhotra McGill University

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 3 THE FEMINIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION 5 Trends in the feminization of migration 5 Causes for the feminization of migration 6

CURRENT CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF SOCIAL NETWORKS & MIGRATION 9 Chain migration through social networks: The ‘information’ and ‘facilitating’ hypotheses 11 Migration, social networks, and the need for remittances: The encouragement hypothesis 12

FAMILY, SOCIAL NETWORKS & FEMINIZED MIGRATION 12 Childcare transfers 13 Kin networks and transnational mothering: evidence from Asia & Latin America 14 Sri Lanka 15 Philippines 16 Mexico 16 Implications for female migration 17 Advantages and disadvantages of social networks taking on household responsibilities 17

CONCLUSION 19 APPENDIX 21 Migrants as percentage of population, 2005 21

REFERENCES 22

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INTRODUCTION

International migration has emerged as a widespread phenomenon involving flows of over a 100

million people per year travelling for work in a growing number of countries (ILO, 2004). For

many of these people, migration in search of higher wages and better opportunities forms a key

livelihood strategy. The decision to migrate is governed by several pull and push factors.

Generally, some of the pull factors include increased demand for workers in skill-intensive

economic sectors, low supply of local workers in certain types of low skilled jobs (such as in

agriculture and construction) as well as demographic trends that include population declines and

ageing populations in recipient countries. Push factors may be driven by disparities in income,

human rights and employment opportunities across countries. Moreover, migrants may be

qualified as ‘forced’ or ‘voluntary’ depending on the circumstances of their departure from

source countries.

A notable trend that has developed in international migration involves the increasing number of

female migrants moving abroad in search of work - a phenomenon that has been labeled as ‘the

feminization of labor migration’. The feminization of migration has been driven by changing

labour markets in destination countries that have increased the demand for traditionally female

occupations such as childcare and domestic work. Additionally, structural factors within source

countries that involve discrimination and economic inequalities may be forcing women to look

for better opportunities abroad. The proliferation of demand in so-called female occupations is

particularly attractive to poor, unskilled women from developing countries since the duties

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involved are not particularly different from those they would perform back at home. Moreover,

employment as domestic workers or caregivers have the added advantage of providing on-site

residence to migrants who can then save on expenditures such as rent, food etc. As a result, both

legal and illegal flows of female migration have witnessed a steady increase.

Most development literature emphasizes the role that economic considerations play in the

migration decision. However, intensive field level studies by migration scholars and researchers

have proven that economic determinism alone cannot explain the decision to migrate. Microlevel

studies in the developing world have shown that migration cannot be isolated from the social and

cultural context within which it occurs (Hugo, 1981). Therefore, a more ‘integrative approach’

needs to be undertaken in order to conceptualize the migration decision in a representative

manner (Oishi, 2002).

Social factors such as the presence of support systems constituting of extended family and kin

networks are important determinants of the nature and patterns of migration. Moreover, social

factors have differential effects on migration depending on cross-cutting issues such as gender.

Therefore, an approach that focuses on a closer analysis of social networks and their role in

facilitating female migration needs to be undertaken. In this paper, I argue that the presence of

female kin networks is extremely important for facilitating female migration from households.

This is because evidence from labour sending countries indicates that the gendered division of

household labour prevents husbands who have remained at home from assuming full childcare

and domestic responsibilities. This means that the burden of childcare is shifted (a process that

has been termed ‘child-shifting’) from biological mothers to ‘other mothers’ that typically consist

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of female family members such as older daughters, aunts or grandmothers or even female

neighbours and friends (Schmalzbauer, 2004).

THE FEMINIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION

Trends in the feminization of migration

Female migration has always formed a substantial part of international flows, with a 48 percent

share in 2007 (Caritas Internationalis, 2012). However, a substantial upward trend is revealed

when we consider the number of women who are now migrating in search of work. While earlier

female migrations were dominated by women moving as dependents to their spouses, they are

now increasingly migrating as breadwinners.

The availability of female migrants as labour has led to the creation of a gender-disaggregated

labor market. Primarily, a substantial demand has developed for migrant women in jobs that are

typically considered ‘women’s work’ such as domestic work, caregiving, entertainment and

prostitution. The dominance of these occupations amongst female migrants is indicative of the

persistence of gender inequality in the global economic system. The occupations in which

demand for women migrants is the highest face stigmatization and are characterized by low

levels of remuneration, poor working conditions and a general lack of legal protections and

social recognition (Penson, 2007),

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Geographic trends in female migration are characterized primarily by flows from the global

South to the global North. Particular countries stand out as major suppliers of female migrants.

In 2005, 65 percent of whose who left the Philippines for work or to live abroad were women.

Similarly, 79 percent of all international migrants from Indonesia were women between 2000 and

2003. In 2002, twice as many Sri Lankan women than men migrated to other countries. Most

Asian flows of female migrants are directed to other, more developed East Asian countries and

the Middle East. Latin American women are also highly mobile. Central and South American

women constituted 70 percent of all migratory flows to Spain from the region in 2001. Likewise,

Caribbean women have outnumbered men in terms of migrations to North Americ (Caritas

Internationalis, 2012).

Causes for the feminization of migration

Migration decisions must be understood as combinatorial processes of individual level decision-

making in the presence of mediating socio-economic circumstances. Both source and destination

country dynamics have contributed to the increase in the supply and demand of female migrant

workers, respectively.

Several contributory factors can (and have) led to a proliferation of female migrants in source

countries. Typically, the lack of social and economic opportunities at home lead people (both

men and women) to seek better opportunities elsewhere. Even though women face more mobility

restrictions than men because of their family roles and lack of financial independence, good

income earning opportunities can serve as the appropriate impetus for them to move and gain

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more independence. Discrimination against women can also serve as a contributory factor.

Women who live in restricted, patriarchal environments may be forced into moving away in

search of economic and social independence. In addition, certain stigmatized women groups such

as single mothers, widows or divorcées may be driven into migration in search of more accepting

environments (Caritas International, 2012).

More macro level factors such as state policies also play a key role in promoting female

migration. The labour export oriented policies of certain countries like the Philippines create a

formal, institutionalized channel that feeds female migrants into particular gendered occupations

in prospective destination countries. The Philippines’ labour exporting policies grew from a need

to counter a growing debt crisis that required the generation of foreign revenues to repay

International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans. As a result of this policy, the Philippines now has over

7 million overseas workers, a majority of whom are women and over 2000 international migrants

move abroad for work every day (Lindio-McGovern, 2003).

Factors in recipient countries also affect the nature and duration of female migration flows by

establishing the demand for female migrants in particular occupations. Some sociological factors

can potentially explain the increased demand for female domestic workers and caregivers in the

developed world. For example, female emancipation from the constraints of domestic duties and

the subsequently rising number of skilled women entering the workforce created a vacuum in the

domestic sphere of developed countries. This vacuum is now being filled by migrants from the

developing world. Similarly, the ageing of developed country populations has created a demand

for caregivers for the elderly which is being met by a supply of workers from the developing

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world. Moreover, since demand for labour in these occupations is typically short-term, temporary

female migration has become popular. Part of the demand for migrant labour can also be

explained by the lack of domestic supply of labor in certain occupations. For example, domestic

supply of nurses - a highly feminized profession - has always been low in the United Kingdom.

This has prompted the migration of skilled nurses from countries like the Philippines, Sri Lanka

and India in order to meet the shortfall in supply. This weak domestic supply is mirrored in other

feminized occupations (domestic work, for example) as well (Hardill & MacDonald, 2000)

implying that migrant women are drawn to labour receiving countries in order to meet the

shortfall in labour supply.

FAMILY AND SOCIAL NETWORKS IN THE MIGRATION CONTEXT

In developing country contexts, the concept of sustainable livelihoods has gained widespread

currency. Sustainable livelihoods are achieved by pursuing certain livelihood strategies that draw

on various types of capital (financial, natural, human etc.) that include social capital in the form

of community ties and kin networks.

Livelihood strategies can be classified into three broad categories - these are agricultural

extensification/intensification, livelihood diversification and migration (Scoones, 1998).

Therefore, it is important to understand migration as a livelihood strategy that individuals or

households undertake in order to ensure a certain economic standard of living characteristic of

sustainable livelihoods. Most migration literature over the years has tended to have a binary

focus either on the individual level or the larger macro level (McDowell & de Haan, 1997). It is

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important to find a middle ground that takes into consideration the social context of migration

decisions. Social networks have an inherent place in livelihood strategies migration. They can be

conceptualized within the broader concept of social capital which Scoones (1998: 8) defines as

“the social resources (networks, social claims, social relations, affiliations, associations) upon

which people draw when pursuing different livelihood strategies requiring coordinated actions”.

Migration and social/kinship networks exist in a complex relationship at both local and

international levels of movement. This relationship plays out on both ends of the migration

spectrum - that is, in both sending and destination areas. On one hand, social networks and

family connections can act as a ‘pull’ factor and encourage migration to and subsequent

settlement in certain recipient regions (Boyd, 1989). On the other hand, family and community

level forces may ‘push’ migrants to move in search of employment and remittances. Another less

obvious way in which social networks can promote migration relates to their role as caregivers

for children in migrant households. Usually, caregiving responsibilities are transferred to

members of the extended family networks of migrants (such as aunts, grandmothers etc.).

CURRENT CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF SOCIAL NETWORKS & MIGRATION

Understanding social networks and kinship ties that involve families and households is important

because it allows for the conceptualization of migration as a ‘social product’, which is neither

determined entirely by isolated individual actors making decisions nor by entirely external

economic and political parameters, but is rather an outcome of these two factors in interaction

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with the social milieu (Boyle, 1989). The following hypotheses can be used to effectively

conceptualize the relationship between kinship networks and migration (Haug, 2008; Hugo,

1981; Ritchey 1976):

1. Affinity hypothesis; which states that the existence of relatives and friends in the country of

origin may act as a preventative factor to migration. High levels of investment in

communities at home as well as assimilation difficulties in potential destination countries

may reduce the tendency to migrate.

2. Information hypothesis; which states that when social networks already exist in recipient

countries, the propensity to migrate may increase due to the presence of information channels

between social networks and potential migrants that can help inform migrants of

opportunities that they would otherwise not be aware of due to the distance between source

and recipient countries.

3. Facilitating hypothesis; which states that social networks can help accelerate the assimilation

process for migrants by facilitating their adjustment into the recipient country. This may be

done through assistance in job searches, provision of new social ties and networking.

4. Conflict hypothesis; which states that intra-familial conflicts within the community may force

individuals to migrate.

5. Encouragement hypothesis; which states that extended family and community networks can

encourage migration by individuals as a strategy to secure access to remittances and other

forms of assistance.

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The existence of evidence in support of these hypotheses indicates that social networks can act as

both push and pull factors for migration. Moreover, social networks do not always promote

migration, but can also have a preventative impact on migration. For the purposes of this paper,

the second, third and fifth hypothesis will be considered in more detail because we are primary

concerned with how social networks positively facilitate migration. Moreover, these are the most

relevant given that the scope of this paper concerns the feminization of migration.

Chain migration through social networks: The ‘information’ and ‘facilitating’ hypotheses

Within traditional push-pull frameworks, social networks can be considered ‘pull’ factors that

encourage migration. After the initial establishment of a migrant community in a recipient

region, certain advantages accrue to these communities in terms of their ability to facilitate

further immigration into the region resulting in the creation of a ‘migration multiplier’ (Haug,

2008). This may be done in a variety of ways that includes the provision of information on local

job markets, assistance in finding housing and work, helping orient the newcomer with local

culture and norms, as well as the provision of general moral support upon arrival into a new

place. By passing on this information to potential migrants, social networks in recipient countries

or regions facilitate what has been called ‘chain migration’. Chain migration can be defined as

“that movement in which prospective migrants learn of opportunities, are provided with

transportation and [or] have initial accommodation and [or] employment arranged for them by

means of primary relationships with previous migrants” (authors’ italics; MacDonald &

MacDonald, 1964: 82). Chain migration exists both at the local and international levels and

several instances of it have been detected by migration scholars. In Kuwait, for example, a study

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revealed that a quarter of all migrants had previously arranged a visa for at least another

subsequent migrant. Additionally, 34 percent of all migrants in Kuwait had gained entry by

utilizing the presence friends and community members that formed their social networks (Shah

& Menon, 1999).

Migration, social networks, and the need for remittances: The encouragement hypothesis

Often, migration takes place from areas that face significant resource constraints. In this

scenario, migration forms a key livelihood strategy for households. In close communities,

migration of a few community members may become a livelihood strategy for the larger

community as well. This is seen to be the case where remittances are considered an ‘exchange’

for past investment of time and finances in the migrant (Cox, 1987). Here, an arrangement of

‘mutual altruism’ may exist between migrants and social networks back home whereby migrants

send back remittances in exchange for some kind of service from the community (Lucas & Stark,

1985). Remittances may also be conceptualized as a ‘fee’ that migrants must pay to maintain

their membership in communities back home (Parreñas, 2010). In countries where local

employment opportunities are limited, this type of social arrangement may be the most efficient

co-livelihood strategy for members of the community.

FAMILY, SOCIAL NETWORKS & FEMINIZED MIGRATION

The increasing demand for female foreign workers in many developed parts of the world has

raised many questions about how this may affect those “left behind”. Gendered divisions in

labour mean that women have a unique place in the domestic sphere. Their absence has

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numerous repercussions for how household responsibilities are redistributed. This in turn has

impacts on the practicality of female migration.

Childcare transfers

Many women who migrate are married and have families of their own that include children. The

proliferation of female migration has led to two types of childcare transfers - 1) transfers by

middle and upperclass women in developed countries to female migrants and, 2) transfers by

female migrants of childcare responsibilities to their kin and social networks (Peng & Wong,

2015). This latter redistribution of childcare responsibilities to members of the extended family

or community has led to the creation of what has been termed ‘transnational childcare’ or

‘transnational mothering’ as a strategy to maintain households.

It has been noted by scholars that childcare responsibilities are deeply gendered in migrant

sending countries (Lutz, 2010; Parreñas, 2010). Through research conducted in the Philippines,

Parreñas (2010) shows how traditional gender divisions label men as ‘pillars of the home’ and

women as ‘lights of the home’. These metaphorical references establish men as the financial

authorities and breadwinners of the household and women as the ‘nurturers’ of the family.

Similarly, Gamburd identifies a strong gendered division of labour in Sri Lankan households

where typically, men are income-earners and women are childcare providers (Gamburd, 2000).

Given the movement of women as migrants, it is reasonable to expect that gender relations

related to household duties would be reconstituted with men taking on more childcare

responsibilities as women become breadwinners away from home. However, both Parreñas and

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Gamburd find that household gender relations persist and instead of being passed on to fathers,

childcare responsibilities are increasingly being passed on to extended female kin members.

Similarly in Mexico, Dreby (2006) finds that the creation of transnational households has not led

to male members taking on more domestic roles. Instead, extended female family members such

as aunts and grandmothers are increasingly taking on childcare and housework duties of migrant

females.

These research efforts indicate that the existence of female kin networks and their willingness to

share responsibilities in ‘transnational mothering’ plays a crucial role in the ability of women to

take part in migration related employment. Importantly, these networks may not have the same

importance in the case of male migrants. This is because the absence of migrant fathers may be

more easily accepted and adjusted to due to the presence of mothers and their more ready

acceptance of the role of nurturers. The increasing prominence of female migration mandates

further research into whether female kin networks provide sufficient support to women involved

in transnational mothering activities. Further, more information needs to be gathered in relation

to how the presence or absence of networks impacts the duration and frequency of migration by

women.

Kin networks and transnational mothering: evidence from Asia & Latin America

In this section, evidence is presented that indicates the importance of female kin networks in

childcare and housework related responsibilities. Within the phenomenon of female migration,

an increasing number of mothers are participating in foreign work as migrants. Studies on Latina

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and Filipino women working in Los Angeles have shown that 40 and 54 percent of all migrant

women had left behind children in their country of origin, respectively (Dreby, 2006). Moreover,

a convincing amount of evidence from female labour sending countries indicates that the

gendered divisions of household labour have not been sufficiently transformed. This means that a

potential gap in childcare exists whereby children left behind are not taken care of due to their

mothers’ absence (Peng & Wong, 2015; Parreñas 2010). This gap is increasingly being filled by

female members of the extended kin network such as aunts, grandmothers and in some cases

even older daughters (Lutz, 1998).

Sri Lanka

In Sri Lanka, patriarchal notions of male superiority have led to very clear distinctions between

what is considered ‘women's work’ and what is considered ‘men’s work’. Activities such as

childcare and cooking are considered too ‘low’ for men to perform. As a result, men tend to shirk

responsibilities in the domestic sphere. In a way, male resistance to performing such activities

can be understood as an effort to maintain a ‘masculine’ image of superiority over their wives.

In addition to their renunciation of domestic chores, men also assert their masculinity frequently

by indulging in regular alcohol consumption - a purportedly ‘male’ group activity. As a result, in

a small village called Naeaegama, Gamburd (2000) finds that housework and childcare

responsibilities are mostly undertaken by grandmothers (paternal or maternal). Moreover, she

finds that gender roles are enforced very early in life. So, while girls are trained from a very early

age in doing housework, boys are allowed to play around and roam freely. This primes girl

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children to take on housework and childcare responsibilities (for younger siblings) if the mother

decides to leave the country to find work.

Philippines

In the case of the Philippines as well, some evidence indicates that men avoid domestic duties.

According to a study conducted by Parreñas (2010) with Filipino migrant women, men utilize

several strategies to avoid the transformation of gendered divisions in labour. For example,

fathers tend to disappear from their place of origin after their wives migrate. They relocate to

other areas within the Philippines in search of work and thus avoid having to engage in childcare

activities at home. Again, childcare and domestic responsibilities pass on to female family

members who remain in the Philippines. The documentary ‘When Strangers Reunite’ (dir. Boti &

Bautista, 1999) demonstrated how Filipino women who leave home in search of better

opportunities rely on the presence of grandmothers to take on childcare and housework

responsibilities in their absence despite the presence of husbands within the Philippines.

Mexico

A similar situation exists in Mexico according to Dreby (2006). The significant female migration

from Mexico to the United States does not seem to have transformed gender divisions much.

Men are still considered economic providers and their avoidance of childcare and domestic

duties is not challenged. Moreover, Mexican immigration is characterized by equally strong

numbers of male and female migrants. This implies a distinct possibility that both parents in a

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household may be away. This typically results in female kin networks assuming responsibilities

of childcare due to the matrifocal nature of childcare in Latin America.

Implications for female migration

All of the above evidence suggests that female kin networks and the presence of ‘other mothers’

is crucial to female migration. The presence of kin networks acts as an important determining

factor of whether female migration from a particular area can 1) occur, and 2) be an effective

livelihood strategy in financial terms. With reference to this latter point, the involvement of kin

networks in ‘other mothering’ and other domestic duties has implications for the flow and

distribution of remittances from female migrants. In Sri Lanka, extended family members who

assume some of the household responsibilities of migrant women expect some form of

remuneration in return. This apportioning of remittances has the potential of causing familial

conflicts if spouses cannot agree on an optimal distribution of remittances between the household

and caregivers. Gamburd (2000) writes about Kamala, a female migrant to the Middle East who

relied on her mother Caroline for the care of her two children during the day while her husband

worked. Since these care activities involved feeding the children and looking after their general

upkeep, Caroline rightly expected some form of financial help from her daughter. However when

Kamala sent money to her mother, her husband voiced vehement opposition to this.

Advantages and disadvantages of social networks taking on household responsibilities

The preceding analysis reveals several advantages and disadvantages of the increased

involvement of social networks in the face of female migration. Social networks can act as push

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factors for female migration by assuming childcare and housework duties, thereby minimizing

the neglect of left-behind children. Moreover, husbands in female labour sending households do

not have to drastically alter their livelihood activities. As a result, they are able to continue to

contribute financially to the household.

However, several issues that can adversely impact the outcome of female migration also exist in

the social network-female migration nexus. As mentioned earlier, remittances may need to be

redistributed to compensate members of kin and community networks for performing ‘mother-

work’. This means that the financial benefit of migration may not be as large as desired for the

labour-sending household. This may also cause familial strife if husbands are not sympathetic to

the sharing of remittances with family members. Additionally, replacing mothers with other

mothers may not always result in the best nurturing of children. Apart from dealing with the

obvious emotional stress of being separated from mothers, Gameela Samarasinghe, a Sri Lankan

psychologist finds that children who’s primary caretakers belong to female kin networks, may be

at a risk of neglecting schooling (Gamburd, 2010). Importantly, children from female labour

sending households may become more vulnerable to exogenous shocks in resource constrained

settings. For example, if their caregivers face financial difficulties and are not receiving financial

support from migrants, children may not receive the appropriate quantity or quality of care.

Moreover, families that have been separated by migration may have trouble readjusting when the

migrant mother returns. Since mother figures play such a crucial role in childrearing, the

‘redistribution of love’ from mothers to other family members who assume caregiving

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responsibilities may be a source of great emotional stress and sadness for mothers living abroad

(Gamburd, 2000).

CONCLUSION

Before making conclusive remarks, it is important to acknowledge the limitations of this

analysis. First, this paper treats female migrants somewhat homogeneously. Differences in age,

culture and skill level may have important implications for the interaction of social networks

with the migration process. Further research in this field has much to contribute to migration

literature on the importance of social and kin networks. Second, the analysis here is concerned

primarily with married women due to the presence of dependents in their households. Therefore,

conclusions drawn from here may not be applicable to unmarried women who migrate in search

of work. Finally, the analysis here does not address the importance of social networks in the case

of both parents migrating. It is likely that social networks become even more important in this

case.

In conclusion, the feminization of migration has led to a growing importance of social networks

due to the inability of men in labour sending parts of the world to completely assume caregiving

and domestic responsibilities. Going back to our conceptualization of the migration-social

network relationship as five ‘hypotheses’ (p. 8-9), it is clear that none of them convincingly

capture this new role being played by social networks in facilitating migration. This implies that

existing migration theories that address social network linkages need to be expanded and

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modified to accommodate the growing feminization trends in international migration. Moreover,

theory and empirical research need to reflect that the role of social networks change based on the

gender of the migrant. These modifications are crucial for theories to be more representative of

the increasing importance of female migrants as breadwinners for their households.

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APPENDIX

Migrants as percentage of population, 2005

Source: ILO (2010)

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