The Downside of Being Up: A New Look at Group Relative Gratification and Traditional Prejudice
Transcript of The Downside of Being Up: A New Look at Group Relative Gratification and Traditional Prejudice
The Downside of Being Up: A New Look at GroupRelative Gratification and Traditional Prejudice
Josee LeBlanc • Ann M. Beaton • Iain Walker
Published online: 17 February 2015
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2015
Abstract In two experiments, we examine the moderating effect of the legitimacy
and the stability of the advantaged in-group status on the relationship between
measures of group relative gratification (GRG) and traditional prejudice among
members of a structurally advantaged group. In Study 1, 133 participants learned
that their advantaged in-group status was based on legitimate or illegitimate
grounds. As expected, when participants learned of the legitimate status of their in-
group, GRG was associated with the endorsement of traditional prejudice. In Study
2, 188 participants learned that their advantaged in-group status was expected to
remain stable or to fluctuate. As predicted, when participants were alerted to the
decline in the privileged status of the in-group, GRG was positively associated with
traditional prejudice. These findings illuminate the ways in which members of
advantaged groups perpetuate intergroup inequities and point to a fuller, more nu-
anced conceptualization of system stability.
Keywords Group relative gratification � Prejudice � Legitimacy � Stability
Introduction
Though systemic change takes many decades, there are pressing questions for
me and I imagine for some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness
J. LeBlanc � A. M. Beaton (&)
School of Psychology, Universite de Moncton, 18 Antonine-Maillet Avenue, Moncton,
NB E1A 3E9, Canada
e-mail: [email protected]
I. Walker
Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, Canberra, Australia
123
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DOI 10.1007/s11211-015-0233-y
on the perquisites of being light-skinned. What will we do with such
knowledge? (McIntosh, 1989)
In her seminal paper on White Privilege, Peggy McIntosh offers a personal
account of the benefits accrued from her membership in a group that enjoys a
favorable status in society. She ponders how, as members of an advantaged group,
we will deal with a system that creates and perpetuates these privileges. The
experience of group privilege has received increasing attention in the literature (e.g.,
Jost, Banaji, & Nosek, 2004; Leach, Iyer, & Pedersen, 2006). Group privilege is
associated with prejudice, but inconsistently: In some cases, group advantage
increases bias toward an out-group (e.g., Branscombe, Schmitt, & Schiffhauer,
2007; Schmitt, Branscombe, & Kappen, 2003), and in other cases, decreases it
(Beaton & Deveau, 2005; Iyer, Leach, & Crosby, 2003; Powell, Branscombe, &
Schmitt, 2005). The present research is based on the contention that examining the
unique effects of the legitimacy and stability of the advantaged group’s status can
help identify when oppression is perpetuated by members of an advantaged group.
This research further contributes to the literature by investigating how evaluations of
an auspicious status, next to a less fortunate other, can influence prejudice. We
begin our analysis by drawing upon the concept of group relative deprivation (GRD)
and group relative gratification (GRG).
Relative Deprivation and Relative Gratification
GRD is the experience of discontent following an invidious social comparison with
another group (Smith, Pettigrew, Pippin, & Bialosiewicz, 2012; Walker & Smith,
2002). GRD includes cognitive and affective components that can operate indepen-
dently (Dube & Guimond, 1986). The cognitive component refers to the social
comparison itself, while the affective component refers to the subsequent experience
of discontent (Runciman, 1966). GRD is an important determinant of prejudice
(Pettigrew et al., 2008), but few researchers have considered whether GRG influences
prejudice among members of advantaged groups who are aware of their structurally
privileged status. We view GRG as the inverse of GRD—it refers to the recognition
that one’s in-group compares favorably to some out-group and to the attendant sense of
satisfaction. In our conceptualization, the concept of GRG is akin to what McIntosh
(2012) describes as ‘privilege awareness,’ a condition whereby individuals are
provided with social comparison information and recognize the advantaged status of
their in-group. Further, in line with relative deprivation theory, we contend that
individuals who experience GRG feel entitled to their privileged status (Crosby,
1976). The propitious state of GRG is perhaps not so uncommon. For instance,
according to social identity theory (SIT), a favorable social comparison with the out-
group on the basis of valued dimensions is a decisive step toward achieving positive in-
group distinctiveness (Tajfel, 1978).
In several studies, one group of researchers has shown that a favorable comparison
with a less fortunate out-group (i.e., GRG) is also associated with prejudice (Dambrun,
Guimond, & Taylor, 2006). To explore this link, two groups were compared (Guimond
& Dambrun, 2002, study 2). In the GRG experimental group, psychology students were
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presented with a graph and informed that in comparison with the out-group (law
students), their in-group would benefit from more favorable employment opportunities.
In the control group, this information was not conveyed. In comparison with the control
group, respondents in the experimental group reported higher levels of prejudice toward
ethnic minorities. More germane to the present research, Guimond and Dambrun (2002)
asked participants to respond to perceived intergroup improvement, a temporal measure
of GRG referring to the belief that the in-group will continue to prosper, relative to the
disadvantaged out-group along with the attendant sense of satisfaction. The researchers
discovered that when members of an advantaged group believe their in-group will
continue to prosper, relative to the disadvantaged out-group, they are more likely to
express prejudice. Most notably, this link was significant only for the cognitive
dimension of perceived intergroup improvement. Interestingly, among participants in
the advantaged group, perceived intergroup improvement was associated with
generalized prejudice. The authors suggest that: ‘‘…by placing individuals in a
privileged position and giving them access to a dominant status, the [GRG] condition
may have triggered the need to justify this position, which was expressed by denigrating
not simply a particular group but various outgroups’’ (Guimond & Dambrun, 2002,
p. 904). The negative repercussions of GRG on intergroup perceptions have since been
documented in various social contexts (see Dambrun et al., 2006; Dambrun & Taylor,
2013; Neuwenhuis, 2009), reflecting the social function of prejudice. Borrowing from
social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 2004), Dambrun and his associates argue
that when members of the in-group are in a privileged position socially or economically,
they are motivated to endorse broad attitudes and beliefs that derogate out-groups in
order to justify and maintain this privilege.
While this rationale certainly attests to the effects of GRG on intergroup perceptions,
it does not account for some conflicting findings. For instance, Tougas and her
collaborators found that men who recognized their favorable status next to women in the
workplace were more likely to support strategies that condemn sexist attitudes and
practices (e.g., Tougas & Veilleux, 1990). In addition, Beaton and Deveau (2005)
demonstrated that Canadian respondents, who acknowledged their privileged status next
to citizens from Third World countries, were more likely to adopt strategies to correct
poverty and oppression. These different results may stem from the social context in
which the studies were conducted—the participants were men working in organizations
with affirmative action policies for women (Tougas & Veilleux, 1990) and college
students participating in a conference designed to increase awareness of Third World
issues (Beaton & Deveau, 2005). In both cases, participants find themselves in a context
that highlights illegitimate and long-standing intergroup inequities. In contrast, research
by Dambrun and his colleagues uses less entrenched group categorizations.
Thus, we suggest that a closer look at features of the intergroup relationship, especially
the legitimacy and the stability of the intergroup inequity, may help reveal the conditions
under which perceived relative group privilege will facilitate out-group derogation.
Legitimacy and Stability
Within SIT, the security of the status hierarchy—that is, its legitimacy and stability—
affects the relationship between high- and low-status groups (Tajfel, 1978). According
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to SIT, illegitimacy refers to an advantaged status based on unfair grounds, while an
unstable privileged status is defined as one that is threatened to change for the worse.
The few studies that have examined the causal effect of the legitimacy (Harth,
Kessler, & Leach, 2008; Miron, Branscombe, & Schmitt, 2006, study 2) or stability
(Cunningham & Platow, 2007) of the intergroup relationship on attitudes and
behaviors have provided compelling evidence of the power of these socio-structural
features. However, research has not tested the causal effect of the legitimacy or
stability of a favorable in-group position on mechanisms conducive to prejudice.
This important issue must be addressed to uncover the structural elements of the
intergroup relationship that are conducive to hostile prejudice. Therefore, the purpose of
this two-part research is to examine how the legitimacy (Study 1) and the stability (Study
2) of the status of the advantaged group alter the relationship between GRG and
traditional racist attitudes toward Aboriginal people. Traditional racism is defined as a
hierarchy-enhancing ideology that is based on the belief of the inherent inferiority of the
ethnic group and support for racial segregation (Brown, 2010). In this sense, traditional
racism is the epitome of an ideology that justifies and maintains entrenched intergroup
inequalities. Although strong egalitarian norms, not to mention legislation, prohibit the
expression of such derogatory and hostile racism, traditional racism still emerges as a
function of specific social contexts (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004; Rogers & Prentice-
Dunn, 1981) and individual predispositions (Beaton, Dovidio, & LeBlanc, 2011). In
other words, traditional racism is a contextually dependent hierarchy-enhancing
ideology that will be mobilized among individuals who are so inclined. Based on this
reasoning, we propose that by framing the security of the status hierarchy, we can create
the conditions that will allow participants who experience GRG to call upon traditional
racist attitudes to protect the position of the privileged in-group.
Study 1
This study investigates whether the legitimacy of the advantaged status moderates the
link between GRG and prejudice. The study’s method was drawn in part from Guimond
and Dambrun (2002). Status advantage was manipulated by presenting to participants a
graph featuring the superiority of the in-group relative to the out-group, depicting
evidence that job opportunities for the in-group were improving over time in comparison
with another group. The legitimacy of the advantaged status was manipulated in the
short paragraph following the graph whereby a legitimate explanation, an illegitimate
explanation or no explanation for the superiority of the in-group was provided.
We expect that the link between GRG and traditional prejudice will vary as a function
of the legitimacy of the advantaged status (Beaton & Deveau, 2005; Guimond &
Dambrun, 2002; Tougas & Veilleux, 1990). Specifically, when participants are
informed that their advantaged group status is based on legitimate, rather than
illegitimate grounds, the link between GRG and traditional prejudice will be significant
and positive. Finally, our research was designed to examine whether a relative privileged
condition is conducive to the expression of a hostile and overt form of out-group
derogation (i.e., traditional racism), over and beyond a general orientation toward group-
based inequality (Schmitt et al., 2003; Sidanius & Pratto, 2004). To address this issue, we
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control for modern racism and social dominance orientation in order to examine the
unique relationship between GRG and traditional prejudice.
Methods
Participants
A total of 141 students from the Universite de Moncton participated in this study.
Eight participants were deleted from the data set because they did not have a
Canadian citizenship.1 As a result, the sample consisted of 133 White participants
who were mostly women (78.2 %) and on average, 24.8 years of age.
Procedure
In spring 2008, participants completed a survey on social perceptions, in groups of
approximately 10–20 students. These students were randomly assigned to one of four
experimental conditions. In the control condition (n = 19), participants completed the
survey and no graph or information was provided concerning their group status. In the
remaining three experimental conditions, participants were informed of their
advantaged group status with a technique drawn from Guimond and Dambrun
(2002). The survey began with a brief section of an ostensible report by the
Government of Canada on the employment rate of graduates from their alma mater
(Universite de Moncton) and another university situated in the same region
(University of New Brunswick). Both universities are located in the province of
New Brunswick and are considered comprehensive universities. Both universities,
however, have distinguishing features within the Canadian context. The Universite de
Moncton is the largest French university in Canada that is located outside of the
province of Quebec. Although most students are of Acadian descent, in 2012–2013,
8.31 % of the student body was represented by international students. The University
of New Brunswick is the oldest English language university in Canada. While it is
almost double the size of the Universite de Moncton in terms of student enrollment,
the University of New Brunswick has a comparable level of international students
(7.02 %) (Maritime Provinces Higher Education Commission, 2014). There is no
history of entrenched conflict between the institutions. Students from the Universite
de Moncton and the University of New Brunswick share a relatively equal status.
The employment rate was illustrated in a graph that ranged from the year 2003–2015.
In the graph, the employment rate in 2003 was illustrated as similar for the graduates of
both universities, but progressively improving for graduates from the Universite de
Moncton in the current and forthcoming years. Under the graph, participants read a
summary of the labor market trend for graduates from the Universite de Moncton and
from the University of New Brunswick. Following the summary, the three experimental
conditions varied according to how information concerning the legitimacy of the
advantaged status was conveyed. In the graph with no explanation (n = 37),
1 At the Universite de Moncton, the job market for international students without Canadian citizenship is
restricted to on-campus employment only.
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respondents read the information contained in the summary and nothing else. In the
graph with a legitimate explanation (n = 38), an excerpt was added to provide a
legitimate explanation for the advantaged status of graduates of the Universite de
Moncton. The legitimate explanation was based on the merit principle. In the graph with
an illegitimate explanation (n = 37), respondents read an excerpt describing an
illegitimate explanation for the advantaged status of graduates of the Universite de
Moncton. The illegitimate explanation was based on unfair favoritism. Please see
Appendix for further details concerning these manipulations. After reading the official
report, participants completed a survey written in French containing the variables used in
this study, were then thanked and properly debriefed.
Measures
A French survey was administered. When appropriate, measures were translated
into French by a professional translator followed with a back-translation procedure
(Vallerand, 1989). Responses to statements were collected on a 7-point scale
(1 = completely disagree and 7 = completely agree).
Manipulation Checks To examine whether the legitimacy and privileged status
manipulations were effective, participants responded to the following statements:
‘‘The superior employment rate of the Universite de Moncton graduates is due to a
cause that is illegal’’ and ‘‘I believe that, in comparison with the graduates of
Universite de Moncton, graduates from the University of New Brunswick are
disadvantaged as to their rate of employment.’’
Traditional Racism Traditional racism is defined as the belief that an ethnic group
is inherently inferior to Whites and should be segregated (Brown, 2010). Traditional
racism directed toward Aboriginal people was measured with an adaptation of the
11-item scale developed by Walker (1994) (e.g., ‘‘I wouldn’t like any member of my
family to marry an Aboriginal person’’; ‘‘If an Aboriginal person sat next to me on a
bus or train I would feel uncomfortable’’). Two items were modified to better fit a
Canadian context. High scores reflect a greater endorsement of traditional racial
prejudice directed toward Aboriginal people in Canada (a = 0.68, k6 = 0.74).2
Modern Racism This construct refers to the view that discrimination toward
ethnic minorities is no longer a concern in our society and that members of these
groups are pushing too strongly for change. According to this belief, any gains made
by ethnic minorities are undeserved and unfair (McConahay, 1986). A 7-item
measure of modern racism, adapted from Augoustinos, Ahrens and Innes (1994)
(e.g., ‘‘Aboriginal people are getting too demanding in their push for land rights’’;
‘‘Aboriginal people have more influence on government policy than they ought to
have’’), was included in the survey to tap into contemporary prejudice directed
toward Aboriginal people in Canada (a = 0.54, k6 = 0.60).
Social Dominance Orientation This refers to the extent to which a person values
non-egalitarian and hierarchically structured relationships among social groups
2 Research has revealed limitations to the Cronbach’s alpha and proposes the use of Guttman’s lower
bound statistic as a better indicator of internal consistency (Sijtsma, 2009). Therefore, throughout the
paper, the highest lambda of the six lower bounds is also presented.
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(Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). We used the SDO6, which has 16 items (e.g., ‘‘Some
groups of people are simply inferior to other groups’’; ‘‘Inferior groups should stay
in their place’’). High scores reflect a greater preference for group-based inequality
and dominance (a = 0.85, k6 = 0.91).
Group Relative Gratification Following Guimond and Dambrun (2002),
participants were invited to speculate on their in-group’s prospects with a cognitive
measure of GRG termed perceived intergroup improvement.3 There were two items:
‘‘I feel that the fate of graduates from the Universite de Moncton is improving
relative to that of graduates from the University of New Brunswick,’’ and ‘‘In the
next few years, graduates from the Universite de Moncton will have much better job
opportunities than graduates from the University of New Brunswick.’’ High scores
indicate greater perception of improvement of the in-group’s status relative to the
out-group; therefore, greater GRG.4
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Three univariate outliers (Z ± 3.29) were removed from analyses, leaving 130
participants. As a manipulation check, we tested whether the government report lead
participants to recognize the privileged status of the in-group relative to the
disadvantaged out-group. A one-way ANOVA revealed a significant difference in
perceived privilege status, F(3, 125) = 3.45, p = .02, g2 = 0.08. As expected,
planned comparisons showed that, irrespective of the type of explanation given for the
in-group’s advantaged status (no explanation, legitimate explanation and illegitimate
explanation), participants presented with a graph illustrating the advantaged status of
the in-group were more likely to recognize the disadvantaged status of the out-group
(M = 4.10, SD = 1.60) than were participants not provided with such information
(control condition: M = 3.26, SD = 1.24), F(1, 125) = 4.75, p = .03, g2 = 0.04.
Another manipulation check was also tested: perceived legitimacy. It was revealed
that perceived legitimacy of the in-group advantaged status differed across the three
conditions in which legitimacy was manipulated, F(2, 108) = 7.40, p = .001,
g2 = 0.12. Tukey’s post hoc tests showed that participants who read the illegitimate
explanation perceived their in-group’s advantaged status as significantly more
illegitimate (M = 2.36, SD = 2.36) than participants in the legitimate (M = 1.42,
SD = 1.06, p = .003) or no explanation conditions (M = 1.46, SD = 0.90,
p = .004). Ratings in the legitimate and no explanation conditions did not differ
(p = .99). Consistent with previous research (Harth et al., 2008), this suggests that a
legitimate explanation is the default assumption for most people (i.e., people assume a
just world) even when no explanation is given for the advantaged status. Based on this
3 Drawing upon the work of Guimond and Dambrun (2002), a measure of perceived improvement over
time was also assessed and entered into the analyses in Study 1 and Study 2. However, no reliable patterns
emerged.4 The affective dimension of GRG was also measured. These results can be made available upon request.
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result and further analyses,5 participants in the legitimate and the no explanation
conditions were combined to form one group named legitimate status. Thus, the
legitimacy variable was transformed to form two groups: legitimate status
(participants in the legitimate explanation condition combined with those from the
no explanation condition) and illegitimate status (participants in the illegitimate
explanation condition). Descriptive analyses and correlations for all variables
included in our main analyses can be found in Table 1.6
Main Analyses
Prior to regression analyses, centered values for GRG were computed. The
moderator (legitimacy of the advantaged status) was coded as 0 for the legitimate
status and 1 for the illegitimate status.
A multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between
the independent variable (GRG—perceived intergroup improvement), the moderator
(the legitimacy of the advantaged status—either legitimate or illegitimate) and their
interaction on the dependent variable, traditional racism, while taking into account the
effects of modern racism and social dominance orientation, Radjusted2 = 0.48, F(5,
98) = 19.98, p \ .001.7 This regression was qualified by a significant interaction
between the legitimacy of the advantaged status and GRG (see Table 2). To probe
5 To explore whether the combination of these two conditions (no explanation, legitimate explanation)
significantly altered results, regression analyses were conducted by creating two dummy variables:
legitimate (vs. illegitimate) and no explanation (vs. illegitimate). The referent group was the illegitimate
explanation condition. The multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship
between the independent variable, that is, GRG (i.e., perceived intergroup improvement), the moderators
(legitimate vs. illegitimate and no explanation vs. illegitimate) and their respective interactions
(GRG 9 legitimate, GRG 9 no explanation), on the dependent variable, traditional racism. Note that
modern racism and social dominance orientation were entered into the analysis. Findings point to a
significant GRG 9 legitimate (vs. illegitimate) interaction, B = 0.19, SE = 0.09, b = 0.25, p = 0.03,
and a marginally significant GRG 9 no explanation (vs. illegitimate) interaction, B = 0.17, SE = 0.09,
b = 0.21, p = 0.06. These results provide evidence that the legitimate and no explanation conditions
reflect a similar trend and additional justification for combining both conditions in the principal analysis.6 In Study 1, t tests were conducted to examine whether women and men differed on the basis of the
variables contained in the analysis. A Bonferroni correction was used to adjust for multiple pairwise
comparisons (p = 0.006). No significant differences between men and women were detected. In Study 2,
responses of men and women were compared with a series of t tests (Bonferroni correction, p = 0.008).
Significant differences were found with respect to modern racism, t(148) = -3.65, p \ 0.001, whereby
men reported higher modern racist views (M = 3.54) than women (M = 2.95). Men further expressed
greater social dominance orientation (M = 2.32) than women (M = 1.82), t(148) = -3.56, p = 0.001.
Multiple regression analyses were also conducted to examine whether including gender in the analysis
altered the results. According to results, adding gender to the main analyses did not affect the pattern of
results for Study 1 and Study 2.7 A one-way analysis of variance was conducted to examine whether the experimental conditions
(legitimacy, illegitimacy, no explanation, control) had an effect on the variables contained in Study 1. The
analysis revealed a nonsignificant effect for modern racism (p = 0.31) and social dominance orientation
(p = 0.59). However, a significant effect of the experimental conditions was obtained for the measure of
GRG (i.e., perceived intergroup improvement, p = 0.001). A one-way analysis of variance was also
conducted to examine the effect of the experimental conditions (stable, in-group decline, out-group
progress, control) on the variables contained in Study 2. Findings reveal that the manipulations were not
associated with modern racism (p = 0.26) and social dominance orientation (p = 0.49). However, the
experimental conditions were associated with GRG (i.e., perceived intergroup improvement, p = 0.001).
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this significant interaction, two new conditional variables for the moderator were
computed (Aiken & West, 1991). Post hoc regression analyses were conducted to
examine the statistical significance of the slopes of the simple regression lines. Both
equation lines are plotted in Fig. 1. As predicted, for respondents in the legitimate
condition, GRG was positively associated with traditional racism (B = 0.09,
SE = 0.04, b = 0.18, p = .04). When the advantaged in-group status was based
on legitimate grounds, participants, who believe that their privileged status is
improving relative to that of the out-group, report more traditional racism. However,
this relationship did not reach significance among participants in the illegitimate
condition (B = -0.09, SE = 0.07, b = -0.20, p = .19).8
Discussion
This first study shows that the legitimacy of the advantaged status moderates the
link between GRG and traditional racism. Specifically, in the legitimate condition,
GRG is associated with traditional racism. Yet, when participants are informed that
gains made by their advantaged group are based on illegitimate grounds, the link
between GRG and traditional prejudice did not reach significance.
Findings obtained in the legitimate condition are consistent with Guimond and
Dambrun (2002, study 2) and further clarify the factors that precipitate the downside
of GRG. In a legitimate condition, advantaged group members who believe that
their in-group’s status will improve relative to an out-group express traditional
Table 1 Descriptive analyses
and correlations for variables
included in Study 1 and Study 2
* p \ .05; ** p \ .01
Variables 1 2 3 4
Study 1
1. Traditional racism – 0.53** 0.53** -0.03
2. Modern racism – 0.21* -0.14
3. Social dominance orientation – -0.07
4. GRG –
M 1.84 2.97 1.77 5.07
SD 0.54 0.89 0.69 1.11
Study 2
1. Traditional racism – 0.54** 0.62** 0.15
2. Modern racism – 0.42** -0.02
3. Social dominance orientation – -0.02
4. GRG –
M 2.18 3.09 1.92 3.50
SD 0.64 0.88 0.75 1.29
Footnote 7 continued
These findings suggest that the experimental conditions in both studies were not associated with modern
racism and social dominance orientation and further justify their inclusion in the model.8 In Study 1 and Study 2, multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine whether this pattern of
findings could be replicated with other measures of intergroup conflict—namely modern racism and
social dominance orientation as the dependent variable. No significant effects were uncovered.
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prejudice. This finding is rather paradoxical: Although advantaged group members
had been informed (or assumed) that their group had benefited from the merit
principle, a positive view of their continued prosperity compared to a less fortunate
out-group is associated with a non-egalitarian ideology (e.g., prejudice). Drawing
from social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 2004), this might suggest that
traditional prejudice is a means used by the advantaged group members to lend
weight to the belief in their in-group’s flourishing fate relative to a disadvantaged
out-group. Another explanation would be that in the legitimate condition, traditional
prejudice is an attractive way to maintain intergroup inequalities from a safe
vantage point. Legitimacy endows them with carte blanche on the means used to
promote their relative advantage. Research has attested to the importance of in-
group norms and out-group derogation among participants who occupy a privileged
group (Postmes & Smith, 2009). Our findings suggest that the effect of GRG on
prejudice demonstrated in previous experiments may have occurred because the
improvement of the in-group was perceived as legitimate by default (Guimond &
Dambrun, 2002).
Table 2 Results of regression analyses for Study 1
Parameter B SE b t p
Constant 0.30 0.16 1.85 0.06
Modern racism 0.30 0.04 0.47 6.32 0.00
Social dominance orientation 0.32 0.05 0.41 5.67 0.00
GRG 0.08 0.04 0.17 2.13 0.03
Legitimacy 0.11 0.08 0.10 1.35 0.17
GRG 9 legitimacy -0.17 0.08 -0.18 -2.22 0.02
Dependent variable = traditional racism
Fig. 1 Regression lines for therelationship between GRG andtraditional racism as moderatedby the legitimacy of theadvantaged status
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Not all members of an advantaged group resort to prejudice. Participants in the
illegitimate condition who believe that their advantaged in-group will continue to
prosper in comparison with a disadvantaged referent group do not endorse
traditional prejudice views. Perhaps in this case, when light is shed on intergroup
injustice, blatant bias is not an attractive means to maintain group-based hierarchies.
These results lend credence to McIntosh’s (1989) view of the breakthroughs that
accrue when undeserved group-based privileges are highlighted.
We recognize that GRG is one of many ways in which an individual may
experience privilege (see Leach, Snider, & Iyer, 2002) and should be distinguished
from other states, namely collective guilt. Members of a privileged group will
experience collective guilt when the intergroup inequality is framed as the result of
undeserved in-group privilege (Leach et al., 2002; Whol, Branscombe, & Klar,
2006). In this case, members of the high-status group recognize that their benefits
are due to ongoing structural inequalities and claim responsibility for the harm
inflicted on the out-group. Although this is not the focus of the present study, we
believe that an integration of causal attribution theory and the experience of relative
privilege/deprivation could further help articulate the conditions that distinguish
GRG from the experience of collective guilt (Walker, Wong, & Kretzschmar 2002).
This study represents the first endeavor to examine the unique effect of a legitimate
in-group advantaged status, while controlling for the stability of the advantaged status.
Within SIT, illegitimacy constitutes a threat to the in-group’s status, and possibly
indeed to the social system itself, and in-group members are motivated to react to that
threat. Although legitimacy and stability often covary (Bettencourt, Dorr, Charlton, &
Hume, 2001; Tajfel, 1981), theoretically and logically, they are separate character-
istics in the social system.9 Interestingly, the legitimacy manipulation did not
represent an important source of insecurity for our respondents. Participants did not
evaluate the illegitimate explanation as relatively illegal (the mean was 2.36 on a
7-point scale). Perhaps in this instance, our respondents were swept by a predominant
need to justify a status quo. In the next study, we introduce a stability manipulation
meant to better reflect an insecure system for a privileged group. In this instance, the
respondents are provided information concerning the long-term viability of the high-
status in-group. Hence, in our second study, we shift our focus to perceptions of
stability as a source of threat to system security.
Study 2
The purpose of the second study is to manipulate the stability of the advantaged
status relative to a disadvantaged out-group to understand how this structural
dimension of the intergroup context will influence the link between GRG and
traditional racism, while controlling for the legitimacy of the intergroup inequality.
9 To address Tajfel’s (1981) concerns that both the legitimacy and stability of the intergroup relation are
sometimes confounded, we tested whether the legitimacy of the advantaged status varied across the three
experimental conditions where stability was manipulated in Study 2 (stable, out-group progress, in-group
decline). There was no difference between the conditions on perceived legitimacy, F(2, 150) = 0.25,
p [ 0.05, g2 = 0.00.
Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167 153
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Unstable access to valuable resources for an individual (Grofman & Muller, 1973) or
a group (Davies, 1962) has been related to civil unrest. According to these authors, a
prolonged period of economic and social prosperity followed by a short period of sharp
reversal creates an unstable situation that gives rise to turmoil. In one study (de la
Sablonniere, Taylor, Perozzo, & Sadykova, 2008), participants who viewed instability,
rather than stability, in their country’s economic prosperity during critical periods in
their history were less likely to experience collective well-being. These studies,
however, were designed to examine the effect of variability in the unique in-group or
individual conditions over time. In the next study, we take a different look at stability by
considering changes to the distribution of valuable resources between two groups.
Members of a high-status group experience distress when they learn of the potential
downfall of its dominant position next to a relevant out-group (Scheepers, 2009); yet, the
effect of the instability of the status hierarchies on out-group derogation has been under
investigated. In one exception, Cunningham and Platow (2007) showed that when
members of the advantaged group learn that their status is unstable (vs. stable) relative to
a disadvantaged out-group, the former are more likely to provide assistance to in-group
rather than lower status out-group members. Drawing from this work, we predict that
when the status of the advantaged group is sliding, respondents will call upon attitudes
and beliefs that will secure their privileged status (Sidanius & Pratto, 2004). Specifically,
in an unstable condition, belief in the in-group’s hegemony will increase the likelihood
of out-group derogation. This second study will test this contention by examining among
high-status group members, the relationship between GRG and traditional prejudice
when the intergroup hierarchy is stable or unstable. Furthermore, two forms of instability
are considered in this study: a decline in the advantaged status of the in-group and an
improvement in standing of the disadvantaged out-group. To date, reactions of the
advantaged group to these two nuances have not been the subject of investigation.
Therefore, the study will investigate whether the roles of instability that stem from in-
group downfall or out-group ascent are analogous.
In SIT, stability refers to change to the social system. Drawing upon this
conceptualization, the manipulation of the stability of the social system in Study 2
was meant to maintain (stable manipulation) or reduce (unstable manipulation) the gap
between the advantaged and disadvantaged groups. A nuance was added to the source of
the instability. Specifically, the instability was either due to a dip in the advantaged status
of the in-group (unstable, in-group decline) or an increase in the status of the out-group
(unstable, out-group progress). In the first case, in line with the stability conceptual-
ization of SIT, participants were notified of a threat to the favorable status of the in-
group. They learned that the rate of employment of the in-group was decreasing, and this
trend was expected to continue over time. In the second case, participants were informed
that change was due to gains from members of the disadvantaged group. In this condition
(unstable, out-group progress), participants learned of an increase in the rate of
employment of the out-group, that was predicted to continue over time, thereby reducing
the gap between both groups. Yet, it is important to note that irrespective of the origins of
the instability, the in-group remained in a privileged status.
This study will examine whether the link between GRG and traditional prejudice is
moderated by the stability of the intergroup relation, using a similar method to the first
study. Participants viewed a graph that depicted better employment rates for the in-
154 Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167
123
group relative to the out-group. In the stable condition, the graph illustrated a superior
employment rate for the in-group relative to the out-group that persisted over time. In
the instability in-group decline condition, the discrepancy between the advantaged in-
group and out-group remains constant until there is a sudden drop in employment rates
among members of the in-group; whereas in the instability out-group progress
condition, the intergroup discrepancy remains constant until the employment rate of
members of the out-group sharply increases. Therefore, this second study was
designed to examine instability that stemmed from an increased access to resources for
the out-group or decreased access to resources for the in-group.
We hypothesized that the link between GRG and traditional prejudice would vary
as a function of the stability of the advantaged status, even after controlling for
modern prejudice and social dominance orientation. When participants are informed
of an unstable, rather than stable, advantaged status, the link between GRG and
traditional prejudice is predicted to be significant and positive.
Methods
Participants
A total of 199 students from the Universite de Moncton participated in this study.
Eleven participants were excluded because they did not have a Canadian
citizenship. Therefore, the sample consisted of 188 White participants, mostly
women (74.2 %) and on average 20.6 years of age.
Procedure
In the fall 2009, participants were randomly distributed into four experimental
conditions. In the control condition (n = 33), respondents completed the survey and
no information was provided concerning the employment rate of graduates nor the
status of their in-group. In the remaining three conditions, respondents were
informed of the advantaged status of their in-group in a fictitious report by the
Government of Canada. Information was conveyed about the stability of the
advantaged status of the in-group by introducing three conditions: stable, in-group
decline and out-group progress (see ‘‘Appendix’’). In the stable condition (n = 46),
participants were presented a graph illustrating a superior employment rate for
graduates from the Universite de Moncton, rather than graduates from the
University of New Brunswick. The gap between both groups remained constant
and persisted over time. Under the graph, participants read a summary of the trend
of the employment status of graduates from the Universite de Moncton and the
University of New Brunswick. Respondents in the in-group decline condition
(n = 53) were presented with a graph depicting a superior employment rate for
graduates from the Universite de Moncton, and a steady decline that begins in 2006.
Despite the decline, the employment rate of graduates from the Universite de
Moncton remained superior to that of graduates from the University of New
Brunswick. Under the graph, an excerpt was added to describe this drop in the
employment rate of graduates from the Universite de Moncton. In the out-group
Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167 155
123
progress condition (n = 56), the employment rate for the out-group (i.e., graduates
from the University of New Brunswick) begins to improve in 2006. Although the
employment rate of the in-group remained higher than that of the out-group, the gap
was predicted to grow smaller over the years. Under the graph, respondents read an
excerpt that described the out-group progress trend. After reading the report,
participants completed a survey containing the variables in this study, were all
thanked and debriefed.
Measures
The measures presented in the second study were similar to the ones used in Study
1: modern racism (a = 0.74, k4 = 0.78), social dominance orientation (a = 0.88,
k6 = 0.90) and the cognitive measure of GRG, that is, perceived intergroup
improvement. There were two differences in the second study: an item was added in
the survey to check the manipulation of the stability of the advantaged status, and a
different traditional racism scale was used.
Manipulation Check of Stability To examine whether the stability manipulation
was effective, participants indicated the extent to which the advantaged status of the
in-group was stable or unstable (from 1 = unstable to 7 = stable).
Traditional Racism A 10-item measure of traditional racism toward Aboriginal
people with better reliability than the scale used in Study 1 was included (a = 0.90;
see Beaton et al., 2011). Examples of items included in this scale are ‘‘Although
there are some exceptions, in general, non-Aboriginal people have a better
understanding of what is the right way to behave than Aboriginal people,’’ ‘‘One
possible strategy to avoid conflict is for Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal
people to stay in their own districts and avoid too much contact.’’ High scores reflect
greater prejudice toward Aboriginal people in Canada (a = 0.71, k6 = 0.74).
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Three univariate outliers were removed (Z ± 3.29), leaving a sample of 185
respondents. We tested the effectiveness of the experimental manipulations (i.e., the
advantaged status of the in-group and the stability of the intergroup relation). A one-
way ANOVA revealed a significant difference in perceived privilege status across the
four conditions, F(3, 181) = 5.93, p = .001, g2 = 0.09. As expected, planned
comparison revealed that, irrespective of the stability of their in-group’s status (stable,
in-group decline, out-group progress), participants who were informed of their
advantaged group status with the graph were more likely to recognize the greater
disadvantaged status of the out-group relative to their in-group (M = 3.99,
SD = 1.55) than did participants who were not provided with such information
(control condition: M = 2.94, SD = 1.66), F(1, 181) = 12.72, p \ .001, g2 = 0.07.
Perceived stability of the intergroup relation varied across the three conditions in which
stability was manipulated, F(2, 149) = 7.69, p = .001, g2 = 0.09. Post hoc Tukey
analyses revealed that participants in the in-group decline condition attributed more
156 Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167
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instability (M = 3.61, SD = 1.56) than respondents in the out-group progress
(M = 4.49, SD = 1.43, p = .009) and stable (M = 4.74, SD = 1.56, p = .001)
conditions. These findings suggest that instability is associated with in-group decline
rather than out-group progress. Furthermore, no significant differences were uncovered
between the out-group progress and stable conditions (p = .69), which suggests that
instability due to out-group progress is perceived as a stable rather than unstable
advantaged status. Accordingly, participants in the out-group progress and stable
conditions were combined to form one group named stable status. The stability variable
was transformed to form two groups: stable status (participants in the out-group progress
and stable conditions) and unstable status (participants in the in-group decline
condition).10 Descriptive analyses and correlations for all variables appear in Table 1.
Main Analyses
Prior to regression analyses, GRG was centered and ratings of the stability of the
advantaged status were recoded (0 = stable status, 1 = unstable status) for the
moderator.
A multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between
the independent variable, GRG (i.e., perceived intergroup improvement), the moderator,
the stability of the advantaged status (stable status or unstable status) and their
interaction on the dependent variable, traditional racism, while taking into account the
effects of modern racism and social dominance orientation, Radjusted2 = 0.53, F(5,
140) = 33.88, p \ .001. There was a significant interaction between the stability of the
intergroup relationship and GRG on traditional racism (see Table 3). This finding was
followed by a simple effects analysis of the relationship between GRG and the
dependent variable traditional racism at different levels of the moderator (i.e., the
stability of the intergroup relationship). Both equation lines are plotted in Fig. 2. As
expected, in the unstable condition, GRG was positively associated with traditional
racism (B = 0.20, SE = 0.05,b = 0.39, p \ .01), but this link was not significant in the
stable condition (B = 0.03, SE = 0.04, b = 0.06, p = .46).
Discussion
This second study showed that the stability of the advantaged status moderated the
link between perceived intergroup improvement (GRG) and traditional racism.
10 To explore whether the combination of these two conditions (out-group progress and stable)
significantly altered results, regression analyses were conducted by creating two dummy variables:
stability (vs. in-group decline) and out-group progress (vs. in-group decline). The referent group was the
in-group decline condition. A multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship
between the independent variable, GRG (i.e., perceived intergroup improvement), the moderators (stable
vs. in-group decline and out-group progress vs. in-group decline) and their interaction on the dependent
variable, traditional racism, while taking into account the effects of modern racism and social dominance
orientation, Radjusted2 = 0.54, F(7, 138) = 24.86, p \ 0.001. According to results, the interaction effect
between the independent variable and the moderator, instability out-group progress, was significant,
B = -0.16, SE = 0.07, b = -0.16, p = 0.03, and the interaction effect between the independent
variable and the moderator, stability, was marginally significant, B = -0.15, SE = 0.09, b = -0.14,
p = 0.07. These results provide evidence that the out-group progress and stable conditions reflect a
similar trend and additional justification for combining both conditions in the principal analysis.
Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167 157
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When participants viewed their privileged status as declining, the link between
GRG and traditional prejudice was positive. However, when respondents viewed the
progress of the out-group or were informed of the stable privileged status, GRG did
not significantly covary with traditional racism.
Our findings in Study 2 suggest that for members of a fortunate group, instability
in the favorable status of the in-group, coupled with the conviction that the fate of
the in-group will improve in comparison with the out-group, account for traditional
prejudice. The findings in Study 2 also show that members of an advantaged group
may not always resort to prejudice in order to maintain their privileged position. In
the stable condition and when the status of the out-group was improving, the link
between GRG and traditional prejudice was annulled. Perhaps in this condition,
participants see no need to be prejudiced if their status is going to remain constant
anyway. However, research is needed to examine whether in the stable condition,
participants who endorse GRG turn to other kind of strategies that assure the
hegemony of the advantaged group, such as in-group favoritism.
These studies further point to the importance of framing the source of the
instability. Findings suggest that the mechanisms conducive to hostile racist views
are more likely when the instability is framed as in-group loss rather than out-group
gains. This result is in line with work conducted by Eibach and Keegan (2006)
whereby both sources of instability reflect different experiences for members of a
dominant group. Change is viewed as most significant when the favorable status of
the in-group is attributed to loss. In this instance, Eibach and Keegan (2006) explain
that members of the dominant group have a vested interested in maintaining their
favorable status thus are more sensitive to the decline of their privileged status.
General Discussion
The purpose of this research was to uncover parts of the social system that maintain
group-based hierarchy. The message from these findings is that for members of a
privileged group, its legitimacy and stability have the power to sustain or sever the
relationship between GRG and traditional prejudice. In Study 1, results reveal that
for members of a privileged group, the legitimacy of their advantaged status
matters: Participants who experience GRG are more likely to report traditional
prejudice in the legitimate rather than the illegitimate condition. Findings from the
second study point to the moderating effects of the stability of the intergroup
inequity. Instability that stems from a drop in the privileged in-group’s status
provides a context that facilitates the relationship between GRG and traditional
prejudice. In other words, for those who recognized that their in-group was falling
behind, a belief in a more prosperous future (i.e., GRG) was associated with out-
group derogation of an ethnic minority.
Both studies extend previous work (Dambrun et al., 2006) by identifying the
specific conditions that facilitate the association between GRG and traditional
prejudice. In this sense, both studies reveal how traditional prejudice is employed in
ways that advance the interests and address the concerns of the privileged in-group.
When advantage is portrayed as the result of a legitimate system (e.g., the merit
158 Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167
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principle), participants who perceive better prospects for their group relative to a
disadvantaged out-group call upon traditional prejudice to justify the intergroup
inequalities. Traditional prejudice can be seen as an insurance policy for members
of the advantaged group: It supports group-based hierarchy and by the same token,
in-group hegemony. Better prospects for the in-group are more likely if a
disadvantaged ethnic out-group is construed as problematic. Traditional prejudice is
couched within what was described as a socially acceptable system. Therefore,
disadvantaged out-groups that fail to prosper within these parameters are assumed to
be flawed. Leach (2002) discusses Myrdal’s notion that egalitarianism works to
limit the perception of inequality and can lead to racism. Accordingly, the belief that
society is egalitarian can blind people to the ways in which it is not and protects
their idealized image of their society as fair and equal. Together, our findings reflect
what Sidanius and Pratto (2004) describe as a covert way to uphold hierarchy-
enhancing legitimizing myths.
In the second study, the stability of the group-based discrepancy was found to
moderate the relationship between GRG and traditional racism. Specifically, in an
unstable context whereby the privileged in-group is declining relative to the
disadvantaged out-group, participants who report GRG (i.e., perceived intergroup
Table 3 Results of regression
analyses for Study 2
Dependent
variable = traditional racism
Parameter B SE b t p
Constant 0.60 0.14 4.22 0.00
Modern racism 0.24 0.04 0.32 5.19 0.00
Social dominance orientation 0.40 0.5 0.48 7.57 0.00
GRG 0.03 0.04 0.06 0.74 0.45
Stability 0.20 0.08 0.15 2.40 0.01
GRG 9 stability 0.16 0.06 0.21 2.64 0.00
Fig. 2 Regression lines for therelationship between GRG andtraditional racism as moderatedby the stability of theadvantaged status
Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167 159
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improvement) also express traditional prejudice. Perhaps by providing participants
with information concerning the precarious nature of the in-group status, the second
study raises a concern among participants who anticipate better days ahead for the
in-group and thus resort to traditional prejudice to defend their positive perception
of the future. Findings also suggest that the source of the instability matters. It
would seem that improving the lot of the disadvantaged out-group may be less
threatening than taking away benefits accrued by the advantaged in-group. This
result contains interesting implications for policy meant to redress intergroup
inequalities.
Although stability and legitimacy refer to the relative security of the social
system, our findings reveal that they are experienced differently for members of a
privileged group. The legitimacy frame conveys information about the origins of the
intergroup inequality—whether the advantage is an earned strength or unearned
advantage (McIntosh, 1989). In this manner, when the privilege is described as one
that is based on meritocracy, GRG is associated with traditional racism. Stability of
the advantaged status pertains to the precarious nature of the privileged status over
time. When members of an advantaged group expect that their favorable status will
be undermined in the future, the experience of GRG is positively related to
traditional racism.
Interestingly, these two studies consider prejudice directed toward an out-group
that is not portrayed in the report as a direct competitor to employment
opportunities. Recall that participants were informed of the relative access to
employment for Universite de Moncton and University of New Brunswick
graduates, but we measured out-group derogation directed toward Aboriginal
people. This finding replicates the results obtained in previous work (Guimond &
Dambrun, 2002) whereby participants in the GRG condition (i.e., in-group = psy-
chology students, out-group = law students) who perceived intergroup improve-
ment reported negative attitudes toward ethnic out-groups in general. The current
research has revealed that the nature of the social structure of the intergroup
relationship can trigger traditional racist attitudes among privileged group members
who perceive the status of their in-group improving relative to a less fortunate out-
group. Indeed, previous research has provided consistent support that GRG is
associated with prejudice toward low-status ethnic groups, independently of the
source of the threat to the high-status in-group (see Dambrun et al., 2006, for a
review). These findings may seem puzzling: Why would respondents in the current
study who report high scores on the measure of GRG denigrate Aboriginal people,
in the wake of a threat from graduates of another university? Postmes and Smith
(2009) have made a compelling argument to account for this phenomenon. These
authors argue that members of a high-status group will respond strategically to the
norms of the privileged group in order to demonstrate ‘‘their in-group credentials or
to gain influence over and redefine in-group norms.’’ (p. 774). These authors found
that respondents in a relative gratification condition who are informed that members
of the high-status group approve of intolerant, rather than benevolent norms, are
more likely to respond in a prejudiced manner toward an ethnic out-group. In line
with this rationale, perhaps the features of the social structure (legitimacy, stability)
increase the propensity of members of an advantaged group to affirm their
160 Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167
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privileged status by directing their derogatory attitudes toward ethnic groups. More
research is needed to better understand whether the social structure of the intergroup
relationship conveys a different set of norms for tolerance among high-status group
members.
While the Postmes and Smith (2009) argument offers a new way of accounting
for the relationship between relative gratification and prejudice, it does not explain
why intolerance is directed toward the most stigmatized ethnic groups (e.g.,
Dambrun et al., 2006). Perhaps it is more ‘palatable’ for members of a privileged
group to derogate an out-group that is the least protected in our society
(Hagendoorn, 1995; Snellman & Ekehammar, 2005). However, since our research
did not measure participants’ bias toward graduates from the competing university,
it is premature to dismiss the possibility that relative privilege is associated with
prejudice toward multiple target out-groups. Finally, our findings reveal that the
choice of the measure of out-group derogation counts (see footnote 8). The
interaction between the legitimacy and stability of the intergroup relationship and
perceived intergroup improvement produces a predominantly hostile and overt form
of prejudice. This finding adds to recent studies that show that traditional prejudice
remains a relevant feature of intergroup relations, even in modern times (Beaton
et al., 2011).
All in all, the present studies serve to examine the structural conditions that affect
the relationship between GRG and traditional prejudice. This research, however,
does contain some limits that warrant mention. The in-group (i.e., graduates from
participants’ alma mater) reflects participants’ anticipated, rather than immediate,
in-group. However, this indicates that even sharing a common fate with graduates
from their alma mater (e.g., employment outcomes) will produce results similar to
those obtained in research that has considered the respondents’ immediate in-group
(Guimond & Dambrun, 2002). Furthermore, the measures of GRG and prejudice
were assessed simultaneously; hence, no inference can be made as to the direction
of their relationship.
Although this research has identified structural factors that modulate the
relationship between GRG and traditional prejudice, it also illuminates some
elements that can put an end to this link, namely illegitimate and stable intergroup
inequalities. However, providing information concerning both the illegitimacy and
the stability of the intergroup inequity contains some level of risk. Emphasizing
illegitimate sources of an advantaged status may trigger a personal sense of guilt by
members of the privileged group which may then foment negative intergroup
relations, unless opportunities for reparations are provided (Amodio, Devine, &
Harmon-Jones, 2007). In contrast, research has uncovered benefits accrued from
collective guilt on intergroup perceptions (Pedersen, Beven, Walker, & Griffiths,
2004). It is also important to avoid inducing shame in participants for their
privileged status, as that can lead to the inhibition of behaviors aimed at redressing
the intergroup inequality (Leach et al., 2006). Furthermore, securing intergroup
discrepancies, such as maintaining an unfair status quo, is not a viable option. This
raises the question: How to introduce change to the structure of the intergroup
relationship between an advantaged and disadvantaged group without exacerbating
prejudice? Perhaps there is promise in promoting the status of the disadvantaged
Soc Just Res (2015) 28:143–167 161
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out-group in a way that does not convey a zero sum relationship with the more
prosperous out-group. More work is needed to examine how shifts to the security of
the intergroup relation can produce favorable outcomes to the intergroup relation.
Acknowledgments This research was supported by a doctoral scholarship from the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada conferred to the first author (767-2010-1721) and a grant from
the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada conferred to the second author (950-
203481). The authors thank Tanya Monger for her assistance with data collection.
Appendix
Study 1: Graph
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Study 2: In-Group Decline Condition
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