The beginning of the Middle Ages in the Balkans

Millennium 10/2013Jahrbuch zu Kultur und Geschichte

des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr.

Yearbook on the Culture and Historyof the First Millennium C.E.

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The Beginning of the Middle Ages in the Balkans

Florin Curta

Abstract: The recent understanding of the transition from Antiquity to the early MiddleAges is based on the model of the “transformation of the Roman world,” established inthe 1990s through a five-year research program funded by the European ScienceFoundation. The model, however, has never been tested on the Balkans, despite theimportance of that region for the beginning of the Middle Ages in Europe. The articledeals with the “short seventh century” between 620 (the date of Emperor Heraclius’withdrawal of the Roman armies) and 680 (the date of the Bulgar migration into thenortheastern Balkans). On the basis of recent progress in numismatic research, as wellas in the study of so-called “Byzantine” belt buckles, the article explores the evidenceof building and rebuilding in ancient cities, coins and hoards, rural settlements, andburials (either isolated or in cemeteries) discovered in the Balkan region, which couldbe dated between 620 and 680. The archaeological evidence is incontrovertible: duringthe seventh century, the Balkans, especially the central and northern areas seem to haveexperienced something of a demographic collapse, with large tracts of land left withoutany inhabitants. The first open, rural settlements in the Balkans in more than 150 yearsappeared in the north, along the valley of the river Danube, and were most likely in theborderlands of the Avar qaganate and its sphere of influence. The evidence ofcemeteries indicate significant clusters of population in the western Balkans—Greece,northern and central Albania, and Istria. Although next to nothing is known about theassociated settlements, many isolated burials and cemeteries were associated with ruinsof old basilicas, which suggest that those were Christian communities.

Much has been written in recent years about the continuity between Antiquityand the Middle Ages. Few are those who would now challenge the model of the“transformation of the Roman world” established in the 1990s through a five-year research program generously funded by the European Science Founda-tion.1 The results were published in fourteen volumes of a special book seriesedited by such prominent scholars as Walter Pohl, Chris Wickham, Ian Wood,Neil Christie, Richard Hodges, Evangelos Chrysos, and Miquel Barceló.2 There

1 For dissenting voices, see however B. Ward-Perkins, The Fall of Rome and the End ofCivilization. Oxford 2006 and P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians. The Fall of Romeand the Birth of Europe. Oxford 2009.

2 The series was published between 1997 and 2004 by Brill under the title “Trans-formation of the Roman World” (see http://www.brill.nl/publications/transformation-roman-world, visit of May 14, 2012). The phrase may have been inspired by L. White,Transformation of the Roman World. Gibbon’s Problem After Two Centuries (UCLACenter for Medieval and Renaissance Studies. Contributions, 3). Berkeley/Los Angeles1966. The concept has been recently developed and somewhat modified in R. Mathisen

has so far been no attempt to test the model on the Balkans, a region which isalso conspicuously absent from Chris Wickham’s book on Europe and theMediterranean between Late Antiquity and the early Middle Age.3 Nonetheless,such an exercise is much needed, if only to see what results, if any, may beobtained that would inform our understanding of the beginning of the MiddleAges in Europe.

Before proceeding, a number of clarifications are necessary. While it isrelatively easy to define the Balkans as one of the three main peninsulas ofsouthern Europe, bounded to the west by the Adriatic and Ionian seas, to thesouth by the Mediterranean, and to the east by the Black and Aegean seas, it ismuch more difficult to delineate the northern border of the region. For thepurpose of this paper, I chose to set the boundary on the Danube, from theDelta all the way to the confluence with the Drava, then following the Drava toits source in the Eastern (Carnic) Alps. The main reason for this choice is lessgeographic, and more historical, political, and cultural, as the Hungarian Plainto the north of the river Drava was occupied by the Avars between ca. 600 andca. 800.4 It has long been noted that the Avar qaganate did not expand into theBalkans, and that the archaeological markers of an Avar presence appear onlysporadically south of the Drava River.5 A few Avar finds in the Balkans do notfundamentally change that conclusion.6 At any rate, including the Hungarian

– D. Shanzer (eds.) Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of the Roman World.Cultural Interaction and Creation of Identity in Late Antiquity. Farnham/Burlington2011.

3 C. Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages. Europe and the Mediterranean, 400–800.Oxford 2005, 5: “I excluded the Slav lands, both in the Roman empire (in the Balkans)and outside it, because of my own linguistic weaknesses.” Throughout his book,Wickham nonetheless deals extensively with developments in Greece.

4 W. Pohl, Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk im Mitteleuropa 567–822 n.Chr., München2002; W. Pohl, A non-Roman empire in Central Europe: the Avars, in: Regna andGentes. The Relationship Between Late Antique and Early Medieval Peoples andKingdoms in the Transformation of the Roman World (ed. H.-W. Goetz – J. Jarnut – W.Pohl). Leiden/Boston 2003, 571–595.

5 L. Trbuhovic, Avar finds from Sirmium and the surrounding region, in: Sirmium.Recherches archéologiques en Syrmie (ed. N. Duval – E. L. Ochsenschlager – V.Popovic). Beograd 1982, 67–74 with fig. 6; I. Bóna, A népvándorláskor és a koraiközépkor története Magyarországon, in: Magyarország története I. Elözmények ésmagyar történet 1424-ig (ed. G. Székely). Budapest 1984, 310–346 with pl. 25; P.Somogyi, Byzantinische Fundmünzen der Awarenzeit (cf. fn. 5) 153 with n. 55.

6 P. Ivanov, Avarski nakhodki ot Severozapadna Balgariia. Problemi na prabalgarskataistoriia i kultura 3 (1997), 272–282; K. Filipec, Kasnoavarski ukrasni okov (falera) uobliku veprove glave iz Siska. Godisnjak Gradskog Muzeja u Sisku 3–4 (2002–2003),117–46; M. Inkova, Avarski inovacii v starobalgarskata kultura? In: Prof. d.i.n. StanchoVaklinov i srednovekovnata balgarska kultura (ed. K. Popkonstantinov – B. Borisov – R.Kostova). Veliko Tarnovo 2005, 99–112. See also Cs. Bálint, Voltak-e Avarok az

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Plain in the analysis would have complicated things unnecessarily, as thearchaeology of the Avar age in the Carpathian Basin deals with a comparativelymuch larger corpus of data, which raises radically different questions.7

The seventh century was a period of crucial significance in the trans-formation of the Roman into a Byzantine (i. e., medieval) Empire. By 600, theEmpire extended over the entire Mediterranean region, of which the Balkansrepresented an important component. Before 700, the Empire lost mostterritories in the Mediterranean, and the Balkans were largely outside itsborders, except a few coastal areas. This may explain the disappearance of theBalkan region from the radar of the written sources. To be sure, the Balkansfigure prominently in the History of Theophylact Simocatta, who wrote inConstantinople in the late 620s or early 630s.8 However, the last events in theregion explicitly mentioned in his work are those surrounding the revolt ofPhocas in 602. Theophylact has nothing to say about what was going on in theBalkans before and after the Avar-Persian siege of Constantinople in 626. TheChronicon Paschale and Theodore Synkellos focus only on events in the capitaland its immediate hinterland.9 The same is true for the only source written in theseventh century in the Balkans, the Miracles of St. Demetrius. The unknownauthor of the second collection of homilies wrote at some point during the lasttwo decades of the seventh century, but his concern was with the events inThessalonica and the city’s hinterland.10 The little we know about what washappening in the central Balkans, particularly in Bulgaria, comes from the

Adrián? In: Spomenica Jovana Kovacevica (ed. R. Bunardzic – Z. Mikic). Beograd2003, 55–60.

7 F. Daim, Avars and Avar archaeology, in: Regna and Gentes. The RelationshipsBetween Late Antique and Early Medieval Peoples and Kingdoms in the Trans-formation of the Roman World, (ed. H.-W. Goetz – J. Jarnut – W. Pohl). Leiden/Boston2003, 463 notes that “countless archaeological finds, more than 60,000 graves, somehoards and settlements permit us… to reconstruct” the Avar culture “from the period offirst settlement to the decline of the Avar Empire.”

8 For the date of the composition of Theophylact’s History, see T. Olajos, Les sources deThéophylacte Simocatta historien. Leiden 1988, 11; M. Whitby, The Emperor Mauriceand His Historian: Theophylact Simocatta on Persian and Balkan Warfare. Oxford 1988,39–40.

9 Such as the failed Avar attempt to ambush and kidnap Emperor Heraclius, an episodefor which see A. N. Stratos, Le guet-apens des Avars. JÖB 30 (1981), 113–135.

10 The mention of “July 25 of the fifth indiction” and of the emperor’s war with theSaracens makes it possible to date the siege of Thessalonica at the center of the secondcollection of homilies to July 25, 677 (Miracles of St. Demetrius II 4.255 [214 Lemerle]).For the date of the composition of the collection, see O. V. Ivanova, Chudesa Sv.Dimitriia Solunskogo, in: Svod drevneishikh pis’mennykh izvestii o slavianakh (ed. S. A.Ivanov – G. G. Litavrin – V. K. Ronin). Moscow 1995, 203. For the Miracles of St.Demetrius as a historical source, see A. K. Iliadi, Ta “ha}lata” tou ac_ou Dglgtq_ou yristoqij]r pgc]r. Epidqol]r jai Skabij]r epoij_seir emte}hem tou Doum\beyr. Trikala2003.

The Beginning of the Middle Ages in the Balkans 147

Chronography of Theophanes, who wrote in the early ninth century. His accountof Balkan affairs, especially the migration of the Bulgars, was based on anearlier, now lost Syriac chronicle.11 The dearth of historical informationhighlights the importance of archaeology for the understanding of the dramaticchanges taking place in the seventh century in the Balkan Peninsula. Thechronology of those changes relies on two key events – the general withdrawalof the Roman army and administration around 620, and the arrival of theBulgars in ca. 680. The former was a direct consequence of the militaryengagement with the Sassanians in the East, while the latter resulted in thecreation of an early medieval state which changed the entire political andmilitary configuration in the region.12

I have therefore decided to focus on the archaeological record which couldsafely be dated between 620 and 680. Such a chronological resolution is nowpossible because of major progress in three separate, yet parallel fields ofresearch. First, the publication of a corpus of coin hoards from the Balkans andAsia Minor with termini post quos between 491 and 713 clearly shows that afterca. 620, hoards appear only in the coastal regions close to Constantinople.13

Second, Mechthild Schulze-Dörrlamm’s two-volume study of the large collec-tion of so-called Byzantine buckles and belt mounts in the Roman-GermanicMuseum in Mainz has vastly improved our understanding of the chronology ofthose artifacts, which can now be restricted in certain cases to between 25 and 75years.14 Finally, much work has been done lately for the refinement of the

11 I. S. Chichurov, Vizantiiskie istoricheskie sochineniia: “Khronographiia” Feofana,“Breviarii” Nikifora. Teksty, perevod, kommentarii. Moskva 1980, 107; R. Scott, TheByzantine chronicle after Malalas, in: Studies in John Malalas (ed. E. M. Jeffreys – B.Croke – R. Scott) (Byzantina Australiensia, 6). Sydney 1990, 41. See also Pavel V.Kuzenkov, “Khronografiia Georgiia Sinkella-Feofana Ispovednika: khronologicheskiiaspect, in: Jamisjiom. Iubileinyi sbornik v chest 60-letiia profesora Igoria SergeevichaChichurova (ed. M. V. Gracianskii – P. V. Kuzenkov). Moskva 2006, 156–168.

12 I. Bozhilov, Razhdaneto na srednovekovna Balgariia (nova interpretaciia). Istoricheskipregled 48 (1992), nos. 1–2, 3–34; D. Ziemann, Von Wandervolk zur Großmacht. DieEntstehung Bulgariens im frühen Mittelalter (7.–9. Jh.) (Kölner historische Abhand-lungen, 43). Köln/Weimar/Wien 2007.

13 C. Morrisson – V. Popovic – V. Ivanisevic, Les trésors monétaires byzantins des Balkanset d’Asie Mineure (491–713) (Réalités byzantines, 13). Paris 2006, 92 map 8 ; 93 map 9.For seventh-century coin finds in the Balkans, see also F. Curta, Byzantium in Dark-AgeGreece (the numismatic evidence in its Balkan context). Byzantine and Modern GreekStudies 29 (2005), 113–46, at 116 fig. 1.

14 M. Schulze-Dörrlamm, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen und Gürtelbeschläge im Rö-misch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums. Teil I: Die Schnallen ohne Beschläg, mitLaschenbeschläg und mit festem Beschläg des 6. bis 7. Jahrhunderts (Kataloge vor-und frühgeschichtlicher Altertümer, 30.1). Mainz, 2002, and Byzantinische Gürtelsch-nallen und Gürtelbeschläge im Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum. Teil 2: DieSchnallen mit Scharnierbeschläg und die Schnallen mit angegossenem Riemendurchzug

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chronology of over 60,000 Avar-age burial assemblages. Peter Stadler’s studies,especially his recent book, employed a sophisticated statistical method(correspondence analysis) for the seriation of some 4,000 burial assemblagesto obtain firm dates, which he then correlated with radiocarbon dates from thesame burials, in order to establish for the first time a solid chronology of theentire Avar age, with three tiers (Early, Middle, and Late), each subdivided intoperiods dated within well defined intervals.15 Meanwhile, Joanita Vroom’sstudies have considerably improved our understanding of certain categories ofthe early medieval pottery in the Aegean region, such as the Glazed WhiteWare.16 However, the production of that ware did not start before the lateseventh century, and only peaked in the following century. Moreover, well-datedceramic assemblages, however, are rare for the period after ca. 620 and no wayexists so far to obtain for such assemblages the degree of resolution nowpossible for certain categories of metalwork.

Cities and forts

The only traces of “transformation” in the Balkans have been found in urbancenters. However, only a few of those changes may be dated with any degree ofaccuracy to the seventh century. The Old Metropolitan church in Mesembria

des 7. bis 10. Jahrhunderts (Kataloge vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Altertümer, 30,2).Mainz 2009.

15 P. Stadler, Quantitative Studien zur Archäologie der Awaren I. Wien 2005; P. Stadler,Avar chronology revisited, and the question of ethnicity in the Avar qaganate, in: TheOther Europe in the Middle Ages. Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans (ed. F. Curta)(East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450–1450, 2). Leiden/Boston2008, 47–82. For critical remarks on Stadler’s chronology see F. Curta, Review of“Quantitative Studien zur Archäologie der Awaren I,” by Peter Stadler (Wien, 2005).European Journal of Archaeology 9 (2006), no. 1, 139–141; P. Tomka, Neue Impulse inder Archäologie der Awarenzeit. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungar-icae 59 (2008), no. 2, 485–488.

16 J. Vroom, Byzantine to Modern Pottery in the Aegean. An Introduction and FieldGuide. Utrecht 2005; R. Hodges – J. Vroom, Late antique and early medieval ceramicsfrom Butrint, Albania, in: La circolazione delle ceramiche nell’Adriatico tra tardaAntichità e alto Medioevo. III Incontro di studio CER.AM.IS (ed. S. Gelichi – C.Negrelli). Mantua 2007, 375–388; J. Vroom, Pottery finds from a “cess-pit” at thesouthern wall in Durrës, central Albania, in: Canak. Late Antique and Medieval Potteryand Tiles in Mediterranean Archaeological Contexts. Proceedings of the First Interna-tional Symposium on Late Antique, Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ottoman Pottery and Tiles inArchaeological Context (Canakkale, 1–3 June 2005) (ed. B. Böhlendorf-Arslan – A. O.Uysal – J. Witte-Orr). Istanbul 2007, 319–334. See also J. W. Hayes – P. Petridis, Rapportrégionaux: Grèce, in: 7o Diehm]r Sum]dqio Lesaiymij^r. Jeqalij^r tgr Lesoce_ou,Hessakom_jg 11–16 Ojtybq_ou 1999. Pqajtij\ (ed. Ch. Bakirtzis). Athena 2003, 529–536.


(Nesebar) was rebuilt in the early 620s, as attested by two graffiti on the easternwall of the sanctuary and on the western face of the southeastern pillar,respectively. Both were scratched by the masons working on rebuilding thesuperstructure. One of them contains the date June 10, 618.17 In Athens, theErechtheion was turned into a three-aisled basilica in the early seventh century,at the same time as the conversion into churches of the Temple of Hephaistos inthe Agora and the Temple of Artemis Agrotera by the Ilissos.18 The tetraconchin the Library of Hadrian was rebuilt as a three-aisled basilica during the secondhalf of the seventh century, perhaps for Constans II’s visit of 662/3.19 The oldcolonnade of the Stoa of Attalos was subdivided into rooms. In room 6,hundreds of terracotta roof tiles recovered from the fallen debris of the housedestroyed at some point in the 630s were piled in neat rows for possible re-use.These alterations have been coin-dated to the reign of Constans II.20 Similarly, agroup of rooms in the northwestern corner of the Bath at Isthmia have beenbuilt in rough masonry. One of them had a cooking hearth, another had anapsidal structure at the south end. The associated quern stones bespeak the ruralcharacter of the occupation.21 The ceramic material from those rooms includessingle-handled pots thrown on a tournette with vertically or diagonally combedornament. The belt buckle of the Boly-Zelovce type, if truly found together withthe pottery, points to a seventh-century date. Indeed, similar pottery has beenfound on the southern side of the northeastern gate at Isthmia together with acoin struck for Constans II in 655/6.22 Very little is known about the seventh-century occupation at Corinth, but the Panagia Field excavations producedevidence of glazed pottery, especially fragments of Glazed White Ware chafingdishes made in Constantinople between the late seventh and the late eighthcentury.23 The second occupation phase inside the fort at Dokos – an islet in theArgolid Bay – is coin-dated to the reigns of Constans II and Constantine IV. The

17 S. Stanev – Z. Zhdrakov, The Old Metropolitan Church in Nessebar/Mesembria afternew epigraphical 7th century evidence, Archaeologia Bulgarica 13 (2009), no. 1, 87–102.

18 M. Kazanaki-Lappa, Athens from Late Antiquity to the Turkish Conquest, in: Athensfrom the Classical Period to the Present Day (5th century B.C.-A.D. 2000) (ed. Ch.Bouras – M. B. Sakellariou – K. S. Staikos – E. Touloupa). New Castle 2000, 200.

19 A. Frantz, The Athenian Agora. XXIV: Late Antiquity: A.D. 267–700. Princeton 1988,73.

20 T. Leslie Shear, The Athenian Agora: excavations of 1972. Hesperia 42 (1973), 397.21 T. E. Gregory, An Early Byzantine (Dark-Age) settlement at Isthmia: preliminary

report, in: The Corinthia in the Roman Period Including the Papers Given at aSymposium Held at the Ohio State University on 7–9 March, 1991 (ed. T. E. Gregory).Ann Arbor 1993, 149–160.

22 T. E. Gregory, The Hexamilion and the Fortress (Isthmia V). Princeton 1993, 41, 85, and123.

23 Vroom, Byzantine to Modern Pottery (cf. fn. 16), 63. Such pottery has also been foundin Athens: Hayes – Petridis, Rapport régionaux (cf. fn. 16), 531 figs. 7–8 and 10–11.

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Church of St. John the Theologian and the adjacent cemetery with cist graveshave been attributed to this phase, but no further details exist either on thebuilding or on the graves.24 Farther to the north, the Church of Hagia Sophia inThessaloniki was built on top of an earlier basilica just before 620. However, itsimpressive dome belongs to a second building phase, which is dated to 690/1 bythe accompanying inscription.25 An inscription is also the basis for the dating ofthe Church of the Holy Spirit in Skrip, on the island of Brac, off the Adriaticcoast. The inscription mentions both Pope Vitalian (657–672) and EmperorConstans II (641–668), so the building of the church must have taken place atsome point between 657 and 668.26

Judging from the meager evidence available so far, it appears that thebuilding activity in the surviving centers in the Balkans was reduced to aminimum. If anything was (re)built at all, that would have been, more often thannot, a church. It is nonetheless surprising that so many alterations can be coin-dated to the reign of Emperor Constans II. As a brief look at the distribution ofcoin finds will show, this is by no means an accident.

Coins and hoards

The numismatic evidence strongly suggests that after 620 the Balkans entered arelatively long period of political instability and sharp demographic decline.There are only fourteen coins struck for Emperor Heraclius between 620 and641 – three of gold, four of silver, and seven of bronze. Of the latter, four arefrom mints other than Constantinople – one from Ravenna, the other three fromAlexandria. The distribution of those coins shows a sharp contrast between goldin the north and in the valley of the river Morava, on one hand, and bronze oncoastal sites, on the other hand (Fig. 1).27 Only two coins struck for Heraclonas

24 A. K. Kyrou, Peqipkam^seir ac_ym keix\mym jai l_a \cmystg. jastqopokite_a stomAqcokij|. Peloponnesiaka 21 (1995), 113.

25 Ch. Bouras, Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Architecture in Greece. Athens 2006, 62.26 P. Chevalier, Salona. II. Ecclesiae Dalmatiae. L’architecture paléochrétienne de la

province romaine de Dalmatie (IVe-VIIe s.) (en dehors de la capitale, Salona)(Collection de l’École française de Rome, 194). Roma/Split 1995, 276–278; R. Buzancic,Quelques chantiers de constructions du VIIe siècle aux environs de Salone, après lachute de la ville. Hortus Artium Medievalium 9 (2003), 195 and fig. 1.

27 K. M. Edwards, Corinth. Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School ofClassical Studies at Athens. Cambridge 1933, 131; M. Thompson, The Athenian Agora.Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies atAthens. Princeton 1954, 70; E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu, Monnaies byzantines des VIIe-Xe siècles découvertes Silistra, dans la collection de l’académicien Péricle Papahagi,conservées au Cabinet des Médailles du Musée National d’Histoire de Roumanie.Cercetari numismatice 7 (1996), 119; Somogyi, Byzantinische Fundmünzen (cf. fn. 5),


are known from the Balkans, one from Silistra (Bulgaria), the other from anunknown location in Istria.28 The record for the reign of Constans II, Heraclius’grandson, is radically different. There are many more bronze, than either gold orsilver coins struck between 641 and 668. All silver and most of the gold coinshave been found in Dobrudja, the region between the Danube River and theBlack Sea (Fig. 2).29 As for bronze, the difference between coins struck forConstans II and those struck for his grandfather is considerable. Over 900specimens of the former are known from Athens and Corinth alone, althoughsuch coins also appear on sites on the eastern and especially the western coast ofthe Balkan Peninsula.30 With only seven exceptions (six coins from the mint in

24–25 and 73–74; P. Somogyi, New remarks on the flow of Byzantine coins in Avariaand Walachia during the second half of the seventh century, in: The Other Europe in theMiddle Ages. Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans (ed. F. Curta) (East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450–1450, 2). Leiden/Boston 2008, 92; V.Ivanisevic, La monnaie paléobyzantine dans l’Illyricum du nord, in: Mélanges CécileMorrisson (ed. J.-C. Cheynet). Paris 2010, 451; K. Stanev, Monetnata cirkulaciia vrannosrednovekovna Trakiia, nachaloto na VII-nachaloto na IX vek, in: Istorikii 4.Nauchni izsledvaniia v chest na profesor Ivan Karaiotov po sluchai negovata 70-godishnina (ed. I. Iordanov – R. Angelova – R. Angelova – K. Konstantinov –T.Todorov). Shumen 2011, 119. For an additional coin struck in 640/1 and foundsomewhere in Dobrudja, see Gh. Poenaru-Bordea – I. Donoiu, Contributii la studiulpatrunderii monedelor bizantine în Dobrogea în secolele VII-X. Buletinul SocietatiiNumismatice Române 75–76 (1981–1982), nos. 129–130, 238.

28 Oberländer-Târnoveanu, Monnaies byzantines (cf. fn. 27), 120; R. Matijasic, Zbirkabizantskog novca u Arheoloskom muzeju Istre u Puli. Starohrvatska prosvjeta 13 (1983),226.

29 B. Mitrea, Découvertes récentes de monnaies anciennes sur le territoire de la RPR.Dacia 7 (1963), 599; E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu, Monede bizantine din secolele VII-Xdescoperite în nordul Dobrogei, Studii si cercetari de numismatica 7 (1980), 163;Oberländer-Târnoveanu, Monnaies byzantines (cf. fn. 27), 104 and 120; E. Teoklieva-Stoicheva, Mediaeval Coins from Mesemvria. Sofia 2001, 44; Somogyi, New remarks (cf.fn. 27), 113 with n. 89; Ivanisevic, La monnaie paléobyzantine (cf. fn. 27), 451. Foradditional coins from unknown locations in the Bosna region and in Dobrudja, see I.Mirnik – A. Semrov, Byzantine coins in the Zagreb Archaeological MuseumNumismatic Collection. Anastasius I (A.D. 497–518)-Anastasius II (A.D. 713–715).Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu 30–31 (1997–1998), 199; Gh. Poenaru-Bordea– R. Ocheseanu, Tezaurul de monede bizantine de aur descoperit în sapaturilearheologice din anul 1899 de la Axiopolis, Buletinul Societatii Numismatice Române77–79 (1983–1985), nos. 131–133, 193–194.

30 Thompson, Athenian Agora (cf. fn. 27), 70–71; Edwards, Corinth (cf. fn. 27), 132–33;A. Avramea, Le Peloponnèse du IV-e au VIII-e siècle. Changements et persistances.Paris 1997, 74. For other finds, see N. A. Mushmov, Moneti, in: Madara. Razkopki iprouchvaniia. Sofia 1934, 446; I. Dimian, Cîteva descoperiri monetare pe teritoriulRPR, Studii si cercetari de numismatica 1 (1957), 197; Mitrea, Découvertes récentes (cf.fn. 29), 599; Gh. Poenaru-Bordea, Monede bizantine din Dobrogea provenite dintr-omica colectie, Studii si cercetari de numismatica 4 (1968), 406; R. L. Hohlfelder, Aconspectus of the early Byzantine coins in the Kenchreai Excavation Corpus. Byzantine

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Carthage and one from Syracuse), all those bronze coins are folles (40-nummiapieces) struck in Constantinople. Both the surge in the number of coins andtheir peculiar distribution have been explained in terms of the presence of thefleet in Greece during Constans II’s visit on his way to Sicily, in the early 660s. Ifthe emperor’s stay in Athens must have been a major event, Constans II’sportrait also appears on one of the five control stamps on the back of a silverplate found in northern Bulgaria, in Rakhovica, very far from Greece.31 It isdifficult to explain the presence of this piece of Byzantine silverware so far tothe north, especially in the absence of any contextual information. One cannotexclude the possibility of this plate reaching northern Bulgaria somewhat later,perhaps under the reign of Constantine IV, under the guise of a gift for a Bulgarchieftain.32

Only 61 coins of Constantine IV are known from the Balkans, of which 50are of bronze (Fig. 3).33 Except six specimens from Sicily, one from Ravenna,

Studies 1 (1974), no. 1, 75; Gh. Poenaru-Bordea – R. Ocheseanu, Probleme istoricedobrogene (sec. VI-VII) în lumina monedelor bizantine din colectia Muzeului de istorienationala si arheologie din Constanta. Studii si cercetari de istorie veche si arheologie 31(1980), no. 3, 390; Poenaru-Bordea – Donoiu, Contributii (cf. fn. 27), 238; F. Tartari, Njëvarrezë e mesjetës së hershme në Durrës. Iliria 14 (1984), no. 1, 241; G. Custurea, Uneleaspecte ale patrunderii monedei bizantine în Dobrogea în secolele VII-X. Pontica 19(1986), 277; A. Hoti – H. Myrto, Monedha perandorake bizantine nga Durrësi. Iliria 21(1991), nos. 1–2, 104–105; Gregory, Early Byzantine (Dark-Age) settlement (cf. fn. 21),153; Gregory, Hexamilion (cf. fn. 22), 123; G. Hoxha, Skhodra, chef-lieu de la provincePrévalitane. Carb 40 (1993), 566; Kyrou, Peqipkam^seir (cf. fn. 24), 112; I. Mirnik,Numizmaticki nalazi u Dubrovniku (prethodni izvjestaj o bizantskom novcu), in:Etnogeneza Hrvata (ed. N. Budak). Zagreb 1995, 172; Oberländer-Târnoveanu,Monnaies byzantines (cf. fn. 27), 104 and 120; Avramea, Le Peloponnèse 74; I.Iordanov – A. Koichev – V. Mutafov, Srednovekovniiat Akhtopol VI-XII v. sporeddannite na numizmatikata i sfragistika. Numizmatika i sfragistika 5 (1998), no. 2, 69;Mirnik – Semrov, Byzantine coins (cf. fn. 29), 199; Teoklieva-Stoicheva, MediaevalCoins (cf. fn. 29), 44–45; Gh. Poenaru-Bordea – R. Ocheseanu – A. Popeea, Monnaiesbyzantines du Musée de Constanta (Roumanie). Wetteren 2004, 128; Zh. Zhekova,Rannovizantiiski moneti ot Shumenskata krepost (491–681 g.). Antichnaia drevnost’ isrednie veka 35 (2004), 99; Curta, Byzantium in Dark-Age Greece (cf. fn. 13), 126;Ivanisevic, La monnaie paléobyzantine (cf. fn. 27), 451.

31 The stamp represents Constans II and his son, the future emperor Constantine IV. Thissuggests a date between 659 and 668 for the plate. See T. Gerasimov, Deux plats enargent de haute époque byzantine trouvés en Bulgarie. CahArch 16 (1966), 218–219;217 fig. 3–4.

32 For Byzantine silver as gifts (or bribes) to the Bulgars, see F. Curta, Invasion orinflation? Sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards in Eastern and SoutheasternEurope. Annali dell’Istituto Italiano di Numismatica 43 (1996), 114–115.

33 For gold and silver coins, see H. Nubar, Monede bizantine descoperite în satul Istria(reg. Dobrogea). Studii si cercetari de istorie veche 17 (1966), no. 3, 605; Oberländer-Târnoveanu, Monnaies byzantines (cf. fn. 27), 105 and 163; Poenaru-Bordea –Ocheseanu, Probleme istorice dobrogene (cf. fn. 30), 194; Hoti – Myrto, Monedha


and two from Rome, all other bronze coins for which sufficient informationexists are from the mint in Constantinople.34 The largest number of bronze coinsis from Athens – 30 specimens, a small fraction of the total number of coinsstruck for Constans II and found on the site.35 The number of coins struck forEmperor Justinian II during his first reign (685–695) is even smaller. Only fivecoins are known, two of gold and three of bronze (Fig. 4).36 Two of them havebeen found in Istria, a region devoid of any such finds dated to the reigns of theprevious emperors.

The distribution of hoards with a terminus post quem within the seventhcentury confirms the picture drawn on the basis of single finds (Fig. 5).37 Out of

perandorake byzantine (cf. fn. 30), 105; Somogyi, Byzantinische Fundmünzen (cf. fn. 5),78; G. Custurea, Monede bizantine dintr-o colectie constanteana. Pontica 31 (1998), 291;Mirnik – Semrov, Byzantine coins (cf. fn. 29), 201.

34 N. Banescu, La vie politique des Roumains entre les Balkans et le Danube. Bulletin dela section historique de l’Académie Roumaine 23 (1943), no. 2, 193; Dimian, Cîtevadescoperiri monetare (cf. fn. 30), 197; Poenaru-Bordea – Donoiu, Contributii (cf. fn. 27),238; Matijasic, Zbirka bizantskog novca (cf. fn. 28), 226; E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu –E.-M. Constantinescu, Monede romane târzii si bizantine din colectia Muzeuluijudetean Buzau. Mousaios 4 (1994), no. 1, 331–332; Kyrou, Peqipkam^seir (cf. fn. 24),112; Oberländer-Târnoveanu, Monnaies byzantines (cf. fn. 27), 120; Avramea, LePeloponnèse (cf. fn. 30), 74; V. Dinchev, Zikideva – an example of Early Byzantineurbanism in the Balkans. Archaeologia Bulgarica 1 (1997), no. 3, 66; Teoklieva-Stoicheva, Mediaeval Coins (cf. fn. 29), 45. For an additional coin from an unknownlocation in Istria, see Curta, Byzantium in Dark-Age Greece (cf. fn. 13), 130.

35 Thompson, Athenian Agora (cf. fn. 27), 71.36 Thompson, Athenian Agora (cf. fn. 27), 71; G. Gorini, La collezione di monete d’oro

della Società istriana di archeologia e storia della patria. Atti e memorie della Societàistriana di archeologia e storia della patria 22 (1974), 146; Poenaru-Bordea – Donoiu,Contributii (cf. fn. 27), 238; Matijasic, Zbirka bizantskog novca (cf. fn. 28), 231; Stanev,Monetnata cirkulaciia (cf. fn. 27), 120.

37 F. Bulic, Skroviste zlatnih novaca, nasasto u Nereziscima. Vjesnik 43 (1920), 199; I.Mirnik, Skupni nalazi novca iz Hrvatske IX. Skupni nalaz Heraklijevih zlatnika izZrmanje. Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu 23 (1990), no. 2, 163–171; V.Penchev, Kolektivna nakhodka ot medni vizantiiski moneti ot vtorata polovina na VIIv., namerena v Nesebar. Numizmatika 25 (1991), nos. 3–4, 5–9; I. Iurukova,Sakrovishteto ot Akalan. Numizmatika i sfragistika (1992), nos. 1–2, 10–16; V.Radic, Nalaz srebrnog novca careva Iraklija i Konstanca II iz zbirke Narodnog muzeja uBeogradu. Numizmaticar 17 (1994), 78–80; I. Mikulcic, Spätantike und frühbyzantini-sche Befestigungen in Nordmakedonien. Städte-Vici-Refugien-Kastelle. München 2002,112; I. MAROVIC, O godini razorenja Salone. Vjesnik za arheologiju i historijuDalmatinsku 99 (2006), 253–272; Morrisson – Popovic – Ivanisevic, Les trésorsmonétaires byzantins (cf. fn. 13), 118–119, 147, 158, 198, 227–228, 274, and 357; M.Hadzi-Maneva, Coin hoards from the late 6th and 7th century discovered in theRepublic of Macedonia, in: Byzantine Coins in Central Europe Between the 5th and10th Century. Proceedings from the Conference Organized by the Polish Academy ofArts and Sciences and the Institute of Archaeology of the University of Rzeszów underthe Patronage of Union Académique International (Programme No. 57 Moravia

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sixteen hoards known so far, most have been found in the coastal region,although there is also a very interesting concentration of three hoards(Valandovo I and II, and Gradec) in the valley of the Middle Vardar, inpresent-day Macedonia. Given that the termini post quos for two of them arewithin the last years of Constans II’s reign, this may have something to do withthe emperor’s policies of pacifying the hinterland of Constantinople andThessalonica, the two major cities the Empire still had under control in the area.

In addition to coin hoards, the Balkans have also produced two hoards ofdies, one from Croatia, the other from Greece. The Croatian hoard wasaccidentally found at some point after World War II in Biskupija. It consists of26 dies for mounts of various sizes and ornamentation.38 The most importantfrom a chronological point of view is the die employed for the production ofearrings with star-shaped pendant, a type of dress accessory to which I shallreturn shortly. For the moment, it is important to note that no earrings have sofar been found in Croatia with pendants such as that produced with the die fromBiskupija. Nor are mounts known from anywhere else in the Balkans whichresemble the Biskupija dies, a sign that this is probably not an artisan’s set oftools, but an assemblage with a more special, perhaps ritual significance. This isalso true for the hoard found in or shortly before 1924 in Velestinon, in Thessaly.The hoard appeared in the late 1920s on the antique market in France and hassince been dispersed, with many items (some of bronze, others of lead) endingup in the museum collections at Princeton University. A votive hand has beenauctioned in the 1990s at Sotheby’s.39 Among the items kept in Princeton, ananimal-shaped die has very good analogies in late sixth- and early seventh-century hoards of silver and bronze from the Middle Dnieper region (Fig. 6).40

Several other dies and lead models for mounts are in the shape of dancingmen.41 Another lead model shows two churchmen, possibly monks (Fig. 7). A

Magna), Kraków, 23–26 IV 2007 (ed. M. Wołoszyn). Kraków 2009, 51; P. Somogyi,Byzantinische Fundmünzen der Awarenzeit. Ergebnisse und Möglichkeiten. Ph. D.Dissertation, Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem (Budapest 2011), 215–225.

38 S. Gunjaca, Postojanje jednog centra za izradivanje starohrvatskog nakita. Vjesnik zaarheologiju i historiju Dalmatinsku 56–59 (1954–1957), no. 1, 231–232; J. Korosec,Ostava broncanih matrica za otiskivanje u Biskupiji kod Knina. Starohrvatska prosvjeta6 (1958), 29–33 and pl. II.2 for the earring die.

39 D. Kidd, The Velestínon (Thessaly) hoard – a footnote, in: Awarenforschungen (ed.F.Daim). Wien 1992, 509–515.

40 B. Sz. Szmoniewski, Cultural contacts in Central and Eastern Europe: what do metalbeast images speak about? In: Ethnic Contacts and Cultural Exchanges North and Westof the Black Sea from the Greek Colonization to the Ottoman Conquest (ed. V.Cojocaru). Iasi 2005, 427 and 439 fig. 2. F. Curta, Still waiting for the barbarians? Themaking of the Slavs in “Dark-Age” Greece, in: Neglected Barbarians (ed. F. Curta)(Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 32). Turnhout 2011, 438 with n. 114 argues that thebronze pieces in the Velestinon hoard are dies, not mounts.

41 J. Werner, Slawische Bronzefiguren aus Nordgriechenland. Berlin 1953.


third one showing a woman holding a baby on her lap and a harp in her left handis the pair of an identical bronze die (Fig. 8).42 A seventh-century date for theentire assemblage is secured by the fragmentary die for a strap end with aninterlaced ornament most typical for the late Early and early Middle Avarperiod (Fig. 9).43

Chronological guides

The chronological ordering of the archaeological evidence pertaining to theseventh century is primarily based on finds of so-called “Byzantine” beltbuckles.44 The Balgota and Bologna classes are each represented by ninespecimens known from the Balkan region.45 The former class was named afterthe specimen with monogram on the terminal lobe found in grave 7 of the

42 For the corresponding die, see Werner, Slawische Bronzefiguren (cf. fn. 41), pl. 3.1.43 M. Nagy, Ornamenta Avarica II. A fonatornamentika. Móra Ferenc Múzeum Evkönyve.

Studia Archaeologica 5 (1999), 279–316.44 J. Werner, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts aus der Sammlung

Diergardt. Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 1 (1955), 36–48. Werner gavenames to most classes of “Byzantine” buckles.

45 Balgota class: Athens (K. M. Setton, The Bulgars in the Balkans and the occupation ofCorinth in the 7th century. Speculum 25 [1950], 522 fig.); Brkac (B. Marusic, NekropoleVII. i VIII. stoljeca u Istri. Arheoloski vestnik 18 [1967], 347 pl. VI.6); Budva (D.Jankovic, Srpsko Pomorje od 7. do 10. stoleca. Beograd 2007, 36 and fig. 28.5); Durrës, 3specimens (Tartari, Një varrezë [cf. fn. 30], 230–231; pl. II.28.4; pl. IV.1, 4); Fazana (B.Marusic, Kratak doprinos proucvanju kontinuiteta izmedu kasne antike i ranog sredjegvijeka te poznavanju ravenske arhitekture i ranosrednjovjekovnih grobova u JuznojIstri. Jadranski zbornik 3 [1958], 337 with pl. III.2); Koman (H. Spahiu, Varrezaarbërore e Kalasë së Dalmacës [Gërmime të vitit 1961]. Iliria 9–10 [1979–1980], 30–31with pl. V.12); and Mejica (M. Torcellan, Le tre necropoli altomedioevali di Pinguente.Firenze 1986, pl. 21.1). Bologna class: Athens, 2 specimens (J. Travlos – A. Frantz, Thechurch of St. Dionysios the Areopagite and the palace of the archbishop of Athens inthe 16th century. Hesperia 34 [1965], no. 3, pl. 43a); Brkac (B. Marusic, Ranosrednjov-jekovna nekropola na Vrhu kod Brkaca. Histria Archaeologica 10 [1979], no. 2, pl.II.10); Chinitsa (Avramea, Le Peloponnèse [cf. fn. 30], 90 and pl. IV d 1); Corinth (G. R.Davidson, The Avar invasion of Corinth. Hesperia 6 [1937], 231 fig. 2 A); Koper (S.Ciglenecki, Tracce di un insediamento tardo [VI-IX sec.] nei siti della tarda antichità inSlovenia, in: Il territorio tra tardoantico e altomedioevo. Metode di indagine erisultati. 3o Seminario sul tardoantico e l’altomedioevo nell’area alpina e padana,Monte Barro, Galbiate [Como], 9–11 settembre 1991 [ed. G. P. Brogiolo – L.Casteletti]. Firenze 1992, 55 pl. I.2); Polace and Solin (Z. Vinski, Kasnoantickistarosjedioci u Salonitanskoj regiji prema arheoloskoj ostavstini predslavenskogsupstrata. Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju Dalmatinsku 69 [1967], 29 fig. a and pl.XX.8); Thessaloniki (G. Gounaris, W\kjimer p|qper ap| to ojt\cymo tym Vik_ppym jaitgm jemtqij^ Lajedom_a. Byzantiaka 4 [1984], 57; 56 fig. 2d).

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Crimean cemetery in Balgota.46 In Italy, such buckles appear especially on theeastern (Adriatic and Ionian) coast and in Sicily. In grave 90 of the CastelTrosino cemetery, one such buckle was associated with belt mounts of theCivezzano type which may be dated to the first decades of the seventh century.A similar dating may be advanced for the specimen from grave 16 inCampochiaro-Vicenne.47 Such buckles also appear in the western Mediterra-nean region, in Spain (San Pedro di Alcantara) and in the Balearics (Ibiza).48

They are also attested in Crimea, at Skalistoe and at Simeiz.49 In Hungary theyfirst appear during the Early Avar period (the earliest specimen may be thatfrom grave 19 in Rákoczifalva, which was associated with a stirrup withelongated attachment loop), but remained in use throughout the second half ofthe seventh century. The specimens from grave 4 in Budapest-Tihányi tér andgrave 92 in Nové Zamky may be dated to the late Early and Middle Avarperiod. A dating to the Middle Avar period may be assigned to the assemblagein grave 52 in Szeged-Kundomb, which produced a belt buckle of the Balgotaclass and a belt set of silver sheet. Finally, the specimens in graves 9 and 1281 inTiszafüred-Majoros are both dated to the second half of the seventh century.50

This is confirmed by the assemblage in grave 29 in Durrës, which, in addition toa buckle of the Balgota class, has also produced a coin struck for EmperorConstans II in 654/5.51

Although the Bologna class was named after a find in northern Italy, bucklesof this class appear especially in the South and in Sicily. With just one exception,all are made of bronze.52 In the eastern Mediterranean, buckles of the Bologna

46 N. I. Repnikov, Nekotorye mogil’niki oblasti krymskikh gotov. Izvestiia imperatorskoiarkheologicheskoi kommissii 19 (1906), 41 and fig. 16.

47 E. Riemer, Romanische Grabfunde des 5.–8. Jahrhunderts in Italien. Rahden 2000, 159.48 B. Haas – R. Schewe, Byzantinische Gürtelbeschläge im Germanischen Nationalmu-

seum. Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums und Berichte aus dem Forschung-sinstitut für Realienkunde 6 (1993), 258.

49 E. V. Veimarn – A. I. Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik. Kiev 1993, 57 fig. 36.18; A. I.Aibabin, Pogrebeniia konca VII-pervoi poloviny VIII v. v Krymu, in: Drevnosti epokhivelikogo pereseleniia narodov V-VIII vekov. Sovetsko-vengerskii sbornik (ed. A. K.Ambroz – I. Erdelyi). Moskva 1982, 169 fig. 2.8; V. B. Kovalevskaia, Poiasnye naboryEvrazii IV-IX vv. Priazhki. Moskva 1979, 23.

50 É. Garam, Funde byzantinischer Herkunft in der Awarenzeit vom Ende des 6. bis zumEnde des 7. Jahrhunderts. Budapest 2001, 99.

51 Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 230–231.52 Riemer, Romanische Grabfunde (cf. fn. 47), 160. A buckle found in Cutrofiano

(Salento) is a replica of the specimen from Polace: B. Bruno – P. Arthur – V. Camilleri –F. Curta – M. L. Imperiale – S. Matteo – L. Piepoli – M. Tinelli, L’area cimiteriale e ilcasale in località S. Giovanni Piscopio, Cutrofiano (Lecce). Archeologia medievale 35(2008), 222 fig. 20.5. A specimen is known from a burial of the Santa Vittoria dei Serricemetery in Sardinia, for which see P. G. Spanu, La Sardegna bizantina tra VI e VIIsecolo. Oristano 1998, 182 fig. 179.


class have been found on Crete, Lesbos, and Samos, but also at Anemurion andin Constantinople.53 In one of the graves excavated at Samos, a buckle of theBologna class was associated with two coins struck for Phocas and anotherstruck for Constans II in 652/3. A second specimen was found in grave 3together with two coins struck for Heraclius in 611/2 and 613/4.54 Such bucklesalso appear in the Black Sea region, e.g. at Kerch.55 A late sixth- or earlyseventh-century date is supported by the assemblage in burial chamber 381 inSkalistoe, which produced a buckle of the Bologna class and “Martynovka”mounts of Somogyi’s classes A6 and A9.56 However, another specimen wasfound on skeleton 1 in burial chamber 763 of that same cemetery together withan earring with grape-shaped pendant, dated to the seventh century.57 This dateis further substantiated by the specimen found in grave 29 in Durrës togetherwith a coin struck for Emperor Constans II in 654/5.58

As many as 25 buckles of the Boly-Zelovce class are known from theBalkans.59 Named so by Ursula Ibler after two sites in Hungary and Slovakia,

53 N. Poulou-Papadimitriou, Bufamtim]r p|qper : g peq_ptysg tgr Less^mgr jai tgr Eke}-heqmar, in: Protobyzantine Messene kai Olympia. Aktikos kai agrotikos khoros steDytike Peloponneso. Praktika tou Diethnous symposiou, Athena, 29–30 maiou 1998(ed. P. G. Themelis – V. Konti). Athena 2002, 132–133 with pl. 8 ; J. Russell, Byzantine“instrumenta domestica” from Anemurium: the significance of the context, in: City,Towns, and Countryside in the Early Byzantine Era (ed. R. L. Hohlfelder). New York1982, 142.

54 W. Martini – C. Steckner, Das Gymnasium von Samos. Das frühbyzantinischeKlostergut. Bonn 1993, 124–125.

55 Aibabin, Pogrebeniia konca VII-pervoi poloviny VIII (cf. fn. 49), 167 fig. 1.15.56 Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 87 fig. 60.17. For the “Marty-

novka mounts,” see P. Somogyi, Typologie, Chronologie und Herkunft der Masken-beschläge: zu den archäologischen Hinterlassenschaften osteuropäischer Reiterhirtenaus der pontischen Steppe im 6. Jahrhundert. Archaeologia Austriaca 71 (1987), 121–154.

57 Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 157 and fig. 116.12.58 Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 230–231.59 Athens: Travlos – Frantz, Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite (cf. fn. 45), 167;

pl. 43e. Bukël: S. Anamali, Një varrezë e mesjetës së hershme në Bukël të Mirditës.Iliria 1 (1971), 217 with pl. VII.1. Butrint: E. Nallbani, Three buckles from the lateantique period, in: Byzantine Butrint: Excavations and Surveys, 1994–99 (ed. R.Hodges – W. Bowden – K. Lako). Oxford 2004, 398 and 399 fig. A3.2. Corinth, 4specimens: Davidson, Avar invasion (cf. fn. 45), 235 fig. 6C-D; G. R. Davidson, TheMinor Objects (Corinth, 12). Princeton 1952, pls. 114.2186, 2188, 2190. Durrës, 3specimens: Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 230–231 with pls. II.28.1, 2 and IV.6. Edessa,Philippoi, and Thessaloniki: Gounaris, W\kjimer p|qper (cf. fn. 45), 47, 55 fig. 18b, 57,and 56 fig. 2e, c. Koman, 4 specimens: A. Degrand, Souvenirs de la Haute-Albanie. Paris1901, 263; H. Spahiu, Gjetje të vjetra nga varreza mesjetare e Kalasë së Dalmaces. Iliria1 (1971), pl. IV.6; P. Traeger, Mittheilungen und Funde aus Albanien. Zeitschrift fürEthnologie (1900), 46 and fig. 3c. Kruje, 2 specimens: S. Anamali – H. Spahiu, Varrëza e

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respectively, the class includes buckles, which may be regarded as imitations ofluxury (i. e., gold) specimens, such as found in the Kratigos hoard.60 The hoardalso includes 32 solidi, 28 of which have been struck in Constantinople forEmperor Heraclius, the latest between 616 and 625.61 Buckles of the Boly-Zelovce class have been found at Sardis, in Syria, in Cyprus, and in Sicily.62 Astrongly corroded specimen was found on the Yassı Ada shipwreck, which sankin or shortly after 626.63 Four specimens are known from four different burialchambers of the large cemetery at Skalistoe in Crimea, but buckles of the Boly-Zelovce class have also appeared in the Suuk Su and Uzen’-bash cemeteries.64

Local imitations have been found on several sites in Spain.65 Two specimens are

herëshme mesjëtare e Krujës. Buletin i Universitetit shtetëror të Tiranës 17 (1963),no. 2, 6 and fig. 1; 58 pl. XII.1. Lezhë, 3 specimens: C. Praschniker – A. Schober,Archäologische Forschungen in Albanien und Montenegro. Wien 1919, 22–23; 23fig. 34; F. Prendi, Një varrëze e kulturës arbërore në Lezhë. Iliria 9–10 (1979–1980), 167pl. XXI.1, 3. Mejica: Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 66 with pl. 14.4. Porec: A.Sonje, Kasnoanticki i srednjevjekovni nalazi iz Poreca. Jadranski zbornik 5 (1962), 176with pl. I.1. Razdelna: U. Fiedler, Studien zu Gräberfeldern des 6. bis 9. Jahrhunderts ander unteren Donau. Bonn 1992, pl. 59.11. Trebenishte: V. Lakhtov, Arkheoloshkoiskopuvanie na “Trebenishko kale” kaj seloto Trebenishte – Okhridsko 1953–1954godina. Likhnid. Godishen zbornik na Narodniot muzej vo Okhrid 2–3 (1959), 23–24with pl. VI.1. Unknown location in northern Albania: F. B. Nopcsa, Beiträge zurVorgeschichte und Ethnologie Nordalbaniens. Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen ausBosnien und der Herzegowina 12 (1912), 193 and fig. 60. Another, unpublishedspecimen from Koman is in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Cambridge(inv. 1927.467.8).

60 U. Ibler, Pannonische Gürtelschnallen des späten 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts. Arheoloskivestnik 43 (1992), 140; E. Prokopiou, Bufamtim]r p|qper ap| tgm Alaho}mta jai tgmPakai\ Sukkoc^ tou Jupqiajo} Louse_ou, in: He Kypros kai to Aigaio sten archaiotetaapo ten proistoriko periodo hos ton 7o aiona m. Ch., Leukosia 8–10 Dekembriou 1995(ed. D. Christou – D. Pileidou – M. Hieronymidou – G. Chatzisavvas – E. Dousi).Nicosia 1997, 339; V. Varsik, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen im mittleren und unterenDonauraum im 6. und 7. Jahrhundert. Slovenská Archeológia 40 (1992), no. 1, 89.

61 I. Baldini Lippolis, L’oreficeria nell’impero di Costantinopoli tra IV e VII secolo. Bari1999, 229 and 37; Morrisson – Popovic – Ivanisevic, Les trésors monétaires byzantins (cf.fn. 27), 386–387.

62 J. C. Waldbaum, Metalwork from Sardis: the Finds Through 1974. Cambridge,Mass. 1983, 119 with pl. 44.691; Prokopiou, Bufamtim]r p|qper (cf. fn. 60), 335 and 337;336 fig. 1.2; 338 fig. 2.2; P. Orsi, Sicilia bizantina. Roma 1942, 114 fig. 391.

63 S. Womer Katzev, Miscellaneous finds, in: Yassi Ada. A Seventh-Century ByzantineShipwreck (ed. G. F. Baas – F. H. van Doorninck). College Station 1982, 277.

64 Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 12 fig. 5.27; 48 fig. 29.4; 59fig. 38.19; 76 fig. 51.18; Repnikov, Nekotorye mogil’niki (cf. fn. 46), 14; pl. XII.17; E. A.Aibabina, Ob etnicheskoi atribucii mogil’nika Uzen’-Bash. Materialy po arkheologii,istorii i etnografii Tavrii 3 (1993), 360–361 with pl. II.6.

65 W. Ebel-Zepezauer, “Byzantinische” Gürtelschnallen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel, in:Festschrift für Otto-Herman Frey zum 65. Geburtstag (ed. C. Dobiat). Marburg 1994,209–210.


known from a large find in northwestern Iran, and the specimen from the burialchamber 113 in Mokraia balka in Transcaucasia was associated with coins struckfor the Sassanian king Khusro II and for Phocas.66 Beyond the northern frontiersof the Empire, buckles of the Boly-Zelovce class have been found at SarataMonteoru in southeastern Romania; at Pastyrs’ke on the Middle DnieperRiver; at Romen, in Left-Bank Ukraine; and at Shokshino, in Mordovia.67 Theclass appears in Hungary, Slovakia, and Romania (Transylvania) in Avar-ageassemblages, often in the company of weapons. The specimen from grave 88 inRadvan nad Dunajom has been found together with a strap end dated to the latesixth and early seventh century. However, another specimen is known fromgrave 564 in Zelovce, which produced a saber, a most typical weapon for theMiddle Avar period.68 All other specimens from Hungary and Transylvania maybe dated to the Middle Avar period.69

The largest number of seventh-century buckles found in the Balkans (48) isof those belonging to the Corinth class.70 A specimen of that class from Turkey is

66 M. Schulze-Dörrlamm, Neuerwerbungen für die Sammlungen. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums 33 (1986), 913–914; B. Genito, Some evidence fromIran: on some Iranian and Central-Asiatic connections with Eastern Europe. ActaArchaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45 (1993), 155 fig. 2; Schulze-Dörrlamm, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (2009), (cf. fn. 14), 77–78.

67 Fiedler, Studien (cf. fn. 59), 85 fig. 12.6; A. A. Bobrinskii, Kurgany i sluchainyearkheologicheskie nakhodki bliz mestechka Smely. St. Petersburg 1901, pl. V.8, 9; M. Iu.Braychevs’kyy, Novye materialy nakhodki VII-VIII vv. n.e. na Pastyrskom gorodishche.Kratkie soobshcheniia Instituta Arkheologii AN USSR 10 (1960), 107 fig. 1.07.3; A. V.Cirkin, Shokshinskii mogil’nik. Sovetskaia Arkheologiia (1972), no. 1, 175 fig. 10.2; O.M. Prykhodniuk, Tekhnologiia vyrobnytstva ta vytoki iuvelirnogo styliu metalevykhprykras Pastyrs’kogo gorodyshcha. Arkheolohiia 3 (1994), no. 2, 66 fig. 3.2.

68 Ibler, Pannonische Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 60), 140; Varsik, Byzantinische Gürtelsch-nallen (cf. fn. 60), 87.

69 Garam, Funde (cf. fn. 50), 101.70 Aphiona, 3 specimens: H. Bulle, Ausgrabungen bei Aphiona auf Korfu. Mitteilungen

des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Athenische Abteilung 39 (1934), 222fig. 26.20, 21, 24. Athens: Setton, Bulgars (cf. fn. 45), 522 fig. Brkac, 2 specimens: B.Marusic, Staroslovenske in neke zgodnjesrednjeveske najdbe v Istri. Arheoloski vestnik6 (1955), 110 with pl. V.6; B. Marusic, La necropoli alto medioevale sul colle Vrh pressoBrkac (S. Pancrazio). Grada i rasprave 13 (1985), 21–22; 31 pl. II.1. Celega: B. Marusic,Zgodnjesrednjevesko grobisce v Celegi pri Novem gradu v Istri. Arheoloski vestnik 9–10 (1958–1959), nos. 3–4, pl. VI.2. Corinth, 8 specimens: Davidson, Avar invasion (cf.fn. 45) 232, 234–236, 232 fig. 2, and 235 fig. 5; Davidson, Minor Objects (cf. fn. 59),pl. 114.2192, 2193, 2195, and 2196; Ch. K. II Williams – J. Macintosh – J. E. Fisher,Excavation at Corinth, 1973. Hesperia 43 (1974), no. 1, 11 and pl. 2.8. Daskaleio,Korakonissi, and Plateia: Avramea, Le Peloponnèse (cf. fn. 30), 89–90; pl. IV a 2, IV b6, and IV c 2. Durrës, 4 specimens: Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 230–231 with pl.II.28.6, and pl. IV.2, 3, and 5. Koman: Spahiu, Gjetje të vjetra (cf. fn. 59), pl. VI.5. Kruje,3 specimens: Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 6 and fig. 1; 58 pl. XII. 5; S.

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in the collection of the Roman-German Museum in Mainz, but belt buckles ofthe Corinth class have also been found in Crete.71 They are also known fromsouthern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia.72 In the western Mediterranean region, abuckle of the Corinth class is known from Spain.73 In Crimea, several specimensare known from the large cemetery in Skalistoe, but such buckles have alsoappeared in Aromat, Artek, Bakla, Balgota, Chersonesus, Eski Kermen,Sakharna Golivka, Suuk Su, and Uzen’-bash.74 Moreover, a golden specimenauctioned in 1988 is said to be from Crimea as well.75 Given that the specimens

Anamali, Oreficerie, gioielli bizantini in Albania: Komani. CARB 40 (1993), 443; p. 445fig. 4.2. Lezhë, 4 specimens: Praschniker – Schober, Archäologische Forschungen (cf.fn. 59), 22–23; 23 fig. 34; Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 127 and 167 with pl. XXI.4, 6.Majsan: C. Fiskovic, Antichka naseobina na Majsanu. Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti uDalmaciji 24 (1984), 13 fig. Nezakcij: B. Marusic, Varia archaeologica prima. HistriaArchaeologica 11–12 (1980–1981), 53–54 with pl. VIII.3–4. Novigrad: B. Marusic,Neki nalazi iz vremena seobe naroda u Istri. Jadranski zbornik 5 (1962), 165–166 withpl. V.1–2. Rose: M. Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen zu spätromanischen Funden inSüddalmatien und Montenegro, in: Reliquiae gentium. Festschrift für Horst WolfgangBöhme zum 65. Geburtstag (ed. C. Dobiat). Rahden 2005, 308, 310, and 306 fig. 2.8. Sas,4 specimens: Jankovic, Srpsko Pomorje (cf. fn. 45), 27, 28 fig. 13.11–13, and 30 fig. 15.1.Tigani, 5 specimens: N. V. Drandakis – N. Gkiolis – Ch. Konstantinidi, Amasjav^ stoTgc\mi L\mgr. Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias 136 (1981), 251 withpl. 182 c ; N. V. Drandakis – N. Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi tgr L\mgr. Praktika tes enAthenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias 135 (1980), 250, 253, 255, and 256; pl. 148 e.Unknown location in Croatia: K. Simoni, Funde aus der Völkerwanderungszeit in denSammlungen des Archäologischen Museums in Zagreb. Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja uZagrebu 22 (1989), pl. 6.9. Unknown location in Albania: Nopcsa, Beiträge (cf. fn. 59),193 and fig. 59. Veli Mlun, 3 specimens: Marusic, Nekropole (cf. fn. 45), 338 and 347 pl.VI.9; Vinski, Kasnoanticki starosjedioci (cf. fn. 45), pl. XVIII.1, 2. The specimen froman unknown location in northern Albania has a monogram on the terminal lobe, whichreads (in Greek) “Lord, have mercy” (Anamali, Oreficerie 443).

71 M. Schulze, Neuerwerbungen für die Sammlungen. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germani-schen Zentralmuseums 32 (1985), 731 fig. 43; Poulou-Papadimitriou, Bufamtim]r p|qper(cf. fn. 53), 131–132 and pl. 7.

72 Baldini Lippolis, L’oreficeria (cf. fn. 61), 232; Riemer, Romanische Grabfunde (cf.fn. 47), 156 and 422; Orsi, Sicilia (cf. fn. 62), 144 fig. 39e; 185 fig. 88b; 189 fig. 95; O. vonHessen, Byzantinische Schnallen aus Sardinien im Museo Archeologico zu Turin, in:Studien zur vor- und frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie: Festschrift für Joachim Wernerzum 65. Geburtstag (ed. G. Kossack – G. Ulbert). München 1974, 549 and 550 fig. 3.2–8;Spanu, La Sardegna bizantina (cf. fn. 52), 150 and fig. 153.

73 Ebel-Zepezauer, “Byzantinische” Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 65), 209.74 Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 15 fig. 7.24; 31 fig. 17.205.1; 51

fig. 31.279.33; 54 fig. 34.284a.23; 63 fig. 41.21; 67 fig. 44.4; 140 fig. 103.11; 160 fig. 119.3;163 fig. 122.1; Aibabin, Pogrebeniia konca VII-pervoi poloviny VIII (cf. fn. 49), 172;Repnikov, Nekotorye mogil’niki (cf. fn. 46), 14 with pl. XII.20.

75 E. Riemer, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen aus der Sammlung Diergardt im Römisch-Germanischen Museum Köln. Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 28 (1995),784.


from burial chamber 129 in Skalistoe and from Chersonesus are miscasts,Aleksandr Aibabin has advanced the idea of a local production of such bucklesin Crimea.76 In Hungary and Slovakia, belt buckles of the Corinth class appearin Early Avar assemblages.77 However, Mechthild Schulze-Dörrlamm believesthat there is no evidence that buckles of the Corinth class could be dated eitherto the sixth or to the first half of the seventh century.78 This is substantiated bythe situation in grave 29 in Durrës, which in addition to a buckle of the Corinthclass also produced a coin struck for Constans II in in 654/5.79

Because of their usually small size, the belt buckles with cross-shaped platemay have served both for the belt and for the shoes (or even for the purse).80

Specimens of this class have been found in Constantinople, in Syria, and inCyprus.81 The buckle from grave 5 in Samos was found together with 3 coinsstruck for Emperor Heraclius, the latest in 613/4.82 Belt buckles with cross-shaped plate are also known from Sicily.83 In Crimea, such buckles have beenfound at Aromat, Chersonesus, Chufut Kale, Eski Kermen, Skalistoe, Suuk Su,and Uzen’-bash.84 Two specimens from Skalistoe have been found in associationwith belt buckles of the Bologna and Corinth classes, an association sub-stantiated by the assemblage in grave 53 in Suuk Su, which also producedbuckles with cross-shaped plate and of the Corinth class. In contrast to thesituation in Sicily and Crimea, the number of belt buckles with cross-shapedplate found in the Balkans is much smaller than that of buckles of the Boly-

76 A. I. Aibabin, O proizvodstve poiasnykh naborov v rannesrednevekovom Khersone.Sovetskaia Arkheologiia (1982), no. 3, 172.

77 Garam, Funde (cf. fn. 50), 99.78 Schulze-Dörrlamm, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (2009) (cf. fn. 14), 23.79 Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 230–231.80 Schulze-Dörrlamm, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (2002) (cf. fn. 14), 196.81 Russell, Byzantine “instrumenta domestica” (cf. fn. 53), 142; Varsik, Byzantinische

Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 60), 85; M. Kazanski, Qal’at Sem’an IV, 3. Les objetsmétalliques. Beirut 2003, 46 and 110 fig. 2.12; Prokopiou, Bufamtim]r p|qper (cf.fn. 60), 335 and 336 fig. 1.8.

82 Martini – Steckner, Das Gymnasium (cf. fn. 54), 127–128.83 Orsi, Sicilia (cf. fn. 62), 114 fig. 39d; 184 and fig. 87b; Baldini Lippolis, L’oreficeria (cf.

fn. 61), 233; F. Maurici, Ancora sulle fibbie da cintura di età bizantina in Sicilia, in:Byzantino-Sicula IV. Atti del I Congresso internazionale di archeologia della Siciliabizantina (Corleone, 28 luglio-2 agosto 1998) (ed. R. M. Carra Bonacasa). Palermo 2000,515.

84 K. K. Kosciushko-Valiuzhinich, Izvlechenie iz otcheta K. K. Kosciushko-Valiuzhinich oraskopkakh v Khersones Tavricheskom v 1900 g. Izvestiia imperatorskoi arkheologi-cheskoi kommissii 2 (1902), 29 fig. 32 and 87 fig. 39; V. V. Kropotkin, Mogil’nik ChufutKale v Krymu. Kratkie soobshcheniia Instituta Arkheologii AN SSSR 100 (1965), 111fig. 44.5; Aibabin, O proizvodstve (cf. fn. 76), 174–175; 170 fig. 3.5; 173 fig. 4.8;Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 83 fig. 57.1; 87 fig. 60.18; 92fig. 64.37; 140 fig. 103.4.

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Zelovce or Corinth classes. Only 10 specimens are so far known.85 Equally smallis the number of buckles with insect-shaped plate.86 The class was first dated tothe seventh century by Joachim Werner.87 A buckle with insect-shaped plate wasfound in a double burial in Sofiana near Gela (Sicily) on one of two skeletons,the other being associated with a belt buckle of the Bologna class.88 Such bucklesare known from southern Italy, Crimea, Cyprus, Transcaucasia, and southernSpain.89

Only six buckles with U-shaped plate are known so far from the Balkans.90

The U-shaped plate is often decorated with the image of an animal. A goldenspecimen from a hoard of Sicilian origin now at Dumbarton Oaks in Washingtonwas associated with a pendant similar to that from the Pantalica hoard, in whichthe latest coins are those struck for Emperor Constans II.91 Such buckles appearin Cyprus, Italy, Sardinia, Sicily, Spain and the Balearics.92 Only one specimen isso far known from the Crimea.93 Small is also the number of buckles of the

85 Athens, 3 specimens: Setton, Bulgars (cf. fn. 45), 522 fig.; Travlos – Frantz, Church of St.Dionysios the Areopagite (cf. fn. 45), pl. 43a. Brkac: Marusic, La necropoli (cf. fn. 70),25 and fig. 14; 32 pl. III.1. Constanta: A. Radulescu – V. Lungu, Le christianisme enScythie Mineure à la lumière des dernières découvertes archéologiques, in: Actes du XI-e Congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne. Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genève etAoste (21–28 septembre 1986) (ed. N. Duval – F. Baritel – PH. Pergola). Rome 1989,2576 and 2578; 2577 fig. 8. Korakonissi, 3 specimens: Avramea, Le Peloponnèse (cf.fn. 30), 89–90; pl. IV b 1–3. Spetsai: Avramea, Le Peloponnèse (cf. fn. 30), 90; pl. IV e1. Tigani: N. Drandakis – N. Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi tgr L\mgr. Praktika tes enAthenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias 139 (1984), 254 with pl. 149e.

86 Corinth: D. I. Pallas, Données nouvelles sur quelques boucles et fibules consideréescomme avares et slaves et sur Corinthe entre le VI-e et le IX-e siècles. Byzantino-bulgarica 7 (1981), 296–297; 296 fig. 2. Rose: Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf.fn. 70), 309; 306 fig. 2.7. Tigani: Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi (1980) (cf.fn. 70), 252.

87 Werner, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 44), 38 fig. 3.3, 4.88 Schulze-Dörrlamm, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (2009) (cf. fn. 14), 36.89 Schulze-Dörrlamm, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (2009) (cf. fn. 14), 37 fig. 16.90 Butrint: Nallbani, Three buckles (cf. fn. 59), 398 and 399 fig. A3.1. Corinth, 2 specimens:

Davidson, Minor Objects (cf. fn. 59), pl. 114.2220–21. Durrës: Tartari, Një varrezë (cf.fn. 30), 230 wth pl. II.28.3. Kruje: Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 58 pl. XII.3.Tigani: Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi (1980) (cf. fn. 70), 250.

91 Baldini Lippolis, L’oreficeria (cf. fn. 61), 227 and 40.92 Prokopiou, Bufamtim]r p|qper (cf. fn. 60), 335 and 338 fig. 2.1; Vinski, Kasnoanticki

starosjedioci (cf. fn. 45), 32; Spanu, La Sardegna bizantina (cf. fn. 52), 182 fig. 179; Orsi,Sicilia (cf. fn. 62), 114 fig. 39 a, c, f ; 184 fig. 87a; 185 fig. 88a, c; Ebel-Zepezauer,“Byzantinische” Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 65), 209.

93 N. I. Repnikov, Razvedki i raskopki na iuzhnom beregu Kryma i v Baidarskoi doliny v1907 godu. Izvestiia imperatorskoi arkheologicheskoi kommissii 30 (1909), at 114fig. 15.12.


Pergamon class found in the Balkans.94 The class was named after the site onwhich a number of specimens have been found, which were later acquired by theAllard Pierson Museum in Amsterdam.95 The Roman-German Museum inMainz has also acquired buckles of the same class from Turkey.96 Such bucklesappear in northern Italy, Sardinia and as far west as Morocco.97 In Crimea, beltbuckles of the Pergamon class appear in Artek, Balgota, Chersonesus, ChufutKale Eski Kermen, Koreiz, Skalistoe and Uzen’-bash.98 A belt buckle of thePergamon class is known from an inhumation of the large cemetery excavated atBrody, near Kungur, in the Perm’ region of Russia.99 The dating of thePergamon class rests on the assemblages in graves 90 and 116 in Castel Trosino,which produced such buckles and mounts of the Civezzano type dated to thefirst decades of the seventh century. Of the same date must be the specimenfrom grave 16 in Campochiaro (Molise), which was associated with a belt mountwith damascened decoration. Later specimens are known from grave 320 inKirchheim/Ries and grave 67 in Gyód. The latter produced also two belt buckleswith strap director of the Oberpiebing and Untereching classes, both dated tothe last decades of the seventh century.100 The assemblage in grave 23 in Athensshows that Pergamon buckles must have coincided in time with specimens of theBoly-Zelovce and Bologna classes.

Ranked third in terms of the number of buckles known from the Balkans(16), the Syracuse class was named after the site in Sicily with the first knownfinds.101 Buckles of this class have been found in Constantinople and on various

94 So far, only four specimens are known, three from Athens (Setton, Bulgars [cf. fn. 45],522 fig.; Travlos – Frantz, Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite [cf. fn. 45], pl. 43a)and one from Ston (Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen [cf. fn. 70], 306 fig. 2.3).

95 K. Neeft, Byzantijnse gespen en riembeslag in Amsterdam. Vereniging van VriendenAllard Pierson Museum Amsterdam. Mededelingenblad 43 (1988), 4–6.

96 Schulze, Neuerwerbungen (cf. fn. 71), 731 fig. 43; M. Schulze-Dörrlamm, Berichte überdie Neuerwerbung von 48 byzantinischen Gürtelschnallen des 5.–7. Jhs. und von 7byzantinischen Schnallen des 7.–10. Jhs. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zen-tralmuseums 34 (1987), 801–804.

97 Spanu, La Sardegna bizantina (cf. fn. 52), 182 fig. 179; J. Boube, Eléments de ceinturonwisigothiques et byzantins trouvés au Maroc. Bulletin d’archéologie marocaine 15(1983), 290.

98 Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 79 fig. 54.20, 23; 83 fig. 57.12 ;Repnikov, Razvedki (cf. fn. 93), 113; Aibabin, O proizvodstve (cf. fn. 76), 176.

99 R. D. Goldina – N. V. Vodolago, Mogil’niki Nevolinskoi kul’tury v Priural’e. Irkutsk1990, 124 pl. XXVII.12.

100 Riemer, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 75), 783.101 Aradac: S. Nagy Nekropola kod Aradca iz ranog srednieg veka. Rad Vojvodanskih

Muzeja 8 (1959), 55 with pl. I.5. Athens, 2 specimens: Setton, Bulgars (cf. fn. 45), 522fig.; Travlos – Frantz, Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite (cf. fn. 45), 167 withpl. 43a. Corinth, 2 specimens: Davidson, Minor Objects (cf. fn. 59), pl. 114.2185; Pallas,Données nouvelles (cf. fn. 86), 298 and 299 fig. 5b. Daskaleio and Plateia: Avramea, Le

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sites in western Turkey, in Syria, Cyprus, and Egypt.102 A specimen from grave 3in Samos was associated with two coins struck for Heraclius, the latest in 613/4,while another was found in grave 4 together with 2 coins struck for the sameemperor, the latest in 615/6.103 In Italy, buckles of the Syracuse class have beenfound on cemetery sites in the north. The specimen in grave 156 in NoceraUmbra was associated with belt mounts of the Civezzano type, which suggest adate within the first decades of the seventh century.104 A somewhat laterspecimen is known from a female grave discovered in the Church of St.Emmeram in Regensburg, which also produced mounts with damasceneddecoration dated to the second third of the seventh century.105 Buckles of theSyracuse class have also been found in the western Mediterranean region, inSpain and in Algeria.106 Such buckles are known from the Crimean sites atAromat, Skalistoe, and Suuk Su, where they appear in association with artifactsmost typical for the first decades of the seventh century (earrings with pyramid-shaped pendant and belt buckles with strap director of the Pápa class).107 On the

Peloponnèse (cf. fn. 30), 89–90; pl. IV a 1 and IV c 1. Edessa: Ph. Petsas, Aqwai|tgterjai Lmgle_a Jemtqij^r Lajedom_ar, Archaiologikon Deltion 24 (1969), 307 and fig. 320.Histria: H. Nubar, Contributii la topografia cetatii Histria în epoca romano-bizantina.Consideratii generale asupra necropolei din sectorul bazilicii “extra muros.” Studii sicercetari de istorie veche 22 (1971), no. 1, 209 and 208 fig. 7.1. Mejica: Torcellan, Le trenecropoli (cf. fn. 45), 64. Musait: C. Scorpan, Descoperiri arheologice diverse de laSacidava. Pontica 11 (1978), pl. XI.54. Novigrad: Marusic, Neki nalazi (cf. fn. 70), 165–166 with pl. V.3. Sipar and Veli Mlun: Vinski, Kasnoanticki starosjedioci (cf. fn. 45), 25with pl. XVI.8, 9. Unknown location in Istria: Marusic, Staroslovenske in nekezgodnjesrednjeveske najdbe (cf. fn. 70), 109–110 with pl. V.2. Zadar: J. Belosevic,Nekoliko ranosrednjovjekovnih metalnih nalaza s podrucja sjeverne Dalmacije.Diadora 3 (1965), 147; 146 fig. 2; pl. I.2. For finds from the eponymous site in Syracuse,see Werner, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 44), 38; Orsi, Sicilia (cf. fn. 62), 188and 189 fig. 94 left; Maurici, Ancora sulle fibbie (cf. fn. 83), 515.

102 M. V. Gill, The small finds, in: Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul (ed. R. MartinHarrison). Princeton 1986, 264–265; 264 fig. U; Waldbaum, Metalwork (cf. fn. 62), 118and pl. 44.689–690; Neeft, Byzantijnse gespen (cf. fn. 95), 5 and 6 fig. 11; Prokopiou,Bufamtim]r p|qper (cf. fn. 60), 337 and 338 fig. 2.3; Russell, Byzantine “instrumentadomestica” (cf. fn. 53), 142.

103 Martini – Steckner, Das Gymnasium (cf. fn. 54), 125–126.104 Riemer, Romanische Grabfunde (cf. fn. 47), 149.105 Riemer, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 75), 779.106 Ebel-Zepezauer, “Byzantinische” Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 65), 209; C. Eger, Eine

byzantinische Gürtelschnalle von der Krim in der Sammlung des Hamburger Museumfür Archäologie. Materialy po arkheologii, istorii i etnografii Tavrii 5 (1996), 347.

107 Repnikov, Nekotorye mogil’niki (cf. fn. 46), 9–10; Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskiimogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 51 fig. 31.278.5; I. I. Loboda, Novye rannesrednevekovyemogil’niki v Iugo-Zapadnom Krymu (Bakhchisaraiskii raion). Sovetskaia Arkheologiia(1976), no. 2, 137. For the dating of the Crimean buckles, see also Eger, Einebyzantinische Gürtelschnalle (cf. fn. 106), 344–345; I. O. Gavritukhin – A. M.Oblomskii, Gaponovskii klad i ego kul’turno-istoricheskii kontekst. Moskva 1996, 68.


basis of metallographic analyses of both buckles and miscasts, AleksandrAibabin has advanced the idea that the buckles of the Syracuse class found inCrimea may have been produced there.108 Beyond the northern frontiers of theEmpire, buckles of the Syracuse class appear in Hungary mostly in Early Avarassemblages.109 However, a date within the second half of the seventh centurymay be advanced on the basis of the grave discovered next to the Kraneionbasilica in Corinth, in which a buckle of the Syracuse class was associated with acoin struck for Emperor Constans II.

The distribution inside the Balkans of seventh-century belt buckles showsthree clusters of finds, one in Greece, another in central and northern Albania,and a third one in Istria (Fig. 10). The clusters in northern Albania and in Istriaare confirmed by the plotting on the map of finds of different types of earrings(Fig. 11). Earrings of the Buzet class appear especially on sites in Istria, but onlyoccasionally in the southern parts of the Balkan Peninsula.110 The earrings of theBuzet class may have appeared already during the last decades of the sixthcentury, as indicated by a woolen tapestry now in the Dumbarton Oakscollection.111 However, such earrings are mostly cheap imitations of goldspecimens such as those found in the Chios hoard, which is dated to the seventhcentury.112 Such earrings appear on many sites in northeastern Italy, and some of

108 Aibabin, O proizvodstve (cf. fn. 76), 190; see also Kovalevskaia, Poiasnye nabory (cf.fn. 49), 24.

109 Riemer, Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen (cf. fn. 75), 779; Garam, Funde (cf. fn. 50), 95.110 Abdera: Amasjav^ sta 6bdgqa. Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias

131 (1976), 131–137, with fig. 99b. Brkac, 9 specimens, and unknown location in Istria:Marusic, Staroslovenske in neke zgodnjesrednjeveske najdbe (cf. fn. 70), 109–110 withpls. III.6; V.2, 3, 7, 8, 10; Marusic, Ranosrednjovjekovna nekropola (cf. fn. 45), pl. V.4;Marusic, La necropoli (cf. fn. 70), 31 pl. II.13, 14. Corinth: D. I. Pallas, Amasjavµ t/rbasikij/r toO Jqame¸ou. Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias 127 (1972),pl. 222a. Ferenci: B. Marusic, Istra i sjevernojadranski prostor u ranom srednjem vijeku(materijalna kultura od 7. do 11. stoljeca). Pula 1995, 60 and 13 fig. 2. Gradisce andKoper: Ciglenecki, Tracce (cf. fn. 45), 57 and pls. I.1 and II.1. Lezhë: Prendi, Një varrëze(cf. fn. 59), 165 pl. XIX.2. Mejica, 5 specimens: Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 77and pls. 15.10–11; 19.12–13; pl. 34.8. Shurdhah: H. Spahiu, La ville haute-médiévalealbanaise de Shurdhah (Sarda). Iliria 5 (1976), 151–167 with pl. XI.5. Solkan andZbelovsko Goro: P. Bitenc – T. Knific, Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti. Ljubljana2001, 92. Tigani, 2 specimens: Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi (1980) (cf.fn. 70), 254 with pl. 148d. Vrsar: Marusic, Neki nalazi (cf. fn. 70), pl. I.2.

111 A.-M. Manière-Lévêque, L’évolution des bijoux ‘aristocratiques’ féminins à travers lestrésors proto-byzantins d’orfèvrerie. Revue archéologique 1 (1997), 100.

112 V. Bierbrauer, Invillino-Ibligo in Friaul I. Die römische Siedlung und das spätantik-frühmittelalterliche Castrum (Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, 33).München 1987, 157; M. Schulze, Frühmittelalterliche Kettenohrringe. ArchäologischesKorrespondenzblatt 14 (1984), 326 and 328. The cheap replica of the earring set fromChios is the pair of bronze earrings from grave 3 in Brkac, which were equally linkedwith a chain (Marusic, Istra (cf. fn. 110), 53 and 54 fig. 37).

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them were gilded, another indication that most specimens are imitations ofluxury earrings.113 Earrings of the Buzet type have been found in Turkey, Israel,and Egypt, but also in Sicily.114 By contrast, the earrings with grape-shapedpendant are most typical for Middle Avar assemblages (ca. 630 to ca. 670) anddo not appear in the Mediterranean region. With the exception of a specimenfrom an unknown location in Croatia (now in the Archaeological Museum inZagreb), there are no earrings with grape-shaped pendant south of the Danube-Drava line.115 Nonetheless, on the Late Roman and early Byzantine site atTulcea (ancient Aegyssus) in northern Dobrudja a mould for such earrings wasfound, which implies their local production.116 The earrings with star-shapedpendant from the Balkan region fall into two separate categories (II B and II C)of Zlata Cilinská’s classification. On the basis of the many specimens found inthe Avar-age cemetery in Tiszafüred-Majoros (Hungary), both types may bedated to the second half of the seventh and the eighth century.117 However, theearrings of the II B type may be dated on the basis of the Cosovenii de Josassemblage, which in addition to one such earring has also produced a luxuryfibula with dentil ornamentation, which is most typical for the first third of the7th century.118 An earring of the II C type is known from grave 13 in Noslac,which also produced silver, barrel-shaped beads very similar to those in grave IIIin Gâmbas.119 The burial assemblage in that grave also included a silver earringof the II C type.120 Its best analogies are two specimens from the Priseaca hoard,

113 Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 43–44.114 Baldini Lippolis, L’oreficeria (cf. fn. 61), 95–96; Orsi, Sicilia (cf. fn. 62), 145–146; pl.

XI.7; 145 fig. 62b, c.115 However, two specimens are known from sites just north of that line: Aradac (Nagy,

Nekropola kod Aradca [cf. fn. 101], 62; 48 fig. 4; 91 pl. XXIV.3) and Popava (I. Savel,Staroslovansko grobisce Popava II pri Lipovcih, in: Srednji vek. Arheoloski raziskavemed Jadranskim morjem in Panonsko nizino [ed. M. Gustin]. Ljubljana 2008, 65–70, at66–67; 67 fig. 5). For the earring from an unknown location in Croatia, see A. Pitesa,Katalog nalaza iz vremena seobe naroda, sredjneg i novog vijeka u Arheoloskommuzeju u Splitu. Split 2009, 44.

116 A. Opait, Aegyssus ’76 – raport preliminary. Pontica 10 (1977), 309–310 with fig. 7.117 D. Stassíková-Stukovská, K vyskytu lunulovych náusníc s hviezdicovym príveskom v

severnej casti Karpatskej kotliny, in: Slovensko a európsky juhovychod. Medzikultúrnevztahy a kontexty. Zbornik k zivotnému jubileu Tatiana Stefanovicovej (ed. A.Avenarius – Z. Sevciková). Bratislava 1999, 250–98. For the classification of earrings,see Z. Cilinská, Frauenschmuck aus dem 7.–8. Jahrhundert im Karpatenbecken.Slovenská Archeológia 23 (1975), no. 1, 63–96.

118 I. Nestor – C. S. Nicolaescu-Plopsor, Der völkerwanderungszeitliche Schatz Negrescu.Germania 22 (1938), no. 1, 33–41 with fig. 8.1–5.

119 M. Rusu, The prefeudal cemetery of Noslac (VI-VIIth centuries). Dacia 6 (1962), 272fig. 2.1.

120 I. Barnea – O. Iliescu – C. Nicolaescu, Cultura bizantina în România. Bucuresti 1971,140.


in which the latest coins are hexagrams struck for Emperor Constantine IVbetween 674 and 681.121 A local variant with rectangular support of the star-shaped pendant is known only from sites in Albania.122Equally restricted toAlbania is the distribution of lunate earrings with open-work ornament. TheShtish-Tufinë earring is a specimen of Baldini’s class III 2.123 Such earrings withfacing pheasants are also known from the Mersin hoard, in which the latest coinsare solidi struck for Emperor Heraclius between 630 and 640.124 Lunate earringswith two pheasants facing a kantharos appear in Sicily, in a restricted regionbetween Butera, Megara Hyblaea and Acradina.125 In Crimea, such earringsappear in the burial chamber 771 of the Skalistoe cemetery.126 Two specimenshave also been found in the Middle Dnieper region. One of them is a stray findfrom Korsun-Shevchens’kyi, the other has been found in a grave near Savintsy,in the region of Kharkiv, together with a golden belt mount of pressed foil datedto the Middle Avar period.127 The pair of earrings from Kruje is unique in thatbesides the filigree decoration of the pendant, they also display cabochons ofprecious stones.128 The closest analogy for the Kruje earrings is that from grave

121 B. Mitrea, Date noi cu privire la secolul VII. Tezaurul de hexagrame bizantine de laPriseaca (jud. Olt). Studii si cercetari de numismatica 6 (1975), 123 fig. 3.

122 No less than 26 specimens have been discovered in Koman alone: Traeger,Mittheilungen (cf. fn. 59), 46 and fig. 3d; Th. Ippen, Denkmäler verschiedenerAltersstufen in Albanien. Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und derHerzegowina 10 (1907), 17 fig. 26,12; 18 fig. 27.5; F. B. Nopcsa, Archäologisches ausNordalbanien. Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina 11(1909), 86 and fig. 6b; Nopcsa, Beiträge (cf. fn. 59), 195 and 194 fig. 69; Degrand,Souvenirs (cf. fn. 59), 258; Spahiu, Gjetje të vjetra (cf. fn. 59), pl. IV.1–4. Two otherunpublished specimens from Koman are in the collection of the ArchaeologicalMuseum in Cambridge (inv. 1927.467.5). Another is known from Kruje: S. Anamali – H.Spahiu, Varrëza arbërore e Krujes, Iliria 9–10 (1979–1980), pl. I.7.

123 M. Korkuti – M. Kallfa, Shqiperia arkeologjike. Tirana 1971, pl. 130; I. Baldini Lippolis,Gli orecchini a corpo semilunato: classificazione tipologica (note preliminare). CARB38 (1991), 73 and 94.

124 Manière-Lévêque, L’évolution (cf. fn. 111), 84 pl. 2 M; Baldini Lippolis, L’oreficeria (cf.fn. 61), 38. For the Mersin earrings, see V. N. Zalesskaia, Pamiatniki vizantiiskogoprikladnogo iskusstva IV-VII vekov. Katalog kollekcii. Sankt Peterburg 2006, 93–94.

125 Orsi, Sicilia (cf. fn. 62), 122 and fig. 51; 146 and pl. XI.4; 160 fig. 78; Riemer,Romanische Grabfunde (cf. fn. 47), 68.

126 Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf. fn. 49), 162 fig. 121.27.127 A. A. Bobrinskii, Kurgany i sluchainye arkheologicheskie nakhodki bliz mestechka

Smely. Sankt Peterburg 1887, 147 with pl. VI.8; Cs. Bálint, Die Archäologie der Steppe.Steppenvölker zwischen Volga und Donau vom 6. bis zum 10. Jahrhundert. Wien/Köln1989, 100.

128 S. Anamali, Die Albaner, Nachkommen der Illyrer, in: Albanien. Schätze aus dem Landder Skipetaren (ed. A. Eggebrecht). Mainz 1988, 457 fig. 370; Baldini Lippolis,L’oreficeria (cf. fn. 61), 83. For the techniques employed in the production anddecoration of lunate earrings with open-work ornament, see B. Bühler, Is it Byzantine

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83 in the Linz-Zizlau cemetery, which is dated to the Late Avar period, i. e., after700.129

A dress accessory most typical for seventh-century assemblages in theBalkans is the semicircular pendant with open-work ornament and threesuspension loops. Eight out of 19 specimens so far known have been found ontwo sites in western Macedonia, while the others come from Albania,Montenegro, and Croatia.130 The function of those pendants remains unclear,whether purely ornamental or for hanging objects from the belt.131 In grave 54 inKasic, the pendant was found in the region of the chest, and could not havepossibly been associated with the belt. Moreover, the specimen in grave 1 inProsek was found in an assemblage, which did not produce any element of a beltset. Finally, in Sardinia, similar pendants made of gold were hanging fromearrings and their loops served for the attachment of chains and jingling bells.132

The association in Ston of a semicircular pendant with open-work ornament andthree suspension loops with a belt buckle of the Pergamon class is the onlyindication we have of seventh-century date for this category of dress accessories.

metalwork or not? Evidence for Byzantine craftsmanship outside the Byzantine Empire(6th to 9th centuries AD), in: Byzanz – das Römerreich im Mittelalter. Teil 1. Welt derIdeen, Welt der Dinge (ed. F. Daim – J. Drauschke). Mainz 2010, 224–231.

129 H. Ladenbauer-Orel, Linz-Zizlau. Das baierische Gräberfeld an der Traunmündung.Wien 1960, 46–47 with pl. 7.9.

130 Sv. Erazmo: V. Malenko, Novi arkheoloshki naodi na lokalitetite “Kozluk”, “Gabavci” i“Sv. Erazmo”. Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica 2 (1976), 224 fig. 3; 234 fig. 14.6; V.Malenko, Ranosrednovekovnata materijalna kultura vo Okhrid i Okhridsko, in: Okhridi Okhridsko niz istorijata (ed. M. Apostolski). Skopje 1985, pl. VII. Radolishte:Mikulcic, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen (cf. fn. 37), 490 fig. 410.1. Forother finds in Albania, Croatia, and Montenegro, see A. Milosevic, Komanski elementi ipitanje kasnoantickog kontinuiteta u materijalnoj kulturi ranosrednjovjekovne Dalma-cije. Diadora 11 (1989), 349–350 and 351–353 with n. 22; pl. I.1, 2 (Drvenik, Konjsko,and unknown location in Croatia); J. Belosevic, La nécropole paléocroate Kasic-Maklinovo brdo (Inventaria archaeologica. Jugoslavija, fasc. 28). Bonn 1982, T.54.1(Kasic); Degrand, Souvenirs (cf. fn. 59), 263; Ippen, Denkmäler (cf. fn. 122), 18fig. 27.4a-b (Koman, 3 specimens); Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 168 pl. XXII.4(Lezhë); N. Doda, Varreza arbërore e Prosekut (rrethi i Mirditës). Iliria 19 (1989), 146and 164 pl. I.7 (Prosek); Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 306 fig. 2.4 (Ston);Marusic, Varia archaeologica (cf. fn. 70), 54 with pl. VIII.2 (unknown location in Istria).

131 A. Milosevic, Komanski elementi i pitanje kasnoantickog kontinuiteta u materijalnojkulturi ranosrednjovjekovne Dalmacije, in: Etnogeneza Hrvata (ed. N. Budak). Zagreb1995, 98 with n. 7.

132 Spanu, La Sardegna bizantina (cf. fn. 52), 221 fig. 209. Chains and other jinglingpendants were hanging from semicircular pendants with three or four attachment loopsfound in seventh- and eighth-century burial assemblages in the Perm’ region of Russia,and in the upper Kama region. See Goldina – Vodolago, Mogil’niki (cf. fn. 99), 133 pl.XXXVI.10, 17; R. D. Goldina, Lomovatovskaia kul’tura v Verkhnem Prikam’e. Irkutsk1985, 44; 223 pl. XV.3–6.


In the absence of any detailed studies, the chronology of other artifacts, suchas fibulae, is still uncertain. No less than 124 fibulae with bent stem are so farknown from several sites in Albania, Greece, and Macedonia.133 It has beensuggested that those fibulae derive from sixth-century fibulae with bent stem,even though they are considerably longer and with much wider bows than theiralleged proto-types.134 Similarly, penannular brooches, such as those fromKoman, Mejica, Rose, and an unknown location in Istria appear in sixth-centuryburial assemblages in the Balkans, particularly in graves of young women or ofchildren.135 All specimens known from Hungary are dated to the Early Avar

133 Aphiona, 6 specimens: Bulle, Ausgrabungen (cf. fn. 70), 227 fig. 28; 228 fig. 29; 229fig. 30. Bukël, 24 specimens: Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 213–218 with pls. V.1–4and VI.1–3; Derjan and Klos (2 specimens): D. Kurti, Gjurmë të kulturës së hershmeShqiptare ne Mat. Iliria 1 (1971), 269–270 with pls. I and III.1. Koman, 31 specimens:Traeger, Mittheilungen (cf. fn. 59), 45 and 46 figs. 1, 4, 5; Degrand, Souvenirs (cf. fn. 59),258; Ippen, Denkmäler (cf. fn. 122), 17 fig. 25 and 18 fig. 28.1–3; Spahiu, Gjetje tëvjetra (cf. fn. 59), pl. III.1–7; Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 122), 29–31 and 36–38with pl. IV.10, 12; H. Spahiu, Unaza të reja me mbishkrim nga Komani. Iliria 15 (1985),no. 1, 232 with pl. III.1; Anamali, Die Albaner (cf. fn. 128), 151 and 457 fig. 373. Kruje,30 specimens: Ippen, Denkmäler (cf. fn. 122), 20 and fig. 31.2, 3; Anamali – Spahiu,Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 6 and fig. 1; 13–14; 32 fig. 11; pl. VI. Mijele, 4 specimens:Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 311, 312, and 313 fig. 4.4–6, 8. Pece, 2specimens: L. Përzhita, Kështjella e Pecës në periudhën e antikitetit të vonë dhe mesjetë(rrethi i Kukësit). Iliria 20 (1990), 201–41 with pl. X.5, 6. Prilep, 3 specimens: J.Kovacevic, Babas, in: Zbornik posveten na Boshko Babich. Mélange Bosko Babic1924–1984 (ed. M. Apostolski). Prilep 1986, 120 and fig.; Mikulcic, Spätantike undfrühbyzantinische Befestigungen (cf. fn. 37), 357 and fig. 257.1, 2. Prosek, 9 specimens:Doda, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 130), 146, 147, 149, 150; 141 fig. 3; 164 pl. I.1; 165 pl. II.1;166 pl. III.1; 169 pl. VI.8; 170 pl. VII.1, 9; 171 pl. VIII.1; 173 pl. X.1, 3. Radolishte:Malenko, Ranosrednovekovnata materijalna kultura (cf. fn. 130), pl. XVIII.5. Shurdhah,4 specimens: Spahiu, La ville haute-médiévale (cf. fn. 110), 156 with pl. 1.1; D. Komata,Varrëza arbërore e Shurdhahut (Rrethi i Shkodres). Iliria 9–10 (1979–1980), 118 pl.IV.9–11. Sv. Erazmo: Malenko, Novi arkheoloshki naodi (cf. fn. 130), 224 fig. 3 and 234fig. 14.5, 10; Malenko, Ranosrednovekovnata materijalna kultura (cf. fn. 130), pl.VI.1–5. Veli Mlun: Marusic, Nekropole (cf. fn. 45), 338. Vrrin: H. Myrto, Një varrezëantike në fshatin Vrrin. Iliria 14 (1984), no. 1, 221 with pl. II.1.

134 S. Uenze, Die spätantiken Befestigungen von Sadovec. Ergebnisse der deutsch-bulgarisch-österreichischen Ausgrabungen 1934–1937 (Munchner Beitrage zur Vor-und Fruhgeschichte, 43). München 1992, 149; Z. Vinski, Haut Moyen Age, in: Epoquepréhistorique et protohistorique en Yougoslavie – Recherches et résultats (ed. G. Novak– A. Benac – M. Garasanin – N. Tasic). Beograd 1971, 388.

135 Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 122), 29 with pl. V.11; Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf.fn. 45), 77 with pl. 34.1, 10; Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 308 and 310;306 fig. 2.6; Marusic, Neki nalazi (cf. fn. 70), 166 with pl. III.7. For sixth-centuryspecimens, see N. Miletic, Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola u Koritima kod Duvna.Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu 33 (1978), 141–204.

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period.136 Similarly, in Italy, such fibulae appear in pairs in late sixth- or earlyseventh-century female graves.137 The fibula from grave 7 in Mijele has a goodanalogy in grave 76 in Campochiaro, which was dated with a silver coin struckfor Emperor Heraclius.138 Some of the sites with penannular brooches have alsoproduced disc-shaped fibulae.139 The specimen from grave 36 in Bukël has anornament imitating cabochons and, as such, belongs to a group well attested insouthwestern Hungary. One of its analogies has been found in grave 108 inKölked A together with a lunate earring dated to the Early Avar period.140 Tothis group must also be assigned the fibulae from graves 19 and 26 in Kruje, aswell as the fibulae with open-work ornament from grave 23 in Bukël and grave18 in Lezhë.141 The latter has a good analogy in a fibula from grave 116 in Jutas,which produced a coin struck for Emperor Phocas (602–610).142 The specimensfrom grave 4 in Mijele and grave 22 in Kruje (with two pheasants facing akantharos) are members of Garam’s group with sunken middle panel andfigurative ornament, specimens of which appear in Hungary together withartifacts typical for the Early Avar period.143 Such fibulae also appear in Italy.144

The fibula in grave 20 in Kruje may also belong to this group.145 Another fibulafrom Kruje is a member of Garam’s group with sunken middle panel andfigurative ornament (the Keszthely group) dated to the Early Avar period.146

However, yet another fibula from Kruje is a member of Garam’s other groupwith sunken middle panel, figurative ornament and grooved arches on the

136 A. Kiss, Das awarenzeitlich-gepidische Gräberfeld von Kölked-Feketekapu A (Mono-graphien zur Frühgeschichte und Mittelalterarchäologie, 2). Innsbruck 1996, 198.

137 O. v. Hessen, Il materiale altomedievale nelle collezioni Stibbert di Firenze. Firenze1983, 16–17.

138 Riemer, Romanische Grabfunde (cf. fn. 47), 122.139 Bukël, 2 specimens: Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 216 with pl. VII.5, 6. Klos: Kurti,

Gjurmë të kulturës (cf. fn. 133), 269 with pl. I. Koman, 7 specimens: Degrand, Souvenirs(cf. fn. 59), 263; Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 122), pl. IV.5. Kruje, 21 specimens:Ippen, Denkmäler (cf. fn. 122), 20 and fig. 31.7; Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59),37; pl. VIII. 1–6, 9; 40 IX.1–6; D. Komata, Të dhëna të reja arkeologjike nga Kalaja eKrujës. Iliria 12 (1982), no. 1, pl. II.3; Anamali, Oreficerie (cf. fn. 70), 436 and 437 fig. 1.Lezhë, 2 specimens: Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 165 pl. XX.10, 11. Mijele:Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 311; 313 fig. 4.1.

140 É. Garam, Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln. Communicationes ArchaeologicaeHungariae (1993), 118.

141 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 37 pl. VIII.6; Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), pl.VII.6; Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 165 pl. XX.11.

142 G. Rhé – N. Fettich, Jutas und Öskü. Zwei Gräberfelder aus der Völkerwanderungszeitin Ungarn. Praha 1931, 25 with pl. III.1.

143 Garam, Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln (cf. fn. 140), 118 and 122.144 Riemer, Romanische Grabfunde (cf. fn. 47), 127 and 128 fig. 15.145 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 40 pl. IX.3.146 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 40 pl. IX.6.


margin, which is dated to the Middle Avar period.147 There is no analogy inHungary for the simple fibula found in grave 7 in Lezhë. There is a die in theBiskupije hoard which served for the production of a trapeze-shaped cellimitating a disc-shaped fibula with central cabochon, which are typical for theEarly Avar period.148

Rural settlements

A map of all settlements known or supposed to have been in existence in theBalkans during the seventh century (Fig. 12) shows that the central part of thePeninsula is devoid of any sites whatsoever. Unlike the urban or fortified sitesdiscussed in a previous section, most rural settlements are located in thenorthern region.

Garvan is on the right bank of the river Danube, just across from theParaschiva isle. Zhivka Vazharova’s excavations between 1964 and 1980 coveredalmost two acres of land and revealed 120 features – dwellings, kilns, andworkshops.149 Scattered among the features were also 17 cremation burials of alater, possibly eighth- to ninth-century date.150 House 6 belongs to what ZhivkaVazharova believed to be the earliest phase of occupation, which she dated tothe sixth and seventh century. The house produced only handmade pottery.151

The absence of any datable metal finds makes it impossible to verifyVazharova’s dating. The handmade pottery in a fabric tempered with crushedsherds, such as found in house 6 is associated with clay pans in houses 14 and68.152 In house 21, in addition to a fragment of a clay pan, there was also a claylump (“clay bread”).153 The same is true for houses 12 and 50.154 The pit of the

147 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 37 fig. 9; Garam, Die awarenzeitlichenScheibenfibeln (cf. fn. 140), 118.

148 Garam, Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln (cf. fn. 140), 118.149 Zh. Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte s. Garvan, Silistrenski okrag (VI-XI v.). Sofia

1986, 7–8; 9 fig. 1b and 2; 10 fig. 3.150 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 41 and 43; 42 fig. 39.151 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 84–86; 84 fig. 66.152 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 90 and 137’140; 91 fig. 76; 141

fig. 143.153 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 98’99; 99 fig. 86. For clay lumps

known as “clay bread,” see M. Chisvasi-Comsa, O jucarie în forma de pîine descoperitala Garvan. Studii si cercetari de istorie veche 9 (1958), no. 2, 425–427; I. Stamati, Lespetits pains en glaise – discussion sur la mentalité des habitants de l’établissement deLazuri datant du Haut Moyen Age. Transylvanian Review 10 (2001), no. 2, 83–95 ; I.Stanciu, Über frühslawische Tonklumpen und Ton“klümpchen”. Ephemeris Napocensis8 (1998), 215–272.

154 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 87, 90, and 123; 89 fig. 73; 123fig. 120.

Florin Curta172

sunken-floored building 12 was partially destroyed by that of house 10, whichproduced a fragment of a clay cauldron and another of a glass bracelet, bothartifacts which cannot be dated earlier than the tenth century.155 House 12 maybe of a seventh, but also of a late sixth and early seventh century, in any case ofapproximately the same date as house 21. A fragment of a clay pan, a lump ofclay, and handmade pottery in a fabric tempered with crushed sherds alsoappear in house 59 together with a fragment of combed ware thrown on atournette, which is a clear indication of a date later than ca. 600.156 Anotherindication of a seventh-century date is the association of fragments of handmadepottery with no decoration with fragments with finger impressions on the lip (asin house 67) or with fragments with notches on the lip (as in house 87).157 Claylumps also appear in association with combed ware thrown on a tournette, andwithout any handmade pottery, in house 14.158 Judging by the vertical combingon one of the fragments found inside the kiln 112, it too may be of a seventh-century date.159 Finally, a negative argument: unlike the settlement sites north ofthe river Danube, Garvan has produced no evidence whatsoever of amphorae ormetalwork (fibulae, buckles) of Roman production or inspiration.160 The searchfor precise dates would have been greatly facilitated by a dendrochronological

155 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 87 and fig. 71. For the chronology ofclay cauldrons, see L. Doncheva-Petkova, Mittelalterliche Tonkessel aus Bulgarien, in:Die Keramik der Saltovo-Majaki Kultur und ihrer Varianten (ed. Cs. Bálint) (Variaarchaeologica hungarica, 3). Budapest 1990, 101–111. For the chronology of glassbracelets, see I. Changova, Za staklenite grivni v srednovekovna Balgariia, in:Izsledvaniia v pamet na Karel Shkorpil (ed. K. Miiatev – V. Mikov). Sofia 1961, 179–188; A. Antonaras, Cu\kima lesobufamtim\ bqawi|kia. Sulbok^ se h]lata di\dosgr,paqacyc^r, tupokoc_ar jai wq^sgr. Deltion tes christianikes archaiologikes hetaireias 27(2006), 423–434. Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 123 claims that thepit of house 50 cut through the sunken-floored building 49, but the latter produced GreyWare with burnished ornament, which is clearly of a later, perhaps late eight or ninth-century date.

156 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 129 and 133 fig. 132. For thechronology of the pottery thrown on a tournette, see L. Doncheva-Petkova, Balgarskabitova keramika prez rannoto srednevekovie (vtorata polovina na VI-krai na X v.).Sofia 1977; Kh. Stoianova, Glinenite sadove ot VII-IX vek ot fonda na Istoricheskiiamuzei – Shumen. Problemi na prabalgarskata istoriia i kultura 4 (1998), 330–336.

157 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 137 and 156; 139 fig. 140; 157fig. 164. For the earliest finds of handmade pottery with finger impressions or notches onthe lip, see F. Curta, The Making of the Slavs. History and Archaeology of the LowerDanube Region, c. 500–700. Cambridge/New York 2001, 291 and 294.

158 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 90–91; 92 fig. 77.159 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 182–183; 184 fig. 198. For the dating

of vertical combing, see F. Curta, Still waiting for the barbarians? (cf. fn. 40), 444.160 For amphorae and metalwork on sixth- to early seventh-century sites in southern and

eastern Romania, see Curta, Making of the Slavs (cf. fn. 157), 242–43 and 244 fig. 37;273 and fig. 58.


analysis of the large wooden beam – most likely from the superstructure – foundalong the western side of house 65.161

Four houses and a kiln, which may be dated to the seventh century withsome degree of certainty (14, 66, 87, 113, and kiln 112) produced fragments ofquern stones bespeaking the consumption of cereal foods. The one in the sunkenbuilding 66 was found by the oven gate, while fragments of quern stones havebeen recycled in the building of kiln 112 and of the oven in house 113. Fivehouses produced clay weights for the fishing net, which sets Garvan apart fromsettlement sites north of the Danube, which produced handmade pottery withfinger impressions or notches on the lip, clay pans, but no clay weights for thefishing net. The closest analogies for the situation at Garvan are sites furtherupstream along the Danube, at Ostrovu Mare and Mihajlovac.162 With oneexception (house 50, with two specimens), all ten houses in Garvan which couldbe dated to the seventh century produced one awl each. This reminds one ofsixth- to seventh-century settlement assemblages north of the Danube,especially in Moldavia and Moldova.163 In eight out of nine seventh-centuryhouses in Garvan, whetstones were also found singly. Again, most analogies are

161 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 136. For dendrochronology inBulgaria, see http://dendrochronologybg.net/ (visit of May 14, 2012).

162 I. Stînga, Cercetari arheologice în insula Ostrovu Mare-Portile de Fier II-comunaGogosu-Mehedinti. Drobeta 4 (1978), 123; D. Jankovic, Le site d’habitation médiévalKula près du village Mihajlovac. Derdapske sveske 3 (1986), 443–444.

163 Houses 4, 12, 13 (dated with a coin struck for Emperor Justinian, 527–538), 17, and 21 inBotosana: D. Gh. Teodor, Civilizatia romanica la est de Carpati în secolele V-VII(asezarea de la Botosana-Suceava). Bucuresti 1984, 25–26, 30–31, 34, and 37; 82 fig. 3d; 86 fig. 7b and c; 87 fig. 8.2; 88 fig. 9 c; 89 fig. 10 c; 91 fig. 12.3; 98 fig. 19.1–3; 101fig. 22.4, 7. House 19 in Cucorani: S. Teodor, Sapaturile de la Cucorani (jud. Botosani).Arheologia Moldovei 8 (1975), 151–152; 153 fig. 19 b; 200 fig. 61.1. Houses 6 and 69 inDavideni: I. Mitrea, Comunitati satesti la est de Carpati în epoca migratiilor. Asezareade la Davideni din secolele V-VIII. Piatra Neamt 2001, 42–43 and 97–98; 337 fig. 76.10.House 78 in Danceni: V. A. Dergachev – O. V. Larina – Gh. Postica, Raskopki 1980 g. namnogosloinom poselenii Dancheny I, in: Arkheologicheskie issledovaniia v Moldavii v1979–1980 gg. (ed. I. A. Borziak). Kishinew 1983, 130. Houses 1, 2, and 3 in Dodesti : D.Gh. Teodor, Continuitatea populatiei autohtone la est de Carpati. Asezarile din secoleleVI-XI e.n. de la Dodesti-Vaslui. Iasi 1984, 22–24; 27 fig. 5 a-c; 33 fig. 9.1, 2, 5. Houses 1and 2 in Gordinesti: N. P. Tel’nov, Ranneslavianskie poseleniia Gordineshti I i Korpachi,in: Arkheologicheskie issledovaniia srednevekovykh pamiatnikov v Dnestrovsko-Prutskom mezhdurech’e (ed. P. P. Byrnia). Kishinew 1985, 91–93. Iasi-Crucea luiFerent: D. Gh. Teodor, Descoperiri din sec. VI-VII e.n. de la Iasi-Crucea lui Ferent.Cercetari istorice 2 (1971), 120; 127 fig. 3.2; 128 fig. 4.12. Houses 23, 31, and 33 in Filias :Z. Székely, Asezari din secolele VI-IX e. n. în sud-estul Transilvaniei. Aluta 6–7 (1974–1975), 39–41. House 23 in Poian: Z. Székely, Asezari din secolele VI-XI p. Ch. înbazinul Oltului superior. Studii si cercetari de istorie veche si arheologie 43 (1992), no. 2,268 and 271; 270 fig. 18.B23.

Florin Curta174

known from sixth- to seventh-century settlements north of the Danube.164 Thosewhetstones may have served for the sharpening of knives, such as found inhouses 6, 14, 21, 50, 65, 66, 80 and 113. Together with knives, whetstones, awls,and fishing net weights, the seventh-century houses in Garvan also producedspindle whorls, often found singly (houses 14, 21, 50, 65, 66, 68, 84, 87, 89, and113), but also in two (house 72) and four specimens (house 6). House productionof (presumably) woolen textiles is also betrayed by the bone needle found inhouse 89. There was a crucible in house 59, which was associated with slag. Slaghas also been found in houses 66 and 80, but no other traces of metalworkingappear in any one of them. Two bone skates have been found in houses 68 and80. Those are artifacts that rarely appear in settlement assemblage north of theDanube, but are occasionally found in burial assemblages in the CarpathianBasin.165 The awls, the skates, and the bone needle imply the raising of animals,and animal bones have been found in significant quantity in the pit in front ofthe oven in houses 80 and 84. Unfortunately, no zooarchaeological study existsso far for the bone material in Garvan, so nothing is known about either thespecies or the age of the animals represented in those faunal assemblages.166

The site at Popina is located not far from Garvan on a small hill to the westfrom the modern village. Zhivka Vazharova carried out excavations on this site

164 Houses 1, 3, 10, 15, and 26 in Botosana: Teodor, Civilizatia romanica (cf. fn. 163), 22–25,29–30, 32–33, 40, and 52–54; 83 fig. 3 a, c; 83 fig. 4 d; 88 fig. 8.3; 92 fig. 13 a; 107fig. 28.1–4, 6. House 1B in Bucharest-Ciurel: S. Dolinescu-Ferche, Ciurel, habitat desVI-VII-e siècles d. n. è. Dacia 23 (1979), 185–188, 207, 209; 208 fig. 25.H 1B; 194fig. 9.4. House 18 in Budureasca: V. Teodorescu – V. Dupoi – M. Jibotean-Penes – Gh.Panait, Budureasca, straveche si statornica vatra de civilizatie la originile poporuluiromân. Cercetarile arheologice din anul 1983 privind complexele straromânesti de tipIpotesti-Cândesti (sec. V-VII e.n.). Mousaios 5 (1999), 94 and 115 fig. 11.1. House 5 inDodesti: Teodor, Continuitatea (cf. fn. 163), 25–26; 27 fig. 5.f; 34 fig. 10.5. House 10 inDulceanca I: S. Dolinescu-Ferche, Asezari din secolele III si VI e.n. în sud-vestulMunteniei. Cercetarile de la Dulceanca. Bucuresti 1974, 76–77; fig. 76.7. Houses 8, 14,and 18 in Dulceanca II: S. Dolinescu-Ferche, Contributions archéologiques sur lacontinuité daco-romaine. Dulceanca, deuxième habitat du VIe siècle d. n. è. Dacia 30(1986), 124 and 128–129; 126 fig. 3.2; 129 fig. 5.3; 138 fig. 11.15; 140 fig. 13.2; 146fig. 19.7. Houses 1, 4, 7, 14, and 20 in Dulceanca III: S. Dolinescu-Ferche, Habitats duVI-e et VII-e siècles de notre ère à Dulceanca IV. Dacia 36 (1992), 128, 131, and 133;129 fig. 2.1–3; 130 fig. 3.5; 132 fig. 4.5; 136 fig. 5.15; 139 fig. 8.29; 144 fig. 13.1; 145fig. 14.4; 148 fig. 17.17. House 18 in Poian: Székely, Asezari din secolele VI-XI p. Ch.(cf. fn. 163), 263.

165 E.g., in grave 131 from Szolnok-Szanda, for which see I. Bóna – M. Nagy, GepidischeGräberfelder am Theissgebiet I (Monumenta Germanorum Archaeologica Hungariae,Monumenta Gepidica, 1). Budapest 2002, 219. The only example from the lands north ofthe Danube is that from Speia, which was associated with a fragment of African Red-Slip ware and another of a Late Roman amphora: Gh. Postica, Asezarea Speia-Hiscovo(secolele V-VI d.H.). Arheologia Moldovei 19 (1996), 265–66; 267 fig. 2. 1.

166 Vazharova, Srednovekovnoto selishte (cf. fn. 149), 151 and 154–55.


between 1955 and 1961, opening up almost one acre of land and discovering 63features – dwellings and refuse pits.167 The only chronologically firm indicationof an early phase of occupation is the situation in the middle of the site, wherethree sunken-featured buildings, two with clay ovens and one with a stone oven,have cut each other in stratigraphic succession. Not much can be said about thematerial from the earliest building (to the north), although the excavator claimsit produced remains of pottery thrown on a tournette.168 The second building,the clay oven of which cut through the western side of the first building, was inturn superposed by a later, but smaller building with stone oven, the contour ofwhich followed that of the older house pit. The material found in front of thestone oven includes remains of combed ware and a few spikes. In addition, therewere two bone purse mounts with circle-and-dot decoration.169 Such artifacts aretypical for sixth- or early seventh-century assemblages.170 The two mounts mayhave initially belonged to the material from the building with clay ovenunderneath. In any case, the filling of house 32 contained many fragments ofhandmade pottery, including clay pans and a clay lump. This is not necessarilythe material from the earlier building, given that the filling also producedfragments of Iron-Age pottery.171 Much like house 6 in Garvan, houses 7 and 11in Popina produced only handmade pottery, including fragments of clay pans.172

Handmade pottery, including a pot with no decoration and a fragment of a claypan, was associated in house 1 with an awl, a whetstone, and a spindle whorl,which suggest a date similar to that of the houses in Garvan, presumably in theseventh century. However, house 1 is unlike all others in Garvan, in that inaddition to a stone oven in the eastern corner, it also had two clay ovens on thenortheastern and northwestern sides, respectively. This may indicate more thanone phase of occupation, with possible repairs and modifications of the initialsunken-floored building. The date of those repairs and modifications is

167 Zh. Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta v balgarskite zemi ot kraia na VI-XI vek. Sofia 1965, 9–11; 9 fig. 1; 11 fig. 2.

168 Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta (cf. fn. 167), 57.169 Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta (cf. fn. 167), 52; 55 fig. 34.2.170 E.g., graves B45 and E199 in Piatra Frecatei (in which it was associated with belt

buckles of the Sucidava class, and, in E199 with a much worn and pierced coin struck forEmperor Justin I, 518–527): A. Petre, La romanité en Scythie Mineure (IIe-VIIe sièclesde notre ère). Recherches archéologiques. Bucarest 1987, 67, and 69–70; pls. 122fig. 187a-f and 126 fig. 200 a-k. Grave 5 in mound 3 at Madara: Fiedler, Studien (cf.fn. 59), 319–320; 321 fig. 113.5. Grave 89 in Suuk Su: Repnikov, Nekotorye mogil’niki(cf. fn. 46), 26–27; 73 fig. 65. For bone or antler purse mounts with circle-and-dotdecoration, see P. Diaconu, Un tip necunoscut de piesa din sec. VI-începutul sec. VII.Studii si cercetari de istorie veche si arheologie 42 (1991), no. 1, 81–84.

171 Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta (cf. fn. 167), 52.172 Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta (cf. fn. 167), 17, 26, and 29–30; 29

fig. 15; 30 fig. 16.

Florin Curta176

unknown.173 There was a platform paved with stones to the north from the ovenin house 13, which may have been a working area. However, there were no toolsin that house, only an arrow head.174 As in house 80 in Garvan, there were manyanimal bones found in a pit in the southern corner of house 1 and in a pit alongthe southern side of house 15 in Popina (as well as in the filling of houses 11, 13,and 15), but no specific details about species and age are known.175 In house 10,a rectangular pit by the southern side contained no less than eight whetstones.Eight awls have been collected from the building’s floor.176

Farther to the west, the site at Mihajlovac is located across the Danube fromthe island of Ostrovu Mare. The salvage excavations of 1981 and 1982 covered4,100 square feet of land and discovered eight features, all dwellings. Like thesettlement on the opposite side, at Ostrovul Mare, the houses found inMihajlovac produced evidence of both hand- and wheel-made pottery.177 Theformer includes a fragment of a clay pan, while the latter is represented by suchthings as a lid and a fragment of an amphora, both suggesting a late sixth- orearly seventh-century date. There were clay weights for the fishing net in thehouses excavated in Mihajlovac, much like in Garvan. However, unlike Garvanand Popina, where (with the exception of one arrow head) no weapons havebeen found, no less than 3 battle axes are known from Mihajlovac. All threehave good parallels in contemporary, late Early or early Middle Avar-ageassemblages.178 The imprint of a cereal seed (millet?) on the bottom of ahandmade pot suggests the local cultivation of crops.

The 1977 rescue excavations on the western side of the Ostrovu Mare islandrevealed a number of features, some of which have been wrongly interpreted ascremation burials (but are more likely sunken-floored buildings). The site wasagain occupied during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Only one house hasbeen published and it contained no pottery remains (or if it did, none waspublished). However, handmade pottery and combed ware thrown on atournette are known from Ostrovu Mare, both in the same fabric tempered

173 Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta (cf. fn. 167), 12–14; 13 fig. 3.174 Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta (cf. fn. 167), 30; 31 fig. 17.175 Although the site monograph includes an archaeozoological report, there is no analysis

of the individual faunal assemblages, house by house. See S. Ivanov, Zhivotinski kostniostataci ot selishteto v mestnosta Dzhedzhovi Lozia pri s. Popina, in: Slavianski islavianobalgarski selishta balgarskite zemli ot kraia na VI-XI vek (ed. Zh. Vazharova).Sofia 1965, 207–225.

176 Vazharova, Slavianski i slavianobalgarski selishta (cf. fn. 167), 26; 27 fig. 13; 28 fig. 14.177 Jankovic, Le site d’habitation (cf. fn. 162), 443–444; 445 fig. 1; 446 fig. 2.178 Grave 108 in Aradac: S. Nagy, La nécropole de Mecka (Inventaria archaeological.

Jugoslavija, fasc. 7). Beograd 1978, pl. 3.3. Sekic (where it was associated with a solidusstruck for Emperor Heraclius in Constantinople, 616–625): É. Garam, Die münzda-tierten Gräber der Awarenzeit, in Awarenforschungen (ed. F. Daim). Wien 1992, 144;223 pl. 51.3.


with crushed sherds and pebbles. There is no direct evidence of a seventh-century date, but the large beams found along all sides of the house could haveproduced some dendrochronological results.179 A three-edged arrow head isknown from the excavations, but no other weapons are known.180 The cemeteryof Balta Verde is on the opposite bank of the Dunarea Mica.181

Farther to the northwest, upstream along the Drava in eastern Slovenia,recent salvage excavations caused by the building of the Vucja vas-Beltincihighway have revealed a number of interesting sites. Although all of them are tothe north from the river Drava (so outside the area under focus in this paper),the characteristic materials they have produced are worth a brief glimpse. Theexcavations carried out between 2000 and 2006 between Krog and Bakovciopened up almost five acres of land, and discovered several features, thefunction of which is difficult to establish.182 The only one that can be dated withsome degree of certainty to the seventh century is that found in 2000–2001 atsome distance from the site, at Pod Kotom-jug, 3 km to the north from the riverMura, a left-hand tributary of the Drava. The pit has an oval shape and its fillingcontained a large quantity of stones (but there was no oven) and animal bones.Among the fragments of handmade pottery collected from that filling there isalso a rim with notches on the lip. There were also fragments of combed warethrown on a tournette.183

About 2 km from the city of Murska Sobota, salvage excavations of 2000and 2001 discovered 38 features, many of which are refuse pits. The site was firstoccupied during the Bronze Age. The only sunken-floored building known sofar produced only handmade pottery in a fabric tempered with crushed sherds

179 Stînga, Cercetari arheologice (cf. fn. 162), 123; 120 fig. 6; 122 fig. 8. See also V.Boroneant – I. Stînga, Cercetarile privind secolul al VII-lea de la Ostrovu Mare, com.Gogosu din zona hidrocentralei “Portile de Fier II.” Drobeta 3 (1978), 87 and 89; 88fig. 1.

180 Stînga, Cercetari arheologice (cf. fn. 162), 119 fig. 7.3.181 D. Berciu – E. Comsa, Sapaturile arheologice de la Balta Verde si Gogosu. Materiale si

cercetari arheologice 2 (1956), 403–405. A seventh-century date for at least some of theburials in that cemetery is secured by the belt buckle of the Syracuse class found in grave1.

182 I. Tusek, Poznoanticna in zgodnjesrednjeveska loncenina z najdisca Pod Kotom – cesta,in: Zgodni slovani. Zgodnjesrednjeveska loncenina na obrobju vzhodnih Alp (ed. M.Gustin). Ljubljana 2002, 36–37 and 39; 37 fig. 1; B. Kerman, Zgodnjeslovanske najdbe znajdisca Pod Kotom-sever pri Krogu, in: Srednji vek. Arheoloski raziskave medJadranskim morjem in Panonsko nizino (ed. M. Gustin). Ljubljana 2008, 47 with fig. 1.

183 I. Savel, Zgodnjesrednjeveski objekt z najdisca Pod Kotom – jug pri Krogu, in: Zgodnislovani. Zgodnjesrednjeveska loncenina na obrobju vzhodnih Alp (ed. M. Gustin).Ljubljana 2002, 11–15; 11 fig. 1; 12 fig. 2.

Florin Curta178

and sand. The building has an irregular plan but no heating facility.184 A refusepit (O21) contained handmade pottery, including fragments of clay pans, as wellas animal bones. Another (O23) produced handmade pottery in a fabrictempered with crushed sherds and sand, including a fragment with notches onthe lip.185 A second, much larger settlement has been excavated in 2001 inGrofovsko, on the southern edge of the city of Murska Sobota. No less than 26features have been found in that year, all of which – with the exception of anopen hearth – are refuse pits. The radiocarbon dates obtained from the remainsfound in one of them (O SE 123) are 1345⌃30 (calibrated age 664 AD): 1Sca. 658–686, 2S ca. 645–693, 700–712, 752–760. In addition to combed warethrown on a tournette (there was no handmade pottery), the feature producedan iron phalera with damascened ornament, which has good analogies in LateAvar (i. e., late eighth-century) assemblages in Hungary.186

The site at Nova Tabla is located at a distance of 2 km from Murska Sobota,to the south, on the shore of Lake Soboska. Excavations carried out between1999 and 2001 and, again, between 2007 and 2008 revealed 105 features. The sitewas first occupied during the Iron Age (cemetery), and then during the Romanage (settlement).187 The sunken-floored building SZ1 produced only handmadepottery, including a fragment with notches on the lip and with an incised sign.188

The sunken-floored building SZ3 and a refuse pit (SO 18) also producedfragments of clay pans.189 The only indication of a date within the seventhcentury is the mount found in the refuse pit SZ4, which bears some analogy withspecimens of the Early Avar age.190

184 B. Kerman, Staroslovanska naselbina Kotare – baza pri Murski Soboti, in: Zgodnjislovani. Zgodnjesrednjeveska loncenina na obrobju vzhodnih Alp (ed. M. Gustin).Ljubljana 2002, 22–23.

185 Kerman, Staroslovanska naselbina (cf. fn. 184), 19–21; 18 fig. 2; 21 fig. 14.186 M. Novsak, Zgodnjesrednjeveske najdbe z najdisce Grofovsko pri Murski Soboti, in:

Zgodni slovani. Zgodnjesrednjeveska loncenina na obrobju vzhodnih Alp (ed. M.Gustin). Ljubljana 2002, 29–30; 29 fig. 1; F. Curta, The early Slavs in the northern andeastern Adriatic region. A critical approach. Archeologia Medievale 37 (2010), 320.

187 M. Gustin – G. Tiefengraber, Oblike in kronologija zgodnjesrednjeveske loncanine naNovi tabli pri Murski Soboti, in: Zgodnji slovani. Zgodnjesrednjeveska loncenina naobrobju vzhodnih Alp (ed. M. Gustin). Ljubljana 2002, 46–47; 47 fig. 1; 48 fig. 3, D.Pavlovic, Novi izsledki arheoloskih terenskih raziskav na Novi tabli pri Murski Soboti,in: Srednji vek. Arheoloski raziskave med Jadranskim morjem in Panonsko nizino (ed.M. Gustin). Ljubljana 2008, 49; 40 fig. 3.

188 Gustin – Tiefengraber, Oblike in kronologija (cf. fn. 187), 48 fig. 2; 48 fig. 4.1; 50 fig. 7.1,4; 51 fig. 8.4.

189 Gustin – Tiefengraber, Oblike in kronologija (cf. fn. 187), 48 fig. 4.2–5; 49 fig. 5.2; 51fig. 8.3.

190 M. Gustin, Slovansko skeletno grobisce na ledini Nova tabla pri Murski Soboti, in:Srednji vek. Arheoloski raziskave med Jadranskim morjem in Panonsko nizino (ed. M.Gustin). Ljubljana 2008, 54 with figs. 2–5.


Dasenka Cipot’s 2003 rescue excavations in Popava opened up 3.7 acres ofland and discovered 41 refuse pits.191 Given that cremated human bones havebeen found in its filling, it remains unclear whether feature SE7/SE24 wasindeed a house. At any rate, the filling produced remains of combed warethrown on a tournette and handmade pottery, including a fragment of a clay pan.In addition, there was a golden earring with grape-shaped pendant, the closestanalogy for which is the earring from an unknown location in Croatia, now inthe Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. However, such earrings also appear inburial assemblages in Crimea in association with seventh-century buckles, suchas buckles with cross-shaped plate.192 The radiocarbon date for the Popavaassemblage is BP 1445⌃24 (1S cal. AD 602–642, 68.3 % probability; 2S cal. AD572–649, 95.4 % probability).193

Burials

The distribution of isolated burials and cemeteries dated to the seventh centuryshows a clear cluster of sites on the northern boundary of the Balkans, which isdirectly comparable to that of rural settlements (Fig. 13). However, unlikesettlements, cemeteries and isolated burials appear in great numbers along thewestern coast of the peninsula, from Peloponnesos to Istria, with a prominentcluster in northern Albania. There are substantial differences between thecluster in the north and the sites along the western coast of the BalkanPeninsula.

Immediately to the north of the river Drava, a warrior grave with a male anda horse skeleton found in Zmajevac is a typically Middle Avar burial. Theassemblage includes a belt set with seven gold strap ends, six of which aredecorated with interlaced ornament, and 22 belt mounts of Zabojník’s class 182(dated to the late Middle Avar age, 675–700 or 655–680, according to Stadler’scalibrated chronology of the Avar period), and horse gear, including twodamascened stirrups.194 On the other side of the Drava, in Cadavica, a grave was

191 D. Cipot, Zgodnjesrednjeveski jami iz Popave I pri Lipovcih, in: Srednji vek. Arheoloskiraziskave med Jadranskim morjem in Panonsko nizino (ed. M. Gustin). Ljubljana 2008,59 with fig. 1; 40 fig. 4.

192 E.g., burial chamber 400 in Skalistoe: Veimarn – Aibabin, Skalistinskii mogil’nik (cf.fn. 49), 90–91; 92 fig. 64.37 and 39.

193 I. Savel, Staroslovansko grobisce Popava II pri Lipovcih, in: Srednji vek. Arheoloskiraziskave med Jadranskim morjem in Panonsko nizino (ed. M. Gustin). Ljubljana 2008,66–67; 67 fig. 5; 68 figs. 7–14.

194 É. Garam, Der Fund Vörösmart im archäologischen Nachlass der Awarenzeit. FoliaArchaeologica 33 (1982), 187, 190, and 192; 188 fig. 1; 189 fig. 2; 191 fig. 3; 193 fig. 4;194 fig. 5; 195 fig. 6; 197 fig. 7. For the classification of belt mounts, see J. Zábojník,Seriation von Gürtelbeschlaggarnituren aus dem Gebiet der Slowakei und Österreichs,

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accidentally found in 1929 during plowing. This was a double burial, presumablywith a male and a female, judging by the presence, on one hand, of weapons(sword with scabbard with golden mounts), and, on the other hand, of a pair ofearrings with star-shaped pendant.195 The latter is a strong indication of a datewithin the Middle Avar age, probably in the mid-seventh century. A similar datemay be advanced for at least some of the 110 graves discovered between 1960and 1962 in Vojka. None of them has so far been properly published, but, amongthe artifacts said to have been found in the graves, a belt set with pressed mountsand saddle bone mounts are strong indications of a date within the Middle Avarperiod.196 Another large cemetery was found on the opposite bank of theDanube, not far from its confluence with the Tisza river, at Aradac. Salvageexcavations were carried out there between 1952 and 1955, and then again in1961. The excavations revealed 116 graves, all inhumations in rectangular pits.197

Burial in this cemetery may have already begun in the late sixth century, assuggested by a follis struck for Tiberius II, which was found in grave II.198 Thatburial continued well into the seventh century is demonstrated by graves 1 and68. The former produced a belt buckle of the Syracuse class, the latter one of theTrebizond class.199 One of the most recent assemblages is that in grave 93, whichproduced a belt set, one mount of which belongs to the same class as theZmajevac mounts (Zabojník’s class 182).200

In sharp constrast to the cemeteries and isolated graves along the northernboundary of the Balkan region is a cemetery excavated in the 1980s, and thenagain in 1994–1995 and between 2005 and 2008 in Balchik, on the Black Seacoast. No less than 206 graves have been found there – 119 cremations and 87inhumations. A date within the seventh century may be advanced with a greatdegree of confidence for grave 119, a cremation within a cist of tiles and stones,

in K problematike osídlenia stredodunajskej oblasti vo vcasnom stredoveku (ed. Z.Cilinská). Nitra 1991, 219–321. For Stadler’s calibrated chronology, see Stadler, Avarchronology revisited (cf. fn. 15), 59 Table 1.

195 N. Fettich, Der Fund von Cadjavica. Vjesnik Hrvatskoga arheoloskoga drustva 23(1941–1942), 55–56 with pls. III-V; C. Bertelli – G. P. Brogiolo – M. Jurkovic – I.Matejcic – A. Milosevic – C. Stella (eds.), Bizantini, Croati, Carolingi. Alba e tramontodi regni e imperi. Milano 2001, 282–283 and 267.

196 J. Kovacevic – D. Dimitrijevic, Brdasica, Vojka, Stara Pazova – nekropola. Arheoloskipregled 3 (1961), 116–120.

197 B. Nagy, Grobovi iz VI-VII veka kod Aradca u Banatu. Rad Vojvodanskih Muzeja 1(1952), 132–133; 132 fig. 1; Nagy, Nekropola kod Aradca (cf. fn. 101), 45–48; 46 fig. 2;49 fig. 5; Nagy, La nécropole (cf. fn. 178), 165.

198 Nagy, Grobovi (cf. fn. 197), 133; Nagy, Nekropola kod Aradca (cf. fn. 101), 62 with pl.XXV.6.

199 Nagy, Nekropola kod Aradca (cf. fn. 101), 55 and 60; pls. I.1–10, XII.2–8, and XXXI.5.200 Nagy, La nécropole (cf. fn. 178), T 93.


which produced a belt buckle of the Corinth class.201 Another cremationproduced a belt buckle with T-shaped plate decorated with circle-and-dotornament, which is a specimen of Schulze-Dörrlamm’s class D 21, dated to thefirst half of the seventh century.202 Similarly, the beginnings of the cemeterydiscovered in Razdelna, not far from Varna, may be dated to the seventhcentury. Zhivka Vazharova’s excavations of 1963 discovered 230 burials, allcremations. In grave 13, the urn of which was thrown on a tournette and hadcombed decoration, there was a belt buckle of the Boly-Zelovce class.203 Mostother burial assemblages may be dated to the eighth and early ninth century.

In contrast to burial assemblages in both the northern and the easternregions of the Balkans, those in Macedonia are typically associated with ruins ofold churches. The burial in the atrium of the late antique octagonal church inPhilippoi is a cist made of recycled Roman tiles. The assemblage associated withthe male skeleton included a knife and a belt buckle of the Boly-Zelovce class.204

Further inland, at Sv. Erazmo, on the northern shore of Lake Ohrid, the 1974salvage excavations revealed 124 graves inside and outside the ruins of a sixth-century basilica. Some burials have cut through the mosaic pavement in thenave, others were directly on top of the mosaic pavement. All graves were stoneand/or brick cists. Some had no grave goods whatsoever. No burials have beenpublished, only some of the most spectacular grave goods, such as seven fibulaewith bent stem, two earrings with star-shaped pendant, a semicircular pendantwith open-work ornament and suspension loops, pendants, torcs, and pottery.There are three arrow heads known from the cemetery. The earliest gravescluster in the southern aisle, later graves dated to the early ninth century appearin the nave and in the northern apse.205 Similarly, on the neighboring site atRadolishte, on the shore of Lake Ohrid, 136 graves – all stone cists – were

201 L. Doncheva-Petkova, Nekropolat pri Balchik. Novi danni za prabalgarite. Arkheolo-giia 50 (2009), nos. 1–2, 82 fig. 8.1.

202 Doncheva-Petkova, Nekropolat (cf. fn. 201), 84; 82 fig. 8.2.203 Fiedler, Studien (cf. fn. 59), 466 with pl. 59.11.204 G. Gounaris – A. Mentzos – A. Bakirtzis – Ch. Bakirtzis – E. Pelekanidou, Amasjav^

Ojtac~mou Vik_ppym. Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias 137 (1982),36–37 with pls. 17c and 18a.

205 Malenko, Novi arkheoloshki naodi (cf. fn. 130), 222 and 232–234; 223 fig. 2; 224 fig. 3;231 fig. 13; 234 fig. 14; Malenko, Ranosrednovekovnata materijalna kultura (cf. fn. 130),288–289; pls. V-XIII; B. Babic, Deneshnite teritorii na Republika Makedonija iRepublika Albanija vo VII i VIII veka, in: Civilizacii na pochvata na Makedoniia.Skopje 1995, 161; E. Maneva, La survie des centres paléochrétiens de Macédoine auHaut Moyen Age, in: Radovi XIII. Medunarodnog Kongresa za starokrscanskuarheologiju. Split-Porec (25.9.–1.10. 1994) (ed. N. Cambi – E. Marin). Vatican/Split1998, 846; H. Saradi, Aspects of early Byzantine urbanism in Albania, in : Hoi Albanoisto mesaiona (ed. Ch. Gasparis). Athena 1998, 121; Mikulcic, Spätantike undfrühbyzantinische Befestigungen (cf. fn. 37), 480; 481 fig. 400 and 401.1–5.

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planted in the ruins of a sixth-century basilica, spolia from which were used forthe building of some cists. Much like Sv. Erazmo, no burial has been published,only some of the grave goods, such as two earrings with star-shaped pendant, atorc, a semicircular pendant with open-work ornament and suspension loops,and a fibula with bent stem. Such artifacts point to a seventh-century date, butthere are others (e.g., earrings with pear-shaped pendant) which are clearly of alater, possibly eighth- or even ninth-century date. The cemetery may havestarted in the seventh, and then continued into the eighth or early ninthcentury.206 Cist burials were also found in Prilep, next to the Baba hillfort, butnothing is known about the relation of that cemetery to the ruins of any lateantique building.207

Farther to the south, in Athens, the 1964 excavations carried out by JohnTravlos and Alison Frantz unearthed 35 graves to the west and to the northwestfrom the Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite. All were cists made of tiles ormarble slabs. Only five graves may be dated to the seventh century on the basisof the associated buckles with cross-shaped plate (grave 9) and of the Syracuse(grave 10), Pergamon (grave 13), Boly-Zelovce (grave 23) and Bologna (graves26) classes.208 In Corinth, several isolated graves have been found in differentplaces in the Roman forum and on Acrocorinth. One of them (grave II) wasfound in the walls of the tower by the western gate of the Acrocorinth. This wasa multiple burial, with six skeletons. The assemblage included a lance head, twoarrow heads, a mattock, and a belt buckle of the Bologna class.209 A secondgrave (grave III) was found in the walls of the tower by the western gate of theAcrocorinth. This was a double burial, and the assemblage included a beltbuckle of the Corinth type.210 A third grave was found inside a church on theAcrocorinth, and produced a belt buckle of the Boly-Zelovce class.211 A fourthgrave was also found in the southern Stoa. This was also a multiple burial, withthree skeletons. The assemblage included eight lance-heads and a belt buckle ofthe Corinth class.212 A fifth grave found in 1925 in the Hemicycle was a cist made

206 Malenko, Ranosrednovekovnata materijalna kultura (cf. fn. 130), 291–293; pls. XVIII-XXI; Mikulcic, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen (cf. fn. 37), 491; 490fig. 409; 490 fig. 410.1–4.

207 Kovacevic, Babas (cf. fn. 133), 120.208 Travlos – Frantz, Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite (cf. fn. 45), 167; pls. 42 e and 43

a. In addition to the buckle of the Boly-Zelovce class, grave 23 also produced a wheel-made jug.

209 Davidson, Avar invasion (cf. fn. 45), 230 and 232; 231 fig. 2.210 Davidson, Avar invasion (cf. fn. 45), 232 and fig. 3.211 Davidson, Avar invasion (cf. fn. 45), 235 and 236 fig. 6 A-B.212 Davidson, Minor Objects (cf. fn. 59), 271–272; pls. 93.1567; 113.2182; 114.2195; E. A.

Ivison, Burial and urbanism at Late Antique and Early Byzantine Corinth (c. AD 400–700), in: Towns in Transition. Urban Evolution in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle


of marble slabs and fragments of marble columns. On the skeleton, there was abelt buckle of the Corinth class.213 A sixth burial was found next to the basilicaon the Acrocorinth, and produced two buckles of the Boly-Zelovce class.214 Theexact location of two other burials is not known. One of them produced a beltbuckle of the Boly-Zelovce class. The other produced a belt buckle of theCorinth class.215 A ninth burial was found in 1969 next to Temple G in thesouthwestern corner of the Roman forum. This was a cist, with a single skeleton.The assemblage included a belt buckle of the Corinth class with the inscriptionN C X H on the terminal lobe.216 A tenth burial was found in an annex of thesixth-century basilica next to the Kenchreai Gate. The assemblage included fourcoins, the latest of which were two coins struck for Emperor Constans II. Inaddition, there were two buckles in the grave, one of the Syracuse class and theother with cross-shaped plate.217

By far the most interesting cemetery in Greece, however, is that fromTigani, at the southernmost tip of the Peloponnesos. The cemetery was locatedwithin the ruins of a three-aisled basilica, which, judging from its polygonal apse,may have been a sixth-century foundation. The excavations carried out by N. V.Drandakis, N. Gkioles and Ch. Konstantinidi between 1980 and 1983 revealed56 burials.218 Nine burials can be dated to the seventh century on the basis ofbuckles with cross-shaped plate or of the Corinth type. However, there areindications of an earlier date.219 The earrings with star-shaped pendant found on

Ages (ed. N. Christie – S. T. Loseby). Hants 1996, 117; 115 fig. 5.6.B, D, F, G, K, M, N, P,R, S, T, U, V, W; 116 fig. 5.7.F.

213 Davidson, Minor Objects (cf. fn. 59), 272; pl. 114.2196; Ivison, Burial and urbanism (cf.fn. 213), 112; 113 fig. 5.5; 116 fig. 5.7.C.

214 Davidson, Minor Objects (cf. fn. 59), 272; pl. 114.2188–2189; Ivison, Burial andurbanism (cf. fn. 213), 116 fig. 5.7.D, E.

215 Davidson, Minor Objects (cf. fn. 59), 272; pl. 114.2186, 2193.216 Williams – Macintosh – Fisher, Excavation (cf. fn. 70), 11 with pl. 2.8.217 Pallas, Données nouvelles (cf. fn. 86), 298 and 299 fig. 5.218 Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi (1980) (cf. fn. 70), 249 fig. 1; 249; pl. 148b ;

Drandakis – Gkiolis – Konstantinidi, Amasjav^ (cf. fn. 70), 245–253; N. Drandakis – N.Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi tgr L\mgr. Praktika tes en Athenais ArchaiologikesHetaireias 138 (1983), 264–265; pl. 182 a-c ; Ch. Katsougiannopoulou, Einige Überle-gungen zum byzantinischen Friedhof in Tigani auf dem Peloponnes, in: ArchäologischesZellwerk. Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte in Europa und Asien. Festschrift für HelmutRoth zum 60. Geburtstag (ed. E. Pohl – U. Recker – C. Theune). Rahden 2001, 461–462; 462 fig. 2. For a detailed analysis of the cemetery and its relation to the basilica, seeF. Curta, Burial in early medieval Greece: on ethnicity in Byzantine archaeology, in:Theory and Method in Byzantine Archaeology (ed. W. Caraher – K. Kourelis).Cambridge/New York, forthcoming.

219 Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi (1984) (cf. fn. 85), 254 with pl. 149e ;Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi (1980) (cf. fn. 70), 253 and 255; Drandakis –Gkiolis – Konstantinidi, Amasjav^ (cf. fn. 70), 249–251; pl. 182 c, d.

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the first skeleton in grave 25 may be dated to the sixth century.220 On top of thatskeleton a layer of stones was set, with a second skeleton on top, which wasassociated with a belt buckle of the Corinth type. Equally interesting, but from adifferent point of view, is the cemetery in Olympia, the only cremation cemeteryin the southern Balkans known so far. The cemetery was accidentally found in1959 on the site of the new archaeological museum, and includes 32 graves – 25urn and 7 pit cremations.221 Two graves contain two urns each. Three graves maybe dated to the second half of the seventh century. The segment beads in graves23 and 29 appear only during the last third of the seventh century in MiddleAvar assemblages.222 The Melonenkernperle of light green color, which wasfound in grave 19, is also typical for the Middle Avar period.223 On the northerncoast of the island of Corfu (Kerkyra), there was another cemetery, excavated in1930 by Heinrich Bulle.224 Several of the about 50 graves he discovered – all cistinhumations – may be dated to the seventh century. For example, grave 2 – adouble burial with two children – produced an earring with corkscrew-shapedpendant, four earrings with glass pendants, a knife, and a fragment of a beltbuckle of the Corinth class.225 Graves 7 and 14 were female burials. Bothproduced Melonenkernperlen typical for the Middle Avar age.226 Across thestraits separating the northeastern coast of Corfu from the continent, at Butrint(southern Albania), two isolated burials have been found, one in a simple,rectangular pit, the other in a brick cist. The buckle with U-shaped plate andthat of the Boly-Zelovce class, respectively, point to a seventh century date forboth assemblages.227

Farther to the north, in Durrës, a cemetery was found during excavations inthe downtown area, within the Rinia Park. The graves have been dug into theruins of a Hellenistic building abandoned in the third or second century B.C.

220 Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi (1980) (cf. fn. 70), 250, 255, and 256; pl. 148 eand 149c.

221 N. Gialouris, Peqiow^r Okulp_ar. Archaiologikon Deltion 17 (1961–1962), no. 2, 107; S.Vryonis, The Slavic pottery (jars) from Olympia, Greece, in: Byzantine Studies. Essayson the Slavic World and the Eleventh Century (ed. S. Vryonis, Jr.). New Rochelle 1992,21–22; 36 and 39; fig. 12–14, 20, 29–31; T. Vida – Th. Völling, Das slawischeBrandgräberfeld von Olympia. Rahden 2000, 41–43 and 127; 44 fig. 13; fig. 1;pl. 18.2–4; pl. 25.12, 13.

222 Vida – Völling, Das slawische Brandgräberfeld (cf. fn. 221), 118–119 and 124; pl. 7.4–9;pl. 15.11–15; pl. 22.23.

223 Vida – Völling, Das slawische Brandgräberfeld (cf. fn. 221), 123 with pl. 13.224 Bulle, Ausgrabungen (cf. fn. 70), 147–152, 217; 149 fig. 1; 151 fig. 2.225 Bulle, Ausgrabungen (cf. fn. 70), 219; 222 fig. 26.4, 5, 24; 230 fig. 31.226 Bulle, Ausgrabungen (cf. fn. 70), 219–220, 223, and 227; 220 fig. 25; 222 fig. 26.1, 3, 6–

12, 14, 15; 227 fig. 28.227 Nallbani, Three buckles (cf. fn. 59), 398 and 399 fig. A3.1–3. For Butrint in the seventh

century, see R. Hodges, The Rise and Fall of Byzantine Butrint. London/Tirana 2008, 63.


The salvage excavations carried out by Fatos Tartari revealed 29 burials, 27 ofwhich are in tile cists.228 There were also two burial chambers, one with 10, theother with 30 skeletons. The former produced 12 buckles of the Boly-Zelovce,Balgota, and Corinth classes, as well a specimen with U-shaped plate. Theassemblage also included an amphora and glass beads, some of them Melon-enkernperlen.229 The other burial chamber contained 30 skeletons and 73artifacts, including a coin struck for Emperor Constans II in 654/5. There werealso belt buckles of the Corinth, Balgota, Trebizond, and Boly-Zelovce classes, astrap end, two belt mounts, an earring with star-shaped pendant (Cilinská’s classII A), and another with pear-shaped pendant.230 Farther into the hinterland ofDurrës (ancient Dyrrachium), a cemetery was found near the hillfort at Kruje,which is believed to have been built in Late Antiquity.231 Trial excavations in1956 and 1958, then systematic excavations carried out by N. Goca, SkënderAnamali, and Hëna Spahiu in 1959 and 1960 revealed 28 burials, all in stonecists. This is most definitely only a small portion of a much larger cemetery.232

There are ten female burials, and only one male burial, in addition to two doubleand three multiple burials (one of which has only female skeletons). Severalweapons are known from plundered burials – arrow heads, a sword, and a battleaxe.233 That the cemetery was in use during the seventh-century results fromfinds of buckles of the Corinth and Boly-Zelovce classes.234 The closest analogy

228 Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 227 and 228 fig. 1.229 Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 230; pl. II.28.230 Tartari, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 30), 230–231 and 241; pl. IV, V and VI.2.231 E. Nallbani, Urban and rural mortuary practices in early medieval Illyricum. Some

general considerations, in: The Material and the Ideal. Essays in Medieval Art andArchaeology in Honour of Jean-Michel Spieser (ed. A. Cutler – A. Papaconstantiniou)(The Medieval Mediterranean, 70). Leiden/Boston 2007, 54.

232 Ippen, Denkmäler (cf. fn. 122), 20 and fig. 31; Nopcsa, Beiträge (cf. fn. 59), 192 andfig. 56; Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 3–8 and 16–64; 5 pl. I; 9 pl. II; 21 fig. 8;17 fig. 6; 21 fig. 7; 23 pl. V.3–4, 9–11; 26 pl. VI.1, 3, 5,–8, 11–12; 27 fig. 9; 28 fig. 10; 31pl. VII; 32 fig. 11; 37 pl. VIII; 40 pl. IX.1, 2, 6; 44 pl. X.2–5, 7–10; 46 pl. XI.3–10; 49fig. 14; 50 fig. 15; 52 fig. 16; 54 fig. 18; 55 fig. 19; 56 fig. 20; 58 pl. XII.1, 3–8; 63 fig.XIV; Korkuti – Kallfa, Shqiperia (cf. fn. 123), pl. 130; Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëzaarbërore (cf. fn. 59), pl. I; Anamali, Die Albaner (cf. fn. 128), 457 figs. 370 and 371.

233 Arrow heads: Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 19 fig. 8.1, 2, 4; Anamali – Spahiu,Varrëza arbërore (cf. fn. 122), 54. Sword: Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 21fig. 7. Battle axe: Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 17 fig. 6. For arrow heads inAlbanian cemeteries, see E. Agolli, The distribution of arrowheads in Koman cultureburials (6th-8th centuries A.D.), in: New Directions in Albanian Archaeology. StudiesPresented to Muzafer Korkuti (ed. L. Bejko – R. Hodges). Tirana 2006, 287–293.

234 Corinth class: Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 6 and fig. 1; 58 pl. XII.2. Boly-Zelovce class: Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 6 and fig. 1. The terminal lobe ofthe buckle of the Corinth class found in grave 28 has a cross and the monogram K(}qie)B(o^hei) (“Lord, have mercy”).

Florin Curta186

for the pair of so-called “Slavic” bow fibulae of Werner’s class I C found in grave28 is the specimen found in an inhumation burial in Cornesti (Transylvania)together with 141 glass beads, one of which has eye-shaped inlays and may bedated to the early seventh century.235 A large number of fibulae with bent stemappear in association with disc-shaped fibulae and with earrings with star-shapedpendant.236 A significant number of burials produced wheel-made jugs, some ofwhich were painted.237 Although sporadically known from late fifth- and earlysixth-century assemblages in southern Italy, true painted wares appear especiallyin the early seventh century.238 At Fondo Mitello, in Otranto, the localproduction of painted pottery is dated on the basis of two bronze buckles of theCorinth class.239 One-handled, small jugs with painted ornament also appear inseventh-century assemblages in Crimea and Crete.240 Grave 6 in Kruje – afemale burial – produced a crossbow brooch (Zwiebelknopffibel) of Pröttel’s

235 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 34 fig. 13; A. Pálko, Descoperiri din secolul alVII-lea în valea Ariesului. Studii si cercetari de istorie veche 23 (1972), no. 4, 677–678and pl. I.5. In the Carpathian Basin, such beads are known primarily from assemblagesof the early seventh century, some of which have been dated by means of coins struckfor the emperors Justin II (565–578), Maurice (582–602), and Phocas (602–610). See A.Pásztor, A kora és közép avar kori gyöngyök és a bizánci éremleletes sírok kronológiaikapcsolata. Somogyi Múzeumok Közleményei 11 (1995), 69–71. For the chronology ofthe “Slavic” bow fibulae of Werner’s class I C, see F. Curta, Werner’s class I C: erratumcorrigendum cum commentariis. Ephemeris Napocensis 21 (2011), 63–110.

236 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 14, 16, and 23; 37 pl. VIII.5, 6; 40 pl. IX.3–5; 46pl. XI.2.

237 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 23 pl. V.3–4, 6, 9–11; 26 pl. VI.1, 3–12; 27 fig. 9;28 fig. 10. The deposition in graves of jugs with painted ornament is a practice alsoknown on burial sites in Sicily. See H. Dannheim, Byzantinische Grabfunde aus Sizilien.Christliches Brauchtum im frühen Mittelalter. München 1989, 16 and 17 fig. 6; M.Puglisi – A. Sardella, Priverno: la ceramica acroma e dipinta di V-VI secolo, in:Ceramica in Italia VI-VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes, Roma,11–13 maggio 1995 (ed. L. Saguì). Firenze 1998, 779.

238 P. Arthur, Local pottery in Naples and northern Campania in the sixth and seventhcenturies, in: Ceramica in Italia VI-VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W.Hayes, Roma, 11–13 maggio 1995 (ed. L. Saguì). Firenze 1998, 498; P. Arthur – H.Patterson, Ceramics and early medieval central and southern Italy: “a potted history,”in: Ceramica in Italia VI-VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes,Roma, 11–13 maggio 1995 (ed. L. Saguì). Firenze 1998, 427–428; W. Bowden, EpirusVetus. The Archaeology of a Late Antique Province. London 2003, 208.

239 See P. Arthur – H. Patterson, Local pottery in southern Puglia in the sixth and seventhcenturies, in: Ceramica in Italia VI-VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W.Hayes, Roma, 11–13 maggio 1995 (ed. L. Saguì). Firenze 1998, 517.

240 A. I. Aibabin, Etnicheskaia istoriia rannevizantiiskogo Kryma. Simferopol 1999, 141; N.Poulou-Papadimitriou, Bufamtim^ jeqalij^ ap| tom ekkgmij| mgsiytij| w~qo jai ap|tgm Pekop|mmgso (7or – 9or ai.), in: Hoi skoteinoi aiones tou Byzantiou (7os-9os ai.)(ed. E. Kountoura-Galake). Athena 2001, 239–240.


type III-IVB, dated between 340 and 410.241 The presence of a fourth-centuryartifact in a seventh-century assemblage reminds one of similar practices ofdepositing late antique exotica – fibulae or coins – in Avar-age graves, perhaps inconnection with their use as amulets.242

Farther to the west, at Klos, a grave dug into a prehistoric mound producedtwo fibulae with bent stem, and a disc-shaped fibula. There were also a battleaxe and a lance head in the grave, the latter with open-work ornament on theblade.243 Judging from those grave goods, this is the earliest case of aninhumation placed into an ancient barrow, a phenomenon documented onseveral sites in southeastern Albania between the eighth and the eleventhcenturies.244

The cemetery at Lezhë was located near the hillfort. The excavations carriedout by Frano Prendi in 1978 revealed 37 burials. More burials have been foundin 1985 and 2004.245 Ten burials found in 1978 produced evidence of a seventh-century date, such as the buckles of the Boly-Zelovce (grave 7) or Corinth(grave 11) classes.246 The assemblage in grave 18 contained a disc-shaped fibula,two earrings with corkscrew-shaped pendant, three flint steels, two knives, andglass beads, including Melonenkernperlen.247 There were two silver earrings ingrave 33 – a cist – and one of them was of the Buzet type.248 At Bukël, in thedistrict of Mirditë (Albania), the cemetery excavated in 1963 had 53 graves, allin stone cists.249 A date within the seventh century for at least some of the gravesis secured by finds of belt buckles of the Boly-Zelovce class,250 of buckles with

241 Anamali – Spahiu, Varrëza (cf. fn. 59), 34 fig. 13; Ph. M. Pröttel, Zur Chronologie derZwiebelknopffibeln. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums 35 (1988),353–57 with fig. 4a, B4.

242 É. Garam, Avar kori fibulák. Archaeologiai Értesito 128 (2003), 97 and 99; 98 fig. 2.Ignoring the Avar parallels to this phenomenon, E. Nallbani, Quelques objets anciensdans la culture de “Komani”. Studia Albanica 1 (2003), 115 regards the Zwiebelknopf-fibel in grave 6 as a sign of a “strong Roman tradition.”

243 Kurti, Gjurmë të cultures (cf. fn. 133), 269 with pl. I.244 Nallbani, Urban and rural mortuary practices (cf. fn. 231), 59–60.245 Prendi Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 123–124 and 129; 123 fig. 1; L. Buchet – E. Metalla – E.

Nallbani, Lezha (Lissos, Alessio) (Albanie): espace des morts et organisation del’habitat médiéval. Mélanges de l’Ecole Française de Rome. Moyen Age 120 (2008),no. 2, 438–443.

246 Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 127; 149 pl. III; 150 pl. IV.10; 162 pl. XVI.6, 7; 163 pl.XVII.8; 166 pl. XX.1, 5, 9, 10; 167 pl. XXI.1, 6; 168 pl. XXII.1, 2; 170 pl. XXIV.2. Similarbuckles have been found in graves 1, 10, and 30. See Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 126,127, and 129; 147 pl. I.1; 150 pl. IV.10; 157 pl. XI.30; 167 pl. XXI.3, 4.

247 Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 128; 153 pl. VII.18; 162 pl. XVI.9; 165 pl. XIX.12–14;166 pl. XX.11.

248 Prendi, Një varrëze (cf. fn. 59), 129; 159 pl. XIII.33; 165 pl. XIX.2.249 Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 209–211.250 Grave 33: Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 217; pl. II.2, VII.1, XII.4, and XIV.6.

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strap director and opposing animal ornament,251 and of earrings with star-shapedpendant.252 There were weapons in the cemetery, primarily battle axes and arrowheads. The axe in grave 33 was associated with a belt buckle of the Boly-Zelovceclass, while those in graves 34 and 35 were found together with buckles withstrap director and opposing animals ornament.253 The cemetery in Bukël standsout among others of the same date through the large number of fibulae withbent stem – 24 specimens, of which 22 are of iron, the largest such number in anyAlbanian cemetery. That such fibulae may be dated to the seventh centuryresults from their association with earrings with star-shaped pendant in graves 4,31, 38, and 39, and 50, and with a belt buckle with strap director and opposinganimals ornament in grave 34.254 Circular pendants with animal heads, such asfound in graves 12, 25, and 26, suggest that burial in Bukël continued after 700,as such pendants may be dated to the late seventh or early eighth century.255 Notfar from Bukël, at Prosek, Nikollë Doda’s excavations of 1985 discovered acemetery with 43 graves.256 Eleven burials may be dated to the seventh century,primarily on the basis fibulae with bent stem, which are commonly associatedwith earrings (with corkscrew-shaped pendant, in grave 2; with star-shapedpendant, in graves 3 and 12; simple rings, in grave 13) and sometimes with ironbuckles (graves 13, 14, 17, 20, and 21).257 There is a single case of an associationof fibula with bent stem, earrings, and buckle (grave 13), but it is not altogetherclear whether all three artifact categories belong to the same skeleton (besidesthe child skeleton, there were two other skeletons in grave 13).258 In two cases

251 Graves 34 and 35: Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 217; pl. I.1, 3; III.6; VII.2, 3; andXV.8. For the chronology of buckles with opposing animal protomes, see Curta, Stillwaiting for the barbarians? (cf. fn. 40), 427–28.

252 Graves 4, 26, 30, 31, 38, 39, 48, and 50: Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 213 and 216–218; pls. III.3; V.4; VI.2, 3; IX.4; XI.5, 7, 12–13; XIV.3, 4; XV.2–4, 7.

253 Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 217; pl. I.1, 3; II.2; III.6; VII.1–3; XII.4; XIV.6; XV/8.254 Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 213 and 216–218; pls. I.3; III.3; V.4; VI.2; VII.3; IX.4;

XI.5, 7, 12–13; XV.7, 8. For fibulae with bent stem in Albanian cemeteries, see A. A.Novik – Iu. Iu. Shevchenko, Arberiiskie fibuly, in: Seminar “Iuvelirnoe iskusstvo imaterial’naia kul’tura”. Tezisy dokladov uchastnikov chetvertogo kollokviuma (ed. N.A. Zakharova). Sankt Peterburg 1997, 46–48.

255 Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 214–216; pl. III.1; VI.1, 3; IX.10; XIV.1, 3, 5. Similarpendants appear in the Caucasus region in seventh- and eighth-century female burials:E. Kh. Albegova, Paleosociologiia alanskoi religii VII-IX vv. (po materialam amuletoviz katakombnykh pogrebenii Severnogo Kavkaza i Srednego Dona). RossiiskaiaArkheologiia (2001), no. 2, 87. The association of a pendant with animal heads with abuckle of the Boly-Zelovce class in grave 33 of the Bukël cemetery shows that some ofthe specimens found in Albania could be dated before 700.

256 Doda, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 130), 137–138; 139 fig. 2; 140 fig. 3.257 Doda, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 130), 147, 149, and 150; 141 fig. 3; 165 pl. II.1–11; 166 pl.

III; 169 pl. VI.1–10; 170 pl. VII.1–13; 173 pl. X.1–4, 6, 7, 9–11.258 Doda, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 130), 149 and 170 pl. VII.1–7.


(graves 1 and 12), fibulae with bent stem and earrings were also associated withglass beads, some of which are Melonenkernperlen.259 Judging from thoseartifact categories, those may be female burials, a conclusion reinforced by thepresence of a semicircular pendant with open-work ornament and threesuspension loops in grave 1. There were arrow heads in grave 13 and 21.260 Ifthose in grave 13 may have been deposited next to one of the skeletonsdisplaced by the child burial, there was no skeleton in grave 21, which indicatesthat the arrow head was part of a symbolic assemblage in a cenotaph.

Even more spectacular is the site at Koman, in the valley of the Drin River.The cemetery was located next to the hillfort at Kalaja Dalmaces, whichexplains the alternative name sometimes given to the cemetery. Trial excava-tions by A. Degrand in 1898, Paul Traeger (1899–1900), and by Frano Prendiand Hasan Ceka (1952, 1956), then systematic excavations by Skënder Anamali,Hëna Spahiu, and Damian Komata in 1961 (in three different sections of thecemetery), and then again between 1981 and 1984 appear to have producedmore than 250 burials, only 50 of which have been published (only 33 with gravegoods).261 All graves are stone cists. Many burial assemblages containedweapons, especially battle axes and arrow heads.262 The beginning of thecemetery may be placed in the sixth century, but burial continued through theeighth and the ninth century, as attested by the presence of such artifacts as caststrap ends with open-work decoration (most typical for the Late Avar period) orearrings with croissant-shaped pendant decorated with filigree ornament. A

259 Doda, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 130), 146 and 149; 164 pl. I; 169 pl. VI.1–10.260 Doda, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 130), 149 and 150; 170 pl. VII.1–7; 173 pl. X.3, 6, 9, 10.261 Traeger, Mittheilungen (cf. fn. 59), 43–45 and 48; 48 fig. 8–10; Degrand, Souvenirs (cf.

fn. 59), 256–265; Ippen, Denkmäler (cf. fn. 122), 16; 18 fig. 27–28; Nopcsa, Beiträge (cf.fn. 59), 195, 199–200; 194 fig. 69; 195 fig. 71; 195 fig. 72–73; 196 fig. 77; 197 fig. 80; 198figs. 82–83, 85–86; L. Ugolini, Albania antica, vol. 1. Roma/Milano 1927, 39–41; H.Spahiu, Gërmimet e vitit 1961 në varrezën e herëshme mesjetare të Kalasë së Dalmacës.Studime historike 3 (1964), 71, 73, 76–77 and 79; 72 (general photo); 74 (plans); 75(partial view of section B); Korkuti – Kallfa, Shqiperia (cf. fn. 123), pl. 130; Spahiu,Gjetje të vjetra (cf. fn. 59), 227–262; 236 fig. 3; 238 fig. 4; 240 fig. 6; 254 fig. 12; 255fig. 13; pls. I-IX; Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 122), 23–27; 24 fig. 1; pls. I; II.8–11;III.1; IV.7–10; pl. V.1–3, 6–9, 13, 18–22; Anamali, Die Albaner (cf. fn. 128), 151; 148fig. 108; 457 fig. 373.

262 Spahiu, Gërmimet (cf. fn. 261), 78 fig., lower part; Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 122),29–30 and 37–38; 38 fig. 9; pls. I.4; II.1, 2, 7; III.4, 12, 13; IV.2, 4, 6, 10, 12; V.4, 5, 11, 12,14, 16, 17; Spahiu, Unaza të reja (cf. fn. 133), 232 with pl. III.1–11. For a single find of asword, see Degrand, Souvenirs (cf. fn. 59), 264. For a lance head with open-workornament on the blade, see Nopcsa, Beiträge (cf. fn. 59), 198 fig. 85. Vladislav Popovicbelieved both sword and lance head to be of Lombard origin: V. Popovic, Byzantins,Slaves et autochtones dans les provinces de Prévalitane et Nouvelle Epire, in: Villes etpeuplement dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin. Actes du colloque organisé par l’ÉcoleFrançaise de Rome, Rome 12–14 mai 1982. Rome 1984, 222.

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seventh-century phase is clearly attested by the belt buckles of the Balgota,Boly-Zelovce, and Corinth classes, earrings with star-shaped pendant, and disc-shaped fibulae.263 As in Bukël, fibulae with bent stem are associated withpendants with animal heads or earrings with star-shaped pendant.264In grave 45,a fibula with bent stem was found together with a battle axe and two arrowheads, as well as a finger-ring with Greek inscription on the bezel (KEBO/HHHA/ANH).265 On the Shurdhah island in the middle of the Vau i Dejësreservoir built in 1973 by the Communist regime in Albania, salvage excavationsin 1965 and 1967 revealed 20 burials, 18 of which were in stone cists.266 Therewere two double, and two multiple burials (one with five, the other with sevenskeletons). As in Bukël and Koman, battle axes and arrow heads were the mainweapons deposited in graves.267 Only nine burials had grave goods, and of thoseonly two may be dated to the seventh century with some degree of certainty. Theassemblage in grave 3 – a double burial – included an earring with star-shapedpendant and an iron fibula with bent stem.268 A similar fibula appears also in theassemblage of grave 11, which partially destroyed another, presumably earliercist burial.269

263 Balgota class: Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 122), 30–31; pls. II.7; IV.2, 11; V.12, 16.Boly-Zelovce class: Traeger, Mittheilungen (cf. fn. 59), 45–46; 46 fig. 3–12. A stillunpublished buckle of the Corinth class specimen was found in 1927 in a presumablyfemale burial, and is now in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Cambridge(inv. 1927.467). Earrings with star-shaped pendant: Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf.fn. 122), 29 and 36; 36 fig. 7; pls. II.2; IV.2, 4, 12; V.11. Disc-shaped fibulae: Spahiu,Varreza arbërore (cf. fn. 122), 29 and 36; 36 fig. 7; pl. IV.4.

264 Traeger, Mittheilungen (cf. fn. 59), 45 and 46 fig. 1–3; Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf.fn. 122), 29–31 and 36; 36 fig. 7; pls. II.7; IV.2, 4, 11; V.12, 16.

265 E. Nallbani, Résurgence des traditions de l’Antiquité tardive dans les Balkansoccidentaux: étude des sépultures du nord de l’Albanie. Hortus Artium Medievalium10 (2004), 37 and 40 fig. 14. The beginning of the inscription is most obviously theabbreviated form for the liturgical formula “Lord, have mercy.” For finger-rings withGreek inscriptions, see also H. Ceka, Mbishkrimet bizantine të unazave te Komanit dhedatimi i tyre. Studime Historike 19 (1965), no. 4, 39–46; H. Spahiu, Bagues auxinscriptions byzantines à Koman.” CARB 40 (1993), 435–446.

266 H. Spahiu – D. Komata, Shurdhahu-Sarda qytet i fortifikuar mesjetar Shqiptar(Rezultatet e gërmimeve të viteve 1967–1970). Iliria 3 (1974), 306 and fig. 32; Spahiu,La ville haute-médiévale (cf. fn. 110), 56; Komata, Varrëza arbërore (cf. fn. 133), 105–106; 105 fig. 1; 106 fig. 2.

267 Battle axes: Spahiu, La ville haute-médiévale (cf. fn. 110), pl. VI.7; Komata, Varrëzaarbërore (cf. fn. 133), 117 pl. III.1, 2. Arrow heads: Spahiu, La ville haute-médiévale (cf.fn. 110), pls. V.4, 5; IX.2, 3; Komata, Varrëza arbërore (cf. fn. 133), 108 and 117 pl. III.3,5.

268 Komata, Varrëza arbërore (cf. fn. 133), 108; 118 pl. IV.9; 120 pl. VI.2, 6–8.269 Komata, Varrëza arbërore (cf. fn. 133), 108; 118 pl. IV.3, 11; 120 pl. VI.11.


The graves at Shurdhah were placed on the southern side and around theapse of a church.270 Moreover, the foundations of three churches (St. George, St.Michael, and St. Nicholas) were found to the east of the cemetery in Koman,while two other churches were located to the west of that cemetery.271 Similarly,the salvage excavations carried out by E. Zecevic in Sas, near Ulcinj inMontenegro, revealed two burial chambers next to the church of the HolyVirgin.272 One of them was as large as that from Durrës, and included 30skeletons, associated with three buckles of the Corinth class and an animal-shaped fibula. There were at least two libation vessels in the chamber, a glassbeaker and a wheel-made jug. The presence of beads and earrings suggests theburial of females in the chamber. There were no weapons, but the presence ofseven flint steels may indicate male burials. The very large number of knives(21) suggests that almost every body was buried with a knife.273 The other, muchsmaller burial chamber contained only three skeletons, which were alsoassociated with a buckle of the Corinth type and an animal-shaped fibula.Much as in the case of the large burial chamber, the presence of glass beadsbetrays a female burial.274 On the neighboring site at Mijele, near Novi Pazar,trial excavations carried out in 1968 revealed eight graves, some directly duginto the rock, others in stone cists.275 The assemblages of only five of them havebeen reconstructed with some degree of certainty, and every one of them had

270 Spahiu – Komata, Shurdhahu-Sarda (cf. fn. 266), 316. Another group of burialsurrounded the single-nave church between the two ramparts of the fort: G. Karaiskaj,Të dhëna mbi arkitekturën dhe punimet e konservimit në kalanë e Shurdhahut (Sarda).Monumentet 10 (1975), 138–139.

271 Nallbani, Résurgence (cf. fn. 265), 41 with n. 4. See also S. Anamali, Le problème de lacivilisation haut-médiévale albanaise à la lumière des nouvelles recherches archéolo-giques. Studia Albanica 1 (1966), 201; and Le problème de la civilisation haute-médiévale albanaise à la lumière des nouvelles découvertes archéologiques, in: Actes dupremier Congrès international des études balkaniques et sud-est européennes (ed. D. P.Dimitrov – Khr. M. Danov – V. Velkov – M. Concheva – E. Sarafov). Sofia 1969, 549.For problems of the relative chronology of churches and burials, see Nallbani, Urbanand rural mortuary practices (cf. fn. 231), 58–59.

272 Jankovic, Srpsko Pomorje (cf. fn. 45), 27 and 29–32; 26 fig. 11; 30 fig. 17–18; 31 fig. 19.273 Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 315 and 314 fig. 5.1, 2, 4, 5; Jankovic,

Srpsko Pomorje (cf. fn. 45), 27; 27 fig. 12; 28 fig. 13; 29 fig. 14.274 Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 315 and 314 fig. 5.3, 6; 307 fig. 3.8;

Jankovic, Srpsko Pomorje (cf. fn. 45), 27; 30 fig. 15.275 O. Velimirovic-Zigic, Mijele, près de Vir pazar, nécropole du Haut Moyen Age, in:

Epoque préhistorique et protohistorique en Yougoslavie – Recherches et résultats (ed.G. Novak – A. Benac – M. Garasanin – N. Tasic). Beograd 1971, 152; Milinkovic, EinigeBemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 311.

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fibulae – four specimens with bent stem, and one disc-fibula.276 The latter is amember of Garam’s group with sunken middle panel and figurative ornament,which in Hungary appears only in Early Avar assemblages dated no later thanca. 630.277 Two burials in Mijele produced arrow heads found in association withfibulae with bent stem.

On the coast, a grave in the atrium of the church on the acropolis at Budvacontained a female skeleton associated with glass beads, seven of which wereMelonenkernperlen. There was a buckle of the Balgota class in the assemblage,as well as two simple bronze earrings.278 Farther to the north, at the entranceinto the Bay of Kotor, Mihailo Milinkovic’s excavations in the late 1990srevealed 18 burials on the southern side of the pre-Romanesque, single-navedchurch of the Holy Trinity in Male Rose. Only two of those graves have beenpublished.279 One of them was a double burial with two skeletons on top of eachother. A belt buckle with insect-shaped plate points to a date within the seventhcentury.280 This is further confirmed by the isolated find of a fragmentary buckleof the Corinth class.281 At Ston, on the Peljesac Peninsula in southern Croatia, aninhumation grave accidentally found at some point before 1960 produced asemicircular pendant with open-work decoration and suspension loops and abelt buckle of the Pergamon class.282 A similar pendant was found in a cist madeof stones and recycled Roman tiles in Drvenik near Markarska.283 A third suchpendant is known from a female grave in Kasic. The grave was part of acemetery excavated by Mate Suic between 1955 and 1957 and by JankoBelosevic in 1963. The excavations revealed 55 graves, only five of which werestone cists. The vast majority of the grave goods may be dated to the second halfof the eighth and the ninth century: spurs, earrings with pear-shaped pendant,and strap ends for the attachment of the spurs. However, the semicircularpendant with suspension loops from grave 54 suggests a date within the seventhcentury. The grave was found on the northern periphery of the cemetery and

276 Fibulae with bent stem: Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 311 and 313fig. 4.4–6, 8. Disc-fibula: Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 311 and 313fig. 4.1.

277 Garam, Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln (cf. fn. 140), 118 and 122.278 Jankovic, Srpsko Pomorje (cf. fn. 45), 36 and fig. 28; 90 fig. 75.279 Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 308 and 310. See also I. Pusic, Rose in the

early Middle Ages. Balcanoslavica 6 (1977), 117–130; M. Milinkovic, Prilog poznavanjuproshlosti Rosa, Muzejske sveske. Zavichajnog muzeja Kherceg-Novi 2 (1997), 1–8;and Rose-Malo Rose, Boka Kotorska-antichno/kasnoantichno naselje i srednjovekovnacrkva. Glasnik Srpskog arheoloskog drustva 13 (1997), 167–181.

280 Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 309 and 306 fig. 2.7.281 Milinkovic, Einige Bemerkungen (cf. fn. 70), 306 fig. 2.8.282 J. Kovacevic, Arheologija i istorija varvarske kolonizacije juznoslovenskih oblasti (od IV

do pocetka VII veka). Novi Sad 1960, 65 and fig. 43.283 Milosevic, Komanski elementi (1989) (cf. fn. 130), 349–350 and pl. I.2–3.


had a south-west-south to north-east-north orientation, which is distinctlydifferent from that of most other graves in the cemetery with a north-west-northto south-east-south orientation.284

In Istria, the small cemetery to the west from the Church of St. Eliseus inFazana, opposite the island of Brioni, consists of just seven burials, six of whichare in stone cists.285 The only grave that may be dated to the seventh century isno. 4, a stone-lined inhumation with three disturbed skeletons (robbed burial?).Besides a fragment of a glass jug, the assemblage produced a belt buckle of theBalgota class.286 Further to the north at Brkac, the cemetery excavated in 1961and 1962 by Branko Marusic, Galliano Zanko, and Ida Zanko consists of 24burials. There were weapons in the cemetery – a sword and a scramasax.287 Thatthe cemetery was in use during the seventh century results from the presence ofa belt buckle of the Corinth class in grave 8, of a belt buckle with cross-shapedplate in grave 19, and of a pair of earrings of the Buzet class in grave 18.288

Moreover, a die from a destroyed burial is similar to those in the Biskupijehoard.289 Branko Marusic’s 1964 trial excavations on the neighboring site atFerenci revealed 14 graves within and next to the ruins of a late antiquebuilding. No burial has been properly published, but a seventh-century date forat least some of those burial assemblages is suggested by five earrings of theBuzet class.290 The largest cemetery in Istria has been found in the northern partof the peninsula, at Mejica. The site is located to the west from the Buzethillfort. The cemetery has been systematically excavated by Alberto Puschibetween 1895 and 1898 and by Branko Marusic between 1966 and 1970. Thoseexcavations revealed 252 graves, 190 of which have been published (only 83 with

284 J. Belosevic, Materijalna kultura Hrvata od VII do IX stoljeca. Zagreb 1980, pl.XXXV.7–12; Belosevic, La nécropole (cf. fn. 130), T 54.

285 Marusic, Kratak doprinos (cf. fn. 45), 331 and 336 with figs. 1 and 3.286 Marusic, Kratak doprinos (cf. fn. 45), 337; pls. III.2, VII.4. The deposition of glass jugs in

seventh-century graves is also attested in Aphiona (Bulle, Ausgrabungen [cf. fn. 70], 221and 223), Tigani (Drandakis – Gkiolis, Amasjav^ sto Tgc\mi [1980] [cf. fn. 70], 252 and255; pl. 148a, c ; ; Drandakis – Gkiolis – Konstantinidi, Amasjav^ [cf. fn. 70], 248 and249), Lezhë (Prendi, Një varrezë [cf. fn. 59] 127), and Celega (Marusic, Zgodnjesredn-jevesko grobisce (cf. fn. 70), pl. VIII.10).

287 Marusic, Nekropole (cf. fn. 45), 337 and 342 pl. III.4; Marusic, La necropoli (cf. fn. 70),35 pl. VI.6.

288 Marusic, La necropoli (cf. fn. 70), 21–22, 24, and 25; 21 fig. 9; 25 figs. 13 and 14; 31 pl.II.1, 13–18; 32 pl. III.1–2; 35 pl. VI.1–3; 36 pl. VII.1, 4.

289 Marusic, Ranosrednjovjekovna nekropola (cf. fn. 45), pl. VI.3.290 B. Marusic, Polacine pri Ferencih, novo zgodnjesredjevesko najdisce v Istri. Arheoloski

vestnik 7 (1956), 305–306 and 310; 312 fig. 2; pls I.1–2, 6–8; II.6; B. Marusic,Miscellanea archaeologica parentina mediae aetatis (Osservazione critiche su alcunelocalità archeologiche altomedioevali del Parentino). Atti. Centro di ricerche storiche –Rovigno 16 (1985–1986), 73 and 75 fig. 2; 74 pl. I.3, 6–7.

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at least two grave goods).291 Although finds of earrings of the Buzet type andbelt buckles of the Syracuse, Boly-Zelovce, Balgota, and Corinth classes point toa seventh century date, burial in the cemetery may have begun in the late sixthcentury, as suggested by the belt buckle with strap director of the Pápa classfrom grave 44 and by finds of equal-armed fibulae.292 Michela Torcellan believedthat the cemetery had three phases, dated to the late sixth and early seventhcentury, the first, and the second half of the seventh century, respectively.293 Shealso believed that the west-east orientation and the placement of a stoneunderneath the skull were features of the latest phase, while the earliest graveswere either cist graves or stone-lined inhumations with a north-southorientation.294 However, it is not possible to distinguish between burialassemblages of the first and second half of the seventh century. Moreover, thecemetery most certainly has a much later phase. The Carolingian buckles ingrave 190 suggest that the cemetery was still in use after ca. 800.295 A later datemay also be advanced for the cemetery excavated in 1962 and 1963 at Veli Mlunby Branko Marusic, who found 91 graves.296 Information exists only for twelveburials, four of which produced artifacts clearly dated to the seventh century:buckles of the Corinth class in graves 16, 32, and 51, and a fibula with bent stemin grave 3.297 However, the belt buckle with strap director (Gatér class) found in

291 B. Marusic, Prilog poznavanju ranosrednjovekovne nekropole na Mejici kod Buzeta.Jadranski zbornik 11 (1979–1981), 175–181 and 194; B. Marusic, Breve contributo allaconoscenza della necropoli alto medioevale di Mejica presso Pinguente. Atti. Centro diricerche storiche – Rovigno 10 (1979–1980), 114–120 and 123; 117 fig. 2; Torcellan, Letre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 30–42; 26 fig. 3.

292 Buzet class: Torcellan, Le tre necropolis (cf. fn. 45), 66, 68–69, and 77 with pls. 15.10,19.12–13, and 34.8. Syracuse class: Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 64. Boly-Zelovce: Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 64 with pl. 14.4. Balgota class:Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 69 with pl. 21.1. Corinth class: Torcellan, Le trenecropoli (cf. fn. 45), 67 with pl. 17.4. Pápa class: Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45),67 with pl. 16.8. Equal-armed fibulae: Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 72 and 75,with pls. 25.9 and 30.10; Marusic, Istra (cf. fn. 110), 43 and 44 fig. 26. The equal-armedfibula from grave 112 in Mejica is a specimen of Thörle’s class VA, with good analogiesin several burial assemblages from the Nocera Umbra cemetery, which have been datedto the last quarter of the sixth century or just after 600. The fibula from grave 135 is amember of Thörle’s class III A, dated to the sixth and early seventh century. The fibulafrom grave 232 belongs to Thörle’s class I Aa dated to the early seventh century. See S.Thörle, Gleicharmige Bügelfibeln des frühen Mittelalters (Universitätsforschungen zurprähistorischen Archäologie, 81). Bonn 2001, 21, 37–38, 94, 98, 104, and 114.

293 Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 38 fig. 12.294 Torcellan, Le tre necropoli (cf. fn. 45), 42.295 Marusic, Breve contributo (cf. fn. 291), 121 and 123; 120 figs. 5–6.296 Marusic, Nekropole (cf. fn. 45), 334 and 343 pl. II; Marusic, Istra (cf. fn. 110), 45 with

fig. 27.297 Marusic, Nekropole (cf. fn. 45), 338 and 347 pl. VI.9; Vinski, Kasnoanticki starosjedioci

(cf. fn. 45), pl. XVIII.1, 2.


grave 82 suggests that burial in Veli Mlun began in the early 600s, while apierced silver coin struck for Emperor Constantine V (741–775) and found ingrave 65 shows that it continued well into the eighth century.298

Conclusion

The evidence of settlements and burials is incontrovertible: during the seventhcentury, the Balkans, especially the central and northern regions seem to haveexperienced something of a demographic collapse, with large tracts of land leftwithout any inhabitants. The late antique cities and forts were abandoned andthe population moved elsewhere, either as refugees into the coastal areas stillunder Roman control or as prisoners of war within the Avar qaganate.299 Nonewcomers appear to have taken their places. In the years following the failedsiege of Constantinople, a civil war broke inside the Avar qaganate, which musthave distracted the attention of the Avar elites from affairs in the Balkans.300

Nor is there any evidence of a massive migration from the lands north of theriver Danube. There was no “Slavic tide” covering the Balkans after ca. 620. Theend of occupation on most sites north of the Danube has been artificially set inthe early seventh century, primarily because of the unwarranted assumption thatduring the early years of Heraclius’ reign, the Slavs crossed the Danube enmasse to settle on formerly Roman territory in the Balkans.301 Leaving aside thefact that not all settlements were abandoned at the same time, and that in most

298 Marusic, Nekropole (cf. fn. 45), 338 and 347 pl. VI.8; Marusic, Istra (cf. fn. 110), 48 andfig. 31. Moreover, in addition to a buckle of the Corinth class the burial assemblage ingrave 51 is said to have included a a cast, propeller-shaped belt mount, which also pointsto a later date in the eighth century (Marusic, Istra [cf. fn. 110] 46–47).

299 For Novae and the cities and forts in the Lower Danube region, see M. Salamon, Novaein the age of Slav invasions, in: Novae. Legionary Fortress and Late Antique Town (ed.P. Dyczek). Warsaw 2008, 193–195. For Serdica, see A. Dancheva-Vasileva, Serdika islavianskite nashestviia vav Vizantiiskata imperiia VI-VII v., in: Eurika. In honoremLudmilae Donchevae-Petkovae (ed. V. Grigorov – M. Daskalov – E. Komatorova-Balinova). Sofia 2009, 87–88. A comprehensive study of the seventh-century abandon-ment of the many forts in the Balkans is much needed, for many are known to have beensubsequently occupied during the Middle Ages.

300 For the Avar civil war of the 630s, see W. Pohl, Ergebnisse und Probleme derAwarenforschung. Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung96 (1988), 268.

301 A. Madgearu, Continuitate si discontinuitate culturala la Dunarea de Jos în secoleleVII-VIII. Bucuresti 1997, 117–120. For a critique of such an interpretation of thearchaeological record, see I. Stanciu, Die frühen Slawen in der rumänischenarchäologischen Forschung. Kurze kritische Untersuchung, in: Archeologia o poczat-kach Słowian. Materiały z konferencji, Kraków, 19–21 listopada 2001 (ed. P.Kaczanowski – M. Parczewski). Kraków 2005, 569.

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cases the precise moment of abandonment remains unknown, there is evidencethat other settlements were in fact established in the seventh century within ashort distance from the Danube.302 On the other hand, the earliest ruralsettlements on the right bank of the Danube – Garvan, Popina, and Mihajlovac– represent an archaeological novelty. Those are in fact the first open, non-fortified settlements in the Balkans in more than 150 years.303 Moreover, theeconomic profile of the small communities living in those villages is not differentfrom the model of “itinerant agriculture” advanced for the lands north of theriver Danube in the sixth century.304 Although they most likely relied on thecultivation of crops, they also raised animals and practiced fishing by means ofcast nets. Those were self-sufficient, small communities living in what in theearly seventh century must have been the borderlands of the Avar qaganate andits sphere of influence. The rural settlements recently discovered in Slovenia –Krog, Murska Sobota, and Nova Tabla – are the mirror image of thisphenomenon on the southwestern border of the Avar qaganate. That suchsettlements have so far not been found in the rich agricultural lands between theDrava and the Sava rivers, or across the Stara Planina mountains, in Thracestrongly suggests that the expansion of rural communities into the borderlandsof the qaganate may have been under the control of the Avar elites.

Despite the Avar defeat under the walls of Constantinople, relationsbetween the Avars and Byzantium were not interrupted. Byzantine gold coinscontinued to reach the Carpathian Basin after 626, if only in much smallernumbers than before.305 Conversely, the influence of Avar-age fashions (Melon-enkernperlen, belt mounts decorated with interlaced ornament, torcs) reacheddeep into the Balkans, as far south as the coastal territories in Greece and

302 S. Dolinescu-Ferche, Noi descoperiri privind populatia autohtona în veacurile VI-VIIe.n., in: Documente recent descoperite si informatii arheologice. Bucuresti 1983, 36–37;Dolinescu-Ferche, Habitats (cf. fn. 164), 153–172.

303 For the absence of open, rural settlements from the late fifth and sixth-century Balkans,see F. Curta, Peasants as “makeshift soldiers for the occasion”: sixth-century settlementpatterns in the Balkans, in: Urban Centers and Rural Contexts in Late Antiquity (ed.Th. S. Burns – J. W. Eadie). East Lansing 2001, 199–217; V. Dinchev, Seloto v dneshnatabalgarska teritoriia prez rannovizantiiskata epokha, in: Sbornik v chest na prof.Margarita Tacheva (ed. K. Boshnakov – D. Boteva-Boianova). Sofia 2002, 156–163.

304 Curta, Making of the Slavs (cf. fn. 157), 276 with n. 57. Much like in the lands north ofthe river Danube, no parts of plows have been found on any seventh-century site in thenorthern Balkans, even though the consumption (and perhaps cultivation) of cereals isbetrayed by finds of querns and occasional inclusion of cereal seeds in the fabric of thelocal handmade pottery.

305 P. Somogyi, New remarks on the flow of Byzantine coins in Avaria and Walachia duringthe second half of the seventh century, in: The Other Europe in the Middle Ages. Avars,Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans (ed. F. Curta) (East Central and Eastern Europe in theMiddle Ages 450–1450, 2). Leiden/Boston 2008, 83–149.


Albania, which have most likely remained under Byzantine control. However,no cemeteries similar to those in the Carpathian Basin have been found south ofthe Sava river. There are indeed no parallels in the Balkans either for theisolated burial at Cadavica or for the Middle Avar cemetery at Vojka. Thebiritual cemetery at Balchik and the neighboring cremation cemetery atRazdelna represent an entirely different archaeological phenomenon, and thesame is most certainly true for the many burial assemblages in Greece, Albania,Montenegro, and Croatia, which could be dated to the seventh century. Equallydistinctive is the cremation cemetery in Olympia. Analogies for the grave goodsfound there consistently point to the Carpathian Basin, a region in whichoccasional cremations co-existed with inhumations in seventh-century ceme-teries.306 A few iron torcs have been found on cemetery sites in Albania.307

However, most analogies for the iron torcs from Olympia are from Middle andLate Avar-age sites in Hungary and Slovakia. The specific decoration of many ofthe urns found in Olympia has good analogies on other sites in the westernBalkans, such as Kasic in Croatia and Musici in Bosnia.308 But in the southernBalkans, the Olympia cemetery is unique, for no other cremation burials have sofar been found in Greece, Albania, Macedonia, or southern Bulgaria.

The evidence of cemeteries indicate signficant clusters of population inGreece, northern and central Albania, and in Istria. Grave goods found in burialassemblages from those regions show numerous paralells with contemporarysites in the Mediterranean region. The presence of inscriptions – in the Churchof the Holy Spirit at Skrip or on finger-rings found in Koman – suggests that thepopulation that buried its dead in those cemeteries was in some way associatedwith or, at least, maintained close ties to the Empire. Equally significant is therelative homogeneity of the burial rites. From Tigani to Mejica, seventh-centurycemeteries in the western Balkans may be easily distinguished from others bymeans of a few specific traits: stone or brick cists; furnished burial; the use ofcenotaphs and of multiple burials; the west-east grave orientation; and stark

306 Such as in cemeteries of the so-called Pókaszepetk-Zalakomár group, for which see B.M. Szoke, Das archäologische Bild der Slawen in Südwestungarn, in: Slovenija insosednje dezele med antiko in karolinsko dobo. Zacetki slovenske etnogeneze (ed. P.Kos). Ljubljana 2000, 479–482.

307 Bukël: Anamali, Një varrezë (cf. fn. 59), 215–216. Koman: Spahiu, Varreza arbërore (cf.fn. 122), 29 and 31. As there are no illustrations (pictures or drawings) of any of theAlbanian iron torcs, it is not possible to establish whether they truly are like those foundin Olympia.

308 J. Belosevic, Ranosrednjovjekovna nekropola u selu Kasic kraj Zadra. Diadora 4 (1968),221–246; I. Cremosnik, Die Untersuchungen in Musici und Zabljak. Über den erstenFund der ältesten slawischen Siedlung in Bosnien. Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen desbosnisch-herzegowinischen Landesmuseums 5 (1975), 91–176. Assemblages on bothsites on which such pottery decoration has been found are all of a later, possibly eighth-century date.

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gender differentiation.309 Next to nothing is known about the associatedsettlements, which makes it very difficult to interpret the social differentiationvisible in burial assemblages. Were weapons deposited in graves the materialculture correlate of a military posturing associated with fortified settlements,such as Shurdhah?310 Given that in several cases, burial on those cemetery sitesbegan before 600, were the corresponding settlements the “heirs” of sixth-century forts? If so, why were they not evacuated just as the other forts in theBalkans? Judging from the little evidence available from Greece (Isthmia), onewould expect the ruins of abandoned, late-antique buildings to have been re-fashioned for the new occupants. Unlike rural settlements in the northernBalkans, nothing is known about the economic profile of communities in thewestern Balkans. Very few agricultural tools were deposited in graves and noanimal bones have been found in cemeteries excavated in Greece, Albania,Montenegro, and Croatia.311 Equally unclear is whether cities such asDyrrachium (Durrës) or Pola (Pula), which continued to be occupied through-out the seventh century, operated as central places for local settlement networks.That many isolated burials and cemeteries were associated either with ruins ofold basilicas or with operational churches suggests that those were Christiancommunities, but without the corresponding settlements it is impossible toassess the role of Christianity in social practices. There are no markers in thearchaeological record of any group identity, which could be associated withthose to whom Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus would later refer asRomanoi, as opposed to Romaioi (the Byzantines).312 Despite the existence ofregional fashions and dress accessories, such as fibulae with bent stem, none of

309 E. Nallbani, Transformations et continuité dans l’ouest des Balkans: le cas de lacivilisation de Komani (VIe-IXe siècles), in: L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dansl’Antiquité. IV. Actes du IVe colloque international de Grenoble, 10–12 octobre 2002(ed. P. Cabanes – J.-L. Lamboley). Paris 2004, 487; Nallbani, Résurgence (cf. fn. 265),33–35.

310 Spahiu – Komata, Shurdhahu-Sarda (cf. fn. 266); Spahiu, La ville haute-médiévale (cf.fn. 110); G. Karaiskaj, Die albanische Stadt Sarda. Entstehung der mittelalterlichenStadt in Albanien, in: Actes du XI-e Congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne.Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genève et Aoste (21–28 septembre 1986) (ed. N. Duval – F.Baritel – Ph. Pergola). Rome 1989, 2637–2656.

311 A couple of billknives are known from Koman: Ippen, Denkmäler (cf. fn. 122), 17fig. 26.11; Spahiu, Gjetje të vjetra (cf. fn. 59), pl. II.4. A mattock was found in a multipleburial on Acrocorinth: Davidson, Avar invasion (cf. fn. 59), 230 and 232; 231 fig. 2 J. Forbillknives and mattocks from the fortification at Shurdhah, which were tentatively datedbetween the seventh and the eighth century, see Spahiu, La ville haute-médiévale (cf.fn. 110), pl. VIII.1–3.

312 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio 29–32 (122, 124, 146, 148, and152 Moravcsik). For a Byzantine Roman (Latin) identity in the early Middle Ages, see F.Borri, Gli Istriani e i loro parenti. Fraggoi, Romani e Slavi nella periferia di Bisanzio.JÖB 60 (2010), 1–25.


them can specifically be linked to a presumably “Romanic” (i. e., Romance-speaking) population.313 According to Theophanes, when the Bulgars crossedthe Danube in 681, they subdued the Slavic tribes in the area of “Varna, as it iscalled, near Odyssos and the inland territory that is there.” They then resettledtwo of those tribes – the Severeis along the frontier with the Empire, and the“so-called Seven Tribes” on the frontier with the Avars.314 Whether or not theycan be in any way associated with those tribes, the rural settlements at Popinaand Garvan, as well as the cemeteries in Balchik and Razdelna are the onlyarchaeological evidence that, outside coastal cities such as Mesembria (Nese-bar), the Bulgarian lands were inhabited at all before the Bulgar migration.

That migration is equally invisible from an archaeological point of view. It isnot known where the first generation of Bulgars in Bulgaria lived and wherethey buried their dead, if in some other place than Balchik and Razdelna.315 Sofar, the only evidence pertaining to that is a warrior grave accidentally found inDivdiadovo near Shumen.316 The male skeleton partially uncovered during therecent salvage excavations was associated with a belt set, including a strap endwith scrollwork and circular lobe ornament. This a specimen of the so-calledVrap-Velino group of belt fittings, which is dated to the beginning of the LateAvar period, i. e., shortly after 700.317 This is, in other words, the earliest

313 As attempted by Popovic, Byzantins, Slaves (cf. fn. 262), 225–31. For supposedly“Romanic” fibulae, see also V. Bierbrauer, Kreuzfibeln in der mittelalpinen romani-schen Frauentracht des 5.–7. Jahrhunderts: Trentino and Südtirol, in: Miscellanea distudi in onore di Giulia Mastrelli Anzilotti. Firenze 1992, 1–26; V. Bierbrauer, Fibeln alsZeugnisse persönlichen Christentums südlich und nördlich der Alpen im 5. bis9. Jahrhundert. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 34 (2002), 209–224.

314 Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia, 359 Boor; English translation from C. Mango –R. Scott, The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern HistoryAD 284–813. Oxford 1997, 499. See also V. Beshevliev, Zu Theophanis Chronographia359, 5–17. BF 2 (1967), 50–58; V. Beshevliev, Za slavianskite plemena v SeveroiztochnaBalgariia ot VI do IX vek. Preslav. Sbornik 1 (1968), 17–28.

315 U. Fiedler, Bulgars in the Lower Danube region. A survey of the archaeologicalevidence and of the state of current research. in: The Other Europe in the Middle Ages.Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans (ed. F. Curta) (East Central and Eastern Europein the Middle Ages 450–1450, 2). Leiden/Boston 2008, 153.

316 G. Atanasov – S. Venelinova – S. Stoichev, An early medieval graveyard in theDivdyadovo quarter of Shumen (NE Bulgaria). Archaeologia Bulgarica 12 (2008), no. 2,59–80.

317 Atanasov – Venelinova – Stoichev, An early medieval graveyard (cf. fn. 316), 65–66.Pace Fiedler, Bulgars (cf. fn. 315), 219, there was no coin struck for Emperor AnastasiusII in the Divdiadovo warrior grave. For the Vrap-Velino group, see U. Fiedler, Diespätawarenzeitlichen Gürtelbestandteile von Typ Vrap-Erseke aus Velino (Bez. Varna,Bulgarien). Germania 74 (1996), 248–264; F. Daim, “Byzantinische” Gürtelgarniturendes 8. Jahrhunderts, in: Die Awaren am Rand der byzantinischen Welt. Studien zuDiplomatie, Handel und Technologietransfer im Frühmittelalter (ed. F. Daim)(Monographien zur Frühgeschichte und Mittelalterarchäologie,7). Innsbruck 2000,

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archaeological record of Bulgaria which could be dated immediately after themigration of the Bulgars. It may just as well be the earliest medieval assemblagein the region.

94–106; M. Inkova, Kolanite na grupata “Vrap” v Balgariia (Funkcionalna kharakter-istika na obkovite za kolani i opit za socializaciiata). Izvestiia na NacionalniiaIstoricheski Muzei 14 (2004), 150–182; S. Stanilov, Khudozhestveniiat metal nabalgarskoto khanstvo na Dunav (7–9 vek). Opit za empirichno izsledvane. Sofia 2006,90–145, 157, and 312–15; Fiedler, Bulgars (cf. fn. 315), 219–220.


Illustrations

Figure 1. The distribution in the Balkans of copper (circle), silver (square), and gold(triangle) coins struck for Emperor Heraclius between 620 and 641: 1 – Athens; 2–3 –Backa Palanka; 4 – Burgas; 5 – Caricin Grad; 6 – Corinth; 7 – Nis; 8 – Prigrevica; 9–14 –Silistra. The smallest symbols mark individual coins, larger ones 2 and more coins,

respectively.

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Figure 2. The distribution in the Balkans of copper (circle), silver (square), and gold(triangle) coins struck for Emperor Constans II: 1 – Akhtopol; 2 – Athens; 3 – Con-stanta; 4 – Corinth; 5 – Dokos; 6 – Dubrovnik; 7 – Durrës; 8 – Hagia Triada; 9 – Isaccea;10 – Isthmia; 11 – Kenchreai; 12 – Madara; 13 – Nauplion; 14 – Nesebar; 15 – NoviVinodolski; 16 – Oblacina; 17 – Perani; 18 – Shkodër; 19 – Shumen; 20 – Silistra; 21 –Tulcea; 25 – Valea Teilor. The smallest symbols mark individual coins, larger ones over

2, and then over 100, respectively.


Figure 3. The distribution in the Balkans of copper (circle), silver (square), and gold(triangle) coins struck for Emperor Constantine IV: 1 – Agighiol; 2 – Athens; 3 – Brioni;4 – Constanta; 5- Corinth; 6 – Dokos; 7 – Durrës; 8 – Istria; 9 – Mangalia; 10 – Nesebar;11 – Niculitel; 12 – Novi Vinodolski; 13 – Prozor; 14 – Silistra; 15 – Stupar; 18 – ValeaTeilor; 19 – Veliko Tarnovo. The smallest symbols mark individual coins, larger ones

over 2, and then over 10, respectively.

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Figure 4. The distribution in the Balkans of copper (circle) and gold (triangle) coinsstruck for Emperor Justinian II between 685 and 695: 1 – Athens; 2 – Kalugerovo; 3 –

Lucinj; 4 – Topalu; 5 – Vodinjan.


Figure 5. The distribution in the Balkans of seventh-century hoards of copper (square),gold (star), and silver (triangle) Byzantine coins: 1 – Catalça; 2 – Valandovo I; 3 –Thasos; 4 – Akalan; 5 – Solomos; 6 – Potkom; 7 – Gorna Oriakhovica; 8 – Solin; 9 –Athens I; 10 – Valandovo II; 11 – Gradec; 12 – Athens II; 13 – Nerezisce; 14 – Sofia; 15

– Varna; 16 – Nesebar; B – Biskupija; V – Velestinon.

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Figure 6. Velestinon, an animal-shaped die for mounts. Courtesy of the Princeton Mu-seum. Photo by author (scale 2:1).


Figure 7. Velestinon, a lead model for mounts. Courtesy of the Princeton Museum.Photo by author (scale 2:1).

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Figure 8. Velestinon, a lead model for mounts. Courtesy of the Princeton Museum.Photo by author (scale 2:1).


Figure 9. Velestinon, a die for strap ends. Courtesy of the Princeton Museum. Photo byauthor (scale 2:1).

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Figure 10. The distribution in the Balkans of belt buckles of the Balgota (circle), Bo-logna (square), Boly-Zelovce (triangle), Corinth (reversed triangle), Pergamon (P), andSyracuse (star) classes, as well as of buckles with cross-shaped (+ sign) and U-shaped(upright rectangle with rounded ends) plates. The smallest symbols mark individual

finds, larger ones between two and eight finds.


Figure 11. The distribution in the Balkans of earrings of the Buzet class (circle), ofearrings with grape- (triangle) and star-shaped pendant (star), and of semicircularpendants with open-work ornament and three suspension rings (square). The smallest

symbols mark individual finds, larger ones between two and seven specimens.

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Figure 12. The distribution in the Balkans of seventh-century urban and rural settle-ments.


Figure 13. The distribution in the Balkans of seventh-century isolated burials (circle)and cemeteries (square).

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The beginning of the Middle Ages in the Balkans

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