St. Clements University

“Factors Related to the Street Children Phenomenon in Major Towns in Sierra Leone: A Comparative Study

of the City’s Street Children and Children in Normal Family Homes”

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the

Requirements for the Award of Doctor of Philosophy

Submitted by: Prince A Cummings

St. Clements University

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Table of Contents

Chapter 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................3

1.1 Background of the study.............................................................................................................................3 1.2 Statement of the problem............................................................................................................................6 1.3 Objectives of the study ...............................................................................................................................8 1.4 Research questions......................................................................................................................................9 1.5 Hypothesis ...................................................................................................................................................9 1. 6 Significance of the study .........................................................................................................................10 1. 7 Scope and limitations...............................................................................................................................10 1.8 Definitions of operational terms ..............................................................................................................11

Chapter 2 Review of related literature ...........................................................................................................16 2.1 Introduction ...............................................................................................................................................16 2.2 Street children phenomenon.....................................................................................................................17

2.3 Street children global perspectives ..........................................................................................................18 2.4 Substance use and abuse...........................................................................................................................24 2.5 Young women in the street.......................................................................................................................27

2.5.1 Family history ...................................................................................................................................27 2.5.2 Alcohol and drug use........................................................................................................................28 2.5.3 Health issues .....................................................................................................................................29

2.6 Children in and off the street....................................................................................................................30 2.7 Street children in Sierra Leone.................................................................................................................38 2.8 Factors that deteriorates condition in Sierra Leone ................................................................................41

2.8.1 Economic stagnation ........................................................................................................................42 2.8.2 Child abuse........................................................................................................................................44 2.8.3 Specific sactors that lead to the growth of street children plight ..................................................47

2.9 Interventions that can be done to solve street children problem............................................................64 2.10 The living condition of street children ..................................................................................................66 2.11 Illegal and deviant activities in the streets.............................................................................................74

2.11.1 Child exploitation ...........................................................................................................................76 2.11.2 Child labour....................................................................................................................................77 2.11.3 Substance abuse..............................................................................................................................79

2.12 Psychological condition of street children ............................................................................................81 2.12.1 Resilience and vulnerability...........................................................................................................82 2.12.2 Psychopathology.............................................................................................................................84

2.13 Sociological and psychological theories on child development ..........................................................86 2.14 Healthy development childhood ............................................................................................................92

Chapter 3 Methodology.....................................................................................................................................94 3.1 Introduction ...............................................................................................................................................94 3.2 Research Design........................................................................................................................................95 3.3 Participants ................................................................................................................................................96 3.4 Research Instruments................................................................................................................................97 3.5 Interview/Questionnaire Structure ...........................................................................................................98 3.6 Data Analysis ...........................................................................................................................................99 3.7 Independent Samples T-Test..................................................................................................................101 3.8 Validity ....................................................................................................................................................102 3.9 Ethical considerations.............................................................................................................................102 3.10 Gaining consent.....................................................................................................................................103 3.11 Confidentiality ......................................................................................................................................104 3.12 Data protection......................................................................................................................................104 3.13 Statistical treatment of the data............................................................................................................104

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3.14 Procedures .............................................................................................................................................105 3.15 Data summary .......................................................................................................................................107

Chapter 4 Data Analysis and Presentation ..................................................................................................107 4.1 Introduction .............................................................................................................................................107 4.2 Data Analysis ..........................................................................................................................................108

4.2.1 Part 1 profile: Children in normal family homes .........................................................................108 4.2.2 Part 2 profile: Street children........................................................................................................133 4.2.3 Part 3: Cross analysis children in normal family homes and street children ............................188 4.2.4 Part 4: Independent sample t-tests for each cross analysis .........................................................202

Chapter 5 Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations ......................................................................219 5.1 Summary..................................................................................................................................................219 5.2 Conclusions .............................................................................................................................................231 5.3 Recommendations...................................................................................................................................238

Appendices ........................................................................................................................................................250 References..........................................................................................................................................................263 Bibliography......................................................................................................................................................267

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1. Introduction

1.1 Background of the study

One of the major social problems encountered by different nations worldwide is that of

homeless or street children. Aside from some aspects of poverty such as inadequate

education, nutrition, and medical care, homelessness is also visible. On the streets of

urban shopping districts, homeless adults and especially children flock the area.

However, the visibility of their plight has yet to evoke a comprehensive public policy

response in many countries.

The street children phenomenon is an everyday social reality in many countries as far

apart as Brazil in Latin America, Nigeria in West Africa and the Philippines in Asia. The

situation demonstrates the paradox of horrible poverty in the midst of modern urban

development and affluence. Moreover, prevalent and persistent is the problem that

Gichuru (1993:2) has observed regarding children living on the streets in cities. The

author observes that street children are distinctive urban feature as old as the cities

themselves.

To provide a brief background, a street child is any child that works and lives on the

street. They are highly mobile like a modern day nomad and they can alternate between

living on the streets and living with family members. Studies found that children who

usually reside in the street were involved in begging, hawking, prostitution, and theft.

These activities provide them money for daily needs.

The reality is that millions of children around the world live in the street and only few

people and organizations are doing something about it. This lukewarm, or rather, passive

response to the problem of street children is a trend that needs attention. This means that

although poverty remains a constant issue to solve, specific type of poverty such as

homelessness is yet to capture attention.

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The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and some international non-government

associations (NGOs) have attempted in their different ways to provide support for street

children worldwide. Individual countries have themselves made attempts to tackle the

problem locally. Kenya is a case in point, according to the country’s newspaper, Daily

Nation (15 January 2000); the government since 1994 has participated in workshops to

address the plight of street children known as the Forum. The paper further states that the

Forum was the initiative of the African Network for the protection and prevention of

child abuse and neglect. It also aimed at identifying the solutions that would help

eradicate the problem on street children.

However, as the number of street children keeps growing in individual countries as

pointed out above, it is clear that the responses of international NGOs and individual

countries are far from being adequate. Apparently, organizations need to exert more

efforts to ensure the involvement of every individual, family, group, and community in

solving the problem. The pressure required may take the form of an investigation into the

nature and dimension of the street children phenomenon in a variety of urban settings in a

given society.

Such a study will enable the researcher to go beyond the context of large urban centres

(like Bo, Makeni, Kono, Kenema, and Freetown in Sierra Leone) where the street

children phenomenon exists. In this way, the researcher will consider the case of small

urban centres as well, and may as such be in a position to determine the specific needs of

street children in a specific urban setting.

Street children in Africa are recent development although its root originated from

colonialism in the early 20th century. For instance, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, there

were approximately 200 and 300 street children recorded in 1991, and in 1995 there were

3,500 street children recorded (Bamurange, 1998: 230). In Khartoum Sudan, the street

children are limited to a few boys only in 1984, but by 1990, those so-called "street boys

were a predictable part of the urban landscape" (Dodge & Raundalen 1991:40). In South

Africa, all street children are noted to be African origin, with no white children on the

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streets, this incidents is considered a fact reflective of South Africa's past of racial

segregation and apartheid (Le Roux, 1996).

Another example is street children phenomenon in Kenya. While in 1969 Kenya had only

a few hundred parking boys or male street children, today, there are an estimated 10,000

to 30,000 both male and female street children in Nairobi. Throughout Africa, street boys

greatly outnumber street girls. The reason is that girls are supposed to stay home to care

for children in South Africa (Le Roux, 1996). In Khartoum and Maputo, Mozambique,

girls reside in homes as servants subject for punishment if they move to the streets

(Dodge & Rundle, 1991).

Similarly, the same situation is been experienced in Sierra Leone. The number of street

children has increased geometrically, from 10,000 in 1990 to about 200,000 in 1998

(Social Welfare Ministry). Estimates indicate that by the year 2008 the number of street

children in the country will double if adequate measures are not put in place to address

the problem. It should be borne in mind that the eight years of civil war has caused untold

suffering to many children in Sierra Leone, dragging them to the streets of Freetown and

elsewhere in the country. The consequences of this war have been devastating.

Women and children who constituted the vulnerable group bore the brunt of the atrocities

committed by the rebels. There were gross violations of children’s rights, ranging from

abductions, multiple rape, amputation, slavery, exploitation, forced recruitments and drug

addiction and the destruction of a significant portion of natural infrastructure. Despite the

fact that the United Nations convention on the right of the child, stresses the need for

every child to have access to shelter, food, clothing and education, this has not been the

case for many children inclusive street children in Sierra Leone.

There are specific macro causes that are associated with a dramatic rise in Africa's street

children, along with the poverty of global economic and structural adjustment forces

mentioned above. These factors include civil war and famine such as in Mozambique and

Sudan, (Dodge & Raundalen, 1991), children soldiers and acute immunity deficiency

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sickness (AIDS) in Uganda, (Dodge & Raundalen, 1991), and apartheid in South Africa

(Le Roux, 1996). Recent statistics published by UNICEF indicate that in Africa alone,

five million children live in the street or outside the normal family home.

The figures are alarming, this imply that homelessness have not received the attention

they deserve with a view to combating the child poverty and misery they represent. This

lack of urgency may be attributed to the fact that many of the countries in which the

street children phenomenon is one of the countries’ cultural landscape rather than being a

major social problem needing immediate attention and concrete solutions.

Other problems aside from poverty of the street children exist such as physical abuse

from police officers. Some government forces tend to treat street children like criminals.

In reality, most people conceive street children as problems rather than problematic

individuals who need help and protection. Since the 1980s, a lethal combination of

circumstances has emerged that severely threatens the next generation of African

children. Other problems such as ethnic violence, AIDS, external indebtedness,

corruption, mismanagement, educational decline, and overpopulation are the conditions

that harm these street children.

Children in every nation are the future leaders and therefore needs protection by their

families and their countries. This study of the street children phenomenon in five major

towns in Sierra Leone is intended as a contribution, however modest this may be, towards

understanding the predicament of the city’s unfortunate children. The investigation

involves a comparative study on children living in the street or outside normal family

homes and children enjoying the benefits of living in such family homes.

1.2 Statement of the problem

The term street children in this thesis refers to children who have made streets their very

home. It includes children who might not necessarily be homeless or without families,

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but who live in the street where there is no care, no protection, supervision or direction

from parents or responsible adults. The sheer number of street children worldwide is

estimated 100 million (Mafuba 1994:5), which clearly points to the enormity of the

problems of poverty and deprivation besetting the countries in which these children live.

The number of street children is constantly increasing. This is a kind of situation, which

needs close attention and investigation. Millions of children around the world live in

situations that put them at risk of exploitation, abuse, and discrimination. The most

marginalized children, those who often experience human rights abuses, need special

protection to promote their physical, mental, spiritual, moral, and social development.

Problems related to coping with society reflect the behaviours and personalities of

people. Due to these challenges, at-risk youths encounter much difficulty in interacting

with others. These children become the victims of racism, bullying, divorce, and other

related problems. Because children are still undergoing the continuous process of

building their characteristics and their personalities, the guidance that they receive should

also be based on their backgrounds and personal characteristics (Machiarolla & Garner,

1989, pp. 70-83). Helping the youths to overcome problems in society is a priority as it is

through these youths that the future will be decided.

Beaudoin (2001) have noted that youths who are going through their adolescent changes

encounter certain problems, particularly in coping with their environment and the people

that surround them. This can result to other related problems, which can affect their

behaviour and ability to socialize. As part of their development, the situation and the

reaction or feedback that the society show towards their behaviours have a large impact

on their outcome, including the characteristics that develop during their adolescence

(Watts & Eggellation, 1999, pp. 79-110).

The importance of the adolescent age as well as the consequences that the society has

made these youths bear during a crucial time of their development led to the

establishment of various programs by several organizations within the society. These

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coping programs usually have a monitoring system, in which those with the identified

problems acquire guidance from someone typically referred to as “mentors”. The effects

of these programs are advantageous for both the mentor and the youth as it allows them

to become more drawn to each other (Alessandri et al, 2002).

In Sierra Leone and in many developing countries, such programs could be the solution

to the street children phenomenon. Millions of children live in the street because of

poverty and negligence of their communities and countries. Children who live in the

streets do not go to school, often because they have to work. Moreover, they do not have

nutritious food or quality health care. Their lives have been devastated by HIV/ AIDS or

war. They live and work on the streets. The adolescent programs prove vital to aid the

street children in their development.

The importance of addressing the problem on street children is because the development

of Sierra Leon maybe hampered if many of the children continue to be subject to

negligence, thus allowed to live in the streets. It is important therefore, to address and

monitor the problem of street children in order to find solution to the problems. The study

of street children will focus on five major towns in Sierra Leone. This will help to reveal

the extent of the problem, provide a clear picture of the issues related to the street

children phenomenon, and explore the situation of those children living in normal family

homes.

1.3 Objectives of the study

The primary objective is to examine and determine the factors related to the street

children phenomenon in major towns in Sierra Leone. In addition, this paper attempts to

conduct a comparative study of the city’s street children and children in normal family

homes. Specifically, this dissertation aims to achieve the following objectives:

To conduct literature review on the fundamental concepts of the

occurrences of street children

To determine what factors account for the appearance of the phenomenon

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in the city, what affects the phenomenon produces, and in what ways these

effects can be minimized.

To show how the lives of street children in the city compared with the

lives of children in normal family homes differ. The point is that by

focusing on the two groups of children, the study seeks to investigate the

extent to which the differences in the socio-economic backgrounds of the

groups account for the differences in the quality of life available to each

group.

To provide the government through the ministry of social welfare, NGOs

and other policy planners with reliable information on the true situation of

the street children phenomenon after the war and current, in order to

address their problems more seriously.

1.4 Research questions

Generally, the purpose of this study is to determine the factors related to the street

children phenomenon in major cities of Sierra Leone. This study tries to answer the

following queries:

1. What are some of the factors that causes street children phenomenon

in Sierra Leone?

2. What are the factors that affect the lives of street children in Sierra

Leone?

3. What activities street children usually do?

4. How do the lives of street children differ or relate to the lives of

children in normal family homes in the city?

1.5 Hypothesis

The comparative study of street children and of children in normal family homes consists

a number of hypotheses related to the socio- economic conditions in which the two

groups of children live. These are the following hypotheses:

1. Children in the street do not face difficulty to adapt to life in the streets

2. Children in the street are not likely to be failures in society

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3. Peer group influence has no effect on children living on the street

4. Single parenthood has no effect on the development of street children

5. Children living on the streets are not likely to be violent children

6. There were significant difference on how children in normal family homes and

street children live

1. 6 Significance of the study

Most studies carried out on street children focus exclusively on children in the street. To

get a complete picture of poverty and deprivation in which these children live, it is

important to do a comparative study showing how the lives of children in the street differ

from the lives of children living with their parents or relatives in normal family homes,

which is what this study did. In other words, this study provides a new type of exploring

the problems associated in the street children phenomenon. This is important as it could

generate new findings aside from the findings already found.

This study is to help development workers and other professionals as well as the

government of every nation, to grasp fully the implications of the relationship and

behaviour of the two groups of children. The result of this study hope to enable different

organisations, local and national government to device concrete ways by which the less

fortunate group of children can be given access to a measure of security and protection

that their more fortunate counterparts enjoy.

1. 7 Scope and limitations

This study focuses on identifying the factors that cause street children phenomenon in

Sierra Leone’s major towns and to compare the life of children in normal family home

and the life of street children. The scope is from the filed of sociology regarding street

children to the reality derived from the experience of Sierra Leone. This study is limited

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to the evidences from children in major towns of Sierra Leone. Other limitations also

exist, which are out of the control of the researcher:

The inability of some of the children to understand the questions properly

because some of the questions need interpretation, as not all of them

understand Creole lingua franca language spoken nation wide in the

country.

Unwillingness of some of the children to be interviewed for data

collection

Given that these limitations happen, the researcher exercises a rational decision not to

include elusive answers in the results.

1.8 Definitions of operational terms

1. Street children: refers to children who are homeless or those who are not homeless yet

live on the street. Specifically, those children who are not taken care of by their parents,

family, and other adults. These children usually live in abandoned buildings,

automobiles, parks, containers, or on the street itself. There are numerous documents,

which stated the definition street children. The issue is that there are no specific

categories, but rather a scale ranging from those kids, who spend some time in the streets

but essentially live at home. Again, there are those children who live wholly in the streets

and do not receive parent care or no adult supervision.

A widely accepted set of definitions, which is primarily attach to UNICEF, defines the

context into two major categories:

a. There are those children who have been engaged in some type of economic

activity such as vending and begging. These children go home at the end of

the day to give their income to their family. Due to the economic fragility of

their family, these children may eventually choose a permanent life on the

streets.

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b. Those children who are actually living on the street or outside a normal family

home; Herein, family ties may be present but are weak and maintained only

gradually.

2. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF): an organisation that provides

long-term developmental and humanitarian assistances to mothers and children.

3. Non-government organisation (NGO): A non-government organization can be

defined as an association that pursues legal, cultural, social and environmental goals; the

operation of an NGO is not driven by commercial or profit reasons. The funding used by

the NGOs to support its different projects is typically derived from private sources.

NGOs are established for a number of reasons.

In some cases, they are formed in order to support the social or political goals of its

member; some NGOs on the other hand are developed to support larger organizations

like companies and schools. Some of the common activities of NGOs all over the world

include the promotion of human rights, improvement of the natural environment, welfare

enhancement of the at-risk or disadvantaged population. National, religious, business-

oriented, environmental, government-operated, and international are some of the common

types of NGOs. The World Bank cited that there are two basic divisions of NGOs called

operational and advocacy NGOs.

In operational NGO, the purpose of the organization is to create and implement projects

directed towards development. On the contrary, advocacy NGOs are more active in

promoting awareness, knowledge, or acceptance of a specific issue. Hence, participating

in activist events and conducting presswork are the common type of NGO. The role of

the NGOs or the nongovernmental organizations tends to vary from nation to nation.

In some nations, the NGOs are considered as significant contributors, particularly in the

development processes. Traditionally, the role of the NGOs is focused on the

establishment of development programs, delivery of services, or the provision of

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assistance to official departments to help spread the advantage of their designed

programs. NGOs are often perceived as the modern cure of development, which can

remedy various ills of the society including inefficiency, instability, poverty,

disempowerment, and authoritarianism. The claims for these beneficial effects of the

NGOs have been supported by various success stories and anecdotal evidence.

Eventually, the role of the NGOs has become more diversified. Aside from supplying

various services and programs for development, some NGOs are presently involved in

helping out various communities regarding their problems and preferences, networking

skills to give and enhance the power of the poor, as well as coordinating with official

bodies to amplify the masses’ voice.

4. Poverty: People understand poverty in various ways. Some aspects of these definitions

are measurable, while some are not. Typically, people define and understand poverty as

the inability to provide for one’s needs. This condition or state is often termed as

“moneylessness” (Tussing, 1975). In a broader yet less concrete perspective, some

consider poverty as an aspect of social pathology, which includes not only the state of

moneylessness but also the conditions of helplessness, lack of political influence,

dependency and other similar situations. In this case, poverty is also a state of

powerlessness.

In the sense of "moneylessness," the definition of poverty is as a problem of not having

enough basic medium of exchange in order to satisfy the basic human needs as well as to

function socially and economically. Within any society or part of the world, basic human

needs always exist. Although the standards of living tend to vary from place to place,

elementary human needs are the same.

These include nutritious food, shelter, clothing, and sanitation, medical attention, and for

some affluent societies, recreation and entertainment. People who are suffering from

poverty lack the financial resources, or money to acquire these basic needs. Rowntree

(2000) supported this definition when he stated that poverty is the point where the total

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earnings are inadequate to acquire the minimum necessities of life for mere physical

efficiency. Several other authors have given similar definitions of poverty. For instance,

poverty may also be defined as the point wherein resources are seriously below the

average family or individual (Townsend, 1979). As the resources of an individual or

family continue to diminish, the poor tends to withdraw themselves from participating in

activities and customs sanctioned by the culture.

This tendency to withdraw is also recognized as poverty line or threshold (Townsend and

Gordon, 1989). More specifically, Townsend (1979) defined poverty as persons, families

or groups considered to be in poverty when they have insufficient resources to acquire the

types of diet, participate in activities, and obtain the living conditions that are usual or at

least widely approved or encouraged within the societies where they belong.

The size of a person’s income is not only a factor that makes poor people different from

others. Many are dependent economically as well as psychologically. People in poverty

have higher than average rates of suicide, criminality, physical and mental illness,

alcoholism and narcotics addiction. Poor people are likely to live within unhealthy

environments and in physically unsafe structures.

Moreover, social and family disorganizations are highly prevalent among poor people.

These observations and problems of poverty encompass the feeling of powerlessness.

Majority of the poor people lead lives that appear to be regulated outside their control.

Most likely, evil forces or those in positions of authority are then ones monitoring people

in poverty. This point is further emphasized by the concept of relative deprivation.

As argued by Peter Townsend (1979), market generates certain levels of deprivation that

systematically hinders the poor from participating in economic and social activities of the

society. According to Townsend, it may be hypothesized that, as resources for any

individual and family are diminished, there is a point at which there occurs a sudden

withdrawal from customs and activities sanctioned by the culture (Townsend, 1979,

p.57).

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5. Juvenile delinquency: Juvenile delinquency is a set of crimes committed by juveniles

or children. A juvenile is a person, by some standards, who has not yet reached the age of

maturity, or the legal age of 18 in some countries. Juvenile delinquency is a serious social

issue because juveniles are capable of committing serious crimes.

Many legal systems around the world take special procedures in dealing with juvenile

delinquency. Many factors point out to the reasons why many young people resort to

juvenile delinquency. In addition, one will soon find out that the delinquents should only

receive a part of blame not all the blame for their actions. They are only victims of the

situation. Pushed into committing these things and were not really left with much of a

choice.

6. Addictions: Genetic, biological/pharmacological, and social factors precipitate chronic

conditions known as addiction. Addiction is characterized by the compulsive use of

substances or engagement of behaviors despite clear evidence to the user of consequent

morbidity and/or other harmful effects.” Addiction as mentioned above is a state wherein

a person engages in a certain behavior or substance repeatedly and soon becomes highly

dependent on this substance or behavior.

This situation can cause harmful effects on the person, not only physically but also

mentally, socially and financially not to mention the possibility of a run-in with the law.

Addictions can cause homelessness because it may cause the person to squander the

money that has been earned on this addiction. If this addiction becomes serious, it can

cause great financial instability, and in turn may lead to homelessness.

7. Schools: A school is a type of educational institution. The range of institutions covered

by the term varies from country to country. In the United Kingdom, the term school

refers primarily to pre-university institutions, and these can for the most part be divided

into primary schools (sometimes further divided into infant school and junior school) and

secondary schools.

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In North America, the term school refers to any institute of education, at any level, and

covers all of the following: preschool (for toddlers), kindergarten, elementary school,

middle school (also called intermediate school or junior high school, depending on

specific age groups and geographic region), high school, college, university, and

graduate school. In the US, school performance through high school is monitored by

each state's Department of Education.

2. Review of related literature

2.1 Introduction

This chapter reviews the related literature about the area of study. The manner of review

includes first, discovering where the research is coming from. Second is identifying the

extent of studies regarding the topic. Third is exploring the shortcomings of the studies.

Accordingly, this chapter provides the necessary backbone and support in order for the

research to stand credible.

By surveying the past researches related to the study, a historical perspective takes place.

In this manner, this study is able to reflect, to compare, to learn from setbacks, and to

produce a stronger and more efficient study. This part of the paper also provides the

research with a rich source of data, both new and old that enhances and enriches the

study.

The review of related literature focuses on discussing the following: (1) street children

phenomenon, (2) street children in global perspective, (3) street children in Sierra Leone,

(4) factors that cause street children phenomenon, (5) the intervention used by Sierra

Leone in order to solve the issue of street children, and (6) the living condition of street

children. The specific topics provide necessary materials for the study.

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2.2 Street children phenomenon

The scenario is typical and painstakingly well known; a busy street lined with different

establishments and shops that display the latest electronic equipment and the latest

fashion, well-dressed individual going in and out, the sound of vehicles speeding by,

expensive vehicles, and the flash of neon lights. Every night, cities and towns come alive

and urban life seems to reach its peak.

However, a typical scenario is also observable in the street. Some of these children sell

cigarettes, flowers, and even lottery tickets while some of these children are just loitering

and some of them are asleep in the arcades of the city. As the night goes by, street

children are seen sniffing solvents, smoking, gambling, and taking up with both locals

and foreigners for a night of big money. This means taking on odd jobs in order to earn

some money to ease their hunger or to give to their family who are starving to death

(Childhope, 1993).

These street children, which are known to be the offspring of this generation’s complex

urban realities all over the world signifies one of the global family’s most severe, urgent

and rampantly growing social dilemma. Consequently, there is no country and practically

no city or town can escape the occurrence of the street children. In some parts of the

globe, such occurrence is a daily occurrence. As mentioned earlier, this social dilemma

has grown in the last decades at an alarming and distressing rate throughout Africa and

Asia.

In contrast to popular belief, the so-called street children are noted to have a function in

the society. The presence of street children in nation’s functions is to reaffirm each

individual’s pre-existing intolerance and injustice regarding family, street crime,

substance abuse, and birth control. Usually, such phenomenon reaffirms ideas regarding

the incorrigibility of a child or his or her inherent resilience. The presence of this

phenomenon contributes to the confirmation of theological assumptions of corruption, sin

and violence, aggressions and other evils. Herein, most of the studies assumed that the

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presence of street children phenomenon defines moral boundaries and the heartless and

uncaring nature of contemporary and modern society.

Street children are part of contemporary life as it is recognised nowadays as street culture

of prostitution, drug selling and petty crime. Street children are part of the job market as

available, energetic, low-cost, unskilled, and short-term employees. Most of the street

children serve as runners to deliver some mostly illegal packages.

The street children terminology was pertinently coined sometime in the 1980s to

determine children who have preferred to spend most of their time in the busy streets in

different occupations. The age of the street children ranges from five to 18 years old and

these children ply sidewalks in a distracted attempt to take out whatever they can to bring

home to their starving families. This may include medicine, foods, and other necessities

for living. Most of the street children are those who lived with poor parents who have

migrated from the rural cities in hope of uplifting their life status in big city. However,

because of lack of educational attainments, these parents rendered them as ill equipped to

survive in the urban areas. Various countries describe street children in various manners.

2.2 Street children global perspectives

Worldwide, there were approximately 100 million children in 1993 that live on city

streets without care or shelter (World Health Organization 1993), a figure that doubled in

a three-year period (200 million in 1996). The United States has over two million

homeless and runaway (at risk of becoming homeless) youth, 16% of whom have run

away more than five times (Terrell 1997; Regoli and Hewitt 1991). Los Angeles County

alone has over 10,000 street youths. Canadian cities have 150,000 homeless youth, many

of whom are at high risk for AIDS (Davis 1993).

Some have estimated that as many as 70% of street children run away because of

physical and/or sexual abuse and family conflict (Jenks 1994). Others flee for adventure

or freedom, but often confront unanticipated risks, some of which are life threatening.

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The "hard core" homeless youth may number as high as 500,000 in the United States, but

services meet only a fraction of that in need (Baggett and Donough 1988).

Additionally, 500,000 juvenile prostitutes roam streets, many of whom are among the

covert homeless and thus not included in statistical reports, because they ostensibly have

shelter (Sereny 1985). In reality, they live a precarious existence with pimps or a series of

boyfriends, or with other prostitutes (King 1991). On a global level, sexual exploitation is

an enduring condition for girls.

In Australia, a country of under eighteen million people, the Human Rights and Equal

Opportunity Commission (Burdekin 1989; O'Connor 1989) estimated that between fifty

thousand and seventy thousand youth were homeless or in danger of becoming homeless.

The same report stressed that homelessness was not merely a condition of being on the

streets or the threat of homelessness, but in addition having a highly mobile life or

otherwise lacking security without dependable caregivers.

The Youth Accommodation Association in 1991 estimated that prostitution varies from

individual cases to mass victims of organized crime. This may encompass a selection of

children; some run away from home or from situations, some are sold by their parents,

some are forced or tricked into prostitution, some are street children, some are working

part-time and some full-time, some are amateurs, and some are professionals.

The effects of tourism on child prostitution have led to dangerous developments.

Children of both sexes are involved in satisfying the sexual appetites of organized bodies

of tourists; with paedophile tourists, they are able to obtain profusely illustrated guides

containing extensive information, including local agent, legal practices, and the "legal

limits" of contact with children in each country.

Prostitution of very young children is known to occur in Asia, Latin America, Europe,

and North America. In Bangkok, 30,000 children under 16 years of age and some as

young as six years old are estimated to work as prostitutes. Anti-Slavery International

20

reports approximately 200,000 child prostitutes in Thailand, where a relationship exists

between tourism, drugs, prostitution, and the German Mafia. A legal investigation by the

Thai government found that 13 of every 19 children involved in prostitution had been

deceived by promises of work or education, but were forced into prostitution.

Another investigation uncovered that brothel owners had beaten up or drugged children

who refused to work. Countries of the Middle East tend to deny that the problem exists in

the region. Yet, reports indicate that citizens of these countries travel to other countries,

especially in Southeast Asia, in search of sexual services.

In Brazil, those involved in illegal sexual activities often support their entire family by

their wages. Young prostitutes in Bogotá, Colombia earn 3,000 pesos from each client

($21), whose money may help support cocaine addictions and marijuana purchases. In

Europe and North America, economic deprivation, domestic violence and abuse, family

disintegration, and drug addiction are all significant factors leading to the increase in

runaways, homelessness, and child prostitution.

The usual account of how a child gets into prostitution in North America is that he or she

usually is a runaway newly arrived in a big city, and is picked up by a "sweet-talking"

pimp, who treats the child well for a short time, and then demands favours in return. A

recent study estimated that 5,000 boys and 3,000 girls below the age of 18 are involved in

prostitution in Paris. In 1990, the legal age of consent in the Netherlands was reduced to

12 years old. Child sexuality has existed for two millennia or more, but the current

industry of child prostitution may represent a more highly exploitative and destructive

version, especially in light of the international AIDS epidemic.

In the state of New South Wales alone, there were about 20,000 to 25000 young people,

aged twelve to eighteen seeking accommodation because of homelessness (Coffey and

Wadelton 1991). This number does not include the discouraged homeless or those living

in squats (abandoned buildings), sleeping outdoors, and living in temporary housing

arrangements, and other makeshift situations. Covert homelessness is similarly patterned

21

in Australia as in the United States, where the practice of short-term live-in relationships

with boyfriends or "sugar daddies" may account for the gross under-representation of

girls in official counts (King 1991).

The Australian Institute of Family Studies research on youth applying for the Young

Homeless Allowance found a number of recurring themes often associated with "extreme

domestic disharmony" (Cass 1991, 48):

(1) The re-partnering of parents precipitating conflict;

(2) Strong cultural and value differences between generations affecting young persons

from different ethnic backgrounds wishing to adopt the values and practices of their

Anglo-Australian peers;

(3) Violence and sexual abuse affecting young women in particular;

(4) Unemployment by parents or by youth; or lack of employment for rural or outer

suburban youth who then seek jobs in the city, and inadvertently become homeless in the

urban centre as limited work, inadequate support and life skills lead to youth joblessness;

and

(5) Young women, especially, are more likely to be unemployed and remain so for longer

periods, less likely to be in education and training, more likely to be found in marginal

part-time or casual work, and more prone to seek employment in a narrow range of

occupations.

This contributes to systematic neglect of the exploitation and misery that young people

experience, as well as their increased likelihood of entering criminal careers. The World

Health Organization's (WHO) report on street youth in ten cities wholly rejects the short-

term thesis (1993). Instead, the WHO argues not only that the street lifestyle exposes

street children and adolescents to multiple forms of victimization, but that street survival

entailing drug addiction, dependency on prostitution, or other street crimes may

jeopardize the youth's return to mainstream society.

In many instances, street activities simply kill the youth outright (e.g., drug overdoses,

murder, suicide). In addition to the street lifestyle that precludes movement back to home

22

and school, the equation of sexual abuse and homelessness implies a "forced exit" (Hirst

1989) and acts as an additional barrier to young people's returning to their abusive

families ( Robson 1992).

Moreover, after months or years on the street, there may be a severing of all familial ties,

physical retribution, and in some cases, going into hiding for some time with possible

change of name and state. Homeless young people experience chronic loss and suffering

because street life teaches harsh lessons. It promotes learning how to be abusive,

dishonest, evasive, selfish, and irresponsible in order to "play the system" and uses

violence, drug addiction, and criminal behaviour as essential parts of the street survival

kit (Robson 1992). Violence is part of the daily routine of street youth and involves peers,

acquaintances, police, and strangers (Alder 1991; Davis 1993; Terrell 1997).

Young people escape violent homes only to encounter further violence on the streets

(Burdekin 1989). Among homeless youth, extensive histories of violence exposure--

including witnessing violence, victimization, fear, and perpetrator roles--regularly occur.

Kipke et al (1997) report that among a Hollywood, California, homeless youth sample,

70% reported having been punched, hit, burned, or beaten; 33% indicated having been

seriously hurt during a violent attack; and 44% reported having been sexually assaulted,

molested, or raped. The Hollywood sample emphasizes that the increase in risk for

violent victimization associated with life on the streets is particularly strong for females

(Kipke et al. 1997).

Alder (1991a; 1991b) conducted intensive interviews with 51 homeless Australian youth

under the age of 18 reveal that almost two-thirds had been physically assaulted and half

had been sexually assaulted in the previous twelve months. Distinct gender differences in

victimization prevail, "violence for males predominantly involves fights, while for

females, it involves sexual assaults" (Alder 1991a, 10).

Perpetrators of this violence were overwhelmingly male, including police attacks

reported by 47% of females and 58% of males (Alder, 1991a). One of the most disturbing

23

findings of Alder's research is the extent to which these young people suffer violent

victimization without seeking assistance or reporting the crime to authorities.

In the United States, street children are a serious problem for young people and

delinquencies are punishable by arrest and jailing (Janus et al. 1987). Girls make up 63%

of young people appearing in juvenile court charged with running away from home

(Chesney-Lind and Shelden 1993). Because runaways are virtually without police

protection, they are the most vulnerable group for violence and sexual exploitation

(White, Underwood, and Omelczuk 1991). Once forced out, the movement into

prostitution may follow shortly there after. A study in Miami consisting of 100 seriously

delinquent, drug-addicted girls shows the age at first time for prostitution was 12.6 years

old ( Inciardi and Pottieger 1991).

Street prostitution is undoubtedly the most violent-prone experience among all street

activities, and follows a childhood of sexual assault, rape, and physical assault (Boyer et

al. 1988; Davis 1993a; 1993c). Teenage prostitutes are drawn from the chronic homeless

who often live in squats or "crash pads" in abandoned buildings without utilities or

bathrooms (Beyette 1988). Several factors may be involved with a girl engaging in

prostitution, “she may be coerced, tricked, seduced, blackmailed by a pimp, or learned in

her abusive family to communicate primarily through sex” (Campagna and Poffenberger

1988, 65-66).

Lack of shelters is a major factor in the girl's movement into prostitution (Davis 1993b;

1993c). However, the most common form of teenage prostitution is a non-commercial

transaction, "survival sex," by which the girl trades sex for "warm shelter for a night,

drugs or perhaps a few 'Big Macs'" (Beyette 1988; see also Chesney-Lind and Shelden

1993, 38). American data on drug use among young people show a strong association

between substance abuse and delinquency, a trend that is increasingly occurring among

younger ages (National Institute of Justice 1997).

24

Majority of today’s youth faces conflicts that they can barely handle in a very young age.

Modernization has brought many social changes in the society. These children are being

taken for granted, usually by parents who both work and have no time for their children.

Another factor is the issue of broken family, peer pressure, and many other issues that

would make a youth feel inferior of himself/herself.

Many youth with problems seek a way to express themselves and unfortunately, this

search for self –expression has often lead to deviant practices such as joining gangs,

engaging in pre-marital sex and engaging in substance abuse. Stephen (1997) wrote that

growing numbers of children are being neglected, abused, and ignored. Without change,

the dark spectre of generational warfare could become all too real. Stephen (1997) further

continues that child-care advocates report that up to 15% of 16 to 19-year-olds are at risk

of never reaching their potential and simply becoming lost in society.

In other recent studies, the research shows that family and peer influence, individual

characteristics including behaviour and personality can also be considered as factors that

influence children and adolescent to engage in substance abuse (Johnston, O’Malley &

Bachman, 2003). There are several ways to determine if a youth is at-risk of substance

abuse. Christle, et al (2002) cited that researchers have identified a number of

demographic and behavioural characteristics of youth that contribute to their risk of

involvement with substance abuse. The following behaviours are related to ethnic

minority status: aggressiveness, antisocial behaviour, difficulties in school and school

failure (including educational disabilities). These risk factors are common denominators

in the backgrounds of youth who require a variety of human services like child welfare

services.

2.3 Substance use and abuse

Substance use and abuse is in the forefront of societal problems. It is a pervasive

problem, affecting directly or indirectly the overwhelming majority of persons. The

deleterious impact of alcohol and drugs is devastating. The involvement of some children

25

and adolescents in substance abuse often lead to different consequences. Such

consequences include physiological, psychosocial, and legal aspects.

The physiological effect of drug abuse depends on the drugs in use. Substance abuse

undermines physical health. For example, chronic alcohol abuse is associated with

diseases of the liver, central nervous system, and heart. Often, as in the case of the brain

disorder, Korsakoff's syndrome, the damage resulting from alcohol abuse is irreversible.

Additional health problems stemming from the use of other substances are well

documented (Colby 2000). Well-known examples are lung cancer caused by smoking,

and pervasive central nervous system damage resulting from the inhaling of solvents,

cardiovascular disease and neurological damage.

In addition, many substances are toxic in excessive doses, resulting in numerous acute

and chronic effects on physical health, potentially leading to permanent disability or

death. Finally, substance abuse increases the risk for acquiring other health-related

problems, sexually transmitted diseases, or trauma secondary to accidents while under the

influence of psychoactive substances (Colby 2000).

Mental health disorders often occur with substance abuse. Co-morbidity

is relatively common, with up to one third of individuals with psychiatric disorders

reporting a lifetime history of substance abuse disorders as well. In some instances,

psychiatric disorder precedes or even contributes to the development of substance abuse,

whereas in others, emotional and behavioural disturbances arise within the context of

alcohol and drug use problems (Colby 2000).

A large body of research has delineated the disproportionate representation of

psychological dysfunction in substance abusers. Included are problems in personality,

mood, self-esteem, coping, behaviour, and social functioning. Once again, some of these

psychological difficulties may be evident prior to the onset of substance abuse, although

26

psychological functioning often worsens over time in individuals with substance use

disorders (McWhirter, 2004).

In addition, children and adolescents who are involved in substance abuse may also be

affected in terms of their educational status. Abuse of specific substances may also

contribute to relatively unique psychological presentations, such as the a-motivational

state that has been linked to chronic marijuana use. Other psychological effects of

substance abuse are directly linked to the biological impact of psychoactive substances

(such as anxiety and irritability stemming from withdrawal) and the behaviours that result

from dependence on drugs and alcohol (such as craving and preoccupation with obtaining

desired substances).

Today, youth in the age of 13 is becoming the average age for early criminal participation

(burglary, robbery, and serious theft) or early use of drugs other than alcohol and

marijuana (Carpenter et al. 1988:11). This drug-crime link may be especially pronounced

among street youth because of the high availability of drugs as well as their intricate

involvement with the street scene. The widespread use of drugs by virtually all young

street people has become the norm (Davis 1993; Costello 1991; Inciardi, Horowitz, and

Pottieger 1993; WHO 1993; King 1991). For example, crack cocaine has been estimated

to be eight times as prevalent among runaway and homeless youth as in the general

adolescent population (Kral et al. 1997).

Homelessness contributes to high criminality among youth. Results from previous

research with homeless youth suggest that "hunger causes theft of food, problems of

hunger and shelter lead to serious theft, and problems of unemployment and shelter are

associated with prostitution" ( Kipke et al. 1997). McCarthy and Hagan ( 1991) self-

report study of 390 homeless youth in Toronto, Canada, found that although a sizable

proportion of those surveyed participated in a number of illegal activities (most of them

minor delinquencies) before leaving home, a significantly higher proportion of

adolescents were involved in more-serious criminal activities afterwards. Levels of crime

27

show profound increases for older street children for those whose homelessness lasts for

more than a year.

They propose that street life is inherently "criminogenic" in that it provides both

opportunities for criminal offending as well as the necessity to sustain existence. The fact

that the youth's participation in crime escalates after a certain period on the street points

to the probability that crime may be adopted as a "conditional survival strategy" for

coping with the economic and social strains that characterize homelessness (McCarthy

and Hagan 1991).

2.4 Young women in the street

Davis (1999) provides a study that explores the process of how girls are usually forced

into the streets. The study consisted of a case study comprising of 105 young women in

Sydney, Australia in 1992. Fifty percent of these young women were living in a shelter at

the time of the interview while 14% were located in a girls’ detention centre. The average

number of shelters each girl has gone through implies that homelessness among girls is a

serious matter because even in a rich country such as Australia, the problem exists. The

following sections provide the certain factors that could be considered reasons why

young women are in the streets according to the study of Davis (1999).

2.4.1 Family history Family histories reveal several significant themes. First, family breakdown through death,

divorce or separation is common. Less than one-third grew up with an intact family,

almost 20% because of a parent's death, and 50% because of divorce. Additionally,

another 14% had lost siblings through death. Chronic disease also affected about 25% of

the girls' parents or siblings, with many of the illnesses occurring when they were in

infancy or throughout their childhood.

Second, parental employment patterns show that mothers or stepmothers were much

more likely to have professional or white-collar jobs, compared to fathers or stepfathers.

28

Given the resistance to stereotypical gender roles, this status discrepancy may have been

a contributing factor in the high rates of parental conflict and abusive drinking patterns.

These girls have experienced sustained abuse; some from infancy or young childhood

onward, as shown by their self-reported statements on types of maltreatment (see Table

6.2). Physical abuse was experienced by almost 65 percent; emotional abuse was reported

by 82 percent; and sexual abuse was a factor in the lives of nearly half the sample.

Perpetrators were overwhelmingly fathers or stepfathers, although mothers counted

among a significant proportion of those who were defined as emotional abusers (27

percent).

Although fathers and stepfathers accounted for only 39 percent of the sexual abuse cases,

other male predators, including older siblings, uncles, friends and neighbours, family

acquaintances, or strangers had been involved in the abuse. When questioned about their

experience with family counselling, given the pattern of family violence and substance

abuse, 52% indicated that they had at least one or more sessions with a therapist; only

11% found such intervention useful. Most of the young women complained that one or

both parents refused to follow up either on the appointments or the recommendations of

the therapist.

2.4.2 Alcohol and drug use

Among these girls, heavy alcohol and drug use was common with 30% begins drug use at

age twelve and below. Almost 87% have used substances that were either illegal for

minors or contraband for all persons. Alcohol and marijuana remained the drugs of

choice (nearly 50% were currently using alcohol, and 51% admitted to current use of

marijuana), but their drug experience extended to heroin, cocaine/ crack, amphetamines,

prescription drugs, methadone, inhalants, and barbiturates.

The study also confirmed that some girls report being raped, mugged, beaten up, thrown

out of shelters or apartments, losing friends, having accidents, experiencing blackouts,

and other severe mishaps while drunk or drugged but nothing usually happen in the cases.

Many girls boasted about their high level of alcohol or drug intake, and apparently

29

perceived little connection between their health and safety problems and their alcohol and

drug use.

2.4.3 Health issues

The United Nations' Year of the Child and its Declaration on the Rights of Children

focused much attention on the situation of street children in less developed countries

throughout the world. The situation includes violence directed toward street children,

such as police brutality, frequent imprisonment, and even (in at least one case) killings of

street children that are informally sanctioned and abetted by officials and the media. In

their haste to condemn these intolerable conditions in the less developed nations, many

commentators in the more developed countries have all too easily forgotten that the

conditions of children in their own countries have steadily deteriorated in the past decade.

There is every reason to expect that street children experience exceptionally widespread

health problems, an expectation that is borne out by what little research exists. For

instance, there are studies that compared the health problems of 110 street children in Los

Angeles to those of 655 children in normal family home who had been seen in the same

health clinics. Among the conclusions of the study were that street youth are at greater

risk for a wide variety of medical problems and of health-compromising behaviours

including suicide and depression, prostitution, and drug use.

It has been noted that more widespread among the street children were genitourinary

problems, hepatitis, asthma, serious respiratory infections (pneumonia), lice, drug abuse,

and trauma. Life on the streets or even in institutions, such as refuges or detention

centres, away from family, caring adults, and normal routines, has been shown to be

hazardous to health. About 75% of this group have sought medical care since becoming

homeless.

The high medical risk of homelessness is apparent in the list of medical problems

reported by this group that range from what medical informants emphasize are common

ailments experienced by homeless persons, such as scabies, head lice, foot problems, and

30

frequent colds. In addition, this is a population of young women and girls who are

exposed to high rates of violence; sexual coercion and unprotected sex that contributes to

sexually transmitted diseases; pelvic inflammatory disease; and in three cases, a diagnosis

of HIV-positive for AIDS. Almost 45% have been pregnant, itself a serious health risk,

considering the age of some of these young women. Some reported illnesses have been

complications from pregnancy or abortion.

2.5 Children in and off the street

According to the study of Connolly (1990) involving Honduran street children, age

ranges from one to 22 years with the average of about 11 years old. Children of the

streets are older on average (mean age = 12.9 years) than market children (mean age =

10.3 years). Boys are more numerous than girls are: among market children (N = 909),

54% are boys and 46% are girls; the street children (N = 110) are overwhelmingly boys

(95%).

The strong preponderance of males among Honduran children of the street and among

homeless U.S. adults is indicative of the matrilineal organization of poverty families in

both nations, whereby young males are considerably more likely than young females to

be "turned out" (kicked out or asked to go) once familial resources have been stretched

past the limit.

A substantial majority of both groups are native Tegucigalpa’s, although nearly 40% of

the children of the street (and 17% of the market children) are in-migrants from other

regions of the country, reflective of the rural-to-urban population flow discussed earlier.

One assumes that many of the in-migrating children of the street have fled abusive or

otherwise unacceptable family situations whereas the in-migrating market children have

come to the city with their families.

Other studies of street children in Bogotá and Guatemala City suggest that weak or

disorganized family structures contribute a great deal to the problem. Whether resulting

31

from the cultural disorientation of rural migrants experience or the extreme material

deprivation of the urban slum, the family's role as a protective and socializing force for

children is diminished; for many older boys in particular, life in the streets becomes an

adaptation to unbearable family conditions (Connolly 1990).

Consistent with earlier findings, the Honduran children also tend to come from large,

disorganized family backgrounds. About five percent of the children of the streets and

two percent of the market children are orphans; among the remainder, the average

number of other persons living in the child's nuclear household is five point three. Very

few of the parents of these children are currently married (15% of the market kids; only

8% of the street kids), most are separated or divorced (45% of the total sample), while

others were never married in the first place (32%).

Family disorganization and estrangement are, of course, dramatically higher for the true

abandoned street children than for the market children. Among the latter, case workers

have assessed 78% as having good to excellent relations with their families; among the

former, this is true of only 32%. Three-quarters of the children of the street but only a

fifth of the market children exhibit symptoms of family dysfunction. Nearly nine in ten of

the market children (86%) live with one or both of their parents. Among children of the

street, barely a third lives with a parent and most (57%) of them live and sleeps, literally,

in the streets of the city.

Two-thirds of the market kids have someone who takes care of and looks after them

during the days (normally the mother, of course). This is true of only 13% of the children

of the street, and in most cases (Nine of 14); the caretaker is a brother or sister who is

also in the streets. About half the market children attend school (many are too young to

do so) while 90% of the abandoned street children do not. Of those who have ever

received formal schooling, almost all have completed three or fewer years. A bare

majority (57%) can read and write at some level; the remainder cannot. Very few of these

children (either category) are recent arrivals in fact, 82% have been in the streets for more

than a year.

32

It is of more than passing interest that there are equivalent rates of all these indicators of

family "dysfunction" among the families of street children in Honduras, where there is a

very limited welfare system, and where nothing even remotely similar to AFDC exists.

The similarity in outcome, in the context of very different structural conditions (presence

or absence of welfare) suggests instead that severely restricted economic opportunities in

both nations create a shortage of desirable males capable of helping to support a family,

and that the women in both nations therefore do without husbands in fulfilling their

pronatalist values.

As suggested earlier, most of the market children's economic activities are based on the

informal economy of the open-air market; average daily earnings per child (as reported to

the interviewers) vary from as little as 20 centavos (about $0.04) to as much as 10

lempira ($1.90). In nearly all cases, the earnings of the market children are shared with

their families. In addition to general "market work," other activities include carrying

things, running errands, and selling trinkets, gum, and candy.

The children of the street support themselves mainly through begging (42%), carrying

things for people (15%), and petty theft (12%); nearly all of them keep for themselves

whatever money they earn. Interviewer assessments of client functioning in a number of

areas showed that about one client in six (16%) probably suffered fair to poor mental

health, more than a third (36%) were in fair to poor physical health, and over 40% had

significant nutritional deficiencies. In most cases, these assessments were more negative

for the children of the street than the market children, but the differences were not large.

The range and extent of health and social problems indicated in these data are scarcely

surprising. As of the intake interview, doctors had not seen five percent of these children

and another 51% had not been seen by a doctor or other health professional in more than

a year. Their nutritional needs were also unmet; it is worth noting that only 59% of these

children ate three meals a day on the average; about a third ate only two meals a day;

eight percent ate only one. Here, as in most other comparisons, the market children fared

33

considerably better; among the abandoned street children, only six percent ate three

meals a day.

Despite these differences, it is of considerable interest that researchers have found

second- and third-degree malnutrition only among the market children; they have seen no

such cases among the children of the street. It also needs to be mentioned that in the

Honduran context, the breakfast meal can consist of just coffee, bread, and lunch while

dinner might be nothing but tortillas and salt.

In most Latin American countries, definitely including Honduras, inadequate nutrition is

so prevalent that most hospitals have special wings to care for malnourished and starving

children (Lusk 1989). There are other conditions, which undermine the life chances of

these children. Police have arrested about half the children of the street (but almost none

of the market children); four in ten have been in jail (15% of them many times). One in

five of the abandoned street kids belong to a street gang. More than half sniff glue (half

regularly); four in ten also drink alcohol at least occasionally; six in ten smoke cigarettes;

one in five smokes marijuana. (In contrast, substance abuse is nearly absent among the

market children.)

Thus, inhalants are the most commonly abused substance among abandoned street

children in Honduras, as opposed to alcohol (and then crack) among homeless teens in

the United States, but the overall rate of substance abuse is about the same in both

contexts. As in the United States, street children in Honduras sniff glue because it is very

cheap; the pharmacological effects are quite similar to those of alcohol. Sniffing glue,

like getting drunk, diminishes pain, reduces fear, increases bravado, and suppresses

hunger.

Further compounding the health and emotional difficulties of the abandoned street

children is that many of them (44%) are sexually active (compared to only 5% of the

market children). Almost all of the sexually active children of the street (85 percent; N =

47) have been treated for sexually transmitted diseases at least once (compared to only

34

40% of the sexually active market children; N = 40). More than a fifth of the sexually

active children of the street also have engaged in prostitution.

Despite the many clear differences between children in and of the streets of Tegucigalpa

and homeless children in U.S. cities, the health problems of the two groups are

remarkably similar. Skin ailments, respiratory infections, trauma, and dental problems are

the leading causes of morbidity in both contexts. As in the U.S. case, the diseases and

disorders exhibited among these children are not unusual or exotic ailments for the most

part; they are, rather, the characteristic diseases of childhood.

However, because of the degraded conditions of existence, they appear at abnormally

high rates and intensities. During a recent visit to the project, Wright observed the

medical team treating six of the abandoned street children. Three of the children were

being treated for trauma (two of them secondary to police-administered beatings the

previous evening, the third a knife wound resulting from a fight), one had an upper

respiratory infection, one had a severe case of head lice, and the sixth had come to see the

doctor just because he was sad.

Street children in all societies inhabit an exceptionally high-risk environment. Nutritional

status and personal hygiene are generally poor. Thus, many are debilitated and

susceptible to infection. Life in the streets is an obvious risk factor for injuries and

disorders due to exposure. Crowded and unsanitary living conditions present optimal

vectors for the transmission of infectious and communicable disease. Air and noise

pollution are extreme.

Extreme poverty prevents customary treatment with over-the-counter palliatives such as

aspirin, dermatological preparations, or cough syrup. Overall, there is scarcely any aspect

of a street existence that does not imperil the physical health of children; this is equally

true in Honduras, in the United States, and, one imagines, everywhere else.

35

The general theme that emerges in these data (consistent with the observations of our

street educators and clinicians in Tegucigalpa) is that the social problems of the market

children stem primarily from the extreme poverty of their families, whereas the social

problems of the abandoned street children result from being essentially family less in the

first place. Neither situation is acceptable, of course, but there is little doubt that the

abandoned street children are the more troubled group (and more comparable to homeless

teens in U.S. cities).

Life in the street has become a generic condition in contemporary society. Almost one-

quarter of homeless people in the various countries are children (persons seventeen and

under), the average age of which is nine. Few street children have escaped emotional,

behavioural, and academic problems, and among those who have serious behavioural

problems, few of the children receive any treatment.

The homeless family population is one source for homeless children and youth.

According to the National Centre for Children in Poverty, New York City witnessed an

astounding 500 percent increase in the number of homeless families within a decade, with

close to 1,000 new families entering the New York City system each month. Today, there

are over 400,000 homeless families living in shelters in the United States (Homes for the

Homeless, NYC 1998).

Homelessness among the poor is directly attributed to three main conditions: (1) reducing

benefits and dropping people from assistance programs; (2) sharp rise in housing costs

due to fall of low-income housing construction and the abolishment of existing single-

room occupancy (SRO); and (3) economic displacement, people pushed out of their jobs

through unemployment, underemployment, and the low-income housing pinch.

According to Vanderstaay (1992), the supply of low-income housing shrank half a

million units for every year of the Reagan administration.

Still, the largest proportion of street children previously were attached to residential

families, not homeless ones, and such youth have either been cast out, voluntarily left

36

because of poverty, or have run away from oppressive home conditions, especially

violence and abuse. Parent-adolescent conflict is the major trigger that initiates the

separation process.

Some scholars claims that running away, ostracism, separation, restrictive interaction,

and other efforts to curtail, reduce, or end contact all represent expressions of

"avoidance," a conflict-management strategy that arises to deal with perceived injustices

and grievances. Avoidance is perhaps the most common way to deal with family

conflicts, and may appear in various forms on a continuum from the voluntary and covert

to the coercive and overt: exit (voluntary departure), exclusion (denial of access),

expulsion (denial of membership), and exile (isolation). The coercive and overt strategy,

if relentlessly pursued by either party, entails only limited risks for parents and

caregivers, whose liability may be taken over by the state. However, it invariably leads to

drastic consequences for adolescents, for whom banishment, whether self- or other-

imposed, rarely resolves the grievances but certainly may be fateful.

In virtually every respect, Australia and the United States share the "culture of

childhood," a pro-child ideology that constitutes juvenile homelessness as particularly

reprehensible. Historically, Australia and the United States have a common ancestry, as

well as embracing a legacy of democratic institutions and a welfare-oriented state. Unlike

the United States, which has always been reluctant to expand the public sector, Australia

has a far more developed system of state intervention. For example, low-income and

street children in Australia are frequently awarded a "Street children allowance," a

subsistence income, which permits them to attend school or seek out-of-home shelter

without resorting to crime.

Street risks among homeless girls

physical psychological environmental -drug/alcohol abuse -drug/alcohol abuse -drug/alcohol abuse

-drug overdose -infertility -delinquency stigma -poor foster homes;

37

inadvertently leads to

extended stays in brothels or living

with series of men

-sexually transmitted diseases (STD's) -sleeping/eating disorders

-HIV/AIDS -pregnancy

-cervical Cancer -hysteria -adult criminal associates

-murder -sexual harassment -"shelterization" -rape

-suicide -peer pressure -dependency cycle

-emotional abuse -misguided/ contradictory

agency care

-physical assault -genital/facial/limb

disfigurement -value loss contributes to confused sexual identity

-victimogenic/ criminogenic

milieus

-"post-traumatic syndrome" reinforces

patterns of instability in relationships/

life choices

Source: Vanderstaay (1992).

Life on the streets has its positive side as well, according to some of our respondents.

Freedom from adult constraints, autonomy to make their own decisions, fun, and

adventure with peers, and learning to "stick together like a family" made street life

worthwhile. Whereas some relish their freedom, many indicate that being away from the

family is not considered a "best thing in life." The worst thing in life now for 30 percent

remains the unresolved conflict with their family. Many regretted leaving home at all,

even when parents ordered them out.

38

2.6 Street children in Sierra Leone

Accordingly, there are two categories of street children in Sierra Leone. The first is

referred to children who stay with their parents or adult guardians at home but who go

into the street daily to socialise with other children or to earn money for their family or

for themselves. These children return home in the evening. The next category is those

children who have abandoned or leave their homes and are permanently staying or living

on the streets to work. These children have not received any parental guidance or parental

care. Both categories are said to be equally vulnerable to violations of children’s rights

and child abuse.

When discussion the dilemma of street children, it is important to stress several

demographic facts. In 2001, the estimated population of Sierra Leone is 4.6 million. It is

noted that the population of Sierra Leone is young and those under 18 correspond to 2.3

million while the average annual growth rate of the population in urban cities between

1990-2001 is 3.2%. Consequently, it is not possible to provide a definite number of street

children Sierra Leone since there has not been any official collated record of street

children in the country. However, a research conducted from 1984 up to now in different

parts of Sierra Leone has put the number of street children between 1, 625 and 3, 000.

There have been few rigorous studies of street children in Sierra Leone, but such

children's means of survival are fairly well known. It is virtually impossible to walk

across downtown without being confronted repeatedly by child beggars. Children as

young as two years old will approach both Africans and foreigners, whom they will ask

for money, or food. Some children work alone, but most work with a small group of other

children or even with the child's entire family.

A common scene is for a young girl (perhaps 12 years old) to beg for money with a

young sibling on her back. At times, the young girl may claim that the child on her back

is her own, which, on occasion, it may be. However, more often than not, the child is a

younger brother or sister carried around in an effort to elicit sympathy from people they

39

approach for money. Children may simply approach strangers and ask for money, turning

away when they are told no. Other children will walk with a person (especially foreign

whites) for several blocks, stressing their chronic hunger. Some children even tug on the

arms of people in an effort to "encourage" giving.

Another approach occurs at stoplights, where children (either alone or smeared with dirt)

move from the driver's window to the passenger side of the same car in an effort to find a

sympathetic person. Although an occasional person in the car or on the street gives

money to street beggars, the vast majority of people do not. Even those citizens who do

give money often avoid all physical contact with the street child for fear of contracting

some type of skin disease.

Some street children engage in some type of labour to survive. A large number of young

boys are "parking boys," who wait on crowded urban streets for cars to approach. The

child (or children) will "assist" the driver in pulling into a parking place and then will

clean and "guard" the car while the driver is away. Street children hope that the driver

will pay them for their efforts. Although some girls participate in this activity, the

overwhelming majority of such children are boys. Other street children sell a variety of

small items in the informal sector, including paper from trash containers, peanuts, candy,

cigarettes, and other products. In addition, because of desperate economic conditions,

some children increasingly steal watches, purses, and other items, especially in urban

areas.

Street children represent a large pool of easily exploited workers in various types of

labour. Young boys are recruited for manual labour positions such as dishwashers and

cleaners, especially in small informal-sector eating establishments known as kiosks. The

boys wake up very early to clean and work in the kitchen (e.g., peel potatoes) and after

working through the day and evening; they clean again after closing hours. In exchange

for this labour, the boys are paid a nominal wage, given food, and allowed to sleep on the

kiosk floor. Clearly, these boys do not have the opportunity to attend school.

40

Young girls often are recruited as ‘house girls’ (maids), where they work very long hours

doing housework and caring for young children. House girls seldom have an opportunity

to attend school and receive very little payment or nothing for their labour. They often

receive only a room and food. Moreover, house girls are frequent victims of sexual abuse

by men in the home. Sierra Leone laws on child labour are weak and rarely enforced.

Prostitution constituting street children in Sierra Leone is also a major problem. Recent

surveys reveal that child prostitution is the leading form of child exploitation in Kenya

today, particularly in urban centres. The majority of girls are from poor families --

abandoned, neglected or orphaned children who are exposed to this lifestyle during their

problematic young lives. Although good estimates concerning the number of children

engaged in prostitution are not available, there is a consensus that the numbers are

growing for several reasons: (1) Sierra Leone’s deepening poverty is a breeding ground

for sexual and other types of exploitation. More girls become involved in prostitution to

survive and to generate additional income for their families.

Increasingly boys are also turning to prostitution as a way to survive the streets. (2) The

alarming increase in AIDS has caused men to look for younger and younger sexual

partners in the belief that they will be free from the disease. This means that more and

more children are contracting sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including HIV. One

estimate is that about 20 percent of children with AIDS are in the five to 14 age range, a

group that has not contracted HIV at birth or through breast-feeding. Much of this

increase is due to growing prostitution among the very young in the country. Some

estimates indicate that nine out of ten street girls have been treated for sexually

transmitted diseases and that three out of ten are HIV positive.

To summarize, street children are compelled to beg, work, steal, and prostitute

themselves in order to survive. The effects of this way of life are predictable and

depressing. The physical toll is enormous. Street children suffer from high rates of

disease, malnutrition, drug abuse (especially petrol and glue sniffing), and sexual abuse.

Children without homes must also contend with rain, cold, lack of sanitation, and

41

environmental hazards. In addition to disease and other adverse conditions, street

children must face a public that, although generally sympathetic, is growing increasingly

frustrated with the aggressive tactics used by youngsters. Some children are slapped,

pushed, or verbally abused by citizens on the street.

A few children are also victims of random violence. Even the most concerned citizens

often refuse to give money to street children and encourage them to move off the streets

and back home. Unfortunately, the street is "home" for an increasing number of children.

Beyond the physical damage that accompanies street life, there is a substantial mental and

emotional toll. Chronic malnutrition stunts mental development, as does the widespread

drug abuse that characterizes street life. It is clear that some street children now routinely

use “hard drugs”. In addition, street children seldom attend school for very long,

precluding them from developing the basic skills necessary for life.

All of these problems are compounded by the emotional stress and abuse that go along

with begging, stealing, and prostitution. Even if street children were institutionalized for

rehabilitation, they would still have to cope with the years of trauma, abuse, and sadness

that many have endured. Street life in Kenya is extremely dangerous for children, stealing

their childhood and producing circumstances that can end their lives.

2.7 Factors that deteriorates condition in Sierra Leone

There is no single factor causing the declining quality of life among Sierra Leone’s

children. Moreover, there is no magic formula to determine why children face

increasingly difficult circumstances in the country. There are, however, a number of

conditions and situations widely believed to cause or exacerbate the declining plight of

Sierra Leone’s children. The factors are discussed individually.

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2.7.1 Economic stagnation

There is little questioning that economic performance and the distribution of income has

relationship with physical quality of life in a country. If a country has a growing economy

and distributes resources equitably, then there will be more money for health, education,

and the provision of basic services. Conversely, if a country has a contracting economy,

or if it distributes resources inequitably, then there will be few resources available to

improve the physical quality of life of the mass population.

The biggest losers in this situation are children, who often have the lowest priority in

difficult circumstances (UNICEF 1993). In terms of economic growth, Sierra Leone's

situation has fluctuated since the country was devastated by civil war. Accordingly,

Sierra Leone is an extremely poor West African country with greater inequality in

income distribution.

While Sierra Leone possess substantial fishery, agricultural and mineral resources, the

social and economic infrastructure of the country is not well developed and grim social

and national disorders continue to hinder economic growth and development. The

condition of Sierra Leone’s economy highly depends upon the maintenance and

preservation of domestic peace and continued reception of substantial aid from

foreigners, which is important to offset the extreme trade inequality and supplement

government income.

The main distinction was that between rural and urban income. Nationwide the average

annual income of rural people had been estimated at around. Generally, their living

standards were marginal. They lived in houses that they had built of locally available

materials, and they grew most of the food they consumed.

In good years, they were able to store enough food to last until the harvest of the

following year and possibly had a small surplus for sale. A bad year could mean a

43

prolonged period of hunger before the next crops were harvested. Migration from farms

to towns and mining areas had been an established trend for several decades and

continued in 1976. However, villagers who attempted to escape the rigors of farm life

were seldom able to find full-time urban employment.

Life-styles of the well-to-do in Freetown or mining towns like Sefadu and Yengema in

Kono district contrasted sharply with those of villagers or the urban poor. They owned

automobiles, refrigerators, sewing machines, radios, and other durable goods. They

varied their diets with imported foods and had access to modern medical care.

On balance, inflation and unemployment also remained relatively low during this period.

The situation began to change significantly in Sierra Leone and the rest of Africa during

the 1980s. Between 1980 and 1990, Sierra Leone’s total economic growth slowed and its

industrial expansion decreased. To make matters worse, inflation is skyrocketing at an

annual rate that exceeds 40%, drastically reducing the standard of living of citizens

already suffering in a stagnant economy.

In real terms, the average income gross national product (GNP per capita) is about one-

half of what it was in the late 1970s. In 1976 no national unemployment insurance or

compulsory government program of old age benefits had been established, but certain

categories of wage earners were covered by injury and disability benefits programs. Most

Sierra Leonean continued to depend on their next of kin to help them in case of sickness

or unemployment and in old age.

Economic decline clearly affects children in specific ways. First, families have

substantially less purchasing power today. This translates into less food, less medicine,

less schooling, and fewer overall services for children. An increasing number of Sierra

Leonean families simply cannot afford even the necessities of life during this period of

severe economic stagnation and austerity. Street children are a direct consequence of this

climate. Second, the government and other national organizations do not have as much

money for programs to assist children and other vulnerable groups.

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2.7.2 Child abuse On the streets, one can earn one’s living, watch the goings-on in the city, wander around,

and play. There are neither schedules nor bosses, and each young person seems to be in

control of his own body and his own time. However, under this veneer of freedom and

independence, one also finds hunger, cold weather, aggressive competitors, exploitation,

and fellowship with the corrupt and violent side of law enforcement. Life is agonizing,

and one’s horizon does not extend beyond day-to-day survival, social relationships where

individualism dominates, constant fear, and—in the worst case—death itself.

To the majority of those children and youth, therefore, living on the streets is not really a

choice, but rather a result of their lack of alternatives. Once the street instructors win their

trust during the pedagogical romance phase, usually they express a desire to leave the

streets, go back to their families, attend school, and work. One of the reasons for this

choice is because of the abusive environment they have at home.

Physical and emotional abuse, neglect, and incest have enough similarities, especially in

terms of ministry, that they can be considered together. We have learned that abusive

families usually have the following six characteristics:

Abusive parents usually have experienced abusive or neglecting behaviour from

their own parents. As children, they may have been either victim or observer, but

in either role, they learned abuse as a style of relating that they bring to their own

parenting.

Abusive parents generally do not understand the needs of a child and lack

parenting skills. Consequently, they feel inferior, ineffective, and often guilty for

their failures and frustrations. These feelings may then be taken out on the child.

Part of raising children requires a parent to be aware of the child's capabilities and

limitations at different ages and stages. Because abusive parents lack this

information, they may think the child is intentionally being "bad" to hurt the

parent; the parent then punishes the child for the imagined injustice.

45

The abusing family is often isolated from neighbours and extended family. Family

members have few, if any, friends. They have no one, therefore, to whom to turn

in times of stress. The abuse, of course, makes family members feel different and

secretive, which heightens the sense of isolation.

The abusing family tends to be a family where independence is sacrificed for the

sake of togetherness. Family members long for closeness but are afraid they might

lose their sense of identity and feel swallowed up in a family that has no room for

individuals. Enormous hunger for love and care is present, brought by each parent

from a depriving background.

This results in constant competition between the marriage partners to see who is

taken care of. The loser, then, in a desperate attempt to have needs met, turns to

the child. When the child is unable to meet these inappropriate demands, a whole

lifetime of the parent's frustration over unmet needs is acted out on the child in the

form of overt aggression. Immature or insecure parents usually struggle with

everyday problems. One distinctive feature of abusive families is that they are

continually trying to adjust to changes. We know something of the stress and

pressure the average family is confronted with each day: money problems, work-

related stresses, family relational problems, and the pressure of just getting it all

done. At times of change-be it a job change, new family member, or sickness or

death of a family member -life-altering stresses are added to the everyday

pressures. Each, family develops its own way of handling stress and conflict.

Some people cry, others withdraw, some work hard, others get depressed, some

turn to alcohol to escape, while others problem-solve. Some, of course, release the

tension and frustration by assaulting a family member.

Apparently, child battering is an ineffective and destructive attempt to handle conflict and

stress. The beater has not learned to cope with feelings in a productive way but has

learned to strike out at a family member. This behaviour diverts the anger to an

inappropriate target and releases it. In that sense, it works. However, damage is done and

the long-term cost is high. Abusive episodes typically go through a three-phase cycle:

46

the tension-building phase, the incidence of violence, and the calm, loving phase. The

tensions come from a variety of stresses, although the abusive parent believes the child is

the cause of all the tension.

The child, in fact, may be causing some trouble or demanding attention at that time, but

in no way is the child responsible for all the family tensions. Once the violence has

erupted, the parent feels calmer and often becomes loving and caring. The parent may

explain to the child why the abuse occurred, interpreting events in a way that leaves the

child feeling guilty and responsible.

In abusive families, often one child is picked as the primary target of abuse, the one

identified as the problem, or the difficult one to handle. This may represent some truth.

The child was born in adverse circumstances that he or she does not behave according to

parental expectations, or the child may have a special need that demands more from a

parent. The parent's frustration is released by abusing the child. Once the scapegoat cycle

has begun, both parent and child see the child as the problem, and this faulty view

becomes ingrained in the parent's expectations and the child's self-image.

In other cases, the abuse flows freely to all children in the home. The role of the abuser

does not always remain with one parent. Sometimes the father is the abuser and the

mother, as the non-offending parent, may attempt to be protective. At other times, she

may be the abuser, taking out her frustration on the children. It is generally felt that in an

intact family mothers and father’s abuse about the same amount.

However, the total number of children abused by mothers is higher, a reflection of the

number of female single-parent homes. Abusing child creates the tendency of a child to

abandon their homes and live interpedently.

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2.7.3 Specific sectors that lead to the growth of street children plight

Studies and reports focusing on the street children phenomenon in countries in Latin

America, Asia and Africa, tend to draw attention to a number of factors seen to be behind

the appearance and growth of the phenomenon.

Generally, these factors are mainly socio –economic in nature; they include such issues

as:

1. The children living on the streets do not face difficulty to adapt to street life.

2. Children living on the streets are not likely to be failures in society.

3. Peer group influence has no effect on children living on the streets.

4. That single parenthood has no effect on children living on the street.

5. That children living on the streets are not likely to be violent.

The researcher will examine these factors looking at the effect if any this may have in the

phenomenon of street children in Sierra Leone.

2.7.3.1 Children who live on the street do not have difficulty to adapt to life on the street.

The mere fact that children have always like to be on the street is an indicator that life in

the street might not be too difficult for them. The street kids live in a condition of

extreme poverty. They are between five and fifteen years of age; the ones younger than

five are usually a burden to the rest of the gang and the ones who are 15 years and over

become too old to wander the streets without exposing themselves dangerously. The

street kids have not had the opportunity of going to school for one reason or the other.

Either they where never sent to school or there is no school within their communities.

The child profane pilgrim of the metropolis will have to be trained by his own means

without any essential schooling or family, which have we have seen has not even been

protective. The socialization will be a result of direct learning from life in the streets, the

only way possible in the absence of the home. We know the steps of this learning:

violence, hunger, diseases, small robberies on the sidewalks, the selling of one self to

48

some passing pervert, stealing wallet or pickpockets, clever ways of cheating and in some

cases involved in use of drugs and drug abuse. A study done in Brazil examines the

relationship between social support and the ability of Brazilian adolescents to adapt to

life on the streets reveal that street children with more social support would adapt better

to life on the streets.

It is also the notion that street children with higher quality support would adapt better.

Findings further indicate that neither quantity nor quality of social support has any effect

related to adaptation. The start point of the kid is the street. His home is the street, his

friends are from the streets, food, clothing, and survival is all from the streets. The street

kids never understand the life and benefits of a family. For many of these kids this is a

way of life for them.

They have comfortably adapted to the system of a street child in their own world.

Without any identification papers, and with their dirty metropolitan gypsy face, they are

face to the elements conditions of life in the streets. Without any memory of their roots

and no intention of remembering, changing facts by any means so as not to regret

anything, mistreated and without an established identity, they lived the worse as a

routine, and when the worse gets worse, they die skinny and malnourished,

misunderstood toothless.

It is a common saying, that for many the street is a place for a street child to stay

permanently, a place to work, a place to sleep in. The old mechanisms of reform do not

work any more, since we are dealing with the entire societies of wandering children that

need the attention of the public and reform entirely. The only record that the street kids

know is that of informality, the law of the street. For the majority this begins from the

day they were born: not wanted, not love, rejected excluded. They thus form nomadic

groups, with changeable but not inter changeable, element and fluctuated societies. In

addition, even after so much suffering and rejection, they are still push aside because of

their informality of their identity.

49

As a proof to adaptation in the street, the street child has developed their own system of

communication and living in those hazardous conditions that is fast and informal. They

know the streets and their rules to steal, that of shoes without laces, the rule of sniffing

glue, of sexual abuse, the law of the strongest in which the strongest is the leader. They

know about the violence in all relationships, even the most fraternal ones, between gang

members. They know the violence of friendships and of total trust. They know about the

situation with transient beings and night, situations where one is afraid and one tries to

avoid. They also know that the police are easily corrupted and can accept bribes and be

easily corrupt. Sam Zinnah on the Plight of Liberia’s Street Children (November 8, 2008)

stress that Monrovia street children can be placed in two major groups; working street

children and children that live on the streets.

Working street children comprises of those who leave home in the morning to sell and

the return home in the evening. These children are in many instances sent by their parents

or relatives to earn money to help with the running of the home.

The second category of street children is the children that live in the streets. This category

comprise of those who live in the streets. They do some contracts of fetching water or

washing dishes and carrying short distance loads for people, most of them are mentally

not stable; they steal and are involved in other forms of hustle. They sleep in unfinished

buildings, markets stalls, old and abandon cars, soccer pitches and just any available

places they can find regardless of it safety. For all reasons street kids are most fragile and

subtle, the most submerged in the urgency of life.

The child that is found from very early age on the street, start by becoming familiar and

perhaps even controlling small territories where he can feel relatively secure, even being

alone. From the time he joins a gang, the size of his territory expands or deepens since he

is dealing with avenues and streets which he will work non –stops with his new friends

and his gangs. Usually the adaptation centres for the street kids are bus stops, train

stations, market places, as well as places around bars and dilapidated buildings. They are

50

mostly in central locations where they can easily get access car traffic and be able to

approach people for begging.

Little by little, the child turns to be city boy or girl, discovering the best corners and

hiding places to sleep without being torments or awaken by some storeowner wanting to

open his store. Normally a child who lives in the street hardly goes back to his original

community where he was born. If a child lives his or her community, they would mostly

end up in juvenile centres.

Children living on the streets are not likely to be failures in society. Children who lived

on the streets usually will have opportunity to reform and become good citizens within

society. In most cases, some of these street kids with this kind of opportunity will have

great history and life story to tell. Street children are less violent from the violence from

which they arise. The simple fact of their surviving and existing in the street is a violent

act. None the less, we have experience many instances in which street kids have end up

to become very powerful people in society.

There are few examples of those cases in Sierra Leone in which children who have lived

in the streets had the privileged to escape from the street gang system that existed in the

streets. It is also true that children who lived on the streets do not have all the

opportunities expose to them as compared to those who lived with their family members.

It is also true that children who lived on the streets are mostly not educated and have not

been giving the opportunity to attend school for them to become good citizens of their

countries. But it can also be true that not all children who are given the best opportunities

to attend school, live with family, have regular food do come out and become good

citizens of society.

As we see hundreds of children who never lived on the streets, highly educated but end

up living on the street without any proper guidance and protection. One would be

tempted to ask what the reasons are for this type of behaviours. Failure of children

51

merely because they lived on the streets is not the only possible cause for failure. Many

factors could be responsible that can be associated to street children failing in life.

Again, we have witness many children who have lived on the streets for many years and

have been fortunate to return to their families and successfully turned out to be good

people within their societies.

A publication on human rights watch of February 2003 discloses that ‘The public view of

street children in many countries is overwhelmingly negative. The public has often

supported efforts to get these children off the street, even though they may result in police

round ups, or even murder. There is an alarming tendency by some law enforcement

personnel and civilians, business proprietors and their private security firms, to view

street children as almost sub-human’.

Among the 81% of young women who have been on the streets for any period, 72%

mentioned that they had made the decision to leave. At the time of the interview, 45

percent had left the street three or more times, and nearly 12 percent had tried leaving ten

times or more. Almost 29 percent had never left the street, regardless of their implied

intention to do so. What are the major impediments to change in this case? Street

friendships (retained by over 66 percent) have strong claims on this group. Life on the

streets is living on the edge in a perpetual state of crisis that takes away any motivation

for change. As explained by a seventeen year-old, who originally came from a family of

ten.

“It is just lack of motivation; no one has motivation to do anything. Other street

people say, "You'll never get out of that life (street)." When I lived on the street, I

gave away everything; somebody stole all my clothing [before that] worth $700.

So, what is the use? “

A persistent belief is that only one's street mates understand the street experience.

Moreover, street mates will always share whatever they have: food, clothes, and shelter,

all without censure or judgment in a world where "you make your own rules."

52

Most girls made repeated efforts to leave the street. Life was unsafe, insecure, and

dangerous. Being a girl on the street is different from being a boy, especially for very

young girls:

“It is worse being a girl on the street because with guys, they think we can be

taken advantage of. Last night a friend of mine was raped. In some area, a girl

gets raped once a month.”

For many of these young women, lack of coping skills and resources make existence

untenable. Making the effort to leave represents a step away from danger toward a

possible future. Thus, the healthy response is to keep trying despite setbacks, but mainly,

stay away from street friends. Two girls provided their perspectives on how homeless

young people could escape the streets: “When you walk away from your family, don't

look back. My job is to straighten out my own life. I want my own home, security, a good

relationship with someone who loves me. I'm willing to work it out, and stay away from

the street.”

Do not trust anybody (on the street). You have to look out after yourself. You just have to

do things for yourself. You have to keep an awareness of yourself and other people. Do

not lose reality; always keep in touch with it. Always, always, keep your head about you.

Keep whatever you have been left of your self-esteem [because] without self worth; you

cannot do anything no matter how many opportunities you have.

Surprisingly, only three percent indicated that they received help from a refuge when they

were attempting to shift lifestyles. Because this was an open-ended question with

respondents providing statements without linguistic cues, it seems likely that among

street youth, shelters are perceived as part of the street scene, and not separate from it.

Because we also know from the interviews that there is a steady movement between the

street and the short-term shelter system, a decision to leave may require a more

established accommodation system than presently exists.

53

A policy of shifting girls from one shelter to another, based on short-term housing

availability or staff convenience, may undermine the belief that the shelter is a "taking

off" point toward a better future, rather than merely an extension of the street scene.

There could be all the support provided by social workers, community persons, but the

final decision has to confirm by the child. Moreover, once a decision is accepted, the

child can work his or her way through and become an asset in society.

In many places in the world especially Africa, the issue of street children is usually a

common or communal concern. In Sierra Leone for instance, more interest continue

attract the public, government and NGOs to support programs addressing issues of street

kids. Reports and records have shown that this kind of effort has helped to transform

many of the street children who today have become good citizens in their various

countries. The negative impact of street life on children is enormous. Many street

children lack basic rights such as education, family love, health care, good food, and

safety.

Other disadvantages include exposure to drugs, the risk of being knocked by a car, harsh

punishment for little offences, the early arrival of adulthood, association with the wrong

people and criminals and lost of family ties. Another big problem is exploitation. The

street children are in most cases exploited by adults who hire them to work for wages

payable at the end of the month without good reason and the children remain unpaid. All

the circumstances surrounding these children can easily be associated as a factor for

failure more especially when you do not see any hope or way out the problem. At the

same time, there are measures that be instituted to address rapid reformation of the street

child.

Once there is willingness from the child to accept getting out of the street, once there is

strong family support and from the community that child’s life can go through easy

transformation to be a good citizen in his or her community. For success to over come

failure, the street child has to be fully engaged in the process. He needs encouragement

and persuasion that the street life is not the best. The street child needs to be convincing

54

that once he left the street there are better things he or she will enjoy than living in the

street. Moreover, the street child needs to be aware that the family life is far better than

living on the streets.

2.7.3.3 Peer group influence has no effect on children living on the streets.

Onyango et al (1991: 23) have established that some children leave school mainly

because of the influence of peers. These cases can associate to deviant behaviour. They

are persons who reject the authority of parents and teachers and opt for the streets to live

independent lives (ibid). In Sierra Leone, the streets are where they look to find their

home, parents, their play ground, their peers, their education, their health care and their

love for others, the streets are where they work, from as earlier as sunrise to as late as

midnight. Being on the street can have adverse effect on peer group influence and on the

other hand can be difficult to ascertain.

Most street children are in the street because of peer influence. They lived in the street

because they have friends and peers they could trust and do things in common. State of

the World Children Report 1997, page 41 states; “On the streets, they shine shoes, wash

and guard cars, carry luggage, hawk flowers and trinkets, collect re-cycles and find a

myriad other in-genius ways to make money. The street is the only place where the

acquire brothers and sisters, and it the street is the place where they developed their own

family ties and friendship. In Sierra Leone for instance, many of these children have their

own groups consisting of their peers.

Street children are very particular of those who are from the outside. They prefer always

to do business and have close relationship with those who have gained trust and

confidence from their side. The street child has more confidence on their street counter

parts than any one else. Street children have strong faith, believe in themselves, and are

ready to protect each other at any time. Street children always work in groups, share

experience, and work together in groups.

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It could also be argued that peer group influence may not have influence on a child living

on the street because of the mere fact that a child who decides to get out of the streets and

ready for a reformation can do that without any possible effect and influence of other

children living on the streets. They could choose to be an important person in society and

would be able to achieve that goal. They could also choose to keep a very low profile not

to be influence by others.

Peer group influence has a strong effect in leading other children to the streets because of

some of the above reasons. In a peer grouping, each of the members wants to behave

responsible and to assist one another. Living on the street, with no supervision, protection

or guidance often makes street children vulnerable to a wide range of problems or

hazards. Majority of the street children are face with violence, associated to street peers

especially when they are under the effect of drug substance.

Street children are not very welcomed in specific areas. They could only gain access in

certain places if they associated or have links with peers of similar circumstances.

Accordingly, most street children tend to exist in small groups when walking on the

streets in order not to draw the attention of the people and get protection from one

another within the same peer grouping.

The magazine of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement entitled

Positive Peer Pressure indicated that young people are more easily influenced by their

peers than other age groups. They understand each other and speak the same language.

The magazine further states this can be channelled in a positive way through peer

education. It is very important to involve children in positive things that can help them

rethink of returning to their normal homes. When peer groups are been influence the

result can has very adverse effect. This effect can be either positive or negative.

In the negative, we see the effect of hundreds of children who have been drag to the

streets because of peer pressure and delinquency. The reasons why many children end up

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in the streets are that they are more susceptible to adequate care and protection from the

home. These children have less care and control at home to the point that even food is not

provided. For this reason, they will end up making friends in the street who will in turn

initiate them to the street life. In the street they live an independent life free from

absolutely no control and protection. There they will now be oriented by senior peers on

how the street life is all about.

In many instances, street children living with their peers act as supportive means for their

existence on the street and helped develop their ability to cope with street life, concerning

food, shelter, entertainment, earning money, and protection, especially during their early

days on the street. Younger children depend on older street children to provide them with

guidance and protection. In most cases, the older street children behave more like the

parents and provide all necessary instructions to the other street children. In order for

these children to survive, they need to reside in areas were they could be sure there is

adequate protection from older street children within their peers.

One of the major problems faced by street children on the other hand with their peers is

the punishment inflicted upon them when they refuse to carry out a specific task given by

their seniors. Refusal to undertake any instructions can lead to serious violence and

torture by the rest of the peers. A child without friends to protect him has a little hope of

surviving. Older boys lead the groups and protect the younger ones from rival groups. In

exchange, the younger boys pay protection fee”. Street children who live in the streets

have cabals of peers and each of those cabals has a set policies and principles that work

well for them. It is very common that older boys who have been on the street for longer

period are to provide the opportunity for leadership.

The leader has all the authority as in the home where the father is the head of the home.

The leader within the peer group provides daily directives, instructions, and provides

guidance to the rest of the team on important task needs to perform. There is respect for

each other and great trust within the peer groupings. Tibamanya Mwene Mushanga in his

book, Crime and Deviance (1988, p.146) says, “Parental example and pressure from peer

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groups have a more lasting impact on an individual than what his is taught at school or

told by a preacher”. In other words, the street child who lives in the street wants to have a

status. Whatever the status is he or she would strive had to be like their peers either

wanting to become a leader in the future within their peer setting or would want to have a

position that would be recognized by his peers. While waiting to achieved this kind of

status a street child will therefore be forced or be pressure to be involved in all of the

behaviours a street child should undergo.

These behaviours are very peculiar and feasible in many of the street children. They

range from, techniques in stealing, shoplifting, using drugs, begging, taking alcoholic

drinks, doing petty jobs and in many cases leading in the selling of drug substances.

One would think why is it that street children had to engage in all of this. As stated by a

reading publication by CYC Online, issue 35, December 2001, says that all children

should have security. They should be able to play games and have fun. They should be

improving themselves at school. Children should not have to earn their own living.

They should be clean and wash regularly. They should be healthy, and get help

immediately when they are sick. The child rights are compulsory for children and those

in authority should endeavour to give it. Children should enjoy and grow up with these

rights regardless of where you are coming from. Partly out of sympathy, and partly out

of a sense of guilt about our own comforts, it offends us when see children deprived of

these essentials of childhood.

2.7.3.4 Single parent statuses and the effect it has on street children.

Studies and reports on the street children phenomenon also argue that street children

come essentially from homes where there are single parents. It has also been argue that

many of these single parents are from poverty –stricken homes. This means they are

hardly able to take responsibility of a child. In fact, The State of the World’s Children

(1997:27) points out those parents of street children have irregular incomes and for the

most part are employed in the informal sector and may be involved in illegal trades and in

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downright criminal activities like burglary. These conditions of poverty force single

parent hood to abandon their children who in turn resort to the street because they could

not get the required control and support needed by the mother. Single parent hood in

Sierra Leone may be the result of many things. In most cases, it is an unforeseeable

tragedy as in the death of one parent, divorce, or abandonment by one parent.

In other instances, many youngsters will choose to become single parent as in adoption.

One of the major reasons for single parent hood in Sierra Leone is the effect of the ten

years of civil war. This left many of the girls becoming pregnant through forceful rape

and torture by rebel forces. Many of these girls end up becoming single parent without

any money to take care of these children. Because street children do not get adequate

support in their respective homes, they end up in the street and join the rest of their

friends who have already been on the street for sometime.

The traditional society believes that a family with both parents is normal or predominant

and the single parent families will be alienated from the normal interactions. The real fact

behind this myth is that single parent families are showing a sharp rise. In Sierra Leone

itself, around 45% children are living in single parent homes. Since the single parent

norm becomes a common phenomenon, the parents do not feel alienated in the common

society.

Single parent are associated with scandals that they are mostly broken families. In most

situations especially in Sierra Leone, women, and girls are the most vulnerable persons

who end up taking responsibility for the up keep of the child. When such situations arises

in which the woman or teenage girl ends up bearing the responsibility, it is always a set

back for the single parent as the funds are just not available.

The child will in most times be deprived from be sent to school, getting enough food,

getting medical attention if sick and providing clothing and other relevant materials

needed. This is mostly absent with a single parent families. These conditions of poverty

force children out of their homes into the streets where they hope to find better

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alternatives than living with their parents (Sicault, 1963:P13; Onyango et al, 1991: P 9,

63, 65). Sicault (1963: Page 47-48) has observed that rural urban migration results in

rural groups transplanted from traditional agricultural communities to unfamiliar urban

settings where they face serious problems of adaptation.

The sudden contact with new cultural patterns, which stimulate false desires, disrupts

family structures leading to divorces and single parenthood. Such disruptions can

handicap a child from birth, sending him inevitably to the streets. Aptekar (1994: 210)

quoting Mirtz (1984) argue that unlike the traditional family system, the Latin American

family is composed of generations of women often living together in the house. Mothers

have a series of men who live with them temporarily. With the absence of a father figure

at home, the child may become wayward and end up in the streets.

Aptekar (1994 -209) further points out that modernization has watered down the extended

family. Increased nucleated families have led to single parenthood, prostitution, and

illegitimacy. He concludes that the demise of the extended family and the high incidence

of extra –marital affairs are the major causes of street children in the world and Sierra

Leone is no exception.

The financial crisis is a major area of dread for most single parent families. One has to

learn to be independent, give and receive; taking once responsibilities and asking for

support and sometimes even end up in the street looking for means to earn money.

The African Studies Quarterly in a publication, Street Children in Kenya, Page 2 stated

that the increase in single parent families, and impacts of dislocation, urbanization, and

austerity measures on families living in poverty – all of which bear the responsibility for

the rapid increase in street children.

A young boy who shares a single – room with his mother and other sisters, solves a

problem by finding somewhere to sleep with his friends. He is attach to his family but

will prefer to sleep outside and visits the home occasionally. He is part of the family and

does not need reintegration. Nevertheless, it is better for him to sleep out than to stay at

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home. When he finds a group of friends which whom he can stay at night, his situation

has improved. He becomes visible as a street child and part of our problem, but for him,

being on the streets solves the problem of sharing an over crowded room. This is all part

of the single parent problem. In reality majority of these parents have strong ties with

their children, but the means of support is mostly not available.

The extent of poverty faced by this single parent is such that she would have to accept a

behaviour pattern from the child that she herself would not be able to control. This is

because the mother is poor and cannot provide food, shelter, clothing, and schooling for

the child. Survival for even her self can be a difficult task. In Sierra Leone majority of the

single parents are not well educated and therefore do not have the opportunity to have

regular jobs.

As a matter of fact, The State of the Worlds Children Report (1997:27) points out that

parents of street children have irregular incomes an for the most part are employed in the

informal sector and may be involved in illegal trades and in down right criminal activities

like burglary. These conditions of poverty force children out of their homes onto the

streets where they hope to find better alternatives to living with their parents (Sicault,

1963:13; Onyango et al, 1991:9, 63, 65)

Indeed, in as study of 55 Nigerian street children under age 15 who begged for a living,

Aptekar (1994:208) quoting Ojanuga (1990) found that the children were on the streets

because their families were poor and needed the money they earned. However, not all

studies support entirely the poverty hypothesis. Aptekar himself (1994:208) claimed that

the major cause of the street children phenomenon was not so much parental indigence as

parental violence.

2.7.3.5 Children living on the streets are not likely to be violent.

The question is whether children living on the streets are likely to be violent children.

Firstly, we need to look at the background for these children leading them to the streets.

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We have argued in the beginning that there could be numerous reasons ranging from,

single parenthood, poverty, unemployment, and wars. These are all valid reasons for

children to be in the streets. These children are homeless because of the former

communist ruler Nicolae Ceausescu, who forbade contraception in the hopes of ruling a

populous nation, or of his successor, who consider the economy of greater importance

that social welfare. Children left unattended from proper care, tend to run away from their

parents since they are poor and cannot afford to provide basic needs. In a similar

situation, he pointed out that, the Republic of India is the seventh largest and second most

populous country in the world. With acceleration in economic growth, India has become

one of the fastest growing developing countries. This has created a rift between poor and

rich, 22% of the population lives below the income poverty line.

Due to unemployment, increasing rural-urban migration, attraction of city life and a lack

of political will has increase child laborers in the world. Street children are subject to

malnutrition, hunger, health problems, substance abuse, theft, CSE, harassment by the

city police and railway authorities, as well as physical and sexual abuse. Though

Government of India has taken some corrective measures and declared child labor as

illegal.

In Sierra Leone, many of the street children roaming the big cities seem to be very naïve

and innocent. They appear as victims who are suffering because of parents or conflicts

that has arisen out of their own innocence. They end up in the streets simply because of

the many reasons already described in this chapter. In reality, not even the fault of the

children themselves but because of poverty and social circumstances.

The character of these children before going to the streets has been one of family

relationship and obedience. In the streets, they now get to know new tricks when they

start interaction with other friends living on the streets. During this interaction, they get to

learn all the methods required for a street child to survive. In addition, in most cases

violence becomes one option for street children to develop.

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The culture of violence gradually builds up and becomes a character in street children.

Quoting Tibamanya Mwene Mushanga in his book Crime and Deviance (1988: 52) states

that, “violence can become a part of the lifestyle, the theme of solving difficult problems

and problem situations. It should be stressed that problems and situations to which we

refer arise mostly within the subculture, for violence is used mostly between persons and

groups who themselves rely upon the same supportive values and norms”. Because street

children has to ensure responsibility for themselves while on the streets, they easily

practice the rule of being violence so that they could be able to protect themselves from

the public or police when caught in an illegal act. In a conflict situation with one another,

they easily get irritated and fight, use knives and in some cases even guns.

These are all tactics to enable them engaged in self-defense. Mushanga (1988:53) argues

that, “Miller’s theory of delinquency was formulated after a study of one particular kind

of delinquency, law-violating acts committed by members of adolescent street corner

groups in lower class communities. Miller defined delinquency as behavior of acts

committed by individuals within a specified age limits which if known to official

authorities could result in legal action”.

When children realized they can be torture and even killed by adults who would want to

take advantage of them, it sends a signal that can lead them to become violence children.

They know this will probably be the way out in defending themselves.

Street children are regarded with a mixture of suspicion and contempt. The children

themselves are equally wary of adults. It takes a special kind of person for acceptance

into their milieu. The street child also needs protection and would do any thing to ensure

he or she gets the protection needed.

Quoting the Magazine of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement in an

article title, Forgotten Children, the law of the streets is such that the strongest prevail. A

child without friends to protect him has a little hope of surviving. Older boys lead the

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groups and protect the younger ones from rival groups. In exchange, the younger boys

pay a protection fee”.

What emerges from the review of this literature on street children is that the socio –

economic factors identified and discussed is generally perceived is directly related to the

appearance and growth of the street children phenomenon. Wars, epidemics, and severe

political or economic crises can affect many -- sometimes nearly all -- of a society's

members.

In such circumstances, a large proportion of a society's children may face conditions far

more severe compared to those experienced by all but a few children in Western

societies. Many children lack access to adequate food, shelter, basic medical care, and

education; they find themselves vulnerable to disease, violence, lives of perpetual

poverty, and other devastating problems. Deprived children face poverty, disability,

family problems, and other constraints on their lives. These are matters of circumstance,

not choice. Even with circumstances for which adults are held responsible (e.g., poverty),

blame rarely extends to children, and this is especially true for younger children.

Reformers seek to help children overcome their deprivations, to make their childhood

more complete, more like the happy, innocent childhoods the sentimental perspective

idealizes. Here the reformers' goal is to compensate for what is missing, to minimize the

damage to the child. If rebellion often leads to calls for legal solutions, the proposed

solutions to deprivation usually involve social welfare institutions.

The child-victim is a fourth image. Menaced by deviants, child-victims are vulnerable to

harms intentionally inflicted by kidnappers, child molesters, child abusers, and other

malicious adults. Like deprived and sick children, child-victims are not responsible for

their plight; their vulnerability is consistent with the sentimental view of childhood.

Reformers seek to protect child-victims, both by helping children protect themselves and

by cracking down on those who would harm them.

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Most children live and grow within families. The sentimental vision of childhood

celebrates the family as a haven for children. At the same time, following the lead of

psychoanalysis, we also define the family as the probable cause of many difficulties in

the child's later life. Adults who have personality problems, who drink or use drugs, or

who encounter other difficulties need to know that their problems are a result of their

upbringing. In fact, some claims makers argue that virtually all families are

dysfunctional, and therefore virtually all children are in danger of destruction by their

family experiences. However, do these factors readily apply to the Sierra Leone

situation? Our view is that the factors need to be tested, to show whether and to what

degree they influence children to drift into the major cities in Sierra Leone.

2.8 Interventions that can be done to solve street children problem

The situation facing Sierra Leonean children appears quite bleak, at least for the near

future. Long-term solutions to the plight of street children include national economic

recovery, control of the street children dilemma, better overall children care, and

additional resources for various development programs. As discussed, it is unlikely that

these solutions must occur in the near future. In fact, it also unlikely that any national

short-term programs will be initiated, largely because of (1) Sierra Leone’s deteriorates

position in the world economy; and (2) the Sierra Leone government's indifference to the

situation.

Foreign donors are unlikely to give substantial new sums of capital to Sierra Leone, at

least not as long as the present regime remains in power. The country has an expanding

foreign debt, a stagnating economy, and a corrupt government, none of which is

conducive to attracting new foreign investment or aid. Investors and donors (including

NGOs) will not leave Sierra Leone, but they probably will be more circumspect in their

giving. This means that new programs such as money for Street children will be difficult

to fund on a long-term basis. Until Sierra Leone undertakes extensive economic and

political reforms, foreign donors are unlikely to change their basic posture.

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Under incredible pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Sierra

Leonean government has initiated some economic reforms, but the government has done

little to discourage the corruption that continues to siphon off millions of U.S. dollars

from development programs. Moreover, it continues to repress true democratic reform

and free expression of opposition views.

In addition to these shortcomings, the Sierra Leone government is rather indifferent to the

nation's children. It has not yet initiated tangible programs to assist street children; it

"steals" foreign assistance that could be used for development programs; and, perhaps

most reprehensibly, it has been reluctant to stop the ethnic violence that is devastating the

next generation of Sierra Leonean children.

Although the government cannot end child poverty and rampant increase in street

children, it can help coordinate and initiate programs that would alleviate the problem to

some extent. Furthermore, it could initiate reforms that would attract outside aid

specifically for programs to assist children. With these points in mind, we believe that an

agenda for assisting street children must have several specific objectives, none easy to

achieve. First, the Sierra Leonean government (current or future) must initiate substantial

reforms, including an effort to curb corruption and implement more democracy.

The government should also take some of the money previously used for corrupt

activities and channel them into programs for street children. The government must also

end the ethnic violence. It has the power to achieve this last objective within a matter of

days by: (1) using the police and military to intervene in clash areas; (2) telling

politicians to speak out against the violence; and (3) aggressively prosecuting those who

continue to commit violence, regardless of their ethnic background.

Second, foreign donors and the international financial community need to give more aid

specifically for programs that assist street children. Such programs could be for health,

education, or other needed services. Important, however, donors should not give the

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money to the national government for distribution; instead, they should distribute the

money themselves or give it to a trusted NGO for distribution.

Moreover, foreign donors should withhold non-humanitarian aid from Sierra Leone until

the government stops the ethnic clashes and other forms of harassment. The IMF and

other organizations have made future assistance contingent on economic reforms and a

few political reforms, but they have not insisted on an end to ethnic violence.

International donors have significant advantage on the Sierra Leonean government, and

they should use it to end violence whenever possible. Third, NGOs must continue to

work closely with local communities on programs to assist street children. Sierra

currently has NGOs than any other sub- that work on a variety of development projects.

A fourth objective to assist community in reducing street children consists of community-

level actions. Villages, slums, and other communities must work hard to provide as much

assistance for children as possible, especially in conjunction with NGOs. Sierra Leone

has a long tradition of self-help within the tradition; it is targeted increasingly for

programs that assist children.

The cooperation between various communities is a model that should be emulated

throughout Sierra Leone. Because the government lacks trustworthiness to facilitate

development, it is essential for local communities to work hard with a variety of NGOs to

assist children. This approach would create a number of small "success stories" among an

otherwise bleak situation for Sierra Leonean children, most especially the street children.

2.9 The living condition of street children

Homelessness is a situation were in a child does not have a permanent place to take

shelter in. Being homeless means being expose to more violence and even bigger

problems since there are no parents or adults that will guide them. Most of the children

living in the street are sometimes situated in juvenile delinquency. Chronic homelessness

implies a full-time street involvement with reduced or no contacts with family and

conventional friends.

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Now the girl has lost meaningful contact with reality and has serious drug or alcohol

dependency that involves illegal activity and a lifestyle that centres on the urban street

culture. Whereas a few girls will be supported by welfare (a youth worker at an earlier

stage helped her to fill out the form), most activity focuses on illegal or deviant activities

such as prostitution, drug sales, and theft; and for a few, assault and armed robbery

become part of the lifestyle.

For an unknown number of young women, streets become their home while street life

becomes their culture and society. Such persons create a specific street lifestyle, "the

culture of chronicity." A severely abused girl, who left home at fifteen years old, justified

her current life of hanging out with a "mob of eighty people." They have mentioned that

the streets are not as hard as people say they are. Accordingly, the street life is not a

social status; it is a separate culture and all of the people in the street have emotional and

financial support for each other.

They take you in if they have somewhere to stay, in that sense; one has to stick to one’s

own territory or one’s own people. The open-ended question "What's a typical day for

you?" elicited a standard response from street people: “I get up, find money, buy alcohol,

pot; get drunk, stoned, go to sleep. When I am on the streets, I just hang out; take drugs,

shoplift; nothing much. Staying out of trouble can be difficult, if not impossible.”

After a brief career as a "street kid," a sixteen-year-old, who described herself as "being

severely abused," but now goes by her street name, "Rebel," listed the health dangers she

encountered while "on run": "broken collarbone, suicide attempts, operations (lump

removed from my breast), sexual assaults, cervical cancer, getting into fights." A

temporal profile of the street children population shows that 60 percent to 70 percent of

the population are homeless from some months to several years. There is a significant

minority (estimates as high as 25 percent) who comprise a new "skid row" of chronically

street children or youth Certainly, an argument can be made that having a street identity

is better than having no identity at all.

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As members of the new homeless, youth are obliged to create their own culture, social

space, routines, and networks. As a culture, street youth have a sense of belonging; a

hierarchy based on gender, age, and physical size; an argot (much of it borrowed); and a

special mode of communication, such as graffiti, that marks them as a special group.

Street youths occupy territories, a large proportion of which they share with traditional

homeless (usually male) and the mentally ill. In some cases, expropriation of other

occupants happens usually when one causes much trouble to others. Some of this culture

is positive supporting street mates, forbidding adults or other street youth to injure

children; serving as police against outsiders who harass or exploit "streetwise" while

sharing their food, drugs, and material possessions with each other.

Certain features of this culture are highly destructive, given the backgrounds of these

youth. Death is an ever-present concern, and suicide attempts are common. Among girls,

self-mutilation as in wrist and forearm slashing is both an activity--something to do to

reduce the boredom--and a strong signal of distress. In the words of one thirteen-year-old

girl who came from a very abusive home, life is hurting or being hurt:

For street kids, it is either to kill or be killed. I have been arrested twenty-nine times for robberies, attempted robbery, stealing, selling stolen goods, malicious damage, assault, beatings, B & E (breaking and entering), and having drugs on me, other stuff. The police usually just bash me, and let me go. They punish kids by putting a phone book on your head, and bashing you to keep you from bruising. I used to hate being locked up, but it's not so bad. I would rather not be here (detention), but it is OK; it feels safe.

In a culture that represses and denies suffering, violence becomes a legitimate form of

self-expression, as well as a statement of power relations, a situation that places untrained

youth workers at considerable risk (staff interviews, Sydney, 1992).

For females caught in the street culture of chronicity, the lack of clear boundaries and

secure location is reinforced by violations from others of their physical and social space.

Sexual assault, theft of personal possessions, invasion of living areas by police or other

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authorities, sexual harassment by police, adult men and street youth, give most

chronically homeless girls a sense of frustration and despair. Devices they use to cope

with their powerlessness are often interpersonal violence, increase in street crime,

alienation, and suicide. In) words, they have become "the children our parents warned us

about." The streets and youth homelessness generally, generate a highly criminogenic

situation, where crime becomes a "survival strategy".

In the dawning of the new age, the relationships and patterns in the family and social life

are starting to alter for street children anywhere in the world. Relationships that ensure

street children’s smooth existence in the world of social beings are slowly disappearing.

Predictability in the patterns of social existence is gradually disappearing, giving way to

unpredictability and uncertainty. A myriad of factors, such as age gap, less labour

opportunity, and lesser opportunities to become an independent person alters all the

patterns that have undoubtedly kept juveniles sheltered from the harshness on the world.

Juveniles and street children are offer lesser chances to become independent and

seemingly, the world is closing in on them. It is not an issue faced only by advanced

countries: all the countries that are in the transition period are affected. Because of all the

transition that countries face, new challenges surface to affect the growing population of

the youth from childhood to adulthood.

A multitude of pressures, including poverty, limited government support, less warmth

and reciprocation of love and support from families, friends and other social groups, and

lesser opportunities to land a decent job are the greatest factors that continually affect the

youth today, thus, forcing a number of them to succumb to delinquency. Today’s children

are presented with a myriad of opportunities, some beneficial, come harmful, but more or

less, still great opportunities for children. However, oftentimes, juveniles or children

sometimes wrongly understand these opportunities. Due to the tenderness off their age or

the incapability to properly distinguish between right and wrong, street children commit

offences, which may be harmful, or not.

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Illegal activities flourish in the hands of delinquents; many succumb to serious crimes,

violence, and even go so far as to harm themselves. The use of illegal drugs is common to

young delinquents. Programmes and research often provided on juvenile delinquency

often always take note only of juvenile delinquents as offenders. Aspects on delinquency

which most studies and programs fail to focus on the aspect of the reasons for youth

delinquency. Juveniles who resort to delinquency are most often victims of crime

themselves. Due to this, the orientation of young men to the social aspect of being part of

a larger society is altered. According to reports, the victims (un.org database, 2007) do

not report almost 80% of grave offences. Conclusions from self-reports can be drawn out

about the victims and the offenders as well.

This study found that the offenders are most often below 20, and the victims are around

the same age bracket as well. In addition, the offenders tend to pick out victims who are

of the same age and gender as them. Men are more likely to be victimized than women

that also go for the question on the aspect of age bracket. Since offenders pick out victims

of the same age and gender, it most unlikely for offenders to harass older people, but of

course, there are some special cases like that.

The extremity of the crimes committed varies from country to country and situation to

situation. Variation in the social, economic, and cultural conditions existing in that

country may have a great effect on the gravity of the offence committed. Poor economic

situation in a country can lead to an increase in the rate of juvenile delinquency in that

country, especially in dilapidated and unattended parts of the country. Street children

often succumb to delinquency because they either already have experiences or they have

become victims of violent acts.

Due to lack of educational attainment, less family influence and guidance and the poor

economic status with unemployment as a result, it is no longer a wonder why many

children go on to become juvenile delinquents. Delinquency cases rise every year. In one

article, it stated that in Colorado, in 1997, cases filed on juvenile delinquency rose from

15,577 the year before to 19,063 (Ensslin, 1997).

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The factors that contribute to juvenile delinquency are located in almost every aspect of

the social ladder. The following describes the factors that contribute greatly to the choice

of delinquency by the youth. According to the United Nation’s World Report, the

following factors are the most important factors that greatly contribute to the delinquency

of juveniles:

Economic and social factors – the negative consequences concerning the social

and economic development push juveniles to commit delinquency. Economic

crises and instability of social institutions often are the key factors why most

offenders become offenders in the first place.

Cultural factors – the breaking down of cultural norms brought about by changes

and shifts in the society. This occurrence may cause some members of the society

to respond to the changes in a negative manner. These members may respond

through rebellious acts, violence, and criminal activity.

Urbanization – highly urbanized areas tend to foster higher crime rates than rural

areas. These is due to the fact that people from the rural areas have stronger social

bonds and mainly rely on family and community control as a way to suppress

criminal activity whilst urbanized areas seem to become indifferent towards the

people existing in its society. The people in highly urbanized areas mainly rely on

legal and mechanical way of dealing with offences. Somehow, it is devoid of

human touch.

Family – studies prove that the warmth, protection, and guidance offered by the

family can greatly increase the risks for a person to enter delinquency. In

dysfunctional families however, the case is different. Tendencies for the children

to engage in criminal activity seem to be higher. In addition, the likelihood for

juveniles who are part of a family with a criminal background is high.

Migration – immigrants have a very different culture from the people to which

they would want to migrate in, therefore, their actions to eh native people may

seem very different thus resulting to criminal behaviour. Indifference and

negative perception towards these immigrants may cause delinquency, not only

for juveniles but also for other members of the immigrant society as well.

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The media – media give out different viewpoint of violent behaviours to viewers,

especially children. The use of violence to “uphold justice” is often the topic of

shows that many children watch. The society tolerates this type of violence since

it seems to be on the positive side of the situation. However, studies have shown

that these violent behaviours in the media often influence impressionable children

ages between eight and 12. According to the United Nation’s world report, the

media brings an individual closer to violence in 3 ways:

o “Movies which show violent acts excite the viewers, and the aggressive

effect can then be transferred to daily living, pushing an individual or

children to be involved in physical activity on the streets.”

o “Television can portray ordinary daily violence committed by parents or

peers (the imposition of penalties for failing to study or for violations of

certain rules or norms of conduct).”

o “Violence depicted in the media is not realistic and has a surrealistic

quality; their wounds are bleeding less, and the real hurt and agony which

results from violent actions which are very rarely shown, so the

consequences of violent actions and behaviour often seem negligible.”

Exclusion – gaps in economic and social status may contribute to the growing

number of juvenile delinquents. Exclusion of people with low-class status is very

common and usually scars a person, especially at a young age. This may soon

lead to desperate acts of delinquency and often violence.

Peers influence – peer groups, whether delinquent or not, provides a “shelter” for

adolescents. Having peer groups is necessary in order to gain an identity and to

train the self for the real society. However, unlike adult groups, peer groups offer

equality and equal opportunity to elevate one’s status in the hierarchy. Delinquent

peer groups can offer a surrogate family for a juvenile lacking in that aspect. In

addition, a delinquent group can greatly provide a sense of security for an

adolescent.

Delinquent identities – “Delinquent identity is quite complex and is, in fact, an

overlay of several identities linked to delinquency itself and to a person’s

ethnicity, race, class and gender” (United Nation, 2003). Delinquent identity is

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somewhat like an overlay of many identities linked to the person, it is like a

second skin, somewhat. Therefore, the person may have difficulty discarding that

image.

Offenders and victims – sometimes, violent acts, which are committed, are often

because some people have what it takes to be a victim of a certain negative

behaviour. Provocation and even toleration of the act may even fuel the offender

more. In addition, the person who seems to be the “victim-material” makes no

effort at all in getting stopping the incident, thus, allowing the offender more

opportunities to become an offender.

According to the World Youth Report (Youth at the United Nations, 2003, pp. 192-193),

gender plays a strong role in delinquency. As indicated in police reports, crimes

committed by male juvenile and young adult offenders are greater than their female

counterparts are.

The World Youth Report noted that there are actually a number of reason why this is the

case. In terms of social factors, a number of societal standards tend to control the

delinquent behaviour of females than in males. For instance, mostly males, due to the

social norm and stereotypical belief commit sexual assault or violations than men are

more sexually aggressive than women are. Culturally, society in general is not as open to

delinquent behaviours among females as compared to males.

Similarly, this is associated to a cultural stereotype where violence, dominance, and

aggression are believed to be factors that make up individual masculinity. With greater

tolerance by society, males are then are less restrained to commit delinquent acts. Peers

or social groups are also significant factors that make males more delinquents than

females. In particular, group relations and authority that is based on gender is much more

observe among male peers than in girls. As masculinity is typically measured by degree

of dominance and aggressiveness, males tend to prove themselves worthy by acting

arrogantly or delinquently.

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There is a great difference as to how peer groups are constructed due the behavioural

differences of both genders (Youth at the United Nations, 2003, p. 193); this difference in

peer group behaviour make it more likely for men to be more delinquent than women.

Loper (2000) also related the tendency of males to be more delinquent to the fact that

girls display a different form of aggression, which results to lesser degree of delinquency.

In particular, women frequently commit a relational type of aggression; examples of

which include gossiping, bullying, as well as social exclusion. Males on the other hand,

are more on violence of physical aggression. As acts of juvenile delinquency typically

involve physical rather than relational aggression, males become more frequent

delinquents than females.

2.10 Illegal and deviant activities in the streets

Movement to illegal and deviant activities appears to be an integral part of running away

and exposure to sophisticated street persons. Thus, deviance and crime may be directly

related to survival mechanisms learned on the street. Alternatively, the young person may

have a prior history of conflict with the law, and the push-out from the family merely

underscores the family's effort to construct boundaries for itself by excluding a disturbing

element.

In a word, there are two possible issues: Is deviance and illegal behaviour an outcome of

running and homelessness; or contrariwise, is the homelessness an outcome of previous

deviant and illegal involvement? Let us examine the data for an understanding of these

two alternatives (see Table above) Firstly, most of these female youth have had some

deviant involvement prior to their leaving home or living on the streets.

For instance, before their movement into street life, over half had already engaged in

shoplifting while 15 percent had sold drugs while 35 percent had stolen property worth

$50 or more. Along with that, 19 percent had a history of forgery while 65 percent had

been involved in fighting constituting 24 percent using weapons (usually a knife). In

addition, 18 percent had stolen a car while over 28 percent had been involved in burglary

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and around 10 percent claimed to make money through gambling. Finally, fewer than two

percent had a history of voluntarily posing for pornographic pictures or videos. This

criminality pattern is especially pronounced among the older homeless girls, and those

confined in the detention centre.

Second, after moving to the streets, the pattern of illegal behaviour is exacerbated with

the rates rising precipitously. In fact, six percent admitted to shoplifting and 37 percent

said to regularly sell drugs. Along with that, 56 percent has been involved in theft while

almost 27 percent have committed forgery. Moreover, 70 percent had a history of

fighting, and most notable, almost 40 percent used weapons. Accordingly, 36 percent had

stolen cars while 48 percent had been involved in burglary. Finally, 30 percent had

gambled for money while over 10 percent of the sample had engaged in pornographic

modelling.

Deviance and crime are a persistent and widespread pattern for these street youth.

Although most street youth try to avoid giving or receiving harm, some girls were matter-

of-fact about their criminal exploits. When I use [alcohol and drugs], I do crime. I have

been arrested six times for drunken disorderly, rolling people, and doing other things.

When I am wasted, I do not even remember what I did.

Third, whereas only a small group indicated that they were currently prostituting, about

one out of three girls has been involved in prostitution for money while on the streets,

and nearly the same number sold sex for drugs. This pattern contrasts with less-street-

sophisticated girls who sold sex for food, shelter, love, or loneliness. Regardless of the

specific motivation for selling sex, young homeless girls involved in prostitution

constitute a high-risk group for serious victimization, drug addiction, and health

problems, especially HIV-positive and AIDS.

Fourth, there may be two distinct modes of street adaptation here. On the one hand there

are girls who become involved in crime and deviance, but never or rarely with

prostitution. Early on, they sought protection from an older male, and became part of a

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crime-dependent street culture. On the other side, there are girls who have rarely been

involved in serious crime (although most of the older girls reported they had tried

shoplifting a few times), who instead use their sex as "capital" to negotiate street life.

Although only two percent of the sample identified themselves as "sex workers," girls

who prostitute on a regular basis are apt to (1) not draw on street children allowance; (2)

live primarily off their prostitution earnings; and (3) have chronic drug abuse histories.

Isabel King, a researcher and youth worker at King's Cross-, Sydney, emphasizes those

homeless girls who engage in prostitution for a living are invariably drug addicted (King

1991).

Unpredictably, most girls who prostitute did not identify themselves as "sex workers"

(under two percent). The idea of sex as work, promoted by politicized sectors of

prostitutes, rather than sex for survival or to feed a drug habit appears not to be a well-

established concept among adolescent prostitutes. Opportunistic prostitution may be a

better description of this form of street survival.

2.10.1 Child exploitation

For decades, denials and negligence of the issues of child neglect and abuse were

common among nations. This is despite the fact that institutions for neglected and

abused children, especially those who are living on the streets or street children. State

propaganda offered sanitized and idealized representations of children -- usually depicted

as healthy and well nurtured. So committed were governments to this version of "reality"

that social scientists were often prevented from doing research or publishing findings that

revealed social problems concerning children.

In many countries, the full extent of these problems is still unknown. Discussions of

underage sex and sexuality, for example, remain largely taboo. Problems such as teenage

suicide, prostitution, and incest go underreported especially for the street children. In

addition, little funding is available for research in these areas. Likewise, homelessness,

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pregnancy, alcoholism, and drug addiction among teenagers are often statistically

"invisible."

Yet, in countries that have experienced severe economic collapse, mistreatment of

children has escalated dramatically, often taking the form of sexual exploitation and

abuse and even the sale and trafficking of children. In Sierra Leone and in Africa, child

exploitation has seen as one of the greater problems that are attached to street children

phenomenon.

2.10.2 Child labour

Children of the cities are found in great numbers in department stores and mills, where

employment certificates are generally required. On the other hand, children do a

considerable amount of labour of which there is no record. Some of this is legal, but

much is illegal. Thus, industrial homework or the sweatshop claims many children who

are unable to obtain employment certificates to work in factories.

Again, the number of children in agriculture is far greater than the recorded number.

Street trades, such as those of newspaper carriers and bootblacks, are also hard to regulate

or to eliminate. Part-time employment and the unrecorded, if not illegal, employment of

children in numerous other occupations makes the problem of child labour of far greater

magnitude than the census figures indicate.

All studies of child labour reveal the fact that the earnings of children have been pitifully

small. Except for the war period, most averages were from three to five dollars a week.

This seems hardly enough to supplement the family income largely, or to warrant the loss

of educational opportunity, which is involved.

The minute subdivision of labour, which accompanied the introduction of machinery,

lessened the need for craftsmanship. Little strength or intelligence is required to feed and

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tend many machines in the modern factory. Hence, children can perform this labour.

Moreover, such labour is generally plentiful and cheap.

An indifferent public opinion is a second factor. Although cheap goods take a fearful toll

in the health and welfare of the workers, they can easily be sold. Organizations, such as

consumers' leagues, have inaugurated a campaign of popular education to inform the

public as to the social cost of certain commodities. It maintains an honour list or white

list of firms whose working conditions are satisfactory and which, therefore, warrant

public patronage.

A third factor in the problem of child labour is the necessity for self-support. Poverty is a

cause that demands that the child's wages supplement the family income, even to a small

degree. In the fourth place may be mentioned an unsatisfactory school system. The child

may be glad to leave school as soon as he is permitted by the compulsory school law to

do so.

The subjects taught may be neither practical nor interesting. The modern school,

however, is providing a curriculum sufficiently diversified to appeal to the needs and

capabilities of various groups of children. The effects of child labour may be grouped in a

threefold division: first, the effects on the child; second, the effects on society; and third,

the effects on industry.

The physical effects of child labour are frequently most unfortunate. Childhood is the

period of physical growth, which requires an abundance of fresh air, freedom, and

activity. The monotony of repeated operations of the same character is a poor substitute

for the self-expression of play and the intellectual training of the school. Again, the moral

atmosphere of the working child is often bad. At best, child labour is apt to stunt the

physical, intellectual, and moral growth of the individual child.

Second, the injurious effects of child labour on society tend to break up family life by

removing the child from his normal and proper place in the home. The young wage

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earner may become independent of parental authority. At best, his opportunity to rise out

of a blind alley job is limited, and he gradually becomes accustomed to low wages and

low standards of living. It must be remembered that the present army of child workers are

destined to become the fathers and mothers of the next generation.

Finally, the effects of child labour on industry must be considered. In the end, it is not

always the cheapest from the economic as well as the social point of view. It lowers the

efficiency of the worker; because a dollar earned before the age of fourteen years must be

subtracted, several fold from later earning capacity. Moreover, the labour of children is

wasteful and dangerous. Their inefficiency is a frequent source of both human and

economic loss. In conclusion, little can be said to justify the existence of child labour in

any enlightened community.

2.10.3 Substance abuse

Majority of today’s street children conflicts that they can barely handle in a very young

age. Modernization has brought many social changes in the society. Children are being

taken for granted, usually by parents who both work and have no time for their children.

Another factor is the issue of broken family, peer pressure, and many other issues that

would make a youth feel inferior of himself/herself. Youth like these seeks a way to

express themselves and unfortunately, this search for self –expression has often lead to

deviant practices such as joining gangs, engaging in pre-marital sex and engaging in

substance abuse.

Stephen (1997) wrote that growing numbers of children are being neglected, abused, and

ignored. Without change, the dark spectre of generational warfare could become all too

real. Stephen (1997) further continues that child-care advocates reports that up to 15% of

16-to 19-year-olds are at risk of never reaching their potential and simply becoming lost

in society.

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In other recent studies, the research shows that family and peer influence, individual

characteristics including behaviour and personality can also be considered as factors that

influence children and adolescent to engage in substance abuse (Johnston, O’Malley &

Bachman, (2003). There are several ways to determine if a youth is at-risk of substance

abuse. Christle, et al (2002) cited that researchers have identified a number of

demographic and behavioural characteristics of youth that contribute to their risk of

involvement with substance abuse. These include ethnic minority status, aggressive,

antisocial behaviour, difficulties in school and school failure (including educational

disabilities). These risk factors are common denominators in the backgrounds of youth

who require a variety of human services like child welfare services.

Substance use and abuse is in the forefront of societal problems. It is a pervasive

problem, affecting directly or indirectly the overwhelming majority of persons. The

deleterious impact of alcohol and drugs is devastating. The involvement of some children

and adolescents in substance abuse often lead to different consequences. Such

consequences include physiological, psychosocial and legal aspects. It is noted that the

physiological effect of drug abuse depends on the drugs that has been used.

Substance abuse undermines physical health. For example, chronic alcohol abuse is

associated with diseases of the liver, central nervous system, and heart. Often, as in the

case of the brain disorder Korsakoff's syndrome, the damage resulting from alcohol abuse

is irreversible.

Mental health disorders often occur with substance abuse. Co-morbidity

is relatively common, with up to one third of individuals with psychiatric disorders

reporting a lifetime history of substance abuse disorders as well. In some instances,

psychiatric disorder precedes or even contributes to the development of substance abuse,

whereas in others, emotional and behavioural disturbances arise within the context of

alcohol and drug use problems.

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A large body of research has delineated the disproportionate representation of

psychological dysfunction in substance abusers. Included are problems in personality,

mood, self-esteem, coping, behaviour, and social functioning. Once again, some of these

psychological difficulties may be evident prior to the onset of substance abuse, although

psychological functioning often worsens over time in individuals with substance use

disorders (McWhirter, 2004).

In addition, children and adolescents who are involved in substance abuse may also be

affected in terms of their educational status. Abuse of specific substances may also

contribute to relatively unique psychological presentations, such as the a-motivational

state that has been linked to chronic marijuana use. Other psychological effects of

substance abuse are directly linked to the biological impact of psychoactive substances

(such as anxiety and irritability stemming from withdrawal) and the behaviours that result

from dependence on drugs and alcohol (such as craving and preoccupation with obtaining

desired substances).

2.11 Psychological condition of street children

It is clear that the phenomenon of street children is present in every nation and almost

every towns and cities all over the worlds. For some areas, street children has been a

familiar occurrence for a long time while for others, street children has existed only in the

recent years. Dilemmas and plight arising in the social milieu, including the political and

economic upheaval are considered as the major causes.

According to the UNICEF, street children face the sad reality of increasing isolation from

their natural or biological families and become in danger for losing their restricted access

to basic facilities involving education, recreation and health. Once such procedure is

underway, it is hard to hold in check, with the output that children may end up on

abandoning or leaving their family or vice versa.

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According to Donald & Swart-Kruger (1994), in accordance with emotional health, the

loss or shortage of an adequate kinship with an adult caregiver presents the greatest

dilemma for most of the street children. They have cited that writings of Bowlby (1988),

with the theory of attachment and its impact on the development and growth of emotional

trust and security and its role in the psychological care and the identification process,

have significant impact for street children.

Paradoxically, the shortage of such a caring and loving relationship usually hurries the

option or forced acceptance of the street life. If the children try to live on the street, they

adopt with each other and other people on the street as their role models. With this

arrangement, affective and cognitive desires are met. Many consider the everyday living

of many street children as unstable and unstructured. It often said that in the end, such

notion that nothing is established could produce destruction of the mind.

Most of the street children said to lose track of time and have no idea on how long they

have become a wanderer with no specific and structured purpose. These children do not

have the ability to describe precisely their process on a given day. In addition, these street

children believe that the streets are barren or productive, unfriendly or friendly at various

times of the night or day. It is also said that physical danger is all too precise and

visibility means not protection but susceptibility.

2.11.1 Resilience and vulnerability Many literatures support that idea that children are resilient and that the psychological

aspects will heal if they would be given greater opportunity. According to Garmezy

(1983), the lesson that should be learned from recent researchers lies in the reaffirmation

of the potential resilience, which emerges in children who are mostly under stress.

Such idea does not mean that they are not affected by the children’s experiences, but they

have the ability to resist of being overwhelmed by them. It has been noted that this

potential to recover usually depends upon the provision of a caring surroundings in the

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post-trauma stage. In this regard, the challenge for those devoted to adhering to the

problem of street children phenomenon is to give a nurturing environment.

Conversely, the idea of childhood as a time of emotional vulnerability indicates that

traumatic occurrences scar the psyche that carries over up to their adulthood. Other

studies have carried out the notion that there are much mediating aspects; for instance,

the development age in which the certain trauma happens. The limitations in terms of

cognitive aspects often mean that street children cannot fully comprehend the effects of

unnecessary occurrence, and this moderates the effect.

On the other hand, there are some researcher who has found that the bigger the

exploitation to stressful happenings, the higher the probability and tendency of deviant

behaviour when street childe are faced with later stresses. The strongest counterstatement

in the discussion over the emotional vulnerability of street children relates to the

enhancement of autonomy.

Most of the research implies that street children reports freedom both their aim and

highest value. Some have described this as being liberated and free from organisations,

institutions, freedom to choose activities and daily rhythms, freedom of movement and

freedom from commitments and kinships.

Even though the emotional sacrifice involved in reaching these freedoms, liberty may be

greater, and the value placed on them may, in fraction, be a distrustful denial of that

value, the practice of such liberty and freedoms does have significant effects for self-

reliance and sense of autonomy. Such aspects may be intensively essential attributes in

the overall enhancement and development of street children.

Some researchers have perceived that resilient children present few of the cognitive or

emotional disability, which has connections with their material and social situations.

Even though the system of prevention and protection are not understood fully, it has been

assumed that social support in terms of understanding, acceptance and companionship

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gives by a significant individual or group, is somehow involved. In addition, it must also

be understood that street children who seems to exist unscathed from the horror if

neglect, violence and abuse are still highly prejudiced to emotional trauma.

It has been a fact that people do not experience adverse situations as equally stressful as

that of street children. The level of stress relies on the personal assessment of seriousness

of a specific situation including the available coping resources. In this regard, there is an

increasing effort to determine the factors, which encourage resilience. In line with street

children, three factors have been discovered that linked with resilience. These include the

presence of supportive biological and kin family, constitutional aspects and the external

social support factors.

According to Donald and Swart-Kruger (1994), there is a paradox among evidence that

shows the developmental hazard and vulnerability in terms of emotional, physical, social

and cognitive regions and the evidence of adaptability, coping mechanism, adaptability.

2.11.2 Psychopathology

According to Swart (1988), being a street children does not necessarily mean that these

children are society’s dropouts and that they should be regarded for the creativity,

exceptional fortitude, astute knowledge of human nature which they should possess in

order to survive on the streets. It has also bee noted that escaping from physically abusive

environment may be a positive experience for many children.

Researchers said that prejudice to find greater autonomy may encourage some children to

escape and has been attributed to the lack of psychopathology among children on the

streets as well as to their successful coping mechanism. However, discovery of negative

traits include apathy, low self-esteem and fatalism.

The characteristics of children on the streets that has been identified includes children

who abuse drugs (solvents, glue), distrust and controls of adults, high impulsivity,

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escaping rather than facing their problems, internal locus of control, adherence to

conventional morality, high value on personal freedom, low self-confidence and

reluctance to disclose or opening true life story.

It has also been noted contradictory discoveries about internal locus of manipulation and

low self-esteem may be connected to interpretations of adult in terms of lifestyle,

including reactions of children on the street to the intimidating, hostile and aggressive,

condemnatory responses from other people around them. Some studies have stated that a

small but relative proportion of children on the street has extreme behavioural and

emotional problems, but since these children may not show the type of symptoms which

can easily be identified by known psychiatric disorders, in which they are not

acknowledged to seek help.

Despite of being unwilling and hesitant to attribute psychopathology to these street

children, has determined between three groups of boys. Herein, the first group has shown

no signs of psychological problems and disorders. Second group shows moderate to

severe symptoms of psychological disorders; and the third group fell somewhere in-

between the two aspects.

Studies have found that street children, specifically boys with a strong inner desire of

control display less psychopathology such as depression. On the other hand, those with

an extreme external locus of control usually spend longer time on the street and obviously

have less positive relationships with their peers. These street children also show more

signs of psychopathology, especially in terms of psychosomatic symptoms and

depression. However, despite of the difficulties in which these children had been

subjected, some of them may show tremendous resilient and potentialities beyond their

years.

In a study of these street children, some has found symptoms of oppositional attitude,

such as non-aggressive type and under-socialized. There are three categories of street

children. These involved those who were delinquent, those who frequently escape but

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displayed no signs of delinquency and those children who showed signs of psychosis.

These street children with delinquent behaviour may have a tendency to display truancy,

involved in theft, assault behaviour, substance abuse, promiscuity, and other conduct

disorders.

2.12 Sociological and psychological theories on child development

Child development study is a very complex field; human beings, and children,

specifically, are very complex. Bjorklund and Pellegrini (1998) stated that

developmental is a term used in many different ways specially those who are interested in

children. In general term, the construct development is also of interest to those of

interested in human development, psychology, and education.

It is better to understand that the term developmental has broad and disparate uses.

According to Mindes, Ireton and Mardell-Czudnowski (1996) assessing children's

functioning is an essential part of childcare and education. Young children's development

is best appreciated by observing them in action in their everyday environments including

social and cultural elements.

Primarily, the main goal of this paper is to provide insightful details regarding different

sociological and psychological theories related to the development of a child and the

impact of these theories from different cultures and diverse needs. In addition, this paper

will also include the discussion of the application of these theories and knowledge

through observations. And lastly, description of healthy development in childhood and

through the use of developmental perspective, the discussion will also include the

arguments regarding the development of child which is being interrupted by the child’

experiences such as changes, loss and disruption.

Child study starts with working with children. First, we try to understand the ways in

which they develop, grow, and learn in their everyday habitats. This knowledge is then

used to design environments for children. Various theories attempt to explain the

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meaning of children's behaviour and development, provide different methods of

collecting child data, and show how intervening in children's lives can facilitate optimal

development. By its very nature, therefore, child study is interdisciplinary.

This interdisciplinary approach to child study makes the field stronger because children

are viewed from many different perspectives. Indeed, an interdisciplinary approach is

necessary to understand the complex behaviour of children. For example, we need the

zoologist's orientation to understand the ontogenetic phylogenetic histories of children.

All of these disciplines attempt to draw pictures of children at different levels of

specificity. Some psychologists attempt to describe the normative behaviour of children.

The best example of such a normative description of behaviour can be found in Piaget

(1970) stage theory.

The researches that Piaget (1970) has made in line with developmental psychology,

focuses in giving emphasis upon a theory of knowledge regarding cognitive development.

According to him, the development of knowledge can be referred as progressive structure

of rationally surrounded organization that intervenes with one another by a manner of

insertion of less powerful reasonable means into more advanced and powerful ones until

the individual grows. Hence, the logic and modes thinking of a certain individual is

known to be initially and entirely distinct from other individuals.

These stages are said to describe children independent of their cultural histories. Thus,

this is a universalistic description of behaviour. Such an approach to child study also

assumes specific methods by which children can be studied. Typically, psychologists

have a specific theory about children and they design tests or experiments to elicit

behaviours relevant to the theory.

Observed behaviours are used as the data for inferences about children's competence.

More recently, however, such normative descriptions have often embedded children in

various contexts that affect development (Bornstein & Lamb, 1999; Bronfenbrenner,

1979). Another theory was developed by Vygotsky (1978), which mentioned that

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children’s development could be attributed to two factors (social level and individual

level); social level refers to outside forces including the cultural aspects. These theories

along with the others, affect different cultures of the society by letting each individual

determine why children in ac certain culture behaves differently from other children who

have another culture.

Through these theories, many people would have knowledge that the development of a

child not merely depends on the inner-self but also external environment such as culture.

In addition, these theories influence child development in cultural perspective, in a way

that it provides in-depth comprehension to understand better the behaviour of children.

Furthermore, these sociological and psychological theories in child development affect

diverse needs in a way that through the comprehension of culture, these theories can be

helpful in determining the needs of children that develops in a certain society or culture.

Moreover, other individuals may understand the different needs, which should be given

to children in line with their cultural inheritance. In addition, through these theories,

children may be understood concerning their needs. Overall, it can be said that

sociological and psychological theories in child development has a great influence on

both culture and needs of these individuals.

Principally, the theory of Piaget (1970), regarding child development can be considered

as a view of a constructivist. Herein, Piaget believed that the acquirement of a certain

notion or knowledge is a continuous and permanent procedure of self-construction. In

this manner, as the individual is constructing his or her knowledge, Piaget (1970),

presumes that there is exist an interaction between the individuals’ environment and

heredity that is known as the interactions.

By merely observing the behaviour of children, Piaget has been able to formulate

children’s development framework, in which he proposed four major stages of

development: the sensory-motor period (birth to 2 years), preoperational thought (two to

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6/7 years), concrete operations (6/7 to 11/12 years) and formal operations (11/12 to

adult).

Through observation of an infant, the first child development aspect has been established

in terms of child’s development; the cognitive system of infant is restricted to motor

reflexes. However, children usually build on these reflexes to enable growth of a more

refined process. During the second stage of children’s development, it has been observed

that children have the ability to obtain figurative and emblematic abilities in terms of

mental imagery, such as language and others. The children in this stage may be

considered as very self-oriented, and have an insensitive standpoint.

The main argument of Piaget is that through observation of different stages of children’s

growth the schema or logical construction of an individual transforms with age and can

also be regarded as action-based (sensorimotor) and as the individual grow will have the

tendency to a higher level which is known as the mental (operational) level. In addition,

Piaget also believed that the cognitive performance in individual has a connection with

the with the child development stage which they belong.

Vygotsky (1978) has been able to explain the importance of society in accordance with

the child’s development. By observing the behaviour of a child, it can be said that the

theory of Vygotsky is a great contribution since it provides more explanation to know

why children developed differently from each other. Accordingly, the theorist believed

that an individual obtains certain ideas from the culture in which he or she belongs.

The notion of Vygotsky is his belief that child development emerges from outside forces.

In addition, Vygotsky (1978) also highlights the idea that the occurrence of development

usually happens in instances where the individual’s is being guided by an adult or

someone more experienced who have the ability to show examples.

In the society today, there is a saying that a child imitates whatever he/she sees to adults.

This means that by observing the behaviour of children living in a society where adults

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have intense behaviour, there is a possibility that the children could develop the same

behaviour. According to Vygotsky (1978), the cultural development of an individual can

be recognized in two instances. The first one is in the social level (inter-psychological)

and as life continues, development occurs in the individual level (intra-psychological).

This means that as an individual interacts with a more experienced individual within the

society, there is a possibility for development to happen. Moreover, as this situation

continues, and as an individual grows, the development will then occur within one's self.

Generally, most individual think differently from the others. Hence, some outside forces,

specifically society and culture, influences the development of a child. The other main

tradition, strongly influenced by the work of Vygotsky (1978), has tended to emphasize

wider cultural influences on development, particularly as mediated through interaction

between participants of unequal intellectual status. This tradition has also generated a

good deal of empirical research, much of it concerned with the nature and effectiveness

of adult intervention in learning.

Development by imitation of role models, “observational learning”, and other principles

of socialization, have constituted broad associations models, although, again, there has

been little regard for actual cognitive aspects of the processes. On the other hand,

Bandura (1989) has augmented his early “social learning theory” with an important role

for cognitive regulations in the individual’s reactive self-control and guidance of his or

her behaviour.

He now calls his theory “social cognitive theory” and describes social learning as

“knowledge acquisition through cognitive processing of information” (1989), rejecting

what he calls the “cognitive bypass operation”. According Bandura (1977), most of the

behaviour of humans is being learned through observations. This means that by merely

observing the work of others, some individuals are able to form a certain idea on how

new behaviours can be performed. Then, in later instances, this coded idea eventually

serves as a guide for such individual’s action.

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An important aspect of Bandura’s theory is the self-knowledge that children gain about

themselves, by interaction with others. This includes perceptions of their competence in

each of the various domains with which they have to deal. There may be a deep

disjunction between what children can do and what they think they can do, and a number

of studies have shown how this directly affects their behaviour.

Jerome Bruner, as constructivist theorists, has been involved in studying the concept of

cognition. It is said that most of the general framework for this was mostly linked and

based on child development. In this manner, Bruner (1960) has been able to originally

link this to math and science learning. He illustrated his notions in accordance with social

science and mathematics programs for young children (Bruner, 1972). Primarily, the

main concept of Bruner’s explanation about cognitive development is the idea that

development is an active procedure.

In this manner, individual is entitled to form new ideas from their past or current

experiences. With this, individuals has the opportunity to choose and change the formed

ideas, structures some new premised and eventually makes their decisions, by simply

relying on a certain cognitive formation which comprises models and representations.

These cognitive structures are the ones that provide meaning and organization to the

experiences and permits individual to go beyond what was given in the information.

The theory of emotional development has its foundation in Piaget's child development

and the range of human feelings is a product of our autonomy, and the consequent need

to make important decisions. Feelings guide us in those functions (Kagan, 1994). On the

other hand, childcare can strengthen or undermine children's cognitive and social

development. If childcare quality is high, children learn rapidly, develop strong

attachments to adults, and behave sociably toward other children. If quality is low,

children learn more slowly, develop less secure attachments, and demonstrate less

sociability and consideration for others (Gormley, 1995). Thus, through observation

method, one can test such theories.

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2.13 Healthy development childhood

The term behaviour generally refers to the actions or reactions of an object or

organism/individual, usually in relation to the environment or surrounding world of

stimuli. Behaviour can be conscious or unconscious, overt or covert, and voluntary or

involuntary. Behaviour controlled by the endocrine system, and the nervous system.

Moreover, many researches reveal that proper or correct management in the

preschool/nursery has something to do in child’s behaviour (Allen, Benning, &

Drummond, 1972; Bricker & Bricker, 1971).

On the other hand, in developmental management of children, the instruction of

behavioural expectations occurs through how parents, teachers, and other individuals

within the community influence the child. In a child development program, the

instruction of behavioural expectations occurs within the activities or interactions of the

children.

Children are not likely to understand a general rule that constructed for them out of

context as they have difficulty making meaning out of a list of information. For example,

a child would be guided to respond to frustration calmly if given the redirection, "Say to

me, I need help'" followed by the provision of help. The use of activity-embedded social

guidance facilitates children to construct their own understanding of behavioural

expectations.

As children mature, behavioural expectations are more likely to be presented within

whole group lessons or activities (e.g., reading a story about lying) and may be posted for

children who are interested in print by using a combination of words and visuals.

Furthermore, Bredekamp & Copple, (1997) argued that supporting the development of

positive self-esteem in children and the ability to evaluate their own behaviour is a

critical element of quality early childhood programs. This is similar to the emphasis of

school on acknowledging appropriate behaviours among children.

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In order to have a positive or healthy development among children, it is important to

discuss the concept of childcare. Childcare is defined as a regularly used arrangement for

supervising young children that supplements care by one or both parents (Gormley,

1995).

Child care can strengthen or undermine children's cognitive and social development".

(Gormley, 1995, p.4) A well-equipped childcare centre can provide a suitable pace of

learning, supervise social behaviour, provide a sense of security to children up to the

point where they develop an attachment to their caregivers. This is as much as an ideal

compensation for the absence of the children’s parents.

In child development, the child often faces different changes, and these changes may

influence the development of such individual. Although, there are still strongholds on the

belief that the best care for children especially during the developmental stages is

maternal, there is still no denying the fact that the current economic and social movement

continue to make this difficult for our family units to provide. As with every change that

direct affects the family and a child’s well-being, the acceptance of child-care, as an

alternative to parental care is gradual and tenacious.

Children go through developmental changes that can be very confusing. The principles

of children egocentrism tie this fascinating stage to children’s development. As

egocentric children, children believe that others are always watching and evaluating

them, and that they are special and unique. Children egocentrism is an interesting and

important subject to study because it helps explain the general well-being of a child.

Moreover, understanding its characteristics enables parents, psychologists, sociologists,

teachers, and other concerned groups to respond and help children move successfully

through this stage.

As a child experiences heightened self-consciousness, negative emotions such as fear,

sadness, disgust, anxiety, and depression are activated. Many children are weathering

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numerous storms of negative emotion. Often these clouds of negativity trail them to a

healthy development or the other way around. Bad things happen and they feel wounded.

Some of the wounds heal, and others leave a psychic scar that never seems to leave them.

In studying child development, it is necessary to focus negative emotions caused by

egocentrism, self-exploration, and other transitional factors to understand the future well-

being of a child and minimize the cases of depression among children.

3. Methodology

3.1 Introduction

The study takes a close look at the street children phenomenon in Sierra Leone, focusing

specifically on the nature of this phenomenon in five major cities in Sierra Leone, i.e.,

Freetown, Bo, Makeni, Kono and Kenema. More precisely the study approaches the

subject of street children from a strictly comparative and synchronic stand – points,

showing how, at a given point in time, the lives of street children parallel or differ, as the

case may be, from the lives of children in normal family homes.

The choice of the comparative approach is in response to the need to determine as clearly

as possible, just how badly disadvantaged street children are in terms of the facilities and

privileges enjoyed by children in normal family homes. The randomly selected

participants consisted of 325 respondents. Survey and interview methods were the two

research instruments used for the data gathering.

The children living a normal life at home who have been chosen in this study

accomplished a survey questionnaire and the researcher interviewed the street children.

The results of the survey were then processed by computing the weighted mean of each

survey item. The computed values were compared to the Likert scale for data

interpretation. Relevant literatures were also used to support the gathered findings.

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The credibility of findings and conclusions extensively depend on the quality of the

research design, data collection, data management, and data analysis. This chapter will

be dedicated to the description of the methods and procedures done in order to obtain the

data, how they will be analysed, interpreted, and how the conclusion will be met. This

section justifies the means obtaining the results in the study and helps in giving the study

its purpose and strength, as it will then be truthful and analytical. All these will help in

the processing of the data and the formulation of conclusions.

Specifically, this research will cover the following: the research design and method, the

respondents or subjects to be studied (which will include the sampling method), the data

collection instrument, and the data analysis. These will be presented below.

3.2 Research design

This study utilizes the descriptive method of research. The purpose of employing the

descriptive method is to describe the nature of a condition, as it takes place during the

time of the study and to explore the cause or causes of a particular condition. The

researcher opted to use this kind of research considering the desire to acquire first hand

data from the respondents to formulate rational and sound conclusions and

recommendations for the study. According to Creswell (1994), the descriptive method of

research is to gather information about the present existing condition. Since this study is

focused on the perception or evaluation difference of the two contexts, the descriptive

method is the most appropriate method to use.

Two types of data were used: the primary and the secondary data. The primary data were

derived from the answers respondents gave in the structured questionnaire prepared by

the researcher. In addition, the information obtained from the interview also provided

primary research data that supported the study. The secondary data on the other hand,

were derived from the findings stated in published documents and literatures related to

the research problem. These were based from the recent literatures related to street

children and the concepts cited by the respondents.

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In terms of approach, the study employed both qualitative and quantitative approaches.

The quantitative approach focused on obtaining numerical findings was used with the

survey method. The interview on the other hand, made up the qualitative approach of the

study as this focused on personal accounts, observations, description and individual

insights of the employees. This study employed the combined approach to overcome the

limitations of both approaches.

3.3 Participants

In comparing the lives of street children with the lives of children in normal family

homes in cities in Sierra Leone, the study adopts a sample survey design. Five major

cities in Sierra Leone were targeted mainly, Freetown, Bo, Makeni, Kono and Kenema.

All street children living within the city centre and market area in these respective towns

formed the target group for the research. The point is that the central market area and city

centre is the place where street children are most visible and active in the city.

The unit of analysis is a child living and sleeping in the central market place. Thirty-five

of such children in each location form a representative sample of the city’s street children

population where selected. However, in fact only one hundred and sixty six respondents

where interviewed. Concerning children living in normal family homes, thirty children

from three different primary schools in each of the locations form a representative sample

of the population. In each of the three primary schools, the researcher randomly selected

ten pupils form the target population. The unit of analysis is a child living with his or her

parents or guardian in the city.

Overall, 175 individual children served in this study as a representative sample of the

city’s street children and one hundred and fifty children served as a representative

sample of children living in normal family homes. The total representative sample of

three hundred and twenty-five children both street children and children in normal family

homes formed the research population.

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All of these participants were selected through random sampling. This sampling method

is conducted where each member of a population has an equal opportunity to become part

of the sample. As all members of the population have an equal chance of becoming a

research participant, this is said to be the most efficient sampling procedure. In order to

conduct this sampling strategy, the researcher defined the population first, listed down all

the members of the population, and then selected members to make the sample.

The Likert format was the structure of the survey questionnaire. The questionnaire does

not apply inclusion criteria for the individual applicants; hence, all are part of the

population. However, due to time and budget constraints, the researcher opted for a

smaller sample size.

3.4 Research instruments

The study used two research instruments to gather pertinent data. These research

instruments are survey questionnaire methods and the interview method. The structured

questionnaire was for the children who are living a normal family life at home. The

questionnaire given to these aimed to determine the condition of the children at home. In

addition, this also aims to evaluate the how the life of these children differs from the life

of the street children. On the other hand, the interview approach was conducted to street

children.

The questionnaire was structured in such a way that respondents would be able to answer

it easily. Thus, the set of questionnaire was structured using the Likert format with a five-

point response scale. A Likert scale is a rating scale that requires the subject to indicate

his or her degree of agreement or disagreement to a statement. In this type of

questionnaire, the respondents were given five response choices. These options served as

the quantification of the participants’ agreement or disagreement on each question item.

Below are the designated quantifications in the questionnaire:

(Source: Creswell, 1994)

1 Strongly agree

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2 Agree

3 Uncertain

4 Disagree

5 Strongly disagree

3.5 Interview/questionnaire structure

The researcher designs a questionnaire for the survey and interview process. The primary

aim of the questionnaire is to compare the lives of street children and those children who

are living a normal life. This research will use a mixture of closed questions and

comments that are more open in the questionnaire. A closed question is one that has pre-

coded answers. The simplest is the dichotomous question to which the respondent must

answer yes or no (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2003)

Through closed questions, the researcher will be able to limit responses that are within

the scope of this study. For example, the researcher intends to ask the respondents what

they think of business value in general. Using a multiple-choice method, the answer of

the respondents would be within the one of the limited expected answers of the

researcher. Thus, the researcher design a closed question type to remain focused on the

statement of the problem and on the main purpose of the study. However, the researcher

nevertheless extends the closed questions with the comment option to be able to gather

qualitative data for this study.

In addition, closed questions will be used in the survey because the answers are easy to

analyse and are straightforward as target respondents are mostly busy that they do not

have enough time to give attention to open questions. Closed response questions save the

respondent having to think of possible replies.

While interacting with street children, the researcher sometimes informally steered

ongoing conversations in the direction of interest to him, sometimes unfortunately cutting

off the flow of "natural conversation." Nevertheless, in time and with more patience,

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much was learned by listening to and participating in conversations among the children.

Formal interviews were set up with specific children to explore special topics or to learn

directly about their life stories.

Such interviews conducted in places familiar to the children were useful occasions to get

at social interpretations and experiences meaningful to the children. These interviews

were useful compliments to data collected more formally and around specific focused

questions described in our focus group and survey research. In our field research, the

researcher systematically sought to discover any social similarities and differences among

street children by age, residence, and gender. In sum, ethnographic techniques served as

an informative way to understand street children from our perspective of participant

observation and interviews that emphasized their own voices and shared experiences

arising from social life in the streets.

Specifically, the methodology sought to provide a variety of opportunities for street

children and others closely involved with their lives to speak directly to us about our

understanding of their observed behaviour and to express to us their own views on

matters related to their lives. Street boys and street girls who participated in our focus

group discussions were selected from among those whom we were involved with in our

ethnographic research. Thus, they were familiar with us and at ease during the focus

group interviews.

3.6 Data analysis and presentation

The study utilised first hand data, which comes from the chosen respondents who

answered the survey-questionnaires given to them. First-hand data consists of the

information on the survey results. The study also utilized secondary data. Secondary data

include raw data and published summaries, as well as both quantitative and qualitative

data. Saunders, Lewis & Thornhill (2003) deduced that secondary data fall into three

main subgroups—documentary data, survey-based data, and those compiled from

different sources.

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Documentary secondary data, accordingly, are the ones often used in research projects

that also use primary data collection methods. This type includes written documents

about gifted educational programs that can be important raw data sources on their own

right that includes the following: storage medium for compiled data, qualitative data and

statistical measures. The second type is non-written documents (like tape and video

recordings, pictures, drawings, films and television programmes, digital versatile disks

and CD-ROMs) that can be analyzed both quantitatively and qualitatively. This type of

data is also useful to help triangulate findings based on other data such as written

documents and primary data collected through observations, interviews and

questionnaires (Saunders, Lewis & Thornhill, 2003, pp. 190-191).

With this particular study, the researcher utilized documentary secondary data (in the

form of articles from books, journals, magazines, and newspapers) that are generally

about the street children, the factors that cause street children phenomenon as well as

relevant literatures and survey-based data in order to meet the objectives of this study.

In order to analyze the data gathered from the survey, the weighted mean for each

question item was computed. Weighted mean is the average wherein every quantity to be

averaged has a corresponding weight. These weights represent the significance of each

quantity to the average.

To compute for the weighted mean, each value must be multiplied by its weight. Products

should then be added to obtain the total value. The total weight should also be computed

by adding all the weights. The total value is then divided by the total weight. Statistically,

the weighted mean is calculated using the following formula:

(Source: Creswell, 1994)

Or

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3.7 Independent samples t-test

The t-test is the most commonly used method to evaluate the differences in means

between two groups. For example, the t-test can be used to test for a difference in the

perception between a group of respondents (i.e. children in normal family homes and

street children).

Theoretically, the t-test can be used even if the sample sizes are very small (e.g., as small

as 10; some researchers claim that even smaller n's are possible), as long as the variables

are normally distributed within each group and the variation of scores in the two groups

is not reliably different.

As mentioned before, the normality assumption can be evaluated by looking at the

distribution of the data (via histograms) or by performing a normality test. Actually, the

researcher opted to use independent sample t-test analysis to determine the difference

between the answers of the respondents. Statistically, the weighted mean is calculated

using the following formula:

(Source: Creswell, 1994)

Or

In addition, the p-level reported with a t-test represents the probability of error involved

in accepting our research hypothesis about the existence of a difference. Technically

speaking, this is the probability of error associated with rejecting the hypothesis of no

difference between the two categories of observations (corresponding to the groups) in

the population when, in fact, the hypothesis is true.

Since this study would like to compare the differences of two groups (children in normal

family homes and street children), the use of independent samples t-test is considered. If

the p-value is less than .05 the researcher may conclude, the two groups are significantly

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different in their means. To assist the researcher in the statistical analysis of the gathered

data, the researcher used the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). The

SPSS is one of the most widely available and powerful statistical software packages that

cover a broad range of statistical procedures. SPSS procedures allows a researcher to

summarise data (e.g., compute means and standard deviations), determine whether there

are significant differences between groups (e.g., t-tests, analysis of variance), examine

relationships among variables (e.g., correlation, multiple regression), and graph results

(e.g., bar charts, line graphs) (Einstein and Abernethy, 2000).

3.8 Validity

In order to test the validity of the evaluation tool, which used for this study, the

researcher tested the questionnaire to ten respondents. These respondents as well as their

answers were not part of the actual study process and were only used for testing purposes.

After the questions have been answered, the researcher asked the respondents for any

suggestions or any necessary corrections to improve the instrument further.

The researcher modified the content of the questionnaire based on the assessment and

suggestions of the sample respondents. The researchers excluded irrelevant questions

and changed vague or difficult terminologies into simpler ones to make the survey more

comprehensive for the selected respondents.

3.9 Ethical considerations

As this study utilized human participants and investigated on company practices, certain

issues were addressed. The consideration of these issues is necessary for ensuring the

privacy as well as the security of the participants. These issues were identified in advance

so as prevent future problems that could have risen during the research process. Among

the significant issues that were considered included consent, confidentiality and data

protection.

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3.10 Gaining consent

Securing permission and gaining the consent of the participants for this study is an

important ethical consideration. In order to do so, the researcher relayed the aims of the

research clearly among all selected participants. Each participant was asked to

accomplish a consent form, stating in detail all the activities involved as well as the

purpose of the study.

The reasons why they were selected as participants were also stated so as to enable the

selected participants to connect the aims of the research with that of the participant

qualifications. In the consent form, the researcher also discussed in detail all the

treatments or procedures that will be done during the research process.

Building rapport and gaining the trust of the participants has been considered essential

throughout the research process. These helped in ensuring the cooperation and

willingness of the participants to give dependable and sufficient data that were relevant to

the study. Although the participants may initially give their consent for the research

process, the researcher also gave the assurance that they are allowed to withdraw from

the study even without providing any reason. By giving this freedom, the participants did

not feel forced to participate in the process.

The possible risks that may be included in the research were also discussed to the

participants to gain their consent. More importantly, the methods or mechanisms that are

to be used to prevent these risks were also included. The researcher practiced openness

and honesty all throughout the study to assure the research respondents that their security

and safety is of utmost priority. All of these factors to gain the consent of the research

participants were discussed in the most comprehensive manner based on their level of

understanding.

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3.11 Confidentiality

The privacy of the respondents as well as the confidentiality of their responses was

prioritized by the researcher as well. In order to do so, the names of the participants were

kept confidential. All details that are related to the study were the only ones included in

the final report. The researcher sent a copy of the research proposal to all participants of

the study to emphasize that all information obtained had been accurate and properly

credited. The researcher also ensured that all data gathered for the study were protected

from unauthorized access.

3.12 Data protection

The researcher protected the data obtained from the research process as well. In order to

do this, the researcher protected all files with passwords. This prevented unauthorized

people from accidentally accessing the confidential files of the study. The completion of

gathering all data and generating analysis were within the school or university premises

to ensure the security of transferring data.

3.13 Statistical treatment of the data

After the collection of information from self-administered questionnaire, and related

studies, the researcher collated all the data. The statistical analysis for the information

from semi-structure questionnaire was conducted using Microsoft Excel where the data is

tabulated, graphed, and evaluated.

The testing of the level of significance was conducted using the SPSS and tabulated in

the Excel files. The SPSS is the standard software in conducting statistical analysis.

Percentage – to determine the magnitude of the responses to the questionnaire:

(Source: Creswell, 1994)

)100(%Nn

Where: n = number of responses

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N = total number of respondents

Weighted Mean: (Source: Creswell, 1994)

txxfxfxfxfxfx 5544332211

Where: f – weight given to each response

x – Number of responses

xt – total number of responses

To evaluate the information gathered, the percentage analysis and mean analysis are

used:

3.14 Procedures

This study of street children and of children in normal family homes in major cities of

Sierra Leone was conceived and done within a period of twenty four months time frame,

that is June, 2005 to July, 2007. The literature review and the fieldwork where done

during the first ten months. The remaining months was set aside to analyzed data

collected and to finish the rest of the write –up.

During the first two months of work, available Literature dealing mainly with street

children in Latin America, Asia and Africa were compiled, the idea of conducting

research on the phenomenon in major cities of Sierra Leone was borne, and a

corresponding plan of work made.

The fieldwork took the form of interviews and the administration of survey

questionnaires. To accomplish these tasks, the researcher sought permission from the

social welfare ministry and the town councils of each of the research locations, which

allowed street children in the central market area to be interview.

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The interviews were conducted over a two –week period in all locations simultaneously.

The researcher engaged the services of enumerators. The enumerators were educated and

oriented on the use of interview schedules and the procedures for data collection in each

of these locations. Each of the respondents children selected had the opportunity for an

interview that lasted for about ten minutes. The conduction of interviews is using the

language Krio, which is the most widely used language spoken by almost every Sierra

Leonean.

Similarly, the researcher sought permission from the head teacher in all the primary

schools in the different research locations. All schools selected are co-educational

schools. The interviews where conducted during school hours (8:30am -2pm) which each

interview lasting for almost ten minutes. All interviews where done in English. This

exercise is purely for children living in normal family homes with the opportunity of

attending school.

The last two months of work dealt with the analysis of the information obtained during

the interview session and from the survey questionnaires. The results of the research

where then presented in the form of narrative interspersed with frequency distribution

tables and percentages.

As already stated, the instruments used in this study to collect data were questionnaires

and interview schedules. Some amount of observation was also conducted. Two separate

standardized survey questionnaire were developed, one meant for street children and the

other for children in normal family homes.

The two questionnaires facilitated the collection of a uniform set of information

pertaining respectively to the lives of street children and the lives of children in normal

family homes. The information sought by the questionnaires centred on a child’s name,

age, sex, educational background, family background, peer group and violence in the

street.

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The interview schedules where designed to fill the gaps left by the questionnaires. They

particularly facilitated a direct, human contact with the children under study, thus making

the research a lively and interesting academic endeavour.

3.15 Data summary

As stated in this methodology part, the research underwent stages. In the research design,

the researcher collected secondary data, formulated, and developed the self-administered

questionnaire. In this stage, these instruments were subjected to approval and validation.

During the information collection, the researcher collated and summarised the data

obtained from the self-administered questionnaire and survey. The researcher then

analysed this information and from these, the researcher came up with findings and

recommendations that shall be presented in the next chapters.

4. Data analysis and presentation

4.1 Introduction

This chapter includes the analysis and presentation of data gathered from respondents.

Thus, this chapter discusses the results of the survey questionnaires given to the 109

children living in normal homes and the result of the interview with 616 street children in

the four major cities of Sierra Leone.

Before the initiation of the survey process, the researcher explained towards the

respondents the purpose, the importance, and objectives of the study. The researcher

guaranteed respondents of privacy of personal information. All questions asked in the

survey questionnaire pertain only to the respondents’ insights on the topic of the study.

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For the purpose of lucidity, this chapter includes graphs and tables corresponding to the

findings of the survey (original data from SPSS). To give an appropriate flow of

discussion, this chapter also includes certain two divisions or sections for clearer

presentation. First, is the presentation of the data gathered from the answers of the

children living in normal homes and the second part is the presentation of the data

gathered from the street children.

4.2 Data analysis

4.2.1 Part 1 profile: Children in normal family homes

This part discusses the profile of 109 children living in a normal family home who

answered the survey questionnaire sent by the researcher. The description of the

respondents includes their gender, age, and religion, place of residency, educational

background, and tribes. Other information includes the estimated monthly income and the

age of the parents and place of birth, number of meals taken everyday, type of house and

materials and others.

1. Age of the respondents

An important variable examined in this study is the age group in which the street children

interviewed fall. The age group is a very important factor that plays an important role in

the lives of street children and children in normal family homes.

Age of the children living in a normal home

Table 1a

age in years frequency

1-5 years 0

6-10 years 35

11-15 year 74

109

Total 109

Figure 1a

Age of children living in normal homes

0. 0% 35. 32%

74. 68%

1-5 years 6-10 years 11-15 years

The table and figure above shows the distribution of age of the children living in normal

family homes. It shows that most of the respondents who participated are aging from 11-

15 years, which comprises 68% out of 109 children.

2. Gender of the respondents

Gender of the children in normal family homes

Table 2a

gender frequency

Male 51

Female 58

Total 109

Figure 2a

110

Gender of children living in normal family homes

51. 47% 58. 53%

Male Female

Table 2a and Figure 2a show the distribution and the percentage of the children who

participated in the study in terms of gender. Out of 109 respondents, it shows that 58

(53%) were female and 51 (47%) were male. This may indicate that most of the children

living a normal family home who participated show a close distribution. Further, this is

also an indication that more female and girls lived with their parents in normal family

homes.

District codes * sex cross tabulation – children in normal homes

Table 2b

sex total

male female

District

Codes

Kenema 13 9 22

Kono 9 14 23

Makeni 6 14 20

Bo 8 14 22

Freetown 15 7 22

Total 51 58 109

Figure 2b

111

Gender of children in normal family

homes by district

0 5

10 15 20

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown

Districts

Number of Children

Christian Muslims

Table 2b shows the frequency distribution on sexes in the various Districts where the

survey was done. The table shows that Kono has the highest number of children followed

by Kenema, Bo and Freetown as the second highest while Makeni as the third highest

with 18% children out of 109.

3. Religion of children in normal family homes

Table 3a

Figure 3a

Religion of children in normal family

62. 57%

47. 43% 0. 0%

Christian Muslim Others

religion frequency

Christian 62

Muslim 47

Others 0

Total 109

112

In the table and figure above, it shows that children living in normal family homes are

Christian and represent (56.9%) while the Muslims constitute 43.1%. These findings

have shown that majority of the children living in normal family homes come from the

Christian religion. The remaining children come from the Muslim religion.

Religion of children in normal family homes by district

Table 3b

What is your religion Total

Christian Muslim

District

Codes

Kenema 6 16 22

Kono 14 9 23

Makeni 12 8 20

Bo 19 3 22

Freetown 11 11 22

Total 62 47 109

Figure 3b

Figure 3b

Religion of children in normal family homes by district

0 5

10 15 20

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown

Districts

number of children

Christian Muslims

113

We see that table 3b and figure 3b shows that the majority of children in normal family

homes formed the highest with Bo town taking the lead. Muslims represent the lowest of

children living in normal family homes.

4. Distribution of children in normal family homes by tribe

Table 4a

Figure 4a

tribe frequency

Mende 44

Temne 25

Krio 7

Limba 7

Kono 22

Kissi 2

Others 2

Total 109

114

Distribution of children in normal family homes by tribe

41%

23%

6% 6% 20%

2% 2%

Mende Temne Krio Limba Kono Kissi Others

The table and figure above shows the distribution and percentages of children living in

normal family homes in terms of their tribe. The above table shows that majority of the

children in normal family homes belongs to Mende and Temne tribes followed by Kono.

The remaining tribes (Krio, Limba, and Kissi) form the lowest of children living in

normal family homes.

Town distribution of children in normal family homes by tribe

Table 4b

What tribe do you belong to total

Mende Temne Krio Limba Kono Kissi Others

District

Codes

Kenema 15 3 0 0 1 2 1 22

Kono 2 1 0 0 19 0 1 23

Makeni 2 13 1 4 0 0 0 20

Bo 20 1 1 0 0 0 0 22

Freetown 5 7 5 3 2 0 0 22

Total 44 25 7 7 22 2 2 109

Figure 4b

115

Town distribution of children in normal family homes according to tribe

0

5 10

15 20

25

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown

towns

No.

Mende Temne Krio Limba Kono Kissi Others

Table 4b and Figure 4b above shows the town distribution of children in normal family

homes according to their tribe. Herein, it shows that Bo town has more children who are

Mende than any of the other tribes. Furthermore, Kono has more children who also

belong to the Kono tribe than any of the other tribes followed by Kenema town.

Freetown has a small portion of some of the other tribes, Mende, Temne, Krio, Limba

and Kono distributed in various parts within Freetown.

These findings revealed that majority of the district towns do have a small number of the

other tribes present in their various towns. However, the vast majority of the tribes do

come from the regions and district towns.

5. Place of birth of children in normal family homes

116

Distribution of where children in normal

family homes were born by African region

Table 5a

Figure 5a

Distribution of where children in normal

family homes were born by region

7. 6% 27. 25%

43. 40% 31. 28%

1. 1%

Western Northern Eastern Southern Other

The table and figure above illustrates the distribution and percentage place of birth of

children in normal homes according to their region. The table shows that 43 (40%) of the

children were born in the eastern region, 31 (28%) southern region, 27 (25%) northern

region and seven (6%) come from western area.

These findings show that a large number of children in normal homes were born in the

eastern region followed by the southern region. This survey results further reveal that

there are more children in normal homes born in the eastern and southern region.

African region frequency

Western area 7

Northern region 27

Eastern region 43

Southern region 31

Other 1

Total 109

117

Town distribution of where children in normal family homes were born by African region

Table 5b

Where were you born total

Western

area

Northern

region

Eastern

region

Southern

region Other

District

Codes

Kenema 1 1 15 4 1 22

Kono 0 0 21 2 0 23

Makeni 0 20 0 0 0 20

Bo 0 0 1 21 0 22

Freetown 6 6 6 4 0 22

Total 7 27 43 31 1 109

Table 5b

Town distribution of where children in

normal family homes were born by African region

0 5

10 15 20 25

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown

Town

Number of Children

Wstern Region Northern Region Eastern Region Southern Region Other

The table above shows District Codes of places of birth for children living in normal

family homes. The table shows the distribution of children in normal homes by regions. It

118

shows that more children were born in the Eastern region and Southern region unlike the

street children that have majority of them born in the Northern and Southern region.

6. Educational background/ friends/friends activities

The following tables and figures present the educational background of the children

living in normal family homes as well as the distribution of those with friends and the

activities they usually do with their friends.

Distribution of children in normal family homes attending school

Table 6a

Figure 6a

Distribution of children living a normal

family homes attending school

108. 99%

1. 1%

Yes No

Table 6a and figure 6a shows the distribution and percentage of children living in normal

family homes attending school. As shown, 99% of the children who have participated in

this study are attending school while only one percent is not attending school. The result

frequency

Yes 108

No 1

Total 109

119

indicates that children living in normal family homes have parents who can afford to send

them to school.

These findings revealed that children with parental attention, leaving with parents have

more opportunities to send their children to school unlike children on the street. The fact

is that education at all levels be it private or public is expensive and not many parents can

afford to send their children to school.

Town distribution of children in normal family homes attending school

Table 6b

Are you attending school total

Yes No

District

Codes

Kenema 22 0 22

Kono 23 0 23

Makeni 20 0 20

Bo 22 0 22

Freetown 21 1 22

Total 108 1 109

Figure 6b

Town distribution of children in normal family homes attending school

0 5

10 15 20 25

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown

Town

Number of Children

Yes No

120

Table 5b and Figure 5b shows the sequence of children in normal family homes base on

District towns. In the various towns, there are a large number of respondents attending

school. The highest being Kono followed by Kenema and Bo. This has shown that

children in normal family homes in those towns do send their children to school.

Distribution of children in normal family homes by activities after school

Table 6c

Figure 6c

Percentage of children in normal family homes by after school

41. 38%

11. 10%

50. 45%

5. 5% 2. 2%

Studying Play with other kids Do domestic work Attend Lesson Play around house

The table and figure above provides the distribution of children in normal family homes

by activities after school. Herein, it shows that 109 respondents interviewed, 50 (45%) do

domestic works, 41 (37.68%) are engaged in studying, 11(10%) plays with other kids,

five (5%) attend lesson while two (2%) plays around the house.

activities frequency

Studying 41

Play with other kids 11

Do domestic work 50

Attend lesson 5

Play around house 2

Total 109

121

This findings has shown that at least all of the children in normal homes do engaged

themselves in something after school at least to keep them busy and preventing them

from being idle. Unlike children in normal homes, who engaged themselves in

meaningful activities, street children are busy with activities that will provide them with

food and necessities of life.

These findings have shown that children in normal family homes have better

opportunities to engage themselves in various activities after school. Apart from those

who engaged on studying, attend lessons and play around, we see large number 45.9%

who are also engaged in domestic work at home helping their parents and guardians

Distribution of children in normal family homes with friends at school

Table 6d

Table 6d

Pecentage distributions of children in ormal normal with friends at school

106. 97%

1. 1% 2. 2% Yes

No Missing

frequency

Yes 106

No 2

Missing 1

Total 109

122

Table 6d and Figure 6d presents the distribution and percentage of the children living

normal family homes in terms by friend. It shows that 97% of the 109 children have

friends, and two percent or two children have no friends. This indicates that children

living in normal family homes are sociable.

Town distribution of children in normal family homes with friends at school

Table 6e

What kind of activities do you do after school

Studying

Play with

other

kids

Do

domestic

work

Attend

Lesson

Play

around

house

Total

District

Codes

Kenema 3 2 15 0 2 22

Kono 13 6 4 0 0 23

Makeni 2 2 16 0 0 20

Bo 17 1 3 1 0 22

Freetown 6 0 12 4 0 22

Total 41 11 50 5 2 109

Figure 6e

Town distribution of children in normal

homes with school friends

0

5

10

15

20

1 2 3 4 5 Town

Number of Childre

Kenema Kono

Makeni

Bo

Freetown

123

This table and figure above shows the type of activities children in normal homes

engaged in after school base on district codes. It shows that among the district towns,

most of the respondents have the highest number of children engaged in domestic work

with studying being the second highest.

These findings have shown that in the entire districts we have more children in normal

family homes who are engaged in domestic work followed by Bo, with children engaged

in studying. These findings have also shown that children in normal homes have the

advantaged of being involved in household activities in all of the districts towns which

provides an opportunity for child parents interaction. Unlike children on the streets, the

family relationship and interaction did not exist, as most of them are not involved in

domestic or household work.

Distribution of children in normal family homes by friends’ activities

Table 6f

Figure 6f

Activities Frequency

Studying 58

Play football 36

Fight in the street 1

Play game boy 7

Play cowboy 1

Play with friends 5

Others 1

Total 109

124

Percentage of children in normal family homes by

friends activities

58. 53% 36. 33%

1. 1% 7. 6%

1. 1% 5. 5%

1. 1%

Studying Play football Fight in the street Play game boy Play cowboy Play with friends Others

The table and figure shown above shows the distribution and percentage in normal family

homes by friend’s activities. The table shows that activity that the children living in

normal family homes usually do with their friends is studying comprising 53% of the

total respondents. The next top most activity that these children do with their friends is to

play football, which comprises 36% of the total participants.

Town distribution of children in normal family homes by friend’s activities

Table 6g

What are some of the activities you do with your

friends Total

Studyin

g

Play

footbal

l

Fight

in the

street

Play

game

boy

Play

cowb

oy

Play

with

friends

Othe

rs

District

Codes Kene

ma 12 6 0 0 0 3 1 22

Kono 2 16 1 3 1 0 0 23

Make

ni 9 8 0 1 0 2 0 20

Bo 21 1 0 0 0 0 0 22

Freeto

wn 14 5 0 3 0 0 0 22

125

Total 58 36 1 7 1 5 1 109

Table 6g

Town Distribution of where children in normal family homes were born by Activities with Friends

0

5

10

15

20

25

Kenema

Kono

Makeni Bo

Freetown

Town

Num

ber

of C

hild

ren Studying

PlayFootballFight in theStreetPlaygameboyplaycow boyplay withfriendsOthers

Series8

The above shown table and figure shows the town distribution and percentage of children

living in normal family homes by activities with friends. It shows that out of the 109

children interviewed, 58 of them in the various districts indicated that their friends are

mostly engaged in studying or attending school. On the other hand the remaining are

usually found playing football and other games.

7. Profile about parents of children living in normal family homes

Distribution of children in normal family homes living with both parents

Table 7a

Frequency

Yes 44

No 65

Total 109

126

Table 7a

Percentage children in normal family

homes with both parents

44. 40%

65. 60%

Yes No

Table 7a and figure 7a gives us a clear picture of the children in normal family homes

that lived with their parents. Out of 109 children, interviewed 44 or 40% lived with both

parents while 65 or 60% lived with the father, mother or a guardian.

Distribution of in normal family homes with both parents

by parents employment Table 7b

Figure 7b

Frequency

Yes 44

No 19

N/A 46

Total 109

127

Percentage of in normal family homes with both parents by employment

44. 40%

19. 17%

46. 43%

Yes No N/A

Table 7b and figure 7b shows employment of children in normal homes. The table

indicates that the parents of 44 or 40.4% are not in employment while 19 or 17.4% are in

employment. The remaining 46 or 42.2% indicated not applicable.

This finding shows that at least most parents of children living in normal family homes

are in employment. This is an indicator that parents of children in normal homes are

mostly in employment and stand a better chance of providing their children with proper

care and protection.

8. Type of house and materials used in building materials of their house Distribution of the kind of house parent of children

in normal family homes live in Table 8a

Figure 8a

Frequency

Permanent 17

Semi-Permanent 54

Temporary 38

Total 109

128

Percentage of the kind kouse Parent of children in normal homes lived

17. 16% 54. 49%

38. 35%

Permanent Semi-Permanent Temporary

The table and figure shown above presents the distribution and percentage of the kind of

house parent of children in normal family homes lived in. It shows that the type of house

that these children lived in is mostly semi-permanent which comprises 49% or 54 out of

109 participants. On one hand, 38 or 35% of 109 are living in a temporary type and only

16% are living in temporary type. This further indicates that most of the family living in

fours districts or towns of Sierra Leone do not have permanent type of house to live in.

Distribution for materials used in building houses you live in

Table 8b

Figure 8b

Frequency

Bricks 12

Mud Blocks 79

Timber 17

Zinc 1

Total 109

129

Percentage materials used in building houses you

12,.11% 79. 72%

17. 16%

1. 1%

Bricks Mud blocks Timber Zinc

Table 8b and figure 8b above shows the type of houses parent with children in normal

family homes lived and the type of materials use for construction. Herein, it reveals that

most of the children and their family lives in a house built with mud blocks which

comprises 72% put of 109 participants. This further indicates that most respondents

belong to below average and average class.

9. Number of times children in normal family homes eat everyday

Distribution of how many times children normal family homes eat everyday

Table 9a

Figure 9a

Frequency

One meal 1

Two meals 64

Three meals 44

Total 109

130

Percentage of How many Times Children Normal Family Homes Eat Everyday

1, 1%

64, 59%

44, 40% One mealTwo mealsThree meals

The table and figure above shows that in contrast to their counterparts in table 16b, 44 out

of 109 in normal family homes (40.4%) had three meals a day. Sixty-four or 58.7% at

least had two meals a day while only one respondent nine percent received one meal a

day. These findings indicate that the greater earning power of the parents of children in

normal family homes enables the children to enjoy better lives.

Town distribution of how many times children in normal family homes eat everyday

Table 9b

How many times do you eat everyday Total

One meal Two meals Three meals

District

codes

Kenema 9 13 0 22

Kono 22 1 0 23

Makeni 19 1 0 20

Bo 12 9 1 22

Freetown 2 20 0 22

Total 64 44 1 109

131

Figure 9b

Town Distribution of How many Times Children in Normal Family Homes Eat

Everyday

0

5

10

15

20

25

Kenem

aKon

o

Maken

i Bo

Freeto

wn

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

One meal

two meals

threemeals

Table 12e above looks at the number of times children in normal family homes eat base

on District Codes. Only one respondent have three meals a day. Freetown district has 20

out of 109 children in normal homes with two meals a day, followed by Kenema 13 and

then Bo with nine. Kono district has 22 respondents with one meal a day, followed by

Makeni 19, Bo 12 and then Freetown with two respondents having one meal a day.

10. Profile of children in normal homes by crime conviction

Distribution of children in normal homes by crime conviction

Table 10a

Figure 10a

Frequency

Yes 1

No 108

Total 109

132

Percentage of children in normal

homes by crime conviction

1. 1%

108. 99% Yes No

The above table and figure shows the percentage and distribution of children in terms of

crime conviction or arrest. It shows that out of the 109 respondents interviewed only one

respondent have been arrest and convicted. Most of the respondents interviewed (99.1%)

where not arrested for crimes committed. The finding provides a clear justification that

children in normal homes have less to do with crimes and arrest. This is because they are

kept busy at the house doing something and do get more parental attention and care.

Town distribution of children in normal homes by crime conviction

Table 10b

Have you ever been arrested for

any crime Total

Yes No

District

codes

Kenema 1 21 22

Kono 0 23 23

Makeni 0 20 20

Bo 0 22 22

Freetown 0 22 22

Total 1 108 109

133

Figure 10b

Town Distribution of Children in Normal Homes by Crime Conviction

05

10152025

Kenem

aKono

Maken

i Bo

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

YesNo

The above table shows regional distribution of children in normal family homes who

were arrested for crimes committed. The table shows that only one respondent from

Kenema has been arrested for crimes committed. Unlike the majority of the respondents

from Kono being the highest, followed by Bo and Freetown that where never been

arrested for crimes committed.

The table also exposes the nature of crimes committed and if at all, they where convicted

according to district towns. The table above shows that all of the towns have almost

equal numbers of respondents who have not been involved in crimes convicted because

of crimes committed. These findings have shown that children who come from normal

family homes hardly involved in crimes. In all regions, as well the table shows that

majority of the children interviewed in the various towns have not been involved in

crimes. Consequently, they where not convicted since they have not committed crimes.

4.2.2 Part two profile: Street children

This part will discuss the profile of 166 children living in the street that answered and

participated in the interview questionnaire set by the researcher. The description of the

134

respondents includes their gender, age, and religion, place of residency, educational

background, and tribes. Other information includes the estimated monthly income and the

age of the parents and place of birth, number of meals taken everyday, type of house and

materials, the activities they usually do in the street and others.

11. Age of the street children

Age of the street children

Table 11a

Age in Years Frequency

5-10 years 33

11-15 years 75

16-20 years 58

Total 166

Figure 11a

Age of street children

33. 20% 75. 45%

58. 35% 5-10 years 11-15 years 16-20 years

Table 11a and figure 11b shows the distribution and percentage of the age of street

children. It shows that most of the children who had been interviewed are 10-15 years old

that comprises 75 or 45% of the total respondents. Thirty-five percent out of 166 belongs

to 16-20 years of age and only 20% belongs to the age group of 5-10 years. This indicates

that most of the street children in the towns of Sierra Leone are adolescents and

teenagers.

135

12. Gender of respondents

Gender of the respondents

Table 12a

Gender Frequency

Male 71

Female 95

Total 166

Figure 12a

Gender of street children

71. 43%

95. 57%

Male Female

This table shows that majority of the street children interviewed are made up of female or

girls with a percentage of 95 or 53 % unlike the males which is 71 or 43%. This finding

is an indication that there are more girls on the street as compared to boys in the major

cities or towns of Sierra Leone.

District codes * sex cross tabulation – street children

Table 12b

Sex Total

136

Male Female

District

codes

Kenema 14 21 35

Kono 17 15 32

Makeni 6 24 30

Bo 20 16 36

Freetown 14 19 33

Total 71 95 16

Figure 12b

Tow n Distribution ofGender of Street children

05

1015

202530

Kenem

a

Kono

Makeni Bo

Freeto

wn

Tow n

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

male

female

The table and figure above shows the sexes of street children interviewed according to

district towns. The table shows that Kenema, Makeni and Freetown have more girls as

street children as compared to the other towns Kono and Bo. There are more street boys

in Bo and Kono. There is no significant reason for this but one can sense that it is because

these towns are mining areas therefore attracting more boys to be on the street helping

miners so that they too can survive.

13. Religion of street children

137

Table 13a

Figure 13a

Religion of street children

66. 40%

100. 60%

0. 0% Christian Muslim Others

Table 13a and Figure 13a shows that majority of the children belongs to the Muslim

religion. There are more Muslims representing (60%) while the Christians represent

(40%). This also indicates that at least all the children belong to a recognized religious

group.

Religion of street children by district

Table 13b

What is your religion Total

Christian Muslim

District

Codes

Kenema 3 32 35

Kono 12 20 32

Makeni 11 19 30

Religion Frequency

Christian 66

Muslim 100

Others 0

Total 166

138

Bo 27 9 36

Freetown 13 20 33

Total 66 100 166

Figure 13b

Religion of Street Children

05

101520253035

Kenem

aKono

Makeni Bo

Freetown

Districts

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

ChristianMuslims

Table 13b and figure 13b above illustrates the religion of street children by district towns.

The table shows that Kenema town has more children who are Muslim followed by Kono

and Freetown. There are more street children who are Christians residing in Bo followed

by Freetown. In all, there are more Muslims from the various towns as compared to

Christians. It shows that most of the district towns with street children are Muslims.

14. Tribe where street children belong

139

Distribution of street children by tribe

Table 14a

Figure 14a

Percentage of street children by tribe

65. 39%

51. 31%

18, 11% 2. 1% 22. 13%

8. 5% 0. 0%

Mende Temne Krio Limba Kono Kissi Others

Table 14a and figure 14a shows the percentages of street children by tribe. From the table

we see that children who are Mende and Temne form the highest number of street

children followed by Kono, Krio, Kissi and Limba as the lowest.

Town distribution of children in normal family homes by tribe

Table 14b

What Tribe do you belong to Total

Mende Temne Krio Limba Kono Kissi Others

Tribe Frequency

Mende 65

Temne 51

Krio 18

Limba 2

Kono 22

Kissi 8

Others 0

Total 166

140

District

codes

Kenema 31 1 0 0 0 3 0 35

Kono 2 11 0 0 19 0 0 32

Makeni 1 23 4 0 0 2 0 30

Bo 29 6 0 0 1 0 0 36

Freetown 2 10 14 2 2 3 0 33

Total 65 51 18 2 22 8 0 109

Figure 14b

Town Distribution of children in normal family homes by Tribe

05

101520253035

Kenem

aKono

Makeni Bo

Freetown

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

Mende

Temne

Krio

Limba

Kono

Kissi

Table 14b and Figure 14b above shows the distribution of tribes according to District

Towns. The table shows that the Mendes form the largest tribes followed by Temnes,

Kono, Krio and Kissi. These findings have shown that Kenema town has more Mendes

than any of the other tribes followed by Bo. Makeni town has more Temnes than the

others. Freetown has a distribution of all of the other tribes with Krio being the highest.

The findings further reveal that the different tribes are present in all the district towns.

This is an indication that people from different tribes are base in each of the towns.

15. Educational background

Distribution of street children who have attended school

141

Table 15a

Figure 15a

Percentage of street children attending school

130. 78%

36. 22% Yes No

Table 15a and figure 15a gives an explanation on the percentage of street children who

have been to school and those street children who have never been to school. The table

shows that from 166 respondents interviewed, 36 (23%) were street children who had

never been to school. The other findings show that 130(78) used to go to school but

eventually became dropouts, and the highest level of schooling attained was class four.

District codes * have you ever attended school?

Table 15b

Have you ever attended school Total

Yes No

District

Codes

Kenema 17 18 35

Kono 26 6 32

Makeni 25 5 30

Bo 36 0 36

Frequency

Yes 130

No 36

Total 166

142

Freetown 26 7 33

Total 130 36 166

Figure 15b

Town Distribution of Street Children Who have Attended School

05

10152025303540

Kenem

a

Kono

Makeni Bo

Freeto

wn

Tow n

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

yes no

The table and figure above illustrates street children who have been to school looking at

the District Towns. It points to the fact that majority of the street children in the various

towns have attended school before. Bo and Freetown are the two towns with the highest

children who have attended school before, followed by Makeni, Kono and Kenema. In

total, 130 street children attended school before out of a total of 166 interviewed.

These findings have shown that majority of the street children in the various towns have

attended school before. Those who have never attended school before form the lowest

number, which is 36 out of 166. It is not surprising that such a large number of street

children are not in school any longer. Being on the street is highly incompatible with

going to school.

Reasons why street children stop schooling

Table 15c

143

Figure 15c

Reasons wh y street children stop schooling

15. 9%

105. 63%

8. 5% 2. 1% 36. 22% No parents No one to pay fees Not interested Other (Specify) No Answer

Question 4e of the questionnaire was design for street children to find out why street

children dropped out of school. According to the response, 63% of the respondents

indicated that they dropped out of school because there was no person to pay their fees

and other school materials. 15 or 9 % indicated they dropped out of school because they

had no parents, while there were five percent who mentioned that they were not

interested in attending school.

Tribe Frequency

No parents 15

No one to pay fees 105

Not interested 8

Other (Specify) 2

No Answer 36

Total 166

144

Distribution of street children who prefer to go back to school

Table 15d

Table 15d

Percentage of street children who prefer to go back to

school

155. 93%

11. 7%

Yes No

The table and figure above shows the distribution and percentage of street children who

wants to go back schooling. Herein, it shows that out of 16 interviewed street children,

93% or 155 wants to go back to school while the remaining 11 or 7% do not prefer to be

back to school.

16. Profile of street children by friends

Distribution street children with friends

Table 16a

Frequency

Yes 155

No 11

Total 166

Frequency

Yes 165

No 1

Total 166

145

Figure 16a

Percentage of street children with friends

165. 99%

1. 1% Yes No

In the above table and figure, it shows 165 or 99% of the street children interviewed

responded that they have friends and only one percent has no friend.

Distribution of street children by friends’ activities

Table 16b

Activities Frequency

In School 78

Begging 37

Selling 33

Stealing 2

Prostitution 5

Gambling 7

Other (specify) 3

I don’t know 1

Total 166

146

Figure 16b

Percentage of Street Children by Friends Activities

78. 47%

37. 22% 33, 20%

2. 1%

7. 4% 1. 1%

5. 3% 3. 2%

In school Begging Selling Stealing Prostitution Gambling Other (specify) I donÕt know

Question 11b of the questionnaire design for street children, was set out to further look at

the relationship between the friends of street children and the type of things they are

currently doing.

Table 15f and figure 15f above shows that 47.0% are going to school while majority of

the others 50.6% indicated that their friends are involved in begging, selling, stealing,

prostitution and gambling. The remaining 1.8% does not know what their friends do.

Distribution of street children by friend’s activities

Table 16c

If Yes, what are your friends doing Total

In

school

Beggin

g Selling

Stealin

g

Prostituti

on

Gamblin

g

Other

(specif

y)

I

don’t

know

District

Codes

Kenema 16 8 7 0 1 2 0 1 35

Kono 2 20 6 0 1 3 0 0 32

Makeni 21 4 3 0 1 0 1 0 30

Bo 23 0 7 2 2 2 0 0 36

Freetow 16 5 10 0 0 0 2 0 33

147

n

Total 78 37 33 2 5 7 3 1 166

Figure 16c

Distribution of street children by their friends’ activities such as gambling, stealing,

etc.

Distribution of Street Children by Friends Activities

0

5

10

15

20

25

Kenema

Kono

Makeni Bo

Freetown

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

in scho o l

begging

se lling

stealing

pro stitut io n

gambling

o ther specif y

i do nt kno w

Table 16c and figure 16c shows the activities of street children in the different districts

for street children interviewed. From the table it shows that in Kenema out of the 35

street children interviewed 16 are in school while the majority of the others are engaged

in begging, stealing, selling, prostitution and gambling.

In Kono 20 out of the 32 interviewed are involved in begging while only two are in

school. The rest are involved in selling, stealing and gambling. In the other districts,

Makeni, Bo and Freetown we see that majority of their friends are in school while a cross

section of them are involved in begging, stealing, selling and prostitution. Additionally,

the researcher sees that 78 out of 166 street children interviewed had friends who attend

school. The rest of the friends are involved in child labour deviant or unfriendly

behaviours.

148

How often street children see their friend

Table 16d

Figure 16d

Percentage: How Often do you see your

friends

121. 73%

34. 20% 9. 5%

1. 1% 1. 1%

Everyday

Weekly

Monthly

Long time ago None of the above

In table and figure above question 12 intends to find out how often street children see

their friends. Table 16d and figure 16d shows that out of the 166 respondents

interviewed, 121 see their friend’s everyday while 34 see their friends on a weekly basis.

The remaining 11 respondents either have seen their friend’s long time ago or have not

seen them at all. These findings show that majority of the street children 93.4% do see

their friends at least every day or weekly.

Frequency

Everyday 121

Weekly 34

Monthly 9

Long time ago 1

None of the above 1

Total 166

149

Distribution of where street children’s friends are living

16e

Figure 16e

Percentage of where street children friends were

living

37. 22%

94. 56%

18. 11%

15. 9%

1. 1%

1. 1%

In the street With parents Guardian Friends Others DonÕt Know

The table and figure above shows the distribution and percentage of where the friends of

street children currently lived. The table shows that majority of their friends which

comprises 56% of the interviewed children are still living with their parents. 22% or 37

are living in the street. Only 11% or 18 interviewed children mentioned that their friends

are living with guardians and nine percent or 15 said that their friends are living with

Frequency

In the street 37

With parents 94

Guardian 18

Friends 15

Others 1

Don’t Know 1

Total 166

150

their friends. This indicates that most of the children have friends who are still living with

their parents.

17. Profile of street children by parents

Distribution of where parents of street children are living

Table 17a

Figure 17a

Percentage of where street children parents were living

118. 71%

29. 17%

8. 5% 5. 3%

6. 4%

At home DonÕt know Relatives Friends Others

The above table and figure highlight the frequency and percentage distribution of street

children parents and their living conditions. The table shows that out of the 166

respondents interviewed 118 (71%) have homes they lived, 29 (17) indicated do not

know, eight (5 %) lived with relatives, five (3%) lived with friends while six (4%) lived

with some other people other than those mentioned in the table above. These findings

have shown that majority of the street children do have their parents living at home.

Frequency

118

Don’t know 29

Relatives 8

Friends 5

Others 6

Total 166

151

During the survey whilst talking to some of the children, majority of them expresses that,

their parents lived in houses even though it might not be conducive. Only few of the

parents lived with relatives and friends.

Town distribution of where parents of Street children are living

Table 17b

Where are your parents living Total

At home Don’t

know Relatives Friends Others

District

Codes

Kenema 30 4 1 0 0 35

Kono 17 15 0 0 0 32

Makeni 18 4 3 1 4 30

Bo 25 5 3 2 1 36

Freetown 28 1 1 2 1 33

Total 118 29 8 5 6 166

Figure 17b

Town Distribution of where Parents of Street Children are Living

05

101520253035

Kenema

Kono

Makeni Bo

Freetown

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

At Home

Dont Know

Relatives

Friends

Others

Table 17b and figure 17b above shows a distribution of the living conditions of street

children parents in District towns. All of the district towns have majority of the street

children parents living in houses even though the houses may not be permanent. Kenema

152

town has the highest number of street children parents living in their own houses other

than living with other relations or friends.

Distribution of street children with parent staying together

Table 17c

Figure 17c

Percentage of street children there Mother and Father stayitogether

36. 21%

136. 79%YesNo

This table and figure above illustrates the frequency and percentage distributions of street

children staying together. The table shows that 130 (79%) of the respondents interviewed

indicated that both parents are not staying together; 36 (21%) said they have both parents

living together.

These findings reveal that majority of the parents of street children do not lived together

as indicated in table 8a above. According to research reviews, children of divorce, when

compared to children from dual-parent families, exhibit more "acting-out" behaviours

(e.g., aggression, conflict with school authorities) as well as maladaptive, internally

directed behaviours (e.g., depression, anxiety, and withdrawal) (Aro & Palosaari 1994).

Frequency

Yes 36

No 130

Total 166

153

Children of divorce also are more likely to perform less well academically, have a lower

academic self-concept (but not lower self-esteem), and are less motivated to achieve.

These adjustment difficulties are sometimes directly divorce-related, and sometimes due

more to problems in parents' functioning (Miller., Ryan & Morrison, 1999). There may

be age-related divorce concerns that are linked to children's levels of cognitive and

emotional development. Preschoolers are more likely to focus on maintaining emotional

security and relationships with both parents, and to need routines in their school and

home environments (Wallerstein & Lewis, 1998).

In middle childhood, issues that originated during the preschool years can be

compounded by children assuming guilt, blame, or responsibility for the parents' divorce,

or by children holding unrealistic expectations about their ability to influence parental

behaviour, such as bringing their parents back together. High school students are more

likely to deal with divorce-related concerns cognitively, and to express these concerns in

terms of their own identity, capacity for relationships, and life-choice issues (Wallerstein

& Lewis, 1998).

Data from the survey that contains examination on whether parental conflict prior to

divorce can explain why children with divorced parents exhibit more academic and

adjustment difficulties compared to children with parents who stay together. Results

show that children with divorced parents have exposure to more conflict and acrimony

compared to children who grow up in stable marriages, and this may explain why the

former achieve less than the latter (Miller, Ryan & Morrison, 1999).

The relationship between marital conflict and adolescent adjustment is particularly

complex because of the difficulty of isolating the effects of age and exposure to conflict,

and other historical variables. Marital conflict in families with adolescents is unlikely to

have arisen suddenly and may have already disrupted many facets of family functioning.

However, apart from these complex factors, in a few longitudinal studies, researchers

have suggested that the association between marital fighting and childhood problems may

154

become stronger with age, in part because children seem to become sensitised to conflict

with repeated exposure (Gilliom, 2004).

The results indicate that parental conflict is partly but by no means completely

responsible for the association between divorce and child welfare. The results also

suggest that, for four of the sixteen measures of child well-being examined, children

exposed to high levels of parental conflict are neither better off nor worse off, on average,

when their parents divorce, while those exposed to low levels of parental conflict appear

to suffer severe disadvantages when their parents separate.

This suggests that, in some areas, marital relations prior to divorce help determine when

the consequences of divorce are particularly harmful for children and when the

consequences of divorce are relatively benign (Kasen, Cohen, Brook, & Hartmark, 1996).

The findings reveal that children who live with single parents tend to drift into the streets.

One should however be curious to know the reason why these parents tend to drift into

the street.

Town distribution of street children there mother and father staying together

Table 17d

Are your mother and

father staying together Total

Yes No

District

Codes

Kenema 19 16 35

Kono 5 27 32

Makeni 4 26 30

Bo 3 33 36

Freetown 5 28 33

Total 36 130 166

155

Figure 17d

Town Distribution of Street Children there Mother and Father Staying Together

05

101520253035

Kenem

a

Kono

Makeni Bo

Freeto

wn

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

yes no

Table 17d and figure 17d above shows parents of street children staying together base on

District towns. In the various district towns there are large numbers of respondents

interviewed who do not have their parents staying together.

Bo has the highest number of parents not staying together followed by Freetown.

Freetown and Bo are the two biggest towns with more economic activities that could

have been one of the reasons for parents not staying together.

Distribution of street children who live with a mother or father

Table 17e

Figure 17e

Frequency

Mother 72

Father 44

None 50

Total 166

156

Percentage of Street Children who live with a mother or father

72, 43%

44, 27% 50, 30%Mother

Father

None

Table 17e and figure 17e above shows which of the parent’s street children lived with.

From the table 72 (43%) lived with their mothers, 44 (27%) lived with their fathers while

50 (30%) mentioned that they stayed with either the mother or the father.

These findings reveal that majority of the children stay with their mothers. This

demonstrates a direct link between single parenthood and the street children

phenomenon.

Distribution of street children’s parents employed

Table 17f

Figure 17f

Frequency

Yes 55

No 111

Total 166

157

Percentage of street children parents

employed

55. 33%

111. 67%

Yes No

The table and figure above shows frequency and percentage distribution of street children

whose parents are in employment. The table shows that out of the 166 respondents, 55 or

33% of the parents are in employment. 111 or 667% are not in employment. The table

shows that majority of the street children’s parents are not employed.

Distribution of which street children parents are employed

Table 17g

Figure 17g

Percentage of employed street children Parents are

12. 7% 32. 19% 12. 7%

110. 67% Mother Father Both None

Frequency

Mother 12

Father 32

Both 12

None 110

Total 166

158

Table 17g and figure 17g shows that 12 or 7% mothers are not in employment, 32 or 19%

fathers employed while 12 or seven percent of both parents not employed. The remaining

110 or 67% were not employed.

From the above information gathered, it is clear that majority of the respondents 67% of

the streets children parents are not employed. The findings have shown that majority of

the street children parents without employment finds it difficult to generate income to

support their children, which further depicts that unemployment of parents may be

considered as one of the factors for street children phenomenon.

Further findings also reveal that those who are in employment are self employed and

engaged in activities such as, petty trading, driving, hairdressing, selling firewood and

vegetables. These activities generate very low income, hardly adequate to sustain the

family.

Distribution of the occupation for parents of street children employed

Table17h

Frequency

Teacher 11

Business 24

Clerk 4

Security 7

Cleaner 6

Others 3

Not Employed 111

Total 166

159

Figure 17h

Percentgae of the occupation for parents

11. 7%

24. 14%

4. 2% 7. 4%

6. 4% 3..2 % 111. 67%

Teacher Business Clerk Security Cleaner Others Not Employed

The table and figure above identified street children parent’s occupation base on their

employment.

The table shows the distribution of occupation within the various employment sectors.

Teachers are 11 (7%), business 24 (14%) and clerks 4 (2%). The rest is made of security,

cleaner, and others are the majority, which form those of meagre positions and

occupations within their various employment.

These findings reveal that majority of the parents employed are employed in low sectors

thus income received from their wages is low to sustain an entire family. This could be

one reason why street children abandon their homes and end up on the street.

Town distribution of the occupation for parents

of street children employed

Table17i

What is the occupation of the parent who is employed Total

Teacher Business Clerk Security Cleaner Others

Not

employed

160

District

Codes

Kenema 9 16 2 0 0 2 6 35

Kono 0 0 2 1 1 0 28 32

Makeni 0 0 0 4 1 0 25 30

Bo 2 4 0 2 4 0 24 36

Freetown 0 4 0 0 0 1 28 33

Total 11 24 4 7 6 3 111 166

Town distribution of the occupation for parents

of Street children employed

Figure 17i

Town Distribution of How many Times Children Normal Family Homes Eat Everyday

0

5

1015

20

2530

Kenem

aKono

Makeni Bo

Freetown

Town

Teacher

Business

Clerk

Security

Cleaner

Table 17i and figure 17i looks at the various occupations for street children in the

Districts locations. In looking at the above table, we see Kenema with nine parents

employed as teachers, 16 Business, and two clerks. None of the parents are employed as

teachers or in Business in Kono same for Makeni. In Bo, two of the parents are working

as teachers, four in Business, and four as security guards. In Freetown, only four parents

are in employment in Business. Further, we see that 11 parents work as teachers, 24 in

business, four as clerks, seven as security guards, six as cleaners and the remaining three

have other jobs. One hundred and eleven are not employed which forms the majority.

161

The findings show that Kenema District has majority of parents with street children

employed in private sectors with at least regular employment. Most of the other District

do not have parents with regular employment or are not in any form of employment.

Distribution if both of the parents are working, select the second option: Street

children

Table17j

Figure 17j

Percentage if both of the parents are working

1. 1% 1. 1% 1. 1% 2. 1% 2. 1% 2. 1%

153. 92% 4, 2%

Teacher Business Accountant Clerk Nurse Cleaner Others N/A

Frequency

Teacher 1

Business 1

Accountant 1

Clerk 2

Nurse 2

Cleaner 2

Others 4

N/A 153

Total 166

162

The table and figure above shows the distribution and percentage of both parents in

employment and the type of occupation they found themselves. The above table shows

that nine (6%) out of the total interviewed of the respondents are in sectors like Business,

Accounting, clerk, nurse and cleaner. There are four (25) respondents with other forms

of employment not mentioned. Majority of the respondents 153 or 92% mentioned it is

not applicable which means that they are not employed.

The above findings have revealed that a large number of the parents are not engaged in

any form of employment. Those in employment constitute a small number and are engage

in very low-income jobs. This could be the reason for many of the parents and relatives

leaving their homes in the morning and coming back late at night in search of money to

feed their families.

Distribution of the type of house parent/guardian lives in

Table 17k

Figure 17k

Frequency

Permanent 26

Semi-permanent 48

Temporary 92

Total 166

163

Percentage of the type of house parent/guardian

llves in

26. 16% 48. 29%

92. 55% Permanent Semi-permanent Temporary

Table 17k and figure 17k above shows the type of house in which the parent / guardian of

street children lived in. The table shows that out of 166 respondents interviewed,

26(16%) lived in permanent house, 48 (29 %) lived in Semi-permanent house while 92

(55 %) lived in Temporary houses.

These findings have shown that majority of the street children 55 % lived in Temporary

houses. This is a clear indication of the poverty level of the families in which street

children in Sierra Leone belongs.

It is not surprising that parents and guardians lived in temporary houses, as they could not

afford the means to stay in proper houses, since most or majority of them are

unemployed.

Town distribution of the type of house parent/guardian lives in

Table 17l

What kind of house does your parent/guardian

live in Total

Permanent Semi-permanent Temporary

District

Codes

Kenema 12 5 18 35

Kono 0 7 25 32

164

Makeni 8 14 8 30

Bo 4 10 22 36

Freetown 2 12 19 33

Total 26 48 92 166

Figure 17l

Town Percentage of the type of house parent/guardian lives in

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo

Freetown

Town

Permanent

Semi- Permanent Temporary

The table and figure above gave a description of the type of houses parents and guardians

are living base on district locations. The table shows that parent and guardians who lived

in permanent houses are mostly parents of street children from Kenema, followed by

Makeni, Bo and Freetown.

For Semi-permanent, Makeni with the highest followed by Freetown, Bo, Makeni and

Kono. Kono town has the highest 25 for temporary houses, followed by Bo 22, Freetown

19, Kenema 18 and Makeni.

The findings show that 92 out of the 166 respondents lived in temporary houses. A high

number of these parents come from Kono, Bo and Freetown whole the others have the

lowest. It is clear that out of the five major cities, the three leading towns Freetown, Bo

165

and Kono have the highest number of parents living in temporary houses. One of the

reasons for this could be the high living standards in these towns and high cost for

housing.

Distribution for materials used in constructing

Houses of street children parents

Table 17m

Figure 17m

Percentage for materials used in Constructing

Houses of street children parents

17.10%

135. 82%

9. 5% 5. 3%

Bricks Mud blocks Timber Zinc

Question 19 of the street children questionnaire was to find out the type of materials used

for the construction of the houses in which the parents or guardians lived in. Table 17m

and figure 17m above shows the frequency and percentage of the various materials used

in the construction of houses.

Frequency

Bricks 17

Mud blocks 135

Timber 9

Zinc 5

Total 166

166

From the table it can be seen that 135 out of 166 or 81% use mud blocks, 17 or 10% use

bricks, nine or 5% use timber while 5 or 3% use Zinc. By all indication, we see that the

majority 81% has mud blocks use in the construction of their houses. This is a further

proof that mud blocks are one of the cheapest materials available for the construction of

houses. This shows that majority of the parents lived in mud blockhouses because they

are not too expensive to build and it is mostly the cheapest that can be located in big

cities for rental. The other materials timber, zinc and bricks are usually expense for low-

income earner to purchase.

18. Number of times street children eat everyday

Distribution of how many times street children

eat everyday

Table 18a

Figure 18a

Percentage of how many times street children

eat everyday

109. 65%

41. 25%

16. 10%

One meal Two meals Three meals

Frequency

One meal 109

Two meals 41

Three meals 16

Total 166

167

Table 18a and figure 18a illustrates that 109 0ut of 166 (65%) had one meal a day. Forty-

one respondents (25%) of the respondents had two meals a day while 16 respondents

(10%) had three meals a day.

These findings indicate that most street children do not have the recommended three

meals per day. The findings are of course a direct consequence of the low incomes of

their parents.

Town distribution of how many times street children

eat everyday

Table 18b

How many meals do you have on

the street Total

One Two Three

District

Codes

Kenema 11 12 12 35

Kono 28 2 2 32

Makeni 25 5 0 30

Bo 31 5 0 36

Freetown 14 17 2 33

Total 109 41 16 166

Figure 18b

168

Town Distribution of How many Times Street Children eat Everyday

05

101520253035

Kenem

aKon

o

Maken

i Bo

Freeto

wn

Town

Num

ber o

f Childre

n

One meal

two meals

threemeals

This table illustrates District Codes base on the meals a street child gets while on the

streets. The table indicate that Bo town has more respondents who get one meal a day,

followed by Kono 28, Makeni 25, Freetown 14 and Kenema 11. Freetown has the highest

respondents having two meals a day, followed by Kenema. Kenema is the only town that

has 12 respondents having three meals a day. Both Kono and Freetown has two

respondents having three meals a day. These findings have shown that in all of the

District head quarter towns, majority of the street children only have one meal a day. This

can be associated to the level of poverty and low income of their parents and guardians.

Distribution of how children on the street eat

Table 18c

Figure 18c

Frequency

Stealing 10

Selling 55

Gambling 13

Begging 69

Prostitution 8

Others 11

Total 166

169

Percentage distribution of how children on the street eat

10. 6% 55. 33%

13. 8% 69. 41%

8, 5% 11. 7% Stealing

Selling Gambling Begging Prostitution Others

Table 18c and figure 18c shows how street children eat while in the streets. The table

illustrates that 69 or 41% depends highly on begging for their survival and food for the

day followed by 55 or 33% involved in selling. The rest being the lowest are engaged in

stealing, gambling, and prostitution for their survival and food for the day.

These findings indicate that most street children had to depend highly on begging and

Selling for there daily survival. Furthermore, the result indicates that majority of the

children living on the streets survive and eat through several in proper means that is not

healthy for the development of children. The findings are of course direct consequences

of the low incomes of their parents.

Town distribution of how children on the street eat

Table 18d

How do you eat

Stealing Selling Gambling Begging Prostitution Others

Total

District

codes

Kenema 5 14 2 11 1 2 35

Kono 0 2 3 26 1 0 32

Makeni 0 20 2 7 1 0 30

Bo 4 10 6 10 4 2 36

Freetown 1 9 0 15 1 7 33

Total 10 55 13 69 8 11 166

170

Figure 18d

Town Distribution of How Children on the Street eat

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Kenem

aKon

o

Maken

i Bo

Freeto

wn

Town

Stealing

Selling

Gmbling

Begging

Prostitution

others

This table illustrates how children eat base on District Codes. The table shows that in

Kono more respondents lived on begging while on the other hand more children lived on

selling in Makeni for survival. In Bo, more children eat through selling and begging and

this goes the same for Freetown. This finding shows that majority of the street children

in the District Towns eat through begging and selling.

19. Length of stay of street children in the street

Distribution of how long street children have been on the street

Table 19a

Figure 19a

Frequency

Less than 1yr 31

1yr 31

2yrs 54

3yrs 22

4yrs 16

5yrs+ 12

Total 166

171

Length of stay of street children in the street

31.19% 31. 19%

54. 32% 22. 13%

16. 10% 12. 7%

Less than 1yr 1yr 2yrs 3yrs 4yrs 5yrs+

Table 19a and figure 19a above shows data on how long street children have been on the

streets. This data shows that at least 54 or 32% have been on the streets for at least two

years. The table also shows that 22 or 13% have been on the streets for three years. 12 or

7% have been on the street for more than five years.

This table has shown that at least majority of the streets children have been on the streets

for more than one year. The high poverty prevalence is a major factor for the children

taking to street life.

Town distribution of how long street

children have been on the street

Table 19b

How long have you been on the street Total

Less

than 1yr 1yr 2yrs 3yrs 4yrs 5yrs+

District

Codes

Kenema 14 3 10 2 2 4 35

Kono 0 5 12 7 6 2 32

Makeni 12 9 4 3 2 0 30

Bo 5 11 11 4 2 3 36

Freetown 0 3 17 6 4 3 33

172

Total 31 31 54 22 16 12 166

Figure 19b

The table and figure above highlight the year’s street children have spent on the streets

base on District Codes. This table shows that most of the street children living in the

various district locations have lived on the streets for more than one year.

In Kenema 21 out of 35 responded they have lived on the streets for more than one year,

followed by Kono 32 out of 32, Makeni 18 out of 30, Bo 31 out of 36 and Freetown 33

out of 33 all have lived on the streets for more than one year.

20. Profile of street children by relatives

Distribution of street children relatives living on the street

Table 20a

Figure 20a

Frequency

Yes 44

No 41

Don’t Know 81

Total 166

Town distribution of how long street children have been on the street

0 5

10 15 20

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown

Town

Number of Children Less than 1 Year 1 year 2 years 3 years 4 years 5yrs+

173

Percentage of street children rela tives

llving o n the street

44. 27% 41. 25%

81. 48% Yes No DonÕt Know

This table has shown that out of the 166 respondents interviewed, 44 (27%) indicated that

they have relatives who are also on the streets. 41 responded they have no relatives on the

street while 81 (48%) said they do not know if they have relatives on the streets.

Relatives include cousins, aunts, uncles and grandparents.

This finding has revealed that at least majority of the streets children have relatives on the

streets. 81 or (48%) said they do not know. The same economic conditions may be

responsible for relatives of street children being on the street.

Town distribution of street children relatives living on the street

Table 20b

Do you have your relatives on the

street Total

Yes No Don’t know

District

Codes

Kenema 8 24 3 35

Kono 7 4 21 32

Makeni 0 0 30 30

Bo 5 5 26 36

Freetown 24 8 1 33

174

Total 44 41 81 166

Figure 20b

Table 20b and figure 20b shows relatives of street children on the streets base on District

Codes. The table shows that Freetown area has more respondents with relatives on the

street, followed by Kenema and Kono. Only Makeni area does not have respondents who

have relatives living on the streets. This findings show that majority of the respondents in

the various locations with the exception of Makeni do have relatives on the streets. In all

the four major towns, Freetown and Kenema has the highest number of relatives on the

street.

Further question developed to find out who are the other relatives. Other relatives

include, cousins, uncles, and aunts. It was clear that there are more brothers and sisters on

the street. The same economic condition may be responsible for brothers / sisters and

parents being on the street.

21. Profile of street children by where they sleep at night

Distribution of where street children sleep at night

Table 21a

Town distribution of street children relatives living on the street

0 5

10 15 20 25 30 35

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown

Town

Number of Children Yes

No

Don`t Know

175

Figure 21a

Percentage of where street children sleep at night

49. 30% 18. 11%

11. 7%

2. 1%

34. 20% 52. 31% Public buildings Market Lorry pack Garages Good House Dilapidated House

The table and figure above shows the frequency and percentage distribution of places

street children sleep at night. The table illustrates that 52 (31%) sleep in dilapidated

houses, 49 (30%) sleep in Public buildings, 34 (20%) sleep in good houses, 18 (11%)

sleep at the market place, 11 (7%) sleep in lorry parks while two (1%) sleep on garages.

These findings indicate that majority of the street children do not have proper places or

houses to sleep. The survey reveals that street children sleep in all type of odd places base

on the above table.

Frequency

Public buildings 49

Market 18

Lorry pack 11

Garages 2

Family house 34

Dilapidated house 52

Total 166

176

Town distribution of where street children sleep at night

Table 21b

Where do you sleep at night

Public

building

s

Marke

t

Lorry

pack

Garag

es

Good

house

Dilapidate

d house

Total

District

codes

Kenema 8 7 2 0 13 5 35

Kono 18 7 1 1 2 3 32

Makeni 7 1 1 0 15 6 30

Bo 5 1 4 0 2 24 36

Freetown 11 2 3 1 2 14 33

Total 49 18 11 2 34 52 166

Table 21b

Town Distribution of where Street Children Sleep at Night

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Kenem

aKono

Makeni Bo

Freeto

wn

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n PublicBuildingsmarket

Lorry Pack

Garages

Good

The table above shows the places street children sleep as shown in the various District

towns. This table has shown that Bo town in the Southern province has more street

children sleeping in various places ranging from the lorry parks, public buildings, market

and dilapidated houses.

177

In all we see that all of the towns have street children who sleep in different unhealthy

places. This same reason maybe associated to the poverty situation in which these

children found themselves resulting to them sleeping in various places.

Distribution of children who would like

to be removed from the street

Table 21c

Figure 21c

Percentage of children who would like to be removed from the street

163. 98% 3. 2%

Yes No

The table and figure above shows frequency and percentage of street children who would

like to go off the streets. The table illustrates that 163 (98%) indicated that they would

like to go off the streets. Only three (2%) said they do not want to go off the street.

These findings show that majority of the respondents expressed their desire to go off the

streets. This shows that the vast majority of the street children do not actually enjoy being

on the streets. However, not all of those that expressed their desires to go off the streets

Frequency

Yes 163

No 3

Total 166

178

want to go home. They prefer going to other places other than there previous locations or

dwellings.

District distribution of children who would like

to be removed from the street

Table 21d

Figure 21d

Tow n Distribution of where children in normal family homes were born by African Region

05

10152025303540

Kenema

KonoMak

eni BoFree

town

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

Yes No

Table 21d and figure 21d shows District Codes for street children who would like to go

off the street. The table shows that almost in all District towns, all of the respondents

mentioned that they would like to go off the streets. Three of the towns, Kono, Bo and

Would you like to go off the street Total

Yes No

District

Codes

Kenema 35 0 35

Kono 31 1 32

Makeni 30 0 30

Bo 35 1 36

Freetown 32 1 33

Total 163 3 166

179

Freetown have one respondent each indicating that they would not want to go off the

street.

These findings have revealed that all the respondents in each of the districts have

majority of the street children willing to go off the streets. The desire of a majority of

them willing to go off the streets should be linked with the fact that they hate being on the

streets.

Distribution of street children showing

What they would like to do if removed from the street

Table 21e

Figure 21e

Percentage of street children showing

what they would like to do if removed from the street

118. 71%

40. 24%

8. 5%

Go to school

Skills training

Tec/Voc

Frequency

Go to School 118

Skills training 40

Tec/Voc 8

Total 166

180

Table 21e and figure 21e illustrates what street children are interested in doing if remove

from the street. The table shows that 118 (71%) out of 166 respondents would like to go

back to school. Forty or 24% would like to undertake skills training while eight or five

percent would like to attend a technical or vocational institute.

The findings show that all of the street children are interested in going back to school in

different educational background. This is an indication that street children are willing to

attend school if the opportunity is available to them giving the circumstances of their

plight.

Town distribution of street children showing

What they would like to do if removed from the street

Table 21f

Figure 21f

Would you like to go off the street Total

Yes No

District

Codes

Kenema 35 0 35

Kono 31 1 32

Makeni 30 0 30

Bo 35 1 36

Freetown 32 1 33

Total 163 3 166

181

Town Distribution of Street Children Showing What they would like to do if Removed from the Street

05

10152025303540

Kenem

aKono

Makeni Bo

Freetown

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

Yes No

This table shows District Codes for street children who would like to go off the street.

The table shows that almost in all District towns, all of the respondents mentioned that

they would like to go off the streets. Three of the towns, Kono, Bo and Freetown have

one respondent each indicating that they would not want to go off the street.

These findings have revealed that all the respondents in each of the districts have

majority of the street children willing to go off the streets. The desire of a majority of

them willing to go off the streets should be linked with the fact that they hate being on the

streets.

22. Place of birth of street children

Distribution of where street children

were born by African region

Table 22a

African Region Frequency

Western area 18

Northern region 49

Eastern region 39

Southern region 60

Total 166

182

Figure 22a

Percentage of where street children

were born by African region

18. 11% 49.30%

39. 23% 60. 36% Western area

Northern region Eastern region Southern region

This table shows street children and the location they were born. The table illustrates that

60 (36%) of the respondents were born in the Southern region, 49 (29.5%) in the

Northern region, 39 (23%) in the Eastern region and 18 (11%) born in the Western area.

These findings have shown that majority of the street children (36.1%) were born in the

Southern region followed by the Northern region (30%) Both the Southern and Northern

region has the highest number of street children.

Town distribution of where street children

were born by region

Table 22b

Where were you born Total

Western

Area

Norther

n region

Eastern

region

Southern

region

District

codes

Kenema 0 0 2 33 35

Kono 0 8 2 22 32

Makeni 0 30 0 0 30

Bo 0 2 33 1 36

Freetown 18 9 2 4 33

183

Total 18 49 39 60 166

Figure 22b

Town Distribution of where Street ChildrenWere born by African Region

05

101520253035

Kenem

aKono

Makeni Bo

Freeto

wn

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n WsternRegion

NorthernRegion

EasternRegion

SouthernRegion

Table 22b and figure 22b shows the places were street children were born base on regions

and towns. This table shows that more children were born in the Southern region (60)

followed by the Northern region (49), Eastern region (39) and then Western Area (18).

These findings have shown that a large number of street children interviewed were born

in the southern and Northern region.

23. Profile of street children by drugs

Distribution of drugs by street children

Table 23a

Frequency

Capsule 2

Marijuana 9

Gunpowder 4

None 143

Other 8

Total 166

184

Figure 23a

Distribution of drugs by street children

2, 1% 9. 5%

4. 2%

143. 87%

8. 5%

Capsule Marijuana Gunpowder None Other

Table 23a and Figure 23a shows the percentage and frequency distribution of street

children who take drugs. The table shows that out of the 166 respondents 143 (87%)

have never use any drugs before. Nine of the respondents use Marijuana, four-use

gunpowder while two use capsule. Eight of the respondents use other drugs that are not

included in the table above. These findings have shown that majority of the street

children (87%) actually do not use drugs as indicated in table 23b and figure 23b.

The finding is a clear indication that majority of the street children have stayed out of

using drugs. This is a fine example demonstrating that street children can be easily

become useful citizen if they are given the opportunity to go off the street.

Town distribution of drugs by street children

Table 23b

Are you taking any of the following drugs Total

Capsule Marijuana Gunpowder None Other

District

Codes

Kenema 1 3 0 30 1 35

Kono 1 1 3 25 2 32

185

Makeni 0 2 1 27 0 30

Bo 0 3 0 33 0 36

Freetown 0 0 0 28 5 33

Total 2 9 4 143 8 166

Figure 23b

Town Distribution of Drugs by Street Children

05

101520253035

Kenem

aKon

o

Maken

i Bo

Free

town

Town

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n

Capsule

marijuana

gunpowder

none

other

The table above shows regional distribution of street children involve in drug use. The

table illustrates that not all of the children in the various towns have use any of the drugs

in the above table. The table further shows that children in Kenema, Kono, Makeni and

Bo had few children who have use drugs like marijuana, capsule and gunpowder.

Considering the regional distribution, these findings have shown that all of the major

District towns have majority of the children who have not use drugs before. This is a

good sign for additional protection and counselling provided for these children to

continue to stay out of drugs.

186

Distribution of offences for which street children

were arrested and convicted

Table 23c

Figure 23c

Percentage of offences for which street children where arrested and convicted

6. 4%

160. 96% Yes No

This above table and figure show the frequency and percentage distribution of arrest

made on street children for crimes committed. The table shows that out of the 166 (96%)

of the respondents were never been arrested for crimes while six (4%) respondents have

been arrested before for crimes committed on the street. Further, the street children who

were also arrested have answered they were also convicted for the crime they have done.

The findings have shown that majority of the children have never been arrested for

crimes committed. Those arrested for crimes committed form a small percentage of (4%)

as compared to (96%) of children not arrested for crimes. Further investigations revealed

that the percentages of children arrested did not go through conviction.

Frequency

Yes 6

No 160

Total 166

187

Town distribution of offences for which street children

were arrested and convicted

Table 23d

Have you ever been arrested for any

crime Total

Yes No

District

Codes

Kenema 2 33 35

Kono 1 31 32

Makeni 0 30 30

Bo 3 33 36

Freetown 0 33 33

Total 6 160 166

Figure 23d

Town distribution of offences for which street children where arrested and convicted

0 5

10 15 20 25 30 35

Kenema Kono Makeni Bo Freetown Town

Yes No

This table illustrates the regional distributions of children arrested for crimes committed.

From the table above, majority of the respondents in the district towns said no arrest had

made for crimes committed. Only six of the respondents where arrested for crimes

188

committed and these children have also been convicted. This finding shows that children

on the street in all of the District towns have a good record for not being involved in

crimes on the street.

4.2.3 Part 3: Cross analysis children in normal family homes and street

children

In this section, the researcher will attempt to compare the life of children in normal

family homes and street children. The questionnaires consist of the same questions

indicated earlier. For the cross-analysis, the research will use some variables. These

variables are critical to determine the difference of life of children in normal family

homes and street children.

For this dissertation that variables will include age, gender, religion, tribe, educational

background, friends activities, parents, and the type of house living in, number of meals

taken, drug and crime arrest and conviction. To determine the difference, Independent

Samples t-test will be used for each of the cross analysis.

Cross analysis: Age of children in normal family homes

and street children

Table 24a

Figure 24a

Frequency

1-5 6-10 11-15 16-20 Total

Children in normal family homes 0 35 74 0 109

Street children 0 33 75 58 166

Total 0 68 149 58 275

189

Cross analysis: Age of children in normal family

homes and street children

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

Children in normal family homes

Street children

Town

The table and figure above shows the distribution of the surveyed and interviewed

children in terms of their age. Herein, it shows that majority of the children who

participated in this report belongs to 11-15 years old. On one hand, there is a closer

distribution of children, which belong in 6-10 years old.

Cross analysis: Gender of children in normal family

homes and street children

Table 24b

Figure 24b

Frequency

Male Female Total

Children in normal family

homes 51 58 109

Street children 71 95 166

Total 122 153 275

190

Cross analysis: Gender of children in normal family

homes and stree t children

0 20 40 60 80

100

Children in normal family Homes

Street children

Town

Male

Female

Table 24b and figure 24b shows the distribution of all the children who participated in the

study. This shows that most of the children who took part in the study are children, which

comprises of 153 females. This indicates that female children are more willing to

participate in research studies than their male counterparts are.

Cross analysis: Children in normal family homes and street

children by religion

Table 24c

Figure 24c

Frequency

Christian MuslimOthers Total

Children in normal family

homes 62 47 0 109

Street children 66 100 0 166

Total 128 147 0 275

191

Cross Analysis: Religion of Children in Normal Family Homes and Street Children

020406080

100120

Children in Normalfamily Homes

Street ChildrenTown

Num

ber o

f C

hild

ren

Christian

Muslims

Others

The table and figure above shows the cross analysis tabulation of street children and

children in normal family homes by their religion. From there, it shows that majority of

the children who have been surveyed and interviewed are belongs to Muslim religion

which comprises of 147 children out of 275. This indicates that most of the people in

Sierra Leone are Muslims.

Cross analysis: Children in normal family homes and street

children by tribe

Table 2

Figure 24d

Frequency

MendeTemne Krio Limba Kono Kissi OthersTotal

Children in

normal family

homes

44

25 7 7

22

2

2

109

Street children 65 51 18 2 22 8 0 166

Total 109 76 25 9 44 10 2 275

192

Cross Analysis: Tribe of Children in Normal Family Homes and Street Children

0102030

40506070

Children in Normalfamily Homes

Street ChildrenTown

Num

ber o

f Chi

ldre

n Mende

Temne

Krio

Limba

Kono

Kissi

Others

The table and figure above shows the cross tabulation of the distribution of 275 children

by tribe. Herein, it shows that most of the children belong to Mende tribe, which

comprises 109 children out of the 275 participants. Seventy-six out of 275 total

respondents belong to Temne tribe. The table and figure also shows an equal distribution

of children from normal family homes and street children who belong in Kono, which

consist of 22 children for each groups.

Cross analysis: Where children in normal family homes and street

children were born

Table 24e

193

Figure 24e

Cross analysis: Place of birth of children in normal family

homes and stree t children

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Children in Normal Family Homes

Street Children

Town

Table 24d and Figure 24d presents the cross analysis of the children in terms of the place

where they were born. Herein, it shows that majority of the children who participated in

this study were born in Southern region which comprises of 91 out of 275 respondents.

76 and 72 out of 275 total participants were born in northern and southern region

respectively.

Cross analysis: Educational status of children in normal family homes

Frequency

Western Region

Northern

Region

Eastern

region

Southern

region

Other Total

Children in

normal family

homes

7

27

43

31

1

109

Street

children

18 49 39

60 0 166

Total 25 76 72 91 1 275

194

and street children

Table 24f

Figure 24f

Cross analysis: Educational status of children in normal family homes and street children

0

50

100

150

Children in normal family homes

Street children

Type of children

Yes

No

Table 24a and Figure 24a shows the cross tabulation of the distribution of children who

have been in school or to school. It shows that majority of the children from normal

family homes and street children have been able to study. Although in lieu with the street

children, it must be noted that these children are not proven that they are still studying

until this point of the research. This may further indicate the both parents and guardians

of children living in normal family homes and street children enable them to go

schooling. However, due to some circumstances, which has been shown

Cross analysis: Children in normal family homes

And Street Children with friends

Frequency

Yes No Total

Children in normal family homes 108 1 109

Street children 136 30 166

Total 244 31 275

195

Table 24g

Figure 24g

Cross analysis: Children in normal family homes

and street children with friends

0

50

100

150

200

Children in normal family homes

Street children

Town

yes

No

Table 24f and figure 24f shows the distribution of children in normal family homes and

street children with friends. It is obvious that most of the children who participated in this

study have friends, which comprise of 271 out of 275 respondents, and only three

children have not friends. This may indicate that most of the children in this study are

sociable and considered as a part of a group or peers.

Cross analysis: Children in normal family homes

and street children with both parents living together

Frequency

Yes No Total

Children in Normal family

Homes 106 2 108

Street Children 165 1 166

Total 271 3 274

196

Table 24h

Figure 24h

Cross analysis: Children in normal family

homes and street children with both parents living together

0 20 40 60 80

100 120 140

Children in normal family homes

Street children

Town

yes

No

The table and figure above shows the cross analysis or tabulation of children in normal

family homes and street children with both parents living together. Herein, it shows that

majority of the respondents belongs to broken family, which means that their mother and

father are separated. Out of 275 surveyed and interviewed children, 195 of them

answered that their parents are separated. In line with street children, 130 participants

mentioned that their parents are not living together. This may indicate that the separation

of parents leads to have street children phenomenon.

Frequency

Yes No Total

Children in Normal family

Homes 44 65 109

Street Children 36 130 166

Total 80 195 275

197

Cross analysis: Children in normal family homes and street children with parents

employed

Table 24i

Figure 24i

Cross analysis: Children in normal family homes and

street children with parents employed

0 20 40 60 80

100 120

Children in normal family homes

Street children

Town

The table and figure above presents the frequency of the respondents by parents’

employment. In this, it shows that majority of the parents of the children surveyed and

interviewed are unemployed, which is 130 out of 275 total respondents. This is an

indication of the Sierra Leone has a poor economic performance because of the number

of unemployed individuals based from the study. This further indicates that most of the

children interviewed belong to poor families because of unemployment.

Cross analysis: Kind house parent of children

Frequency

Yes No N/A Total

Children in normal family homes 44 19 46 109

Street children 55 111 0 166

Total 99 130 46 275

198

in normal family homes and street

children lived in

Table 24j

Figure 24j

Cross analysis: Kind house parent of children In normal family Homes and street children lived in

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90

100

Children in normal family homes

Street children

Town

The table and figure above displays the distribution and frequency of the respondents in

terms of their kind of house their parents are living in. As can be seen, it shows that

majority of the family of the children interviewed and surveyed are living in temporary

houses, which comprises 130 out of 275 children. This is an indication of the status of the

Frequency

Permanent

Semi-

Permanent TemporaryTotal

Children in

normal family

homes 17 54 38 109

Street children 26 48 92 166

Total 43 102 130 275

199

family in Sierra Leone. The lack of permanent houses may be concluded to have an effect

on the street children phenomenon in most of the cities in the country.

Cross analysis: Materials used in constructing houses of children

in normal family homes and street children

Table 24k

Figure 24k

Cross analysis: Materials used in constructing houses of children In normal family homes and street children

0 20 40 60 80

100 120 140 160

Children in normal family homes

Street children Town

The table and figure above shows the frequency of the materials used in constructing

houses of children in normal family homes and street children. It reveals that out of 275

children surveyed and interviewed 214 of them are living in a house built from mud

blocks. Since mud blocks are considered as one of the cheapest materials available for

Frequency

Bricks

Mud

Blocks

Timber Zinc Total

Children in

normal family

homes

12

79 17

1 109

Street

children

17 135 9

5 166

Total 29 214 26 6 275

200

the construction of houses, this is an indication that that majority of the parents lived in

mud blockhouses because they are not too expensive to build and it is mostly the

cheapest that can be located in big cities for rental. The other materials timber, zinc, and

bricks are usually expense for low-income earner to purchase. The unemployment of the

parents may also affect the situation of the children in Sierra Leone in terms of housing.

Cross analysis: How many times children in normal family

homes and street children eat everyday

Table 24l

Figure 24l

Cross analysis: Kind house parent of children in normal family homes and street children lived in

0 20 40 60 80

100 120

Children in normal family homes Street children

Town

Table 24k and figure 24k displays the distribution of children in terms of number of

meals they are eating everyday. It shows that majority of the street children interviewed

which comprise of 109 out of 166 is eating one meal a day compared to children in

normal family homes with only 1 out of 109 children.

Frequency

One

Meal

Two

Meals

Three

Meals Total

Children in normal family homes 1 64 44 109

Street children 109 41 16 166

Total 110 105 60 275

201

On one hand, majority of children in normal family homes are eating twice a day with 64

out of 109 respondents. This shows a greater difference on the condition of both children

in terms of number of meals taken a day.

Cross analysis: Children in normal family

homes and street children by crime arrests and conviction

Table 24m

Figure 24m

Cross analysis : Children in normal homes and street children by crime

convictio n arrests and family

0 50

100 150 200

Children in Normal family

Homes

Street children Town

yes No

The table and figure above reveals the distribution of children in terms of crime arrests

and conviction. Herein, it shows that majority of the children interviewed and surveyed in

this study which comprises 268 children out of 275 have not been arrested nor convicted

Frequency

Yes No Total

Children in normal family homes 1 108 109

Street children 6 160 166

Total 7 268 275

202

for a crime. Only seven children from both groups experienced arrest and conviction for

the crime that they have made.

4.2.4 Part 4: Independent sample t-tests for each cross analysis

As mentioned, the main objective of this study is to determine the difference of the

condition children living in normal family homes and street children. In order to achieve

the objective of the study, the researcher used independent sample t-test described in

chapter three.

For this section of the study, the independent sample t-test will measure the difference of

the condition of children in different groups through their age, gender, tribe, religion,

educational status, friends, parents, employment of parents, types of house parents lived

in, materials used in houses, number of meals taken and crime arrests and conviction.

Descriptive statistics: Age of children in normal family homes

and street children

24a1

Independent samples t-test

24a2

Confidence level: 95%

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes

74

0 27.2 35.3

Street children 75 0 41.5 32.6

203

Meana-Meanb -14.25

T-value -.59

df (degree of difference) 6

One-tailed .288

Two-tailed .577

Standard error of difference 24.01

2-tail confidence level: 99.93% (Significant)

As mentioned, independent samples t-test will be used to determine if the two groups

(children in normal family life and street children) differs in terms of age variable. As can

be seen, the p-value and the statistical significance is .577, which shows that in terms of

age of the respondents the difference is noted to be statistically insignificant.

Furthermore, the means of the two groups are significantly different at 95% confidence

interval.

Descriptive statistics: Gender of children in normal family

homes and street children

24b1

Independent samples t-test

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 58 51 54.5 4.95

Street children 95 71 83 16.97

204

24b2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -28.50

T-Value 2.28

df (degree of difference) 2

One-tailed .075

Two-tailed .15

Standard error of difference 12.50

2-tail confidence level: 100%

The identification of mean difference of two groups in terms of gender variable is seen in

the above tables. Herein, the p-value and the statistical significance is .15, which shows

that in terms of gender of the surveyed and interviewed children the difference is noted to

be not statistically significant. In addition, the means of the two groups are significantly

different at 95% confidence interval.

Descriptive statistics: Children in normal family homes and street

children by religion

24c1

205

Independent samples t-test

24c2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -.19

T-value -.55

df (degree of difference) 4

One-tailed .306

Two-tailed .613

Standard error of difference 34.79

2-tail confidence level: 45.96%

The determination of mean difference of two groups in terms of religion variable is seen

in the above tables. Herein, the p-value and the statistical significance is .613, which

shows that in terms of religion of the surveyed and interviewed children the difference is

noted to be not statistically significant. However, given that the researcher chooses 95%

interval, the means of the two groups’ shows 45.96%, which means that there is no

difference in the means.

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 62 0 36.33 55.33

Street children 100 0 32.35 50.85

206

Descriptive statistics: Children in normal family homes and street

children by tribe

24d1

Independent samples t-test

24d2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -8.1429

T-value -0.73

df (degree of difference) 12

One-tailed .240

Two-tailed .480

Standard error of difference 11.15

2-tail confidence level: 99.73%

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family

Homes 44 2 15.57 15.57

Street children 65 0 23.71 25.05

207

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in terms of tribe variable is seen in the above tables. Herein, the p-value

and the statistical significance is .480, which shows that in terms of tribe of the surveyed

and interviewed children the difference is noted to be not statistically significant. In

addition, given the 95% confidence interval, the result of the samples shows 99.73%,

which means that the two groups in the study, is significantly different.

Descriptive statistics: Where children in normal family homes and street

children were born

24e1

Independent samples t-test

24e2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -11.4

T-value -0.86

df (degree of difference) 8

One-tailed . 207

Two-tailed .415

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 43 1 21.8 17.41

Street children 60 0 33.2 24.16

208

Standard error of difference 13.32

2-tail confidence level: 100%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in terms of the place of birth of children is shown in the above tables.

Herein, the p-value and the statistical significance is .415, which shows that in terms of

tribe of the surveyed and interviewed children the difference is noted to be not

statistically significant. In addition, given the 95% confidence interval, the result of the

samples shows 100%, which means that the two groups in the study, is significantly

different.

Descriptive statistics: Educational status of children in

normal family homes and street children

24f1

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in Normal family

Homes 108 1 54.5 75.66

Street Children 136 30 83 74.95

209

Independent samples t-test

24f2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -28.5

T-value -0.38

df (degree of difference) 2

One-tailed .370

Two-tailed .741

Standard error of difference 75.31

2-tail confidence level: 99.77%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in accordance with the educational status of children shown in the above

tables.

The tables shows that the p-value and the statistical significance is .741 which shows that

in terms of educational status of the surveyed and interviewed children the difference is

noted to be not statistically significant. In addition, given the 95% confidence interval,

the result of the samples shows 99.77%, which means that the two groups in the study, is

significantly different.

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Descriptive statistics: Children in normal family homes

and street children with friends

24g1

Independent Samples T-Test

24g2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -.29

T-value -.3

df (degree of difference) 2

One-tailed .400

Two-tailed .792

Standard error of difference 97.098

2-tail confidence level: 97.9%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in accordance with friend variable of children shown in the above tables.

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 106 2 54 73.54

Street children 165 1 83 115.97

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The tables shows that the p-value and the statistical significance is .792 which shows that

in terms of friends of the surveyed and interviewed children the difference is noted to be

not statistically significant. In addition, given the 95% confidence interval, the result of

the samples shows 97.9%, which means that the two groups in the study, is significantly

different.

Descriptive statistics: Children in normal family homes

and street children with both parents living together

24h1

Independent samples t-test

24h2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -28.5

T-value -.53

df (degree of difference) 2

One-tailed .325

Two-tailed .650

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 65 44 54.5 14.85

Street children 130 36 83 74.95

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Standard error of difference 54.03

2-tail confidence level: 99.99%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in accordance with the situation of parents if both are living together

variable of children shown in the above tables.

The table presents that the p-value and the statistical significance is .650, which shows

that in terms of the situation of parents of the surveyed and interviewed children the

difference is not statistically significant. In addition, given the 95% confidence interval,

the result of the samples shows 99.99%, which means that the two groups in the study, is

significantly different.

Descriptive statistics: Children in normal family homes and street children with

parents employed

24i1

Independent Samples t-test

24i2

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 46 19 36.33 15.04

Street children 111 0 55.33 55.5

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Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -19

T-value -.57

df (degree of difference) 4

One-tailed .300

Two-tailed .600

Standard error of difference 33.20

2-tail confidence level: 99.94%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in accordance with the parent’s employment variable of children shown in

the above tables.

The table presents that the p-value and the statistical significance is .600, which shows

that in terms of the situation of parents of the surveyed and interviewed children. It is

important to note that the difference is not statistically significant. In addition, given the

95% confidence interval, the result of the samples shows 99.94%, which means that the

two groups in the study, is significantly different.

Descriptive statistics: Kind house parent of children

in Normal Family homes and street

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children lived in

24j1

Independent samples t-test

24j2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -19

T-value .857

df (degree of difference) 4

One-tailed .219

Two-tailed .438

Standard error of difference 22.16

2-tail confidence level: 100%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in accordance with the kind house parent of children in normal family

homes and street children lived in variable of children shown in the above tables.

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 54 17 36.33 18.56

Street children 92 26 55.33 33.61

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The table presents that the p-value and the statistical significance is .438, which shows

that in terms of the situation of parents of the surveyed and interviewed children the

difference is not statistically significant. In addition, given the 95% confidence interval,

the result of the samples shows 100%, which means that the two groups in the study, is

significantly different.

Descriptive statistics: Materials used in constructing houses of children

in normal family homes and street Children

24k1

Independent Samples T-Test

24k2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -14.25

T-value .397

df (degree of difference) 6

One-tailed .176

Two-tailed .351

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 79 1 27.25 34.14

Street children 135 5 41.50 62.53

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Standard error of difference 35.87

2-tail confidence level: 96.95%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in accordance with the materials used constructing houses of children in

normal family homes and street children variable of children shown in the above tables.

The table presents the p-value and the statistical significance is .351 that shows that in

terms of the situation of parents surveyed, and interviewed children the difference is

noted to be not statistically significant. In addition, given the 95% confidence interval,

the result of the samples shows 96.95%, which means that the two groups in the study, is

significantly different.

Descriptive statistics: How many times children in normal family

homes and street children eat everyday

24l1

Independent samples t-test

24l2

Confidence level: 95%

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 64 1 36.33 32.19

Street children 109 16 55.33 48.13

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Meana-Meanb -19.00

T-value .568

df (degree of difference) 4

One-tailed .300

Two-tailed .600

Standard error of difference 33.43

2-tail confidence level: 99.97%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children). The number of meals children in normal family homes and street

children variable as shown in the above tables.

The table displays that the p-value and the statistical significance is .600, which shows

that in terms of the number of meals taken everyday of the surveyed and interviewed

children, the difference is not statistically significant. In addition, given the 95%

confidence interval, the result of the samples shows 99.97%, which means that the two

groups in the study, is significantly different.

Descriptive statistics: Children in normal family

homes and street children by crime arrests and conviction

24l1

218

Independent samples t-test

24l2

Confidence level: 95%

Meana-Meanb -28.5

T-value

.304

df (degree of difference) 2

One-tailed .396

Two-tailed .792

Standard error of difference 93.76

2-tail confidence level: 98.2%

The analysis of mean difference of two groups (children in normal family homes and

street children) in accordance with the crime arrests and convictions of children in normal

family homes and street children variable above.

The table displays that the p-value and the statistical significance is .792, which shows

that in terms of the number of arrests and convictions of the surveyed and interviewed

Statistics

Maximum Minimum Mean Standard deviation

Children in normal family homes 108 1 54.5 75.66

Street children 160 6 83 108.89

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children the difference is noted not statistically significant. In addition, given the 95%

confidence interval, the result of the samples shows 98.2% which means that the two

groups in the study, is significantly different.

Chapter 5 Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations

5.1 Summary

The behaviour characteristics of the street children are those who spend a substantial

amount of time out of their parent’s or guardian’s homes, unsupervised by responsible

adults, and growing more estranged from their parents as well as peers, schools, and other

social supports. In this research, street children may be categorised into three:

1. Street children who leave their homes (or institutional placements), usually

because of conflicts with parents (or guardians);

2. Street children who are forced from, or locked out of, their homes by their

parents or step-parents; and

3. Street children who feel they no longer have a home to which they can return,

either because of irreconcilable differences with their parents or because they

have lost track of their family’s whereabouts. Street children should not be

confused with “homeless children,” who are part of homeless families. Homeless

children live with their families, in shelters, cars, or on the streets. Street children

are not only homeless but also family-less.

Most of the research on street children focuses on a narrower group than “federal-

definition of street children. Practitioners and researchers refer as street children to these

children. They are estranged from their families and they spend substantial periods living

in places other than the family home (or court-approved placement). The children whom

we will refer to as “street children,” are the focus of this study.

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There are many reasons that have been seen as factors that influence children to leave

their homes and live in the street. Families from which street children run—or from

which they are expelled by parents—are often characterized by an inability to

communicate and peacefully resolve conflicts: both the typical conflicts that arise during

adolescence and more serious conflicts resulting from family dysfunction. As conflicts

accumulate and intensify, family life becomes intolerable and the children leave home, or

is physically locked out or taken to a social service agency or police station by parents.

It has been said that a significant number of families from which children chose to live in

the street are subject to problems more serious than an inability to communicate. Many of

these families have histories of violence, criminal activity, and the abuse of alcohol and

other drugs by both parents and children. A majority of street children have left homes in

which they are physically abused.

A substantial proportion was sexually abused. street children who have been sexually

abused tend to leave home more often and stay away for longer periods than other street

children. They are less trusting of adults and social service institutions (who often return

them to abusive homes) and thus avoid contact with social service agencies or shelters.

The psychological consequences of sexual abuse (and the desperation to avoid their

homes) often put these children at risk of further sexual exploitation while out of the

home.

The research found that children are at greater risk of abusing alcohol and other drugs.

That, in turn, elevates their risk for sexual exploitation, violence, unintended pregnancy,

depression, and infection with HIV or other sexually transmitted diseases. A

disproportionate number of street children are gay, bisexual, or lesbian These young

people are often subject to ostracism by family, peers, and other adults (such as teachers)

at a period in their lives when they are in need of increased support to come to terms with

a sexual identity not yet accepted by mainstream society.

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An unanswered question is why some street children will leave homes characterized by

severe conflict or emotional, physical, and sexual abuse, while others with similar home

lives will continue to live with their families. Researchers and practitioners continue to

explore the reasons that children can respond so differently to similar family

environments.

Single parent or blended families are especially prone to the stresses that can lead to a

child running away or force out of the home. Less than one-third of all street children

come from families in which both biological parents were present. However, consensus

has been reached on two points.

The first is that once a street children has spent a substantial amount of time out of the

home (or “on the street”), he or she is so alienated and distrustful that specialized

programs are required to reconnect these children with society (if not their families of

origin). The second is that, with increasing levels of urban violence and new and more

deadly drugs, life outside of the home is so dangerous that more programs are needed to

provide an immediate refuge to young people who feel they need to, or are forced to,

leave their homes or families and spend time “on the street”.

Best estimates indicate that at any given time, three out of ten children are living out-of

the home in unstable and unsupervised environments. Other estimates place the street

children population at anywhere from 400,000 to two million. These discrepancies in data

reflect the difficulty of accurately counting a population that is, by nature, secretive, as

well as the differing definitions used to count these children. Many agencies serving

street children are not federally funded and do not submit data. In addition, many street

children meet either type of agency. Thus, the federal reporting system fails to count a

substantial number of street children.

The average age of street children is usually reported to be 14 or 15 years old. The age at

which children start to run away from home is largely a product of child development.

Children under the age of 11 or 12 are generally afraid to leave home. During

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adolescence, a child’s desire for self-autonomy escalates. Adolescents characteristically

rebel against parental authority.

This can create an intolerable level of conflict in families with poor communication and

negotiation practices. Adolescence also brings about changes in the nature of incest and

sexual abuse. Children who have been sexually abused since they were very young may

begin to object to this treatment as they enter adolescence. Moreover, as girls develop

during adolescence, they may attract the attention of a sexually predatory stepparent or

sibling.

Institutional and legal forces also influence the age of the street children populations.

Unaccompanied young children on the streets at unusual hours are quickly noticed and

apprehended by the police. Parental fear of criminal neglect or abuse charges also plays a

role. A parent who may not report a 16-year-old who has left the home will report the

absence of a younger child.

Parents are unlikely to lock a very young child out of the house during a family conflict.

These factors work together to limit severely the number of street children under the age

of 12 (Posner 1994, 1993).

The upper age limit of the street children population is a legal, rather than developmental,

phenomenon. Most federally funded street children programs must exclude children older

than 18. Many states set the age of emancipation even lower. In some jurisdictions, a 15-

year-old can legally leave home. Programs for homeless families often exclude boys over

the age of 13 or 14, forcing these children to remain on the street when their mother and

siblings seek shelter. When children living on their own are counted as “street children,”

and when they are counted as “homeless adults,” is the consequence of rather arbitrary

legal definitions.

Studies done at shelters often conclude that street children girls outnumber boys by about

ten percent. This may be a function of the number of young girls fleeing sexual abuse.

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Alternatively, it may be a reporting phenomenon. Girls tend to seek help at shelters more

often compared to boys. They also tend to be interdicted by police or social workers, who

see them as more in need of protection than their male counterparts.

Although the often-repeated statement that children run away from homes of all income

levels is certainly true, it conceals the fact that the majority of street children are from

working-class and lower-income homes. While families at every economic level

experience problems, the lack of income and resources in poorer families places an

additional stress upon their members.

Although the abuse of alcohol and other drugs, spousal abuse, and the physical and

sexual abuse of children cut across class lines, these problems also affect lower-income

families more than others. Lower-income families also have fewer resources to muster to

combat the causes of social and economic stress than their wealthier counterparts do.

Middle and upper-income families can afford counsellors (for both children and parents),

as well as summer camps, private schools, and private inpatient mental institutions to

separate parents from their children and reduce family stress. Although putting a child

into a private school or inpatient mental institution sometimes unfairly places the blame

for family dysfunction upon a child, it is an alternative to having that child turn to the

streets.

Alternative living opportunities for children from lower-income homes are usually state

institutions or foster care homes. About half of all street children have spent time in foster

care or group homes. Victims of sexual abuse or of homophobia do not necessarily find

alternative placements to be supportive, or any safer, than their homes.

One study found that 40% of street children who have spent time in residential

placements report that they were sexually or physically assaulted in that setting. Given

the realities of an inadequate foster care system along with the behavioural habits of the

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children within such settings, a substantial percentage of street children have fled from

foster care or group homes.

Since the late 1980s, the street children population has tended to reflect the ethnic and

racial composition of its community. The changing face of the street children population

also reflects changes in minority communities. For example, African traditionally has

often resolved generational conflicts by sending children to live with extended family

members, especially grandparents. This has become less of an option as older generations

die and ties with extended families and “the South” loosens.

At the same time, the creation of an impoverished underclass, characterized by families

with single mothers or transient step-parent surrogates, living in small apartments in

neighbourhoods plagued by alcohol, drugs, and social fragmentation, contributes to the

types of family stress and conflict that result in youths running away, or being expelled,

from their homes.

Immigration has also contributed to the ethnic and racial diversity of the street children

population. Impoverished immigrant families (especially undocumented immigrants) are

subject to high levels of economic, as well as cultural, stress. Children who immigrated at

a very young age (or are the first generation born in this country) assimilate bad habits,

notably the abuse of alcohol and other drugs.

All of these factors create stress and intensify conflict within families. Since many

immigrant families are extremely mobile, changing residence, moving from city to city

and sometimes back and forth to their country of origin, it is easy for children and

families to lose track of one another during street children episodes.

The lives of most street children involve a series of street children episodes, extended

stays with the other parent (in the case of divorced spouses), relatives, or friends, or in

foster care, residential, or juvenile justice facilities.

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Divorce is an unpleasant fact, occurring in thousands worldwide (Waller stein & Lewis,

1998). Divorce can be a devastating experience to both the parties involved. When there

are children involved, the divorce becomes a much more complicated situation since the

divorced parties must think not only for themselves but for their children also.

Many issues in divorce research apply to studies of family or child development in

general, research on children’s own account of their experience of divorce seems little

important to researchers. At current rates, 1 in 4 children will experience parental divorce

before the age of 12 (Waller stein & Lewis, 1998). Divorce affects children

psychologically, economically and socially.

In one study by Waller stein and Lewis (1998), half of the young people, for example,

were involved in serious drug and alcohol abuse, many before the age of 14. They were

also likely to become sexually active as early adolescents, particularly the girls. Studies

also found out that the legal system does not address the needs of children as they mature

and that custody is based on the adults' wishes. The child's perspective is ignored in most

cases.

Adolescents are likely to be angry with their parents and to feel socially embarrassed by

the break-up (Waller stein & Lewis, 1998). Many children, whatever the age, seem to

emerge from the experience without permanent ill effects if the parents are able to help

them adjust reasonably well (Waller stein & Lewis, 1998). One way of coping with

broken families is to be away from their home. Youth who run from, or are thrown out of,

their homes return when they get cold, hungry, and disillusioned with their newfound

freedom. This pattern can keep a family together until the youth is old enough to find a

job and live independently. However, some children develop a “street children career.”

As the children grow older and more accustomed to life on the street he or she stays away

from home for longer periods. Parents also grow less tolerant as children ages, and they

gain confidence in their child’s ability to survive outside the home. In some cases, the

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children will no longer return home (or the parents will no longer allow the child into the

home) unless forced to by police or the courts.

Often, street children will begin his or her “career” by staying with friends, relatives, or,

in the case of divorced parents, the non-custodial parent. However, the behavioural

patterns learned by these children in their homes eventually make them unwelcome. After

exhausting these options, street children live where they can. When they can scrape

together enough money, street children youths will band together and rent rooms in cheap

hotels.

They will spend time in street children shelters, foster placements, and with older young

people who have apartments. At worst, they live in makeshift camps under overpasses, in

county parks or wooded areas, or simply spend the nights walking city streets, huddled in

doorways, or sleeping anywhere they can find a place in which they feel they are

relatively safe from predators and the police.

Most street children stay within ten miles of their homes; only 25% go further than 75

miles from their homes (Finkelhor et al. 1990). While street children are thought of as

being an urban phenomenon, children leave home at about the same rate in urban,

suburban, and rural areas. While local authorities may claim that their town or county

does not have a “street children problem,” experienced practitioners maintain this is

simply because authorities do not know how to recognize street children youth.

All street children spend a great deal of time outdoors. Many street children programs are

either shelters that are only open at night or drop-in centres that only provide services

during the day. Few street children can afford a long-term stay in even the cheapest hotel.

Street children are exposed to the elements. They are always hungry. Their food often

comes from dumpsters behind restaurants or groceries.

When they can afford food, they make the same poor nutritional choices made by their

more affluent peers: fast food hamburgers, snack cakes, and soda. They do not have

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access to bathrooms or baths. They lack warm clothing and anything resembling proper

medical care. They are malnourished and suffer the effects of exposure. Many of them

fight persistent colds, viral infections, and digestive problems.

The majority of street children and homeless youth abuse alcohol and other drugs. In

addition, they suffer the medical consequences of these habits. In the world of the street

children youth, alcohol and other drugs are used to “self-medicate” to alleviate the pain

of survival, sex, prostitution, exposure to the elements, and hunger. At the same time,

alcohol and drugs compound these problems and siphon what little money street children

have for constructive uses, such as food or clothing.

The world of the street children is often violent. Physical and sexual assault are prevalent,

especially among street children who work as prostitutes. The margins of society through

which street children move are places with scarce resources. Street children are often the

prey of adults, and younger, more recent street children, become the prey of older, more

experienced ones.

The use of alcohol and other drugs contributes to the violence of this world. In recent

years, street gangs have added to the danger. Unlike street children, gang members are

organized, armed, and predatory. As gangs expand their turf, the neighbourhoods in

which street children are even marginally safe contract.

While fleeing their homes may resolve immediate family conflicts, the conditions of life

out of the home do little to improve the emotional lives of street children. Psychological

problems are endemic among street children. In some cases, these problems were at the

root of the family conflicts that caused them to flee their homes. In many, mental health

problems are the consequence, rather than the cause, of family conflict.

This is especially true of the victims of physical or sexual abuse. Street children, both

before and after they leave their homes, are characterized by depression and suicidal

thoughts. Many have attempted suicide. The alcohol and drugs they use to cope with their

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lives exacerbate their emotional problems. Their transitory lifestyles and lack of trust of

adults reduce their willingness to seek professional help.

Most street children are sexually active. They are unsupervised at a time in their lives

when they are undergoing physical and emotional changes of adolescence. Sexual

acceptance is also a way of trying to boost the low self-esteem that often results from

family conflict (and physical or sexual abuse). This sexual activity leads to elevated rates

of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, as well as unintended pregnancy. Few

receive proper and consistent medical care for these or other conditions.

While street children can certainly form strong, supportive, and even loving bonds with

their peers and other members of marginal cultures with whom they interact, evidence

suggests that “street families” are not necessarily any more functional than the families

from which these children fled. Relationships formed on the streets, although sometimes

supportive, are often transitory and exploitative. “Boyfriends” are often pimps.

“Friendships” can turn violent in disputes over scarce resources: food, money, or drugs.

Many street children have learned to be social isolates, not fully trusting peers, and very

suspicious of adults. There is little reason that children from families characterized by

conflict and violence should spontaneously produce positive relationships even on

unstable environment of “the street.”

Contrary to the popular myth perpetrated by sensational television shows and exploitation

movies, only a minority of street children engage in explicit prostitution. This proportion

increases in some urban areas. Both male and female street children turn to this method

of surviving on the street. There is evidence that a large proportion of, if not most, adult

prostitutes begin as teenage street children. A larger number of street children engage in

what practitioners call “survival sex,” explicitly or implicitly trading sex for food or a

place to live, often with older men.

While these men are sometimes considering as “boyfriends,” there is little doubt that

these liaisons are economic in nature. Children who have been sexually abused in their

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homes are far more likely to engage in prostitution and survival sex than other young

people are. They are already sexually active, even if this activity was forced upon them.

They do not want to return home and face resumption of their sexual abuse. Prostitution

or survival sex gives them the illusion of being in control of their own lives, as well as

the illusion of being loved or wanted. Both forms of sexual activity carry risks. Surveys

indicate that the bulk of young prostitutes have been raped or assaulted.

Street children are trapped in a world between adolescence and adulthood. They are

excluded from much of that world to which their peers have access. Their most primarily

exclusion, of course, is from family and home. However, exclusion from family usually

breaks the social bonds connecting youth and children to other social institutions that

could play a healthy and helping role in their lives.

The most primary of these institutions is the school. School provides children and

adolescents with more than an academic education. The contemporary school is a place

that readies children for a vocation, providing health, mental health, and nutritional

services. Extracurricular activities encompass a broad range of athletic, intellectual, and

artistic pursuits. Perhaps most importantly schools strive to help children grow and

mature in an environment of positive peer relationships supervised by caring adults who

act as positive role models for children and adolescents.

The bond between street children and homeless youth and school is fragile. The problems

encountered by these children in their home often adversely affect their behaviour at

school. They bring the behaviours learned in their conflict-ridden and chaotic homes to

school. These behaviours do not contribute to learning or to positive relationships with

their peers or teachers.

While some children attempt to remain in school while they are out of the home and on

the streets, most do not. Their lives are taken up in a search for food and shelter. They

often are malnourished, dirty, and tired from staying awake through the night. Even the

most motivated teenager is likely not to attend school under such circumstances.

230

In most cases, street children and homeless children and adolescents will cycle through

their schools as they cycle through their homes. This often leaves them perpetually

behind their classmates in both their academic and social development. In addition, the

hard lessons of the street (and their home lives) often cause these children to be

stereotyped as “bad” or “delinquent” by peers and staff, reinforcing their sense of social

isolation and making the school an uncomfortable and unwelcome place.

As the bond between the child and his or her family grows ever more fragile, so does the

bond between the child and the school. As a result, the child’s relationships with positive

peer and adult role models are affected. Eventually, both these bonds break, leaving these

youths without the support systems and social attachments available to most adolescents.

At the same time, their legal status as minors bars them from living independently in the

adult world.

We know remarkably little about what happens to street children after the age of 21.

Street children programs are not funded to conduct long-term follow-up with their clients.

The transitory nature of these youths (and the families from which they come) makes it

exceedingly difficult for research projects to track and document them for more than a

few months.

Few studies of adults, mainstream, homeless, or institutionalized, have attempted to

explore the issue of how many of them experienced street children episodes when

younger. We can understand that street children who manage to reintegrate into

mainstream society might not reveal these experiences (even if anyone thought to ask).

Thus, we do not know how many street children return to their families and how many

stay homeless into adulthood. We do not know how many manage to transcend their

predicament and find jobs and places to live.

We do not know what happens to those youth who return to their homes, who stay on the

streets until they reach the age of emancipation, or who enter foster care, group homes, or

231

transitional living programs. We do not want to underestimate the resiliency of the human

spirit. It is possible that some street children transcend their hardships and achieve stable,

healthy, adult lives.

However, limited studies of former street children reveal substantial levels of emotional

problems, problems at school and work, abuse of alcohol and drugs, and marital

problems. Studies of children (including street children) rose in environments

characterized by conflict, sexual or physical abuse, and the abuse of alcohol and other

drugs find that many of them replicate these attitudes and behaviours as adults and pass

them on to their children as a harsh legacy of their own youths.

Yet, much of what happens to street children as they enter adulthood is only speculation.

It is a tragic irony that street children of whom we often catch only fleeting glimpses,

completely disappear when they reach the age of 21, leaving little behind except the

knowledge that they will not be the last generation to spend their troubled formative years

at the very edge of our collective peripheral vision.

5.2 Conclusions

This study also examines the phenomenon of street children in major towns in Sierra

Leone. To determine in particular how badly disadvantaged these children compared with

children in normal family homes in these cities.

It emerges from the data collected through interviews and survey questionnaires that the

following factors should be verify. These factors include adaptation to street life, not

likely to be failures in society, peer group influence and its effect living on the street, are

street children likely to be violent and activities done by a child, and are of crucial

importance in understanding the street children phenomenon in Sierra Leone.

More precisely, the study has shown that most street children in major towns in Sierra

Leone surveyed fell between the age five and 15 years. The findings also revealed that

232

there are more female children on the streets than males. It should be borne in mind that

infancy and early adolescence are key formative periods in a child’s life.

This is a period for a child ought to be in school, acquiring the knowledge and skills

needed for a fuller and more profitable adult life. This is the case of children in normal

family homes, as opposed to the five to 15-year-old street children in the cities.

There are more street children in Makeni, Freetown and Kenema towns than the other

provincial towns. Street girls are the majority present in these towns. The survey revealed

that a large number of children on the street survive on the street by begging, gambling

and engaging in child labour. There survival depends mostly on begging and carrying

goods and working for market women and men.

The war caused lots of disruption leading to many children taking to the street. Street

children interviewed appear to be comfortable living on the streets especially those who

have been on the street for more than six months. On the other hand, it is obvious from

this that the children are desirous for proper care and protection.

They realize the need for them to be out from the street and become like other kids living

in family homes. The problem is when is this going to happen and what help they can get

to improve their lives and returning back to their family homes.

One of the factors this study was set to look at is whether children on the street are more

likely to become failures in society. This could be determined by the numerous answers

and response received during the studies. Children on the street are face with difficult

living conditions, lack of basic facilities and in many cases are not place in school. Going

to school is link to becoming an educated person who can lead out in society or your

communities.

Many of the street children lack the opportunities that can lead them to develop their

personal self. Their counter parts on the other hand as indicated in the studies, revealed

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that more attention and opportunity for schooling is available for children in family

homes. This is an important aspect in a child live to enable him or her becoming and

growing up to become a good citizen and not a failure in society.

Most of the social infrastructures were destroy during the war. Education was one of the

social facilities that where greatly affected by the war. Children and their parents became

displaced persons within their own country leading to a total disruption in family ties.

The long periods caused lot of children who were or might have been in school end up in

camps doing nothing. This situation leads many of the children forming peer groupings

and finally ends up on the street with their peers. Indeed, as the study has further

revealed, most of the street children have one time or the other been to school and latter

become school dropouts. They had to drop out because of the inability of their parents or

guardians economic conditions in raising money to pay fees and buy other school

materials.

These children are therefore ill prepared for the independence lives they are to live so

early. To survive, they cannot but beg or do odd jobs at best, for which they are usually

very poorly paid. Majority of the street children indicated in the study that they would be

happy to return to school if given the opportunity. Getting these children back to school

will take into account the economic situation of their parents who themselves are too

poor.

The ten years civil war caused a lot of disruptions and undue hardships on families,

whose financial status was already at low ebb. There has been an upsurge in one-parent

families with many of the children loosing at least a parent to the war. In this difficult

situation compounded with the low economic status has worsened the burden on poor

parents mostly, women (mothers) who should strive to take care of these children.

Similarly, the large displacement of the population during the war disrupted normal

social life resulting into people been resettled in new communities where livelihood has

become very difficult leading to some of the children going out in the street in order to

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help fend for themselves and their families. This is one reason that may have aggravated

the problem of street children in the major provincial headquarter towns.

The study looks at the issue of what street children engaged themselves in while on the

street. A large number are engaged in begging, gambling, prostitution and child labour.

While on the other hand, children in normal family homes engaged themselves doing

schoolwork or helping their parents with domestic work at home. This in itself is a clear

indication that children on the street has less control at home and do things more freely

on their own.

Additionally, the parents of street children are themselves primary school dropouts at

best. This poor educational background compromises their chances of finding gainful

employment. Most of them are unemployed or self –employed at best with of course low

incomes. They are in consequence unable to provide for their children the quality of life

children in normal family homes enjoy.

The parents of children in normal family homes are gainfully employ as lawyers, doctors,

teachers, and accountants, whose incomes are adequate for the up, keep of their families.

In sharp contrast, parents of street children require the children to hand in their meagre

earnings for the up keep of their families.

Furthermore, most street children live with single parents, while children in normal

family homes live with both parents, and are thus in a position to enjoy the warmth, care

and security within a stable and cohesive family.

One important factor is the issue of the effect the war has caused on street children and

the effect it has on the children themselves. A major factor this study was set to look at

was if children on the street were more likely to be violent. Findings revealed that

majority of the children have been free from violent and crimes on the street and

character that is exhibited by children in normal family homes.

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One would have thought that the influence on the street backed with the influence of the

war would have led street children to be violent. However, this turn out to be the

opposite. This portrays a positive sign that if street children where provided with the right

type of support it will be easier for their lives to change completely.

Finally, many factors together with the war have contributed to the problem of street

children in our communities. Poverty, lack of basic social amenities, separation of

parents, single parenthood, and peer pressures are some of the causes for children leaving

home for the streets. Homelessness and poverty have robbed street children of a good

part of their childhood. They have been forced to worry about the things that most

children take for granted--food, safety, and a roof over their heads. Some become "little

adults" in their efforts to help themselves and their families to survive. Yet, as the street

children remind us, they are children. They cherish their toys, they play at the hint of any

opportunity, and they rush to get lost in the world of fantasy. They think in the magical

and concrete ways of children, constructing their world with the logic of childhood. In

addition, it should be noted as children they would like to be treated as children--to be

less burdened by worry and more able to depend on adults for the basics of survival.

Ultimately, the study of children is as much about poverty as homelessness. As these

children tell it, the burden of poverty is not simply the lack of material possessions. It

means facing full square the psychological and social ills that accompany poverty in our

society. These children confront family dysfunction, substance abuse, and violence. They

have known poor schooling, inadequate medical care, and substandard housing. They

experience the frustration resulting from a lack of resources to help them and a lack of

opportunity in the larger society to make things better.

Some sense the generations of hopelessness in their own families that have kept them

moving in search of a better life. They know a society that, in some corners, is inclined to

believe that they are poor because they choose to be.

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They have an acute awareness of the shame of poverty and the degradation resulting from

society's moral judgments of the poor. Ultimately, their pain is their utter powerlessness--

as children and as poor people--to do anything about the fate that has befallen them.

In this context of pain and struggle, the stories also reveal an extraordinary capacity for

survival in difficult circumstances. When describing how they or other homeless children

manage to get through the experience, the children often use the phrase "I make the best

of it." Some street children states that being homeless, one should look on the bright side

of things, even though he confessed he didn't know exactly what that bright side is.

In spite of their fundamental discontent, many children manage to find some redeeming

feature of the shelter. When the motel has nothing by way of amenities, they enthuse

about the swimming pool. When the shelter offers only food and a roof, they are happy

that their room is close to the kitchen so that they can get snacks. When they are looking

forward to months in a crowded room, they get excited about the free clothes from

donations. Their optimism does not lessen their pain, but it keeps them going from one

day to the next. The study also reveals these children's hopes for the future. They have

not given up, thus, they find themselves continuing to wish and often to believe that

things will get better.

Many are able to imagine a happier life for themselves, in either the immediate future or

when they get to be adults. Like all children, they nurture their dreams for what and who

they might be. However, unlike most children, their dreams are not casual and often-

changing wishes, but rather the stuff of their souls, which keeps them going.

In this study, these children often unknowingly, offer clear suggestions for how adults

might help them. They ask that we understand their ambivalent feelings about living in a

shelter. They want us to know that taking their complaints, as a lack of appreciation for

the roof over their heads is not what they want.

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It is not the efforts of the shelter staff subject of complaints but rather, the fact of having

lost their home and living in this or any shelter. They grumble about "the rotten food" or

"the lady in charge" because it is less painful than reminding them of what has happened

to them. They ask that as helping professionals, we not judge them. They are terrified of

being labelled as poor and homeless, because they know that so often, poor means "bad."

As young as some of these children are, they ask the adults who work with them to

honour their trust. It is critically important to them that the adults who know of their

plight protect their confidentiality. Most, for example, are willing and even want to have

their teacher know about their difficult circumstances, but worry that the teacher might

tell. "My teacher might tell another teacher who might tell some kids," and the dreaded

word that they are "homeless" would spread among their peers. The taunting and derision

that they assume would result terrifies these children. They ask that we respect their

privacy, while not leaving them alone. They clearly assert their right to be in charge of

when they tell what to whom. However, they also do not want us to ignore the place they

are coming from or pretend that it does not exist.

Helping professionals employs a delicate balancing act with these or any children—to

respond to their obscure invitation to come into their lives, yet at the same time to avoid

crossing the threshold without an invitation. The children are ambivalent about the telling

and look for a clue that the other wants to listen, but will not pressure them to do so.

Haydn, in telling his story and expressing his feelings, said he chooses not to talk about

his feelings: "I just keep them trapped inside." He sees himself as similar to his brother

Dana, who is also "quiet about those things. He doesn't say anything about it"--but "if you

ask him, he'll tell you."

Even though respondents do not articulate it very clearly, homeless children also ask for

reassurance that they are not alone. They want and need to recognize their struggle as one

that is shared in different ways by many children and families. They respond with eager

curiosity when helping professionals point out that other kids have these worries too.

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Seeing their problems against the backdrop of the common human struggle helps them to

relieve the loneliness with which their circumstances have surrounded them.

As they risk telling their stories, they hope against hope that helping professionals will

not react in horror and walk away from hearing more. At some level, they sense that if

their story does not shock adults, then they do not have to get shocked by it either. To be

"blown away" or to suddenly break contact with them, in their eyes, is to judge them.

They ask that we educate children and adults about who homeless families really are.

These children are heavily burdened by what they see as society's negative perception of

the homeless.

In their stories, they take significant pains to point out that other families they meet in the

shelter are "nice people." In their childlike way, they would like the world to know that

people in the shelter "are nice people just like us." Particularly when they are older, they

are clear about asking helping professionals and other adults to advocate for the needs of

homeless children and families.

Finally, they ask helping professionals to recognize the worth of their stories and the

value of their lives. While most children are embarrassed about so many aspects of their

lives, and tell their stories only to those whom they trust, they often express a pride about

being able to disclose what is in the heart of a homeless child and family. These problems

needs checked, while on the other hand, an environment that is conducive for these

children are available to allow them grows up as responsible adults.

5.3 Recommendations

First, the problems of street children are global and appear to be related to irreversible

changes in both economic and family structures. Second, girls are especially at risk,

because the nature of street life itself offers chronic exposure to violence--as a witness,

victim, or perpetrator--but especially to sexual victimization.

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Third, although youth shelters are no panacea for the multiple problems of street children

they deserve much greater public support than either country offers. Some nations is far

more advanced in the fundamentals of shelter care for this vulnerable and often difficult

population--although they have far to go to develop a humane and appropriate long-term

youth care system.

On the other hand, some nations offer a sharp contrast in terms of human right in the

matter of human rights. Whereas developed nations, subscribe to the basic human right to

shelter, many government does not recognize the international right to adequate housing.

The different organisations, which have lobbied for an end to homelessness, points out

that homeless people apparently, have the right in the country to be educated, as well as

to sleep in public.

However, they have no right to indoor or adequate shelter. To meet the special needs of

young people, shelters should be organized to offer flexible programming at various

stages of homelessness; and preferably in age- and gender-segregated settings, especially

for younger females.

At the very least, intervention should provide immediate relief from the unbearable

stresses that homeless and runaway adolescents experience while living on the streets.

This necessitates a policy of immediate relief for adolescents who are raped, assaulted,

suicidal, or at risk of contracting the AIDS virus. Additionally, street-level clinics,

observed in Sydney, should offer multidimensional treatment plans for coping with

adolescents with chronic posttraumatic stress disorder, drug problems, mental health

problems, and other illnesses.

Whereas homelessness for young people may be the ultimate form of powerlessness, and

a visible symbol of social abandonment, alcohol and drug involvement throws up a far

more confused set of images. Not only do alcohol and drug abuse patterns lend

themselves to competing definitions, as we show in the next chapter; but also, in the

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midst of a government-waged war on drugs, young people from all lifestyles pursue

chemical highs as normal adolescent behaviour.

Attempted solutions to the problems of street children in Sierra Leone abound in

numerous governmental, NGO, church and private programs specifically concerned with

rehabilitation and preventative programs. , In spite of goodwill and expensive programs,

the street children population continues to grow along with an increasing consensus that

rehabilitation programs have not proven to be effective.

Instead, programs are now addressing preventive strategies designed, for example, to

intervene not directly with street children but instead at the family level to enhance the

family's capacities to better cope with the social and economic factors well known to

contribute to the movement of children from homes to the street in the first place.

More rarely now do programs or private individuals give money directly to street

children for fear that such gifts will be converted into glue or other substances. Basically,

researchers, theorists, and practitioners agree that the family functions as an interactive

unit in which anything that affects one member will have a ripple effect on every other

member.

In Sierra Leone and other parts of Africa, interventions stress both rehabilitation and

prevention with a focus on community-based organizations (Cobs) empowered with

resources to provide money not directly to the child, but rather support for schooling,

training for employment, and recreational activities such as sports, art, and music. The

child is largely nowadays understood as an active agent, one who must be motivated to

participate willingly in his own rehabilitation.

Attempts, for example, to forcibly relocate street children into "homes" have not worked.

Instead, street children overall flee from such institutions, where disciplinary regimes and

required labour are emphasized.

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Nevertheless, programs that do conform to a concept of family and child reciprocal

interactions frequently are less effective than one might hope; but this is understandable,

given the limited resources and sheer numbers of available programs. There is much

overlap and duplication of effort, which is further exacerbated by distinct levels of social

organization, often with incompatible assumptions and knowledge bases about street

children and their aspirations.

International, national, and local programs of intervention and prevention are often active

without vertical linkages and sometimes without any shared cultural assumptions about

causes, solutions, and other ideas pertaining to the overall social environment within

which the street child and his family operate.

As mentioned above, we believe that a full understanding of street children intervention

programs require following the concept of levels of social organization. We also believe

that their model, specifically intended for Africa, requires the addition of a "family level"

given the importance of the family, specifically the extended family in social life

throughout the continent.

This is especially relevant for programs for children, including street children. In fact,

scholars intend their inductive model to be "grounded" in specific cultural context and

therefore subject to the sort of adjustment proposed here by us for application in Sierra

Leone and perhaps elsewhere in Africa where family values are significant.

Early attempts to assist street children in Sierra Leone were frequently motivated by good

will, charitable, and other humanitarian motives. Street children were seen almost entirely

as victims with no agency of their own, such as a capacity to figure out appropriate

strategies to maximize benefits to be gained by manipulating those seeking to help them.

In short, there was little vertical linkage between donors' motives and those of the

children perceived by them exclusively as "victims." Previously, we have documented

the consequences of giving shoes, for example, which are often converted to glue or

again begging strategies that sometimes maximize misfortune. Current thinking about

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intervention strategies generally reflect a tighter vertical fit between the child as an active

participant with a keen sense of multiple survival strategies, including frequent

manipulation of public community level benefactors.

Government of Sierra Leone through the Ministry of Social Welfare should encourage

those children who have dropped out of school to return to school. This will help in

improving the majority of the poor and deprived street children in the major provincial

towns in Sierra Leone. Since most of them are in fact quite willing to go back to school if

given the opportunity.

Some children who have never been to school should be encouraged to attend vocational

institutions, where they can acquire skills in carpentry, masonry and tailoring to better

themselves. Government should provide the infrastructure and school materials in order

to augment the efforts of teachers and parents.

An alternative to formal schooling is an integral part of all trauma-healing centres to give

opportunity to children expressing interest in non –formal education. Secondly, parents of

street children should be encouraged to undertake private business through the support of

government and non –governmental organizations. This will enable them to earn better

incomes, which will empower them to provide adequately for their children.

Also the Government through its Ministries of Trade and Social Welfare should

encourage single parents (the majority of whom are women) to get involved in income

generating activities through self –help women groups. Such activities will enhance their

individual income generating capability and will thus enable them to provide for their

children.

The Government through the Ministry of Social Welfare should enact laws to protect the

basic rights of children enshrined in the United Nations convention on the rights of the

child. Such laws should forbid parents or guardians from deliberately allowing their

children or wards to abandon school to take up begging or odd jobs.

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Non –governmental organizations concerned with the welfare of children should lay

more emphasis on programs directed towards street children. These programs should

include meaningful activities through which street children can acquire knowledge and

skills they will put to use better themselves.

The government through the Ministry of Social Welfare and non –governmental

organizations should provide valuable information and sensitization on the dangers and

problems related to prostitution. There should be provision of counselling centres, and

rehabilitation plan to encouraged girls and women in prostitution to embark on skills

training.

Government through the Ministry of Social Welfare and the judiciary should enact a law

that will prohibit any one person to engaged street children in odd jobs or child labour.

This will discouraged children from staying on the street for a longer period.

Child protection agencies should work with the Ministry of Social Welfare in providing

infrastructure like juvenile homes and prisons for offences committed by juveniles. Child

protection agencies should identify certain categories (vulnerable groups) of children and

essential services for these vulnerable groups of children. In addition, poverty alleviation

programmes should be develop to assist poor families or foster parents to have better

opportunities to improve their socio –economic wellbeing. The government should

formulate a policy and criteria for opening of homes/orphanages for children.

When a teenage runaway first occurs, it is desirable that the parent or parents report the

matter to the police and to a social agency, and seek professional help. Unless the

youngster has stolen or otherwise broken the law, in many states, the police no longer

have the power to hold the youth, but it is worthwhile to advise the police of the youth's

runaway. According to the figures, reporting the street children is the exception rather

than the rule. In approximately three out of four cans, the runaway voluntarily returns

home, often making the first contact by telephone.

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When a street child is reported to a social or professional agency for help, it is desirable

that all members of the family of a runaway be interviewed, as well as friends and

associates, teachers, and other adults who are important in the life of the child. When the

child surfaces, careful interview with the child are desirable, and will need to be done on

more than one occasion.

Some reasons for street children, such as physical or sexual abuse, are often easy to

identify; but one should be aware that an insecure child might seek to protect an abusive

parent. Sexual abuse in the home is a frequent problem, especially with girls. In cases in

which a parent has been abusive, and especially in cases in which a parent has been or is

rejecting, the possible alternatives to the return of the child to the home should be

canvassed and considered.

Of course, it is necessary to work with the parents, who are frequently angry, frustrated,

fearful, and more defensive than cooperative, especially at first. Assigning blame is to be

avoided and implying blame may result in a withdrawal of cooperation.

Failure to resolve a family conflict is likely to result in a repetition of runaway behaviour.

It may become clear that this runaway adolescent cannot make an adjustment in this

home. Then the alternatives of the home of a relative (a grandparent?), a foster home, a

group home, or an institution may have to be considered.

If the street children runaway in a repetitive manner, then sooner or later the runaway will

have some collision with the law, which will give the juvenile court jurisdiction. When

there is a basis for juvenile court intervention, the problem is somewhat simplified for the

power of the court may be needed.

Naturally, the homes of runaways are more frequently in conflict than the homes of

children who do not run away. The child is especially likely to have conflict with a new

member of the household, such as a stepparent or stepsibling, or transient members of the

household, such as boyfriends of the mother.

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Runaway children are especially frequent in households lacking strong and dependable

parent-child and child-parent bonding. Street children tend also to be lacking in

friendships and in peer bonding. They are seldom well adjusted in school. Any ties to

home or community that can be cultivated by and for the runaway improve his or her

chances of not becoming a repetitive runaway. Of course, if street children engage

repetitively in serious delinquent behaviour, the juvenile court may find it necessary to

commit such youth. Also included are events that happen outside the home, such as

school experiences, extracurricular activities, social pressures, and professional

intervention. The potentially diverse influences of environmental circumstances can work

in concert or individually to either promote or hinder resiliency.

Although the chapters contained in this volume cover different topics, each describes

important findings about why some children succeed despite the odds. In many cases,

regardless of the topic under discussion, there is collaboration about which factors help to

"insulate" children from potentially dire consequences. A review of these findings may

provide a clearer perspective of what factors promote resilience in at risk youth.

Certainly, family experiences play a paramount role in how children handle life's

adversities. Children with the good fortune to experience two-parent homes in which

there are stable relationships, solid communications, appropriate role models, consistent

expectations, and support have an ideal foundation upon which to build their lives. These

and other positive family experiences help protect children from succumbing to hardship.

Family experiences play a major role in child development. This is true in regard both to

causing stressful events and helping children cope successfully with them. The events

that happen within the family can pose difficult problems for children; however, the

character strengths learned from family members (most specifically, parents and other

primary caregivers) can help determine how children adapt to, and consequently deal

with, their difficulties. Furthermore, the support provided by family members--or lack

thereof--can profoundly affect success or failure.

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Personal characteristics include innate and acquired abilities and circumstances. Such

factors as age, gender, intelligence, personality, special needs, individual strengths and

weaknesses help determine the relative "vulnerability" of children to specific types of

crisis situations.

The interplay of these personal characteristics greatly influences how individual children

adapt to different situations. In other words, the personal characteristics of some children

make them better equipped to cope with and surmount certain events that for other

children may prove devastating.

Environmental circumstances encompass events external to the child's nuclear family and

his or her personal makeup. They include relation ships with extended family members,

friends, peers, teachers, coaches, clergy, and others. Also included are events that happen

outside the home, such as school experiences, extracurricular activities, social pressures,

and professional intervention.

Finally, the government through the Ministry of Social Welfare should make the training

of more social workers a priority in order to address the issue of the growing number of

street children in the city. The training should provide a thorough grasp of the street

children phenomenon and the skills necessary to handle the social ills inherent in the

phenomenon. The trainees should, upon completion of their courses be able to provide

counselling services to street children and their parents.

Other alternative strategies for at-risk street children

Dependence on the support of others begins at conception, but even as people become

increasingly self-sufficient, they continue to require assistance from others in one form or

another throughout life. Young people struggling to become social beings and unique

individuals at the same time are in particular need of the various forms of social support.

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When that support is missing, the resulting isolation from others increases the potential

for progression from normal youthful dissonance toward more dangerous consequences

that can include death or lifelong social and emotional disturbances and sometimes tend

to be involved in different things that may even try to make worst of their situation such

as substance abuse (Colby, 2004). In response to the increasing numbers of at-risk youth,

numerous programs have been developed to cope with problem.

Here are some basic examples of approaches. Stephen (1997) states that positive

reinforcement is one of the approaches that works well on at-risk youth. He states that

children crave attention more than anything else does, especially positive attention does.

“A baby who is cuddled, talked to, and stimulated in the first six weeks of life is much

more likely to be intelligent and well adjusted than a baby ignored and simply fed and

cleaned up in silence.

Later, the child who is rewarded with praise for accomplishments is much more likely

than others to become optimistic and achievement oriented” (Stephen, 1997). He also

states that one extinguishes unacceptable behaviour by ignoring it and eliminating the

child's ability to gain attention.

On the other hand, pats on the back, awards, and ceremonies to celebrate

accomplishments are particularly effective in fostering pro-social behaviour and giving

at-risk youth a stake in society, helping them overcome lack of hope and lack of faith in

the future. He then suggested that using positive reinforcement must become a way of life

for parents, teachers, and others.

Teaching positive reinforcement to potential parents has been successful in reducing the

at-risk population. Parent education can offer information and skills to assist the parent-

to-be with incentives to learn and use good child-rearing practices.

The National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse launched a similar program called

Healthy Families America, in 1992. The purpose of the program is to help establish home

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visitation programs, service networks, and funding opportunities so all new parents can

receive the necessary education and support regarding proper child rearing so as to

prevent the involvement of children in risky matters such as substance abuse (Stephen,

1997).

Stephen (1997) also states that mentoring is one the effective ways to prevent or stop

children or adolescents to engage in abusing substances. He cites the, leaders in Kansas

City that are on a quest to recruit, train, and assign 30,000 mentors - one for every at-risk

child in the city.

Zimmerman, et al (2002) states that, researchers have suggested that natural mentors may

play a vital role in adolescent development. Young people often attribute their safe

passage through the tumultuous years of adolescence to the influence of significant non-

parental adults such as teachers, extended family members, or neighbours. Zimmerman,

et al (2002) has found empirical support for the proposition that having a natural mentor

may play a vital role in the lives of adolescents.

It has also found out that having a natural mentor was also associated with lower levels of

problem behaviour, and youth with natural mentors had more positive attitudes toward

school across the range of friends' negative school behaviours. However, natural mentors

had somewhat larger direct effects on school attitudes than they did on problem

behaviours.

Nevertheless, having a natural mentor may play a vital role in the lives of adolescents.

“Respondents with natural mentors reported lower levels of problem behaviour, including

marijuana use and non-violent delinquency, than did those without mentors. This was

true even after we adjusted for demographic variables and known risk factors such as

problem behaviour norms and friends' problem behaviours.

Having a mentor partially offset the effect of these negative peer influences, providing

evidence of a compensatory effect” (Zimmerman, et al, 2002). In addition, they suggested

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that programs that create settings that provide opportunities for youth to interact with

non-parental adults might help adolescents foster the development of natural mentoring

relationships.

McWhirter (2004) states that, programs are now appearing in schools and community

centres to provide attitudes and skills necessary to resolve conflict among children and

adolescents non-violently. Models have been developed by the American Bar Association

and the Justice Department, as well as by educators. He further states, “One of the best

models involves training school staff - teachers, administrators, custodians, bus drivers,

and cafeteria workers - in creative non-violent conflict-resolution methods.” He

concluded that older students learn these techniques, and they in turn teach younger

students, turning peer pressure into a positive rather than negative force.

Community school programs are also effective because most youth spend their time at

school. Stephen (1997) gave some examples of successful Community school programs.

One of the programs is in Missouri, where 6,000 volunteers keep 675 schools open for

extra hours. Another examples are the Boys' and Girls' Clubs that offer mentoring in New

Jersey schools and the Safe Haven programs in New York that provide safe environments

and positive after-school tutoring and enrichment programs.

Another program that is effective in the prevention of children and adolescents in

substance abuse is the Life-skills training. Life-skills training have been defined as the

formalized teaching of requisite skills for surviving, living with others, and succeeding in

a complex society. It is reported that life-skills training was "proposed as the treatment of

choice" when applied to prevention with adolescents.

In addition, life skills, which assist in the development of an adolescent's self-efficacy

"include the ability to solve problems, to communicate honestly and directly, to gain and

maintain social support, and to control emotions and personal feelings." Life-skills

programs vary in the types and quality of services they provide.

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McWhirter (2004) stated that essential components of any life-skills curriculum are based

on the development of fundamental, generalized interpersonal skills. Successful life-skills

programs appeared to have similar core elements. Effective programs addressed

developmental needs, health promotion/problem prevention, and high-risk groups.

This program involves adventures as a self-esteem enhancer. The overall goal of

adventure-based activities and programming appears to be the enhancement of

participants' self-esteem or self-concept. Accordingly, adventure programming activities

and experiences include excitement, risk taking, cooperation and competition, trust,

communication, physical, mental, and emotional challenges, physical activity, problem-

solving and creativity, group and individual skill development, and fun. With all these

prevention programs, children and youth initiative is obviously an important factor for at-

risk recovery for street children.

Appendices

APPENDIX 1: List of Schools Interviewed/ letters of permission

The Head Teacher

SDA Primary school

Waterloo

March 15, 2006

Dear Sir/Madam,

Ref: Permission to conduct interviews in your school

I write to request permission to conduct interviews with selected school going children in

your school. I am currently a PHD student undertaking a research on Street children and

children living in normal family homes.

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This research is in partial fulfilment and completion of my PhD degree carried out at the

St Clements University.

Thank you very much for your understanding and I look forward to your approval as

soon as possible.

Yours faithfully,

Prince Cummings

PhD Student

St Clements University

The Director

Ministry of Social Welfare

New England

Freetown

March 15, 2006

Dear Sir/Madam,

Ref: Permission to conduct research on street children in Sierra Leone.

I write to request permission to conduct a research on street children in Sierra Leone in

five major towns, Makeni, Freetown, Bo, Kenema and Kono.

This research is in partial fulfilment and completion of my PhD degree carried out at the

St Clements University.

Thank you very much for your understanding and I look forward to your approval as

soon as possible.

252

Yours faithfully,

Prince Cummings

PhD Student

St Clements University

The Deputy Mayor

City Council

Freetown

March 16, 2006

Dear Sir/Madam,

Ref: Permission to conduct research on street children in Freetown

I write to request permission to conduct a research on street children in Freetown

especially those located in the main city centre in Freetown. The research will look into

the lives of street children as compared to those children living in normal family homes.

This research is in partial fulfilment and completion of my PhD degree carried out at the

St Clements University.

Thank you very much for your understanding and I look forward to your approval as

soon as possible.

253

Yours faithfully,

Prince Cummings

PhD Student

St Clements University

The District Chairman

Makeni Council

Makeni

March 16, 2006

Dear Sir/Madam,

Ref: Permission to conduct research on street children in Makeni Town

I write to request permission to conduct a research on street children in Makeni especially

those located in the main city centre in Makeni. The research will look into the lives of

street children as compared to those children living in normal family homes.

This research is in partial fulfilment and completion of my PhD degree carried out at the

St Clements University.

Thank you very much for your understanding and I look forward to your approval as

soon as possible.

254

Yours faithfully,

Prince Cummings

PhD Student

St Clements University

The District Chairman

Bo Town Council

Bo

March 16, 2006

Dear Sir/Madam,

Ref: Permission to conduct research on street children in Bo Town

I write to request permission to conduct a research on street children in Bo especially

those located in the main city centre in Bo. The research will look into the lives of street

children as compared to those children living in normal family homes.

This research is in partial fulfilment and completion of my PhD degree carried out at the

St Clements University.

Thank you very much for your understanding and I look forward to your approval as

soon as possible.

255

Yours faithfully,

Prince Cummings

PhD Student

St Clements University

The District Chairman

KenemaTown Council

Kenema.

March 16, 2006

Dear Sir/Madam,

Ref: Permission to conduct research on street children in Kenema Town

I write to request permission to conduct a research on street children in Kenema

especially those located in the main city centre in Kenema. The research will look into

the lives of street children as compared to those children living in normal family homes.

This research is in partial fulfilment and completion of my PhD degree carried out at the

St Clements University.

Thank you very much for your understanding and I look forward to your approval as

soon as possible.

256

Yours faithfully,

Prince Cummings

PhD Student

St Clements University

The District Chairman

Kono Town Council

Kono.

March 16, 2006

Dear Sir/Madam,

Ref: Permission to conduct research on street children in Kono Town

I write to request permission to conduct a research on street children in Kenema

especially those located in the main city centre in Kono. The research will look into the

lives of street children as compared to those children living in normal family homes.

This research is in partial fulfilment and completion of my PhD degree carried out at the

St Clements University.

Thank you very much for your understanding and I look forward to your approval as

soon as possible.

257

Yours faithfully,

Prince Cummings

PhD Student

St Clements University

Approval in Respect of Request to Conduct Research on Street Children in Four Districts of Sierra Leone

This letter serves to indicate that approval is hereby granted to the above-mentioned researcher to proceed with research in respect of the study indicated above. The onus rests with the researcher to negotiate appropriate and relevant time schedules with the town involved to conduct the research. A separate copy of this letter must be presented to both the District Chairman confirming that permission has been granted for the research to be conducted. Permission has been granted to proceed with the above study subject to the conditions listed below being met, and may be withdrawn should any of these conditions be flouted: 1. The District Chairman concerned must be presented with a copy of this letter that

would indicate that the said researcher/s has/have been granted permission from the Department of Education to conduct the research study.

2. The District must be approached separately, and in writing, for permission to involve

District/Head Office Officials in the project. 3. A copy of this letter must be forwarded to the town chairman that would indicate that

the researcher/s have been granted permission to conduct the research study. 4. On completion of the study the researcher must supply the Senior Manager: Strategic

Policy Development, Management & Research Coordination with one Hard Cover bound and one Ring bound copy of the final, approved research report. The researcher would also provide the said manager with an electronic copy of the research abstract/summary and/or annotation.

258

5. The researcher may be expected to provide short presentations on the purpose, findings and recommendations of the research to the Town Chairman and the schools concerned.

6. Should the researcher have been involved with research at a school and/or a district/head office level, the Senior Manager concerned must also be supplied with a brief summary of the purpose, findings and recommendations of the research study. The chair of this town wishes you well in this important undertaking and looks forward to

examining the findings of your research study.

Kind Regards

District Chairman

Appendix II: Research Questionnaire

Children in Normal Homes

1. What is your name? (Optional)

………………………………………………………

2. How old are you?

01. 1-5yrs 02. 5-10yrs 03. 10-15yrs

3. Sex: 01Male 02 Female

4. What is your religion?

01 Christian 02 Muslim

5. What tribe do you belong to?

01. Mende 02. Temne. 03. Krio. 04.Limba 05. Kono 06. Others (Specify)

6. Are you attending school?

01. Yes 02. No

a) If yes, what class are you in?

01. class 1-2 02. 3-4 03. 4-5 04. 5 and above

7.a. Do you have friends at school?

01. Yes 02. No

259

7.b. What are some of the activities you do with your friends?

01. Studying 02. Playing 03. Going to street 04. Others (Specify)

8.a Do you live with both of your parents?

01. Yes 02. No

8.b. If the answer is yes, are both parents employed?

01. Yes 02. No

9. How many times do you eat every day?

01. One meal 02. Two meals 03. Three meals

10. What kind of house do your parents lived in?

01. Permanent 02. Semi Permanent 03. Temporary

11. What material is use in building your house you lived in?

01. Bricks 02. Mud blocks 03. Timber 03. Zinc

12. What kind of activities do you do after school?

01. Studying 02. Playing 03. Do domestic work 04. Attend lesson 05.

Others (Specify)

13. Do you usually go out with your friends?

01. Yes 02. No

14. What is the estimated monthly income of your parents/ guardians?

01. Le 50,000 – 100,000

02. Le 100,000 – 250,000

03. Le 250,000 – 350,000

04. Le 350,000- 450,000

05. Le 450,000 - Above

15. How old are your parents / Guardians?

01. 15yrs – 20yrs

02. 21yrs - 25yrs

03. 26yrs – 30yrs

04. 31yrs – 35yrs

05. 36yrs – above

260

16. Where were you born?

01. Western Area 02. Northern region 03. Eastern region 04. Southern

region

17. Are you taking any of the following drugs?

01 Brown – Brown

02 Cocaine

03 Capsule

04 Marijuana

05 Gun powder

06 None

07. Others – (Specify)

18. Have you ever been arrested for any crime?

01. Yes 02. No

Questionnaire for Street Children-Interview Schedule

1. What is your name?

2. How old are you?

A) 5 –10yrs B) 10 – 15yrs C) 15 –20

3. Sex: Male / Female

4. What religion do you belong to?

a) Christian b) Muslim c) Any other

5. What tribe do you belong to?

261

6a. Have you ever been to school?

a) Yes b) no

6 b. If yes, what was your last class?

7. When did you stop attending school?

a) 1-5 month ago b) 6 – 12 month c) 1 – 2yrs d) 3- 5 yrs.

8. Why did you stop attending school?

9. Would you like to go back to school?

i. Yes b) No

10. Do you have friends?

a) Yes b) No

B. If yes, what are your friends doing?

11. How often do you see your friends?

a) Everyday

b) Often

c) Seldom

d) Long time ago

12. Where are your friends living?

262

13. Where are your parents?

14. Are your mother and father staying together?

a) Yes b) No

B. If No, which of the parents are you staying with?

15. What is the occupation of your parent /guardian

16. What kind of house does your parent/guardian live in?

a. Permanent

b. Semi permanent

c. Temporary

17. Where do you live?

18. How do you eat?

19. How many meals do have while in the street?

20. What kind of activities do you do while in the street?

21. How long have you been in the street?

22. Where do you sleep at night?

a) House b) Street c) friends d) others

263

23. If you were to be removed from the street, what would you like to do?

References

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Kansas.

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Their Condition,” in Cross –Cultural Research, San Jose State University, Sage

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Aro, H & Palosaari, U (1992) “Parental Divorce, Adolescence and Transition to

Young Adulthood: A Follow-up Study from Age 16 to 22,” American Journal of

Orthopsychiatry 62, 421-429.

264

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Beaudoin, M-N (2001) “Promoting Respect and Tolerance in Schools,” Journal of

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Piaget, J (1970). Structuralism New York, Harper & Row.

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Townsend, P (1979) Poverty in the United Kingdom London, Allen Lane

267

VanderStaay, SL (1992) Street lives: An Oral History of Homeless Americans

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Vygotsky, LS (1978). Mind in Society: The Development of Higher Psychological

Processes Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press.

Wallerstein, JS & Lewis, J (1998) “The long-term impact of divorce on children: A

first report from a 25-year study,” Family and Conciliation Courts Review 36, 368–

383.

Zigurs, I & Kozar, K (1994) “An Exploratory Study of Roles in Computer-Supported

Groups,” MIS Quarterly, 18(3), 277-297.

Zimmerman, M, Posternack, MA. & Chelminski, I (2002). “Symptom Severity and

Exclusion from Antidepressant Efficacy Trials,” Journal of Clinical

Psychopharmacology 22(6), 610 - 614

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Allen, KE, Benning, PM & Drummond, WT (1972) “Integration of Normal and

Handicapped Children in a Behaviour Modification Preschool: A Case Study”, in G

Semb (Ed.), Behavior analysis and education (pp. 127-141) Lawrence, University of

Kansas.

Aptekar, L (1994) “Street Children in the Less Developing Countries: A Review of

Their Condition,” in Cross –Cultural Research, San Jose State University, Sage

publications, 28(3).

Bamurange V (1998) “Relationships for Survival--young Mothers and Street

Youths,” in M Rwebangira & R Liljestrom (Eds.), Haraka Look Before You Leap:

268

Youth at the Crossroad of Custom and Modernity (pp. 221-247) Stockholm, Nordiska

Afrikainstitutet.

Bandura, A (1977). “Social Learning Theory,” in BB Wolman & LR Pomroy (Eds.),

International Encyclopedia of Psychiatry, Psychology, Psychoanalysis, and

Neurology (Vol. 10) New York, Van Nostrand Reinhold.

Bandura, A (1989) “Perceived Self-efficacy in the Exercise of Control Over AIDS

Infection,” in VM. Mays, GW Albee, & SF Schneider (Eds.), The Primary Prevention

of AIDS: Psychological Approaches (pp. 128-141), Newbury Park, CA, Sage

Bornstein, MH & Lamb, ME. (Eds.), (1999) Developmental Psychology: An

Advanced Textbook (4th ed.), Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum.

Bronfenbrenner, U (1979) The Ecology of Human Development. Cambridge, MA,

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Bruner, J (1960). The Process of Education. Cambridge, Harvard University Press

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McWhirter, JJ (2004) At Risk Youth: A Comprehensive Response for Counselors,

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Brook/Cole.

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Christle, CA., Jolivette, J, Liaupsin, CJ, Nelson, MC, Rinev, M, and Scott, TM (2002)

“Addressing the Needs of At-risk and Adjudicated Youth through Positive Behaviour

Support: Effective Prevention Practices.” Education & Treatment of Children 25(4)

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423431.

Stephen, G (1997). “Youth At-risk: Saving the World's Most Precious Resource,”

The Futurist 31(2)

Wallerstein, JS & Lewis, J (1998) “The long-term impact of divorce on children: A

first report from a 25-year study,” Family and Conciliation Courts Review 36, 368–

383.

275

Zigurs, I & Kozar, K (1994) “An Exploratory Study of Roles in Computer-Supported

Groups,” MIS Quarterly, 18(3), 277-297.

Zimmerman, M, Posternack, MA. & Chelminski, I (2002). “Symptom Severity and

Exclusion from Antidepressant Efficacy Trials,” Journal of Clinical

Psychopharmacology 22(6), 610 – 614