Don't Call Me Hawaiian-at-heart: Self-determination and Identity Theft
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Naleen N. Andrade University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Claire Asam Queen Lili‘uokalani Children’s Center
Maenette K. P. Benham Michigan State University
Kekuni Blaisdell University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Robin Puanani Danner Council for Native Hawaiian Advancement
Manu Kaÿiama University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
J. Kehaulani Kauanui Wesleyan University
Alice J. Kawakami University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Morris Lai University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Teresa Makuakäne-Drechsel Kamehameha Schools
Marjorie Mau University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Davianna McGregor University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Manulani Aluli-Meyer University of Hawaiÿi–Hilo
Rona Rodenhurst Waimea Valley Audubon Center
Matthew Snipp Stanford University
Roland G. Tharp University of California–Santa Cruz
Jo Ann U. Tsark Papa Ola Lökahi
Linda Tuhiwai Smith University of Auckland
Ben Young University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Kanalu G. Terry Young University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Manuscript Guidelines
Hülili welcomes manuscripts from both established and emerging scholars involved in research on Hawaiian well-being from diverse fields such as economics, education, family resources, government, health, history, psychology, sociology, natural resource management, and religion. We welcome manuscripts with an empirical focus as well as contributions at the cutting edge of theoretical debates and practice in these fields.
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editor Shawn Malia Kanaÿiaupuni
associate editor / managing editor Matthew Corry
Hülili is a multidisciplinary forum for current research that examines the nature, needs, and strengths of Hawaiians, their families, and their communities. Through collaboration and critique, Hülili fosters new connections and shared insights to mobilize greater Hawaiian well-being.
Hülili is published annually by Kamehameha Schools, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi, USA. The opinions expressed in the articles reflect those of the authors and do not represent the staff, management, or trustees of Kamehameha Schools.
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cover: Ho‘okupu © 2006 by Harinani Orme
Editorial Board
HüliliMultidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being
2006 volume 3 | number 1
Kamehameha Schools Research and Evaluation Division
From the Editor v
Invited Essays
TheHourofRemembering 9Elizabeth Kapuÿuwailani Lindsey
OnBeingHawaiian 19Jonathan Osorio
GroundingHawaiianLearners—andTeachers—inTheirIndigenousIdentity 27Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi
Research Perspectives
KaupapaMäoriResearchandPäkehäSocialScience:EpistemologicalTensionsinaStudyofMäoriHealth 41Fiona Cram, Tim McCreanor, Linda Tuhiwai Smith,
Ray Nairn, and Wayne Johnstone
CivilRightsandWrongs:UnderstandingDoe v. Kamehameha Schools 69Trisha Kehaulani Watson
contents
COVER ART:“Hoÿokupu”(Offering)byHarinaniOrme,MFA16"x16",acryliconwatercolorpaper
Hoÿokupu.Tocausegrowth,sprouting;tosprout.Hoÿokupu.Tribute,tax,ceremonialgift-givingtoachiefasasignofhonorandrespect;topaysuchtribute.(Pukui,M.K.,&Elbert,S.H.[1986].Hawaiian dictionary.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.)
HoÿokupuisatraditionalprotocolamongKänaka Maoli ÿo Hawaiÿi(indigenouspeopleofHawaiÿi)thatisdictatedbyhöÿihi(respect)forthehost,land,ancestors,orgods.Itestablishesaconnectionbetweenthegiverandthereceiverthatisculturallyappropriate.
BorninHonolulu,Hawaiÿi,HarinaniOrmeearnedaBFAinprintmakingattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa and an MFA in printmaking at the Pratt Institute in New York. Harinani’s background as aprintmakerisevidentinherdrawingsandpaintings,illustratingtherelationshipbetweenKänakaMaoliand nature. “I am proud to be Hawaiian. In creating each piece, I move toward reconnecting to myancestorsandtomyculture.”
SECTION ART: “Hoÿokipa” (Lei Greeter), “Pahu Hula” (Wooden Hula Drum), “Mahua mea Mahoe”(Mother and Twins), “Kupuna and Moÿopuna” (Teacher and Apprentice), “Kaha Nalu” (Body Surfer),and “Ke A‘o ‘Ukulele a Kua‘ana iä Kaina” (Older Brother Teaching ‘Ukulele to Younger Brother) byHarinaniOrme,MFA.
DESIGN:StaceyLeongDesign
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being
© 2006 by Kamehameha Schools. All rights reserved. Printed in Saline, Michigan.ISSN: 1547-4526ISBN: 1-932660-08-9
From the Editor v
Invited Essays
TheHourofRemembering 9Elizabeth Kapuÿuwailani Lindsey
OnBeingHawaiian 19Jonathan Osorio
GroundingHawaiianLearners—andTeachers—inTheirIndigenousIdentity 27Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi
Research Perspectives
KaupapaMäoriResearchandPäkehäSocialScience:EpistemologicalTensionsinaStudyofMäoriHealth 41Fiona Cram, Tim McCreanor, Linda Tuhiwai Smith,
Ray Nairn, and Wayne Johnstone
CivilRightsandWrongs:UnderstandingDoe v. Kamehameha Schools 69Trisha Kehaulani Watson
contents
COVER ART:“Hoÿokupu”(Offering)byHarinaniOrme,MFA16"x16",acryliconwatercolorpaper
Hoÿokupu.Tocausegrowth,sprouting;tosprout.Hoÿokupu.Tribute,tax,ceremonialgift-givingtoachiefasasignofhonorandrespect;topaysuchtribute.(Pukui,M.K.,&Elbert,S.H.[1986].Hawaiian dictionary.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.)
HoÿokupuisatraditionalprotocolamongKänaka Maoli ÿo Hawaiÿi(indigenouspeopleofHawaiÿi)thatisdictatedbyhöÿihi(respect)forthehost,land,ancestors,orgods.Itestablishesaconnectionbetweenthegiverandthereceiverthatisculturallyappropriate.
BorninHonolulu,Hawaiÿi,HarinaniOrmeearnedaBFAinprintmakingattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa and an MFA in printmaking at the Pratt Institute in New York. Harinani’s background as aprintmakerisevidentinherdrawingsandpaintings,illustratingtherelationshipbetweenKänakaMaoliand nature. “I am proud to be Hawaiian. In creating each piece, I move toward reconnecting to myancestorsandtomyculture.”
SECTION ART: “Hoÿokipa” (Lei Greeter), “Pahu Hula” (Wooden Hula Drum), “Mahua mea Mahoe”(Mother and Twins), “Kupuna and Moÿopuna” (Teacher and Apprentice), “Kaha Nalu” (Body Surfer),and “Ke A‘o ‘Ukulele a Kua‘ana iä Kaina” (Older Brother Teaching ‘Ukulele to Younger Brother) byHarinaniOrme,MFA.
DESIGN:StaceyLeongDesign
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being
© 2006 by Kamehameha Schools. All rights reserved. Printed in Saline, Michigan.ISSN: 1547-4526ISBN: 1-932660-08-9
v
Welinamekealoha,
AHawaiianproverbsays,“Höa‘eka‘ikehe‘enaluikahokuaoka‘ale,”or“showyourknowledge of surfing on the back of the wave.” This saying suggests that talkingaboutone’sknowledgeandskillisnotenough;letitbeproven(‘Ölelo No‘eau,1013).
Asresearchers,weliketheprocessofdiscovery.Wethriveonevidence.Wedesignsurveysandstudiestofindevidencethatconfirmsourhunches.Wewanttotestwhetheracertaintheoryisvalidandmeaningful.Wewanttoidentifyrelationships,show causality where possible, and grow and learn together from the growingevidencebaseofknowledgeaboutourpeople.
The 13 articles in Hülili Vol. 3 provide mounting evidence that Hawaiianperspectives matter, that Hawaiian language and knowledge systems areflourishing, and that Hawaiian identity and culture are central to Hawaiianwell-being.FromHawaiianimmersionclassroomsinKeaÿautocreativewritingworkshopsinOregon,fromtheshorelinesofLä‘ietothedoctor’sofficeinAotearoa,andfromthecourtroomsofWashington,DCtothepu‘uhonua(placeofrefuge)in traditional Hawai‘i, these articles add to the evidence base that documentsHawaiianprogressandwell-being.Thesearticlesalsoreinforcethevalueofourownvoices,ourownstories,andourownkindsofevidence.
Theveryexistenceofthispublication—nowinitsthirdvolume—givesotherkindsofevidence.ThereisevidencethatHüliliisfillinganimportantgapbyprovidingaforumforcriticaldiscussionaboutissuesfacingKänaka Maoli(NativeHawaiians).There is evidence that Hawaiian scholars, educators, and service providers areamplifying the Hawaiian voice through quantitative and qualitative research.ThereisevidencethatpeerreviewersandotherprofessionalsplaceahighvalueonHüliliandarewillingtovolunteertheirtimetoensurethequalityofthejournal.AndthereisevidencethatHüliliisspreadingininfluenceasarticlesfrompreviousvolumesarebeingcitedinotheracademicpublications.
Noneofthiswouldbepossiblewithoutthepersistence,intelligence,andmana‘o(ideas)ofthecontributingauthors,towhomweextendawarmmahalo.Wealsoencouragereaderstosubmitworkforfuturevolumesandtostrengthenthebaseofevidencethataffirmswhoweareandwherewewanttobeasaself-determiningpeople.
‘Owaumekaha‘aha‘a,
ShawnMaliaKana‘iaupuniEditor
from the editorFamily and Society
TheRolesofFamilyObligationandParentingPracticesinExplainingtheWell-BeingofNativeHawaiianAdolescentsLivinginPoverty 103Barbara D. DeBaryshe, Sylvia Yuen,
Lana N. Nakamura, and Ivette Rodriguez Stern
TheApplicationofTerrorManagementTheorytoNativeHawaiianWell-Being 127A. Kuÿulei Serna
Education
“FortheInterestoftheHawaiiansThemselves”:ReclaimingtheBenefitsofHawaiian-MediumEducation 153William H. Wilson and Kauanoe Kamanä
Makawalu:Standards,Curriculum,andAssessmentforLiteraturethroughanIndigenousPerspective 183Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi and Walter Kahumoku III
MälamanäLeoaKuÿuanäÿÖlelo:Hänai-ingaNativeHawaiianCreativeWritingCurriculum 207Brandy Nälani McDougall
Health and Environment
KaLoinaKäne:ChangesinStation,ChangesinHealth 237Bud Pomaikaÿipuÿuwaihämama Cook and Lucia Tarallo-Jensen
Hana Hou
ChangingtheCultureofResearch:AnIntroductiontotheTriangulationofMeaning 263Manulani Aluli-Meyer
ThisLandIsMyLand:TheRoleofPlaceinNativeHawaiianIdentity 281Shawn Malia Kanaÿiaupuni and Nolan Malone
v
Welinamekealoha,
AHawaiianproverbsays,“Höa‘eka‘ikehe‘enaluikahokuaoka‘ale,”or“showyourknowledge of surfing on the back of the wave.” This saying suggests that talkingaboutone’sknowledgeandskillisnotenough;letitbeproven(‘Ölelo No‘eau,1013).
Asresearchers,weliketheprocessofdiscovery.Wethriveonevidence.Wedesignsurveysandstudiestofindevidencethatconfirmsourhunches.Wewanttotestwhetheracertaintheoryisvalidandmeaningful.Wewanttoidentifyrelationships,show causality where possible, and grow and learn together from the growingevidencebaseofknowledgeaboutourpeople.
The 13 articles in Hülili Vol. 3 provide mounting evidence that Hawaiianperspectives matter, that Hawaiian language and knowledge systems areflourishing, and that Hawaiian identity and culture are central to Hawaiianwell-being.FromHawaiianimmersionclassroomsinKeaÿautocreativewritingworkshopsinOregon,fromtheshorelinesofLä‘ietothedoctor’sofficeinAotearoa,andfromthecourtroomsofWashington,DCtothepu‘uhonua(placeofrefuge)in traditional Hawai‘i, these articles add to the evidence base that documentsHawaiianprogressandwell-being.Thesearticlesalsoreinforcethevalueofourownvoices,ourownstories,andourownkindsofevidence.
Theveryexistenceofthispublication—nowinitsthirdvolume—givesotherkindsofevidence.ThereisevidencethatHüliliisfillinganimportantgapbyprovidingaforumforcriticaldiscussionaboutissuesfacingKänaka Maoli(NativeHawaiians).There is evidence that Hawaiian scholars, educators, and service providers areamplifying the Hawaiian voice through quantitative and qualitative research.ThereisevidencethatpeerreviewersandotherprofessionalsplaceahighvalueonHüliliandarewillingtovolunteertheirtimetoensurethequalityofthejournal.AndthereisevidencethatHüliliisspreadingininfluenceasarticlesfrompreviousvolumesarebeingcitedinotheracademicpublications.
Noneofthiswouldbepossiblewithoutthepersistence,intelligence,andmana‘o(ideas)ofthecontributingauthors,towhomweextendawarmmahalo.Wealsoencouragereaderstosubmitworkforfuturevolumesandtostrengthenthebaseofevidencethataffirmswhoweareandwherewewanttobeasaself-determiningpeople.
‘Owaumekaha‘aha‘a,
ShawnMaliaKana‘iaupuniEditor
from the editorFamily and Society
TheRolesofFamilyObligationandParentingPracticesinExplainingtheWell-BeingofNativeHawaiianAdolescentsLivinginPoverty 103Barbara D. DeBaryshe, Sylvia Yuen,
Lana N. Nakamura, and Ivette Rodriguez Stern
TheApplicationofTerrorManagementTheorytoNativeHawaiianWell-Being 127A. Kuÿulei Serna
Education
“FortheInterestoftheHawaiiansThemselves”:ReclaimingtheBenefitsofHawaiian-MediumEducation 153William H. Wilson and Kauanoe Kamanä
Makawalu:Standards,Curriculum,andAssessmentforLiteraturethroughanIndigenousPerspective 183Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi and Walter Kahumoku III
MälamanäLeoaKuÿuanäÿÖlelo:Hänai-ingaNativeHawaiianCreativeWritingCurriculum 207Brandy Nälani McDougall
Health and Environment
KaLoinaKäne:ChangesinStation,ChangesinHealth 237Bud Pomaikaÿipuÿuwaihämama Cook and Lucia Tarallo-Jensen
Hana Hou
ChangingtheCultureofResearch:AnIntroductiontotheTriangulationofMeaning 263Manulani Aluli-Meyer
ThisLandIsMyLand:TheRoleofPlaceinNativeHawaiianIdentity 281Shawn Malia Kanaÿiaupuni and Nolan Malone
�
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
The Hour of Remembering
Elizabeth Kapu‘uwailani Lindsey
correspondence may be sent to: Elizabeth Kapuÿuwailani Lindsey Email: [email protected]
This is the hour of our remembering, of our putting those parts of
ourselves that have been dismembered and disenfranchised back
together again. It is only from this place of wholeness, our holiness,
that we can dream once more. And when we dream, let it be of a
Hawaiÿi where our people are healthy and vibrant, where we no
longer kill ourselves with despair and abuse. Let us dream a Hawaiÿi,
as Dr. Manu Meyer says, “where our children are inspired to make
knowledge joyful.” And let us dream a Hawaiÿi where our land and her
resources are loved and properly cared for.
10
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
11
LiNdSEy | THE HOUR OF REMEMBERING
Twenty-fiveyearsago,myfather,HenryLindsey,sharedaprophecywithmebeforehepassedaway.I’msuremanyofyouarefamiliarwiththis—thatatthe
turnofthenewdawn,whichhasbeeninterpretedasthe21stcentury,awisdomwillrisefromthisland,bornofhumilityandpono(goodness,righteousness),callingour people to hoÿi, to return, to their source. As we return, we will rememberthatwearebeneficiariesofapowerful,ancestral,andspirituallegacy.Andasweremember,wewillmeetadversitywithspirituality,andwewillriseagain.It’saprophecythatIcontinuetothinkabout.AndwhenIseeKekuniBlaisdellhere,*whowasaclosefriendofmyfather,I’mremindedofthewisdomthatwehavewithusandthewisdomthatwehavewithinus.
My father was an educator, inventor, and passionate gene-alogist.Hewasamanofuncommonhumility.WhenIwasgrowingup,hewouldoftensay,“Elizabeth,theveilissothin.Ifyoucouldseewithspiritualeyes,thenyouwouldknowthatyourancestorsareherewithyou.They’realwaysherewithyou.They’reheretoguideyou,tohelpyou,butyouhavetoaskbecausetheywon’timposethemselvesonyou.”
This evening, if we could see with spiritual eyes, then wewouldknowthatthisroomisfilledwithgreatness.Andwewouldbehumbledbythosewhosebloodpulsesthroughour
veins,thosewhohavepavedtheway,bringingustothismomentinourcollectivehistory,andwhoarealwaysthere,ifwebutseektheirguidance.AndsoasIstandbeforeyouandaloha(greet)youandacknowledgeyou,Ialsoalohaandacknowl-edge those familymemberswhoare in this roomwithyou,because it ismostimportanttoknowthatwearenotalone.Wedonothavetowalkthisjourneybyourselves.Wealwayshaveguidance,wehaveprotection,wehavealotofwisdomthatisworkingwithus,anditwouldbearrogantforustothinkwearedoingitourselves—theheightofarrogance,infact.
The veil is so thin. if you could see with spiritual
eyes, then you would know that
your ancestors are here with you.
* This article is based on a speech delivered at the 2005 Research Conference on Hawaiian Well-Being in Honolulu, Hawaiÿi.
AndsoIdirectmyremarkstoourremembering.Ourrememberingwhowereallyarewhenweoftenforgetinthiscontemporary,modern,sometimesnoisyworld.Westop remembering.We forgetwhatwe camehere tobe,whowe really are.Anditistimetotakeabreakandstarttorecallthatagain.ThroughKamehamehaSchools,wehavebecomema‘a(accustomed)totheideaofbeingbeneficiariestoasubstantialestate.Andyet,thetruthisthatwhileKamehameha’strustissubstan-tial,itdoesnotcomparetoourancestralandspirituallegacy.
Ineachofusisageneticcode—acellularmemory—ofinexplicableintelligence.Scientistsandquantumphysicistsareonlynowscratchingthesurfaceonwhatour küpuna (ancestors, elders) always knew. Our küpuna were spiritual giantswho lived with this knowledge, an innate intelligence thattheywerecocreatorswithadivinesource.Sokeenwastheirknowledgeofwhatisnowreferredtoasquantummechanicsthattheyhadtheabilitytocallforththewindsandtherainbyname.Theycouldhealthesickandcommandtheplantstoflourish.Theylivedtheprinciplesofhoÿoulu(togrow,tocausetoincrease).Asaresult,wehaveinheritedacultural,ancestral,andspiritualendowmentthatiswealthierandfarmorepowerfulthananythingthismodernworldcanoffer.
WhenIwasgrowingup,beingthatbothofmyparentswereeducators, I was raised by these old Hawaiian women inLäÿie.Andmyearliestmemoriesareofbeingtakentotheoceanwheretheywouldholdusandtheywouldspeak,alwaysinaveryhumblevoice.Theydidnothavetoshowofftoanybody.Theywenttotheoceanandtheycalledthefish,andtheywouldpray.Andwhentheywenttoplant,theyplantedaccordingtolunarcycles,andtheyblessedeverything.Theyblessedtheland,aswellastheirimplementsandtheplantsthattheywereputtingintotheground.Theyblessedallofit,andtheyunderstoodtheirresponsibilityandtheircocreatorshipwithasourcethatwassodivine.Andthatwasnotsolongago.
Andherewearenowinthe21stcentury,andwedon’trememberthenamesofthewindsandtherain.Wehaveforgottenhowtogototheoceanandspeakandcallthefishtousandtakeonlywhatweneed.Wehaveforgottenthosethings,sotheessenceofmyremarksisonourrememberingagain.Ourküpunaunderstood
Our küpuna were spiritual giants… they were cocreators with a divine source.
10
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
11
LiNdSEy | THE HOUR OF REMEMBERING
Twenty-fiveyearsago,myfather,HenryLindsey,sharedaprophecywithmebeforehepassedaway.I’msuremanyofyouarefamiliarwiththis—thatatthe
turnofthenewdawn,whichhasbeeninterpretedasthe21stcentury,awisdomwillrisefromthisland,bornofhumilityandpono(goodness,righteousness),callingour people to hoÿi, to return, to their source. As we return, we will rememberthatwearebeneficiariesofapowerful,ancestral,andspirituallegacy.Andasweremember,wewillmeetadversitywithspirituality,andwewillriseagain.It’saprophecythatIcontinuetothinkabout.AndwhenIseeKekuniBlaisdellhere,*whowasaclosefriendofmyfather,I’mremindedofthewisdomthatwehavewithusandthewisdomthatwehavewithinus.
My father was an educator, inventor, and passionate gene-alogist.Hewasamanofuncommonhumility.WhenIwasgrowingup,hewouldoftensay,“Elizabeth,theveilissothin.Ifyoucouldseewithspiritualeyes,thenyouwouldknowthatyourancestorsareherewithyou.They’realwaysherewithyou.They’reheretoguideyou,tohelpyou,butyouhavetoaskbecausetheywon’timposethemselvesonyou.”
This evening, if we could see with spiritual eyes, then wewouldknowthatthisroomisfilledwithgreatness.Andwewouldbehumbledbythosewhosebloodpulsesthroughour
veins,thosewhohavepavedtheway,bringingustothismomentinourcollectivehistory,andwhoarealwaysthere,ifwebutseektheirguidance.AndsoasIstandbeforeyouandaloha(greet)youandacknowledgeyou,Ialsoalohaandacknowl-edge those familymemberswhoare in this roomwithyou,because it ismostimportanttoknowthatwearenotalone.Wedonothavetowalkthisjourneybyourselves.Wealwayshaveguidance,wehaveprotection,wehavealotofwisdomthatisworkingwithus,anditwouldbearrogantforustothinkwearedoingitourselves—theheightofarrogance,infact.
The veil is so thin. if you could see with spiritual
eyes, then you would know that
your ancestors are here with you.
* This article is based on a speech delivered at the 2005 Research Conference on Hawaiian Well-Being in Honolulu, Hawaiÿi.
AndsoIdirectmyremarkstoourremembering.Ourrememberingwhowereallyarewhenweoftenforgetinthiscontemporary,modern,sometimesnoisyworld.Westop remembering.We forgetwhatwe camehere tobe,whowe really are.Anditistimetotakeabreakandstarttorecallthatagain.ThroughKamehamehaSchools,wehavebecomema‘a(accustomed)totheideaofbeingbeneficiariestoasubstantialestate.Andyet,thetruthisthatwhileKamehameha’strustissubstan-tial,itdoesnotcomparetoourancestralandspirituallegacy.
Ineachofusisageneticcode—acellularmemory—ofinexplicableintelligence.Scientistsandquantumphysicistsareonlynowscratchingthesurfaceonwhatour küpuna (ancestors, elders) always knew. Our küpuna were spiritual giantswho lived with this knowledge, an innate intelligence thattheywerecocreatorswithadivinesource.Sokeenwastheirknowledgeofwhatisnowreferredtoasquantummechanicsthattheyhadtheabilitytocallforththewindsandtherainbyname.Theycouldhealthesickandcommandtheplantstoflourish.Theylivedtheprinciplesofhoÿoulu(togrow,tocausetoincrease).Asaresult,wehaveinheritedacultural,ancestral,andspiritualendowmentthatiswealthierandfarmorepowerfulthananythingthismodernworldcanoffer.
WhenIwasgrowingup,beingthatbothofmyparentswereeducators, I was raised by these old Hawaiian women inLäÿie.Andmyearliestmemoriesareofbeingtakentotheoceanwheretheywouldholdusandtheywouldspeak,alwaysinaveryhumblevoice.Theydidnothavetoshowofftoanybody.Theywenttotheoceanandtheycalledthefish,andtheywouldpray.Andwhentheywenttoplant,theyplantedaccordingtolunarcycles,andtheyblessedeverything.Theyblessedtheland,aswellastheirimplementsandtheplantsthattheywereputtingintotheground.Theyblessedallofit,andtheyunderstoodtheirresponsibilityandtheircocreatorshipwithasourcethatwassodivine.Andthatwasnotsolongago.
Andherewearenowinthe21stcentury,andwedon’trememberthenamesofthewindsandtherain.Wehaveforgottenhowtogototheoceanandspeakandcallthefishtousandtakeonlywhatweneed.Wehaveforgottenthosethings,sotheessenceofmyremarksisonourrememberingagain.Ourküpunaunderstood
Our küpuna were spiritual giants… they were cocreators with a divine source.
12
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
13
LiNdSEy | THE HOUR OF REMEMBERING
thetruedefinitionofmana—thatwhichmanifeststhepowerofthedivine.Andourancestorswerethekeepersofthiswisdom,thekeepersofthislight,andnowthis is our kuleana. It is our responsibility to remember again so that we havesomethingtopassontofuturegenerations.
Itismymana‘o(thoughts,opinion)thatthegreatestlossourpeoplesustainedhadless todowith landorashift inpoliticalandeconomicstrength, thoughthoseweresignificantissues.Thegreatertragedyhasbeenthepsychological,emotional,andspiritualtraumawehaveendured.JonOsoriowroteaterrificbookbrilliantlytitledDismembering Lähui (Honolulu,2002).Todismembermeanstotear,pull,orcutapartlimbs.Asdisturbingasitsounds,thisiswhathappenedwhenHawaiiansassimilatedintoaculturethatwasforeigntous.
Webecamedisenfranchisedonamultitudeof levels, themost tragicbeingourspiritualdismemberment.ForthoseofyouwhohavenotyetreadOsorio’sbook,Isuggestyoudo.Init,hepoignantlyrecountsaculturalunraveling.Andso,thiscalling forus to return toour source, to rememberwhoweare andwherewe
comefrom,andwhatourinheritanceis—ourtruespiritualand cultural inheritance—is so important because it callsforth the parts of ourselves that have been dismemberedanddisenfranchised,sothatwebecomewholeagain.Andinthatwholeness,webegintohealoncemore.
Whenwetalkabouthealingandwholeness,andwelookatitthroughnativeeyes,itisverydifferentfromaWesternpointofview.Itisaboutbringingallofustogetherinsuchawaythatwearenolongerfragmented.Evenineducation—andIamgratefulforDavidSing’swisdominguidingmyownstudies—workingonmydissertationwasdifficult, there’ssomuchthat’sEurocentric.Weusemeasurementsthatarenottruetous.Theyseparatethings,theycompartmentalize
things.“Youdothis,andthathasnorelationshiptothis.”Wheninfact,anativemindwilltellyouitisallinterconnected.Theonlywayyoucanseeawholepictureistolookatitholisticallyandnotseparateitout.
A native mind will tell you it is
all interconnected. The only way you
can see a whole picture is to look at
it holistically and not separate it out.
WhenIwasworkingonmyPhD,therewasawomaninCaliforniawhocoinedthe term “indigenous science.” Her argument was that our measurements areas importantandasaccurateasmeasurements thatonewouldcallEurocentric,exceptthatwedonotgiveourindigenousmeasurementsvalue.Wesortofdismissthem,andwethinkthereareotherwaysoflearningandotherwaysthataremoreimportant, or more valuable than our own. And we dismiss ourselves in theprocess.
Regardingourwholenessandcomingtogethertobehealed,oneofmy favoritequotations is, “wedonotattract thatwhichwewant;weattractthatwhichweare”(JamesAllen).Letmerepeatit:Wedonotattractthatwhichwewant;weattractthatwhichweare.Quantumphysicsandquantummechanicsareshowingthatfrequencyattractslikefrequency.Asimpleexamplewouldbe how many people say, “I want more money. I want moremoney, I need more money.” And yet, they are still runningon the idea of lack and scarcity. We see examples of peoplewhohavewonlotteries.Theyhavea lotofmoneyandthen,afewyearslater,they’velostitallbecausethereisanunderlyingcurrentbasedonlackandscarcity.
Whenwelookatourwholeness,wehavetodigdeepandgobacktothecoreofwhatisdrivingusandwherewearewoundedandwhereweneedtobewhole,andbecomeempoweredagain.Ifourcurrentconditionsarenotwhatwewant,thenwemustbecomethechangeweseek.IfwhatwewantisanempoweredHawaiiannation,thenwemustfirstbecomestronginandofourselves.Ifwhatwewantistouniteourpeople,thenwemustho‘oponopono(correct,setright)ourownlivesfirst.Ifwhatwewantisahealthycommunity,thenwemustcommitourselvestobeingwell,tobecomingwellandwhole.Thisisourkuleana.Itisaprivilegethatisnotreservedforjustaselectfewwithinourcommunity.Weareallresponsibleforthis.Totakecareofourselvessothatwecantakecareofourfamilies.Andasweareabletotakecareofourfamilies,wecantakecareofourcommunity.Forasoneofusheals,weallbecomemorewhole.Asoneofusexcels,wealladvanceasapeople.Andasoneofusisstrengthened,weareallempowered.
if what we want is an empowered Hawaiian nation, then we must first become strong in and of ourselves.
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thetruedefinitionofmana—thatwhichmanifeststhepowerofthedivine.Andourancestorswerethekeepersofthiswisdom,thekeepersofthislight,andnowthis is our kuleana. It is our responsibility to remember again so that we havesomethingtopassontofuturegenerations.
Itismymana‘o(thoughts,opinion)thatthegreatestlossourpeoplesustainedhadless todowith landorashift inpoliticalandeconomicstrength, thoughthoseweresignificantissues.Thegreatertragedyhasbeenthepsychological,emotional,andspiritualtraumawehaveendured.JonOsoriowroteaterrificbookbrilliantlytitledDismembering Lähui (Honolulu,2002).Todismembermeanstotear,pull,orcutapartlimbs.Asdisturbingasitsounds,thisiswhathappenedwhenHawaiiansassimilatedintoaculturethatwasforeigntous.
Webecamedisenfranchisedonamultitudeof levels, themost tragicbeingourspiritualdismemberment.ForthoseofyouwhohavenotyetreadOsorio’sbook,Isuggestyoudo.Init,hepoignantlyrecountsaculturalunraveling.Andso,thiscalling forus to return toour source, to rememberwhoweare andwherewe
comefrom,andwhatourinheritanceis—ourtruespiritualand cultural inheritance—is so important because it callsforth the parts of ourselves that have been dismemberedanddisenfranchised,sothatwebecomewholeagain.Andinthatwholeness,webegintohealoncemore.
Whenwetalkabouthealingandwholeness,andwelookatitthroughnativeeyes,itisverydifferentfromaWesternpointofview.Itisaboutbringingallofustogetherinsuchawaythatwearenolongerfragmented.Evenineducation—andIamgratefulforDavidSing’swisdominguidingmyownstudies—workingonmydissertationwasdifficult, there’ssomuchthat’sEurocentric.Weusemeasurementsthatarenottruetous.Theyseparatethings,theycompartmentalize
things.“Youdothis,andthathasnorelationshiptothis.”Wheninfact,anativemindwilltellyouitisallinterconnected.Theonlywayyoucanseeawholepictureistolookatitholisticallyandnotseparateitout.
A native mind will tell you it is
all interconnected. The only way you
can see a whole picture is to look at
it holistically and not separate it out.
WhenIwasworkingonmyPhD,therewasawomaninCaliforniawhocoinedthe term “indigenous science.” Her argument was that our measurements areas importantandasaccurateasmeasurements thatonewouldcallEurocentric,exceptthatwedonotgiveourindigenousmeasurementsvalue.Wesortofdismissthem,andwethinkthereareotherwaysoflearningandotherwaysthataremoreimportant, or more valuable than our own. And we dismiss ourselves in theprocess.
Regardingourwholenessandcomingtogethertobehealed,oneofmy favoritequotations is, “wedonotattract thatwhichwewant;weattractthatwhichweare”(JamesAllen).Letmerepeatit:Wedonotattractthatwhichwewant;weattractthatwhichweare.Quantumphysicsandquantummechanicsareshowingthatfrequencyattractslikefrequency.Asimpleexamplewouldbe how many people say, “I want more money. I want moremoney, I need more money.” And yet, they are still runningon the idea of lack and scarcity. We see examples of peoplewhohavewonlotteries.Theyhavea lotofmoneyandthen,afewyearslater,they’velostitallbecausethereisanunderlyingcurrentbasedonlackandscarcity.
Whenwelookatourwholeness,wehavetodigdeepandgobacktothecoreofwhatisdrivingusandwherewearewoundedandwhereweneedtobewhole,andbecomeempoweredagain.Ifourcurrentconditionsarenotwhatwewant,thenwemustbecomethechangeweseek.IfwhatwewantisanempoweredHawaiiannation,thenwemustfirstbecomestronginandofourselves.Ifwhatwewantistouniteourpeople,thenwemustho‘oponopono(correct,setright)ourownlivesfirst.Ifwhatwewantisahealthycommunity,thenwemustcommitourselvestobeingwell,tobecomingwellandwhole.Thisisourkuleana.Itisaprivilegethatisnotreservedforjustaselectfewwithinourcommunity.Weareallresponsibleforthis.Totakecareofourselvessothatwecantakecareofourfamilies.Andasweareabletotakecareofourfamilies,wecantakecareofourcommunity.Forasoneofusheals,weallbecomemorewhole.Asoneofusexcels,wealladvanceasapeople.Andasoneofusisstrengthened,weareallempowered.
if what we want is an empowered Hawaiian nation, then we must first become strong in and of ourselves.
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LiNdSEy | THE HOUR OF REMEMBERING
Does it strike you as ironic that we, who come from an ancient and powerfullineage,nowseekrecognitionfromagovernmentthatisculturallyimmature(justafewhundredyearsold),morallybankrupt,andspirituallyimpoverished?Wearespendingsomuchtimerightnowdebatingtheissueofpoliticalsovereigntywheninfactour truesovereignty, thisea (sovereignty, independence),canneitherbegrantedtousnorstrippedfromus.Eachofusholdsthekeytoourownfreedom.Whenwebecomethechangeweseek,thenandonlythenwillwetrulybeabletodetermineour future.Whatever formour futuregovernment takes, itmustbebasedonafoundationthatisbornoutofpersonalsovereignty.
Thenotionof“crabsinabucket”1isanoldidea.Itisalie.Letitgo.Igrewuphearingpeoplesay,“Oh,thoseHawaiians,they’reso lazy.Ah,youknow,crabs inabucket.”And ifyouhear itoftenenough itbecomes the truth.Andallof a sudden,oneday I woke up and thought, “That is a lie!” Yet we buy intoitandplayitoutlikeitisthetruth.Weseeoneanother,andsometimesweseesomeonewithinourcommunitywhostartsto advance, and if we are running on the notion of lack andscarcity,wearenothappyforthem,becausebycomparison,wethinkwearefailing.Thatisalie.Thatisamentalitybasedon
scarcity.Whenwecanbegintocelebratethatsomeoneisbeginningtoexcel,andwesay,“Thankyou,becauseyouareshowingmethatthebarishighernowandIcandomore,”thenweknowwearebecomingwholeandwell.Whenpeoplearegettingstrongerandstartingtospeakupandwecelebratetheiraccomplishments,we are getting well. We have had enough. There is no more time for us to beplayingsmall.Ourcommunitydoesnotneedanymorevictims.Andwedonotneedtobevictimizinganybodyelse.Whatweneedistogetstrongerandbetterandtostopmakingapologiesforit.
Nature is reallybrilliant. It is audacious, andbold, andauthentic.Forexample,wouldastardiminishitsownlight?Doyouthinkthereisastarintheskythatsays,“Idon’twanttoshinetonight.Idon’tfeellikeit.I’mtoobright,andIdon’twanttomaketheotherstarsfeelbadaboutthemselves.”Isthatnotastupididea?Oraflower—abud—thatsays,“I’mhavingabadday.Idon’tthinkI’mgoingtobloomnow.”Whythendowecontinuetonegateourselves?Hereweare,partofthissystem,andwethink,“Youknow,ifI’malittletoobright,they’renotgoingtobehappywithme.Idon’tthinkI’mgoingtodoitnow.”Weplaysmall.And
There is no more time for us to be
playing small.
ourcommunitydoesnotneedforustoplaysmallanymore.Thereisadifferencebetweenha‘aha‘a(humility)andthiskindoffalsehumility.Thereisthisegothatdrivesuswhereweareacting.Itisnotauthentic.
Mychallengeforusallistobeauthentic.Comeintoyourlifeasyouweremeanttobe,tobewhoyouwereborntobe.Stopmakingexcusesforwhoyouare.Bebrilliant,becauseweneedyoutobebrilliant.Weneedyoutobestrong.Weneedyoutobesmartandtobeeverythingthatyoucanbeandtostopnegatingyourselves.
Whenpeoplestartsteppingupandstartshiningbrightly,itgivesotherpeoplepermissiontodothesame,andthenwebegintocelebrateoneanotherinareallyhonestway.Wedonothavetositatthebackoftheroomandsay,“Youknow,she’sashow-off.”She’snotreallyashow-off,you’rejustfeelingkindofbadforyourself.Weseeitallthetimeinourcommunity.Wedonothave toplaysmallanymore,andwemustnot.Thoseofthenextgenerationdonotneedthatofus.Frankly,itisnotthatattractive.
Whenwestarttogetmorehonest,wewillsay,“Youknowwhat,thisiswhereIamrightnow,andI’mdoingthebestIcan.ThereareareasIcanimproveupon,butIamdoingthebestIcantoday,andtomorrow,it’sgoingtobebetter.AndthereasonI’mdoingthisisbecauseIknowthatIwasborntodosomethingwithmylife.AndwhatIamgivingbacktothiscommunityisthebestthatIhaveofme.”Whenwehavethisattitude,allofasuddenwegrowastrongandhealthycommunity.
Sothisisthehourofourremembering,ofourputtingthosepartsofourselvesthathavebeendismemberedanddisenfranchisedbacktogetheragain.Whenwebecomewholeandarehealing,wecandreamagain.Andwecandreambigthistime.Wedonothavetodreamsmalldreams.Wecandreamreallybig.Andwhenwedream,letitbeofaHawai‘iwhereourpeoplearehealthyandanimatedagain,wherewenolongerkillourselveswithself-doubt,poordiets,andabuse.Adearfriendofmine,ManuMeyer(personalcommunication,2005),wrotesomethingIreallylove.Thisiswhatshesaid:
Be brilliant, because we need you to be brilliant. We need you to be strong.
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LiNdSEy | THE HOUR OF REMEMBERING
Does it strike you as ironic that we, who come from an ancient and powerfullineage,nowseekrecognitionfromagovernmentthatisculturallyimmature(justafewhundredyearsold),morallybankrupt,andspirituallyimpoverished?Wearespendingsomuchtimerightnowdebatingtheissueofpoliticalsovereigntywheninfactour truesovereignty, thisea (sovereignty, independence),canneitherbegrantedtousnorstrippedfromus.Eachofusholdsthekeytoourownfreedom.Whenwebecomethechangeweseek,thenandonlythenwillwetrulybeabletodetermineour future.Whatever formour futuregovernment takes, itmustbebasedonafoundationthatisbornoutofpersonalsovereignty.
Thenotionof“crabsinabucket”1isanoldidea.Itisalie.Letitgo.Igrewuphearingpeoplesay,“Oh,thoseHawaiians,they’reso lazy.Ah,youknow,crabs inabucket.”And ifyouhear itoftenenough itbecomes the truth.Andallof a sudden,oneday I woke up and thought, “That is a lie!” Yet we buy intoitandplayitoutlikeitisthetruth.Weseeoneanother,andsometimesweseesomeonewithinourcommunitywhostartsto advance, and if we are running on the notion of lack andscarcity,wearenothappyforthem,becausebycomparison,wethinkwearefailing.Thatisalie.Thatisamentalitybasedon
scarcity.Whenwecanbegintocelebratethatsomeoneisbeginningtoexcel,andwesay,“Thankyou,becauseyouareshowingmethatthebarishighernowandIcandomore,”thenweknowwearebecomingwholeandwell.Whenpeoplearegettingstrongerandstartingtospeakupandwecelebratetheiraccomplishments,we are getting well. We have had enough. There is no more time for us to beplayingsmall.Ourcommunitydoesnotneedanymorevictims.Andwedonotneedtobevictimizinganybodyelse.Whatweneedistogetstrongerandbetterandtostopmakingapologiesforit.
Nature is reallybrilliant. It is audacious, andbold, andauthentic.Forexample,wouldastardiminishitsownlight?Doyouthinkthereisastarintheskythatsays,“Idon’twanttoshinetonight.Idon’tfeellikeit.I’mtoobright,andIdon’twanttomaketheotherstarsfeelbadaboutthemselves.”Isthatnotastupididea?Oraflower—abud—thatsays,“I’mhavingabadday.Idon’tthinkI’mgoingtobloomnow.”Whythendowecontinuetonegateourselves?Hereweare,partofthissystem,andwethink,“Youknow,ifI’malittletoobright,they’renotgoingtobehappywithme.Idon’tthinkI’mgoingtodoitnow.”Weplaysmall.And
There is no more time for us to be
playing small.
ourcommunitydoesnotneedforustoplaysmallanymore.Thereisadifferencebetweenha‘aha‘a(humility)andthiskindoffalsehumility.Thereisthisegothatdrivesuswhereweareacting.Itisnotauthentic.
Mychallengeforusallistobeauthentic.Comeintoyourlifeasyouweremeanttobe,tobewhoyouwereborntobe.Stopmakingexcusesforwhoyouare.Bebrilliant,becauseweneedyoutobebrilliant.Weneedyoutobestrong.Weneedyoutobesmartandtobeeverythingthatyoucanbeandtostopnegatingyourselves.
Whenpeoplestartsteppingupandstartshiningbrightly,itgivesotherpeoplepermissiontodothesame,andthenwebegintocelebrateoneanotherinareallyhonestway.Wedonothavetositatthebackoftheroomandsay,“Youknow,she’sashow-off.”She’snotreallyashow-off,you’rejustfeelingkindofbadforyourself.Weseeitallthetimeinourcommunity.Wedonothave toplaysmallanymore,andwemustnot.Thoseofthenextgenerationdonotneedthatofus.Frankly,itisnotthatattractive.
Whenwestarttogetmorehonest,wewillsay,“Youknowwhat,thisiswhereIamrightnow,andI’mdoingthebestIcan.ThereareareasIcanimproveupon,butIamdoingthebestIcantoday,andtomorrow,it’sgoingtobebetter.AndthereasonI’mdoingthisisbecauseIknowthatIwasborntodosomethingwithmylife.AndwhatIamgivingbacktothiscommunityisthebestthatIhaveofme.”Whenwehavethisattitude,allofasuddenwegrowastrongandhealthycommunity.
Sothisisthehourofourremembering,ofourputtingthosepartsofourselvesthathavebeendismemberedanddisenfranchisedbacktogetheragain.Whenwebecomewholeandarehealing,wecandreamagain.Andwecandreambigthistime.Wedonothavetodreamsmalldreams.Wecandreamreallybig.Andwhenwedream,letitbeofaHawai‘iwhereourpeoplearehealthyandanimatedagain,wherewenolongerkillourselveswithself-doubt,poordiets,andabuse.Adearfriendofmine,ManuMeyer(personalcommunication,2005),wrotesomethingIreallylove.Thisiswhatshesaid:
Be brilliant, because we need you to be brilliant. We need you to be strong.
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LiNdSEy | THE HOUR OF REMEMBERING
Postcolonialisnotaphysicalplace,itisamentalone.Weknowthatthingsarenotimprovingformanyofus.We’vebecomeaccustomedtoeatingpoorly.Wedieearly.Weareunhealedwithinourfamilies.Icegripsus.Werepresentthemajority inourprisons.Wekillourselveswithself-doubtandself-loathing.Weareoftenpolemic(whichmeanswearegiventodisputing),becauseitisourwayofreactingtoourerasure(ourbecominginvisibleinourownland).
WhatIseehappeningistheturningofthetidenow,whichreallyexcitesme,justas the prophecy predicted and foretold that would happen. We are witnessingwithinourcommunityareawakening.Meyeralsosaid,
More and more of us are affirming instead of protesting.There is a resurgence in our culture and our language.An unprecedented number of books by Kanaka Maoliauthors and scholars are changing our understanding ofhistory, philosophy, sociology, anthropology, psychology,politicalscience,andeducation.Displaced,dismissed,anddisengaged, we are now becoming rooted, acknowledged,and animated. We are a culture. We have a language ofinnateknowing.Andwemustspeakitsothatweourselvescanhearbecausehearingchangesus.
We must speak it so that we can hear ourselves, and as we hear the language,itchangesusonacellular level.Andscientistsarefinallydiscoveringwhatourancestors have known for centuries. There is a scientist in Japan by the nameofMasaruEmotowhohasdonesomephenomenal researchcalledThe Hidden
Messages in Water(Hillsboro,OR,2004).Hetalksabouthowthingsshiftaccordingtothelanguageweuse.ItisespeciallyimportantthateducatorslookatEmoto’swork. He demonstrates that we change as we hear different language, so thatwhenwestarthearinglanguagethatisempoweringandallowsandinvitesustobeinspired,wewillcreatearippleeffectthroughourcommunitythatinspiresotherpeople.It’sjustwhathappens,andthatispartofwhatquantumphysicsisabout.Ididnotknowmuchaboutquantumphysicsuntilafewyearsago.Ihavelearnedthat we affect one another’s lives physiologically, emotionally, and spiritually.
Therearephysicalresultsthatcannowbemeasured,thatwecanchangeaswebegintothinkdifferently.Aswebegintospeakdifferently,weaffectchangeindramaticways.
Letusdream.LetusdreamaHawai‘iwherewecometoknowthatallknowledge,all reason, all theories, and all ideas are simply interpretations. Think about it.IstudiedbooksatKamehamehaSchools thatwerewrittenbypeoplewhowerenotKanaka Maoli(NativeHawaiian),whowereinterpretingideasofourhistorywithout having mastery of the language. We were studying from these booksthinkingthatwasthetruth.Nowwearegoingbackandrevisitingsomeofthesebooksandrealizingtheyarenotentirelyaccurate.Remember, there was a time when people were saying, “Theworldisflat,”andtheythoughtthatwasthetruth.Andallofasudden, someone came along and said, “I don’t think so.” Sowecanchallengeit.Theseideasaresimplyinterpretations.Thegoodnewsisthatwearenowtheinterpreters.Wegettointerprettheideascomingoutofbooks.Wedonothavetobuyitall;wehavetoquestionwhetherornotit’sright.Weneedtoensurethatour interpretation of the world is based on the values handeddownbyourküpuna.
Mayweexercisecooperationratherthancompetition.Mayanewleadershipbebornthatbridges thepoliticalandsocioeconomicdivide that’s longdominated theseislands.Maypono,notconflict,ruleourlives.Mayourwealthbefoundingivingthebestofourselvestotheworld,ratherthanhowmuchwecanaccumulate.
LetusdreamaHawaiÿi,asMeyer(personalcommunication,2005)said,“whereour children are inspired to make knowledge joyful.” Let us dream a Hawai‘iwhereourenvironmentandherresourcesarelovedandmanagedproperlyasourancestorsdemonstratedtheycanbe.LetusdreamaHawai‘iwherealohabecomesthe intelligencewithwhichwemeet life,and letusneveragainstopdreaming.Fortogetherwehaveakuleanaandasacredrighttomälama(care),notonlytosustainbuttoenrich,andtopassontofuturegenerationsthevastlegacywehaveinheritedfromourancestors.Maythistorchofwisdomburnbrightlywhileinourstewardshipandcarryonasitwasprophesieditwouldbe—thatattheturnofthe
May our wealth be found in giving the best of ourselves to the world.
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LiNdSEy | THE HOUR OF REMEMBERING
Postcolonialisnotaphysicalplace,itisamentalone.Weknowthatthingsarenotimprovingformanyofus.We’vebecomeaccustomedtoeatingpoorly.Wedieearly.Weareunhealedwithinourfamilies.Icegripsus.Werepresentthemajority inourprisons.Wekillourselveswithself-doubtandself-loathing.Weareoftenpolemic(whichmeanswearegiventodisputing),becauseitisourwayofreactingtoourerasure(ourbecominginvisibleinourownland).
WhatIseehappeningistheturningofthetidenow,whichreallyexcitesme,justas the prophecy predicted and foretold that would happen. We are witnessingwithinourcommunityareawakening.Meyeralsosaid,
More and more of us are affirming instead of protesting.There is a resurgence in our culture and our language.An unprecedented number of books by Kanaka Maoliauthors and scholars are changing our understanding ofhistory, philosophy, sociology, anthropology, psychology,politicalscience,andeducation.Displaced,dismissed,anddisengaged, we are now becoming rooted, acknowledged,and animated. We are a culture. We have a language ofinnateknowing.Andwemustspeakitsothatweourselvescanhearbecausehearingchangesus.
We must speak it so that we can hear ourselves, and as we hear the language,itchangesusonacellular level.Andscientistsarefinallydiscoveringwhatourancestors have known for centuries. There is a scientist in Japan by the nameofMasaruEmotowhohasdonesomephenomenal researchcalledThe Hidden
Messages in Water(Hillsboro,OR,2004).Hetalksabouthowthingsshiftaccordingtothelanguageweuse.ItisespeciallyimportantthateducatorslookatEmoto’swork. He demonstrates that we change as we hear different language, so thatwhenwestarthearinglanguagethatisempoweringandallowsandinvitesustobeinspired,wewillcreatearippleeffectthroughourcommunitythatinspiresotherpeople.It’sjustwhathappens,andthatispartofwhatquantumphysicsisabout.Ididnotknowmuchaboutquantumphysicsuntilafewyearsago.Ihavelearnedthat we affect one another’s lives physiologically, emotionally, and spiritually.
Therearephysicalresultsthatcannowbemeasured,thatwecanchangeaswebegintothinkdifferently.Aswebegintospeakdifferently,weaffectchangeindramaticways.
Letusdream.LetusdreamaHawai‘iwherewecometoknowthatallknowledge,all reason, all theories, and all ideas are simply interpretations. Think about it.IstudiedbooksatKamehamehaSchools thatwerewrittenbypeoplewhowerenotKanaka Maoli(NativeHawaiian),whowereinterpretingideasofourhistorywithout having mastery of the language. We were studying from these booksthinkingthatwasthetruth.Nowwearegoingbackandrevisitingsomeofthesebooksandrealizingtheyarenotentirelyaccurate.Remember, there was a time when people were saying, “Theworldisflat,”andtheythoughtthatwasthetruth.Andallofasudden, someone came along and said, “I don’t think so.” Sowecanchallengeit.Theseideasaresimplyinterpretations.Thegoodnewsisthatwearenowtheinterpreters.Wegettointerprettheideascomingoutofbooks.Wedonothavetobuyitall;wehavetoquestionwhetherornotit’sright.Weneedtoensurethatour interpretation of the world is based on the values handeddownbyourküpuna.
Mayweexercisecooperationratherthancompetition.Mayanewleadershipbebornthatbridges thepoliticalandsocioeconomicdivide that’s longdominated theseislands.Maypono,notconflict,ruleourlives.Mayourwealthbefoundingivingthebestofourselvestotheworld,ratherthanhowmuchwecanaccumulate.
LetusdreamaHawaiÿi,asMeyer(personalcommunication,2005)said,“whereour children are inspired to make knowledge joyful.” Let us dream a Hawai‘iwhereourenvironmentandherresourcesarelovedandmanagedproperlyasourancestorsdemonstratedtheycanbe.LetusdreamaHawai‘iwherealohabecomesthe intelligencewithwhichwemeet life,and letusneveragainstopdreaming.Fortogetherwehaveakuleanaandasacredrighttomälama(care),notonlytosustainbuttoenrich,andtopassontofuturegenerationsthevastlegacywehaveinheritedfromourancestors.Maythistorchofwisdomburnbrightlywhileinourstewardshipandcarryonasitwasprophesieditwouldbe—thatattheturnofthe
May our wealth be found in giving the best of ourselves to the world.
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newdawnat thischapter inourcollectivehistory,awisdomwillrisefromthislandbornofhumilityandponoandcallourpeopletohoÿi.WhenIthinkaboutourpeople,andhowwearestarvingforwisdom,leadership,strength,andcourage,itwilltakeallofustobethatforourpeople.Wecan’texpectonlyafewtocarrythatburden.Byvirtueofthefactthatwewilltouchmanylives,itisuptoallofustocarryon.Letthisbethehourofourrememberingandourascending,andletusriseasitwasprophesiedwewould.
Me ke aloha pumehana a me ka naÿau haÿahaÿa.
About the Author
Elizabeth Kapuÿuwailani Lindsey, PhD, President and CEO of Pono, LLC, isa graduate of the Kamehameha Schools and holds a PhD in anthropology. Anaward-winning documentary filmmaker, she lectures on Native Hawaiianphilosophy and culture throughout the world. Engagements include OxfordUniversity,HarvardUniversity,andtheSmithsonianInstitute.Therecipientofnationaland internationalhonors including theCINEEagle forher1996direc-torialdebutofThen There Were None, the formerMissHawaiÿihasestablishedscholarshipsinliteratureandservesasanadvisortoorganizationsthatadvanceeducationandculture.
Note
1 Thisreferstotheimageofcrabstryingtoclimboutofabucket.Whenonecrabgetsnearthetop,anothercrabgrabsitandpullsitdown.
1�
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
Were Hawaiians better off in 18�3 than today? In 18�3, our people
were not confused about who they were and understood themselves
to be Hawaiian, not American. It is huikau, confusion, over what
our choices are and what they mean that is threatening our nation.
How far are we willing to commit ourselves to be Hawaiian? It all
comes back to our choice: to live as Hawaiians or not. I believe we
are warriors still, and we are more than up to the task of building our
nation again. We need to bring our leaders together, to strategize
what to do with the expertise we have built, and to be willing to take
the fight to the next level.
On Being Hawaiian
Jonathan Osorio
correspondence may be sent to: Jonathan Osorio, Center for Hawaiian Studies, University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa Hawaiian Studies Building Room 209A, Honolulu, Hi 96822 Email: [email protected]
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OSORiO | ON BEING HAWAIIAN
owngovernmenthadbeenusurpedandgreatlydistortedtothepoint where it ruled us without actually representing us, andwe were a people unable to defend ourselves militarily frominvasion or intimidation. However, in several important areas,therehavebeensubstantialchanges.In1893wewerepractically100%literateandverymuchinvolvedinandinformedaboutthepoliticalissuesoftheday.In1893,ourpeoplealsounderstoodthemselvestobeHawaiian,notAmerican.
IwantustoconsidertheveryinterestingnotionthatweHawaiianswere better off in 1893 than in 1993, despite the fact that ourpopulationwasat itsverylowestpoint,despitehavingjust lostwhatwasleftofour government, and despite the much smaller income and access to moderngoods.Weread,wewrote,andwehadopinionsthatwewerenotatallafraidtoshare about theprovisional government, about annexation, andaboutourownnativepolitical leadership.Ourpeoplewerenot confusedaboutwho theywere.Andwhiletheentireannexationprocesswasdeeplyhumiliating,annexationwasnot itself the thing that separatedHawaiians from their identities. It waswhatcameasaconsequenceof the takeover—themilitaryoccupation, theAmericanschoolsystem,andthebrutalevictionsofourpeoplefromthepubliclandsandthelargeestatesoverthenextcentury—thatdisfiguredusasapeople.Wewerefewerin1893,yetsomehowweweremoresubstantial.
Huikau (confusion)
IheardÿÏmaikalaniKalähelereadapoemofhisabouthouselessHawaiiansafewweeksagoandwasstruckbywhatasimpleandeleganttheoryofdispossessionitwas.Itgoeslikethis:Onsomebeach,ahouselessHawaiianisconfrontedbyanotherHawaiianwhowantstoknowwhatheisdoingthere.Heasks,“Whatareyoudoinghere?” “Watchudoin’heabrah?”That’sactuallyhowhesaid it.ThehouselessHawaiianrepliesthathewasalwaysthere,fromthefirstsettlementtothecomingofthegreatsouthernchiefstotheinvasionbyKamehameha.He,likehisancestors,hasalwaysbeenapartoftheland.Itwasonlyhuikau,confusion,thatcausedpeopletobelievetheyhadnorighttoliveandworkontheland.Kalähele’spoemtellsusthatthehouselessHawaiianiscompletelyathome,whiletheonewhoconfrontshimistheonewhoishomelessbecausehedoesn’tknowwhoorwhereheis.
Certain things have not really changed since the end of the 19th century.
Ialmost always begin a talk* with this prayer. Dr. Kanalu Young and I wrotethissongtogether.WecomposeditinNovember1992,duringthetimewhen
thoseofuswhowereatKamakaküokalaniCenterforHawaiianStudieshadbeenpreparing for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the loss of ourkingdom.Wewanted towritesomethinghopefulandspiritual,something thatwould refer to leadersbut thatwouldalsogiveus a senseofdirection.So thisprayeriswhatwecameupwith:
Whathappenswhenyouwrite—andanywriterwilltellyouthis—isthatyoucancomeupwithsomereallystrangeideas.That’swhyyouwriteoverandoverandoveragain.That’swhyyourewrite.Ididn’thavetimetorewritethispresentation,sothesemaybestrangeideas,butIthinkthey’reimportantones.
The University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa has a brand new graduate seminar calledHawaiianStudies601:IndigenousResearchMethodologies.Iteachtheseminar,andIhave14brilliantgraduatestudents.Duringourseminar,wehavegrappledwiththeissuesandchoicesfacingLiliÿuokalaniin1893.ThisisaparticularlyrichclassasthereadingsincludedalltherecentlyauthoredhistoriesofthekingdomandLiliÿu’sownHawaiÿi’s Story by Hawaiÿi’s Queen (1898).Duringaparticularlyinterestingexchange,wenotedhowcertainthingshavenotreallychangedsincetheendof the19thcentury:Wewerea landlessand impoverishedpeople,our
*This article is based on a speech delivered at the 2005 Research Conference on Hawaiian Well-Being in Honolulu, Hawaiÿi.
NoiakuiäÿoeWe ask you o Lord
KealakaÿinöLead us
HewiwonalowaleläFear is gone
ApaukaÿehaokaläAnd finished is the pain of that day
EmaumanaÿomaiLet the thought prevail
EhoÿokäkoÿoLet us support
EalalaunapüGathering together
ÿOMaunaÿalaikeeaMaunaÿala is the source of our spirit
PümaineiLanakilaëThe wind of victory comes this way
EmaumanaÿomaiLet the thought prevail
20
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OSORiO | ON BEING HAWAIIAN
owngovernmenthadbeenusurpedandgreatlydistortedtothepoint where it ruled us without actually representing us, andwe were a people unable to defend ourselves militarily frominvasion or intimidation. However, in several important areas,therehavebeensubstantialchanges.In1893wewerepractically100%literateandverymuchinvolvedinandinformedaboutthepoliticalissuesoftheday.In1893,ourpeoplealsounderstoodthemselvestobeHawaiian,notAmerican.
IwantustoconsidertheveryinterestingnotionthatweHawaiianswere better off in 1893 than in 1993, despite the fact that ourpopulationwasat itsverylowestpoint,despitehavingjust lostwhatwasleftofour government, and despite the much smaller income and access to moderngoods.Weread,wewrote,andwehadopinionsthatwewerenotatallafraidtoshare about theprovisional government, about annexation, andaboutourownnativepolitical leadership.Ourpeoplewerenot confusedaboutwho theywere.Andwhiletheentireannexationprocesswasdeeplyhumiliating,annexationwasnot itself the thing that separatedHawaiians from their identities. It waswhatcameasaconsequenceof the takeover—themilitaryoccupation, theAmericanschoolsystem,andthebrutalevictionsofourpeoplefromthepubliclandsandthelargeestatesoverthenextcentury—thatdisfiguredusasapeople.Wewerefewerin1893,yetsomehowweweremoresubstantial.
Huikau (confusion)
IheardÿÏmaikalaniKalähelereadapoemofhisabouthouselessHawaiiansafewweeksagoandwasstruckbywhatasimpleandeleganttheoryofdispossessionitwas.Itgoeslikethis:Onsomebeach,ahouselessHawaiianisconfrontedbyanotherHawaiianwhowantstoknowwhatheisdoingthere.Heasks,“Whatareyoudoinghere?” “Watchudoin’heabrah?”That’sactuallyhowhesaid it.ThehouselessHawaiianrepliesthathewasalwaysthere,fromthefirstsettlementtothecomingofthegreatsouthernchiefstotheinvasionbyKamehameha.He,likehisancestors,hasalwaysbeenapartoftheland.Itwasonlyhuikau,confusion,thatcausedpeopletobelievetheyhadnorighttoliveandworkontheland.Kalähele’spoemtellsusthatthehouselessHawaiianiscompletelyathome,whiletheonewhoconfrontshimistheonewhoishomelessbecausehedoesn’tknowwhoorwhereheis.
Certain things have not really changed since the end of the 19th century.
Ialmost always begin a talk* with this prayer. Dr. Kanalu Young and I wrotethissongtogether.WecomposeditinNovember1992,duringthetimewhen
thoseofuswhowereatKamakaküokalaniCenterforHawaiianStudieshadbeenpreparing for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the loss of ourkingdom.Wewanted towritesomethinghopefulandspiritual,something thatwould refer to leadersbut thatwouldalsogiveus a senseofdirection.So thisprayeriswhatwecameupwith:
Whathappenswhenyouwrite—andanywriterwilltellyouthis—isthatyoucancomeupwithsomereallystrangeideas.That’swhyyouwriteoverandoverandoveragain.That’swhyyourewrite.Ididn’thavetimetorewritethispresentation,sothesemaybestrangeideas,butIthinkthey’reimportantones.
The University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa has a brand new graduate seminar calledHawaiianStudies601:IndigenousResearchMethodologies.Iteachtheseminar,andIhave14brilliantgraduatestudents.Duringourseminar,wehavegrappledwiththeissuesandchoicesfacingLiliÿuokalaniin1893.ThisisaparticularlyrichclassasthereadingsincludedalltherecentlyauthoredhistoriesofthekingdomandLiliÿu’sownHawaiÿi’s Story by Hawaiÿi’s Queen (1898).Duringaparticularlyinterestingexchange,wenotedhowcertainthingshavenotreallychangedsincetheendof the19thcentury:Wewerea landlessand impoverishedpeople,our
*This article is based on a speech delivered at the 2005 Research Conference on Hawaiian Well-Being in Honolulu, Hawaiÿi.
NoiakuiäÿoeWe ask you o Lord
KealakaÿinöLead us
HewiwonalowaleläFear is gone
ApaukaÿehaokaläAnd finished is the pain of that day
EmaumanaÿomaiLet the thought prevail
EhoÿokäkoÿoLet us support
EalalaunapüGathering together
ÿOMaunaÿalaikeeaMaunaÿala is the source of our spirit
PümaineiLanakilaëThe wind of victory comes this way
EmaumanaÿomaiLet the thought prevail
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OSORiO | ON BEING HAWAIIAN
We’vebeenhearingtheseconversationsallaroundus,forthebetterpartofahalfcentury.Hawaiiansmustknowtheirlanguage,Hawaiiansmustknowtheirhistory,Hawaiiansmustremainontheland,Hawaiiansgottasticktogether.ThecommonthreadtoalloftheseimperativesisHawaiian.BeingHawaiian.WhenIconsiderall thethingsAmericansocietypossessesandpromises, italmostsurprisesmethattherearesomanyofuswhoinsistonlivingourlivesasHawaiians.Especiallysincesofewofuscomewellequippedforthetask.Myÿölelo(language)ishaltingenoughtomakemealmostmuteinanygatheringofHawaiianlanguagefaculty.Andmyfamilywouldstarveiftheyneededtodependonmetocarefortheloÿiortheloko iÿa(fishpond).So,ImightbeatechnicallydeficientKanakaMaoli,butthisIknow:IamnotanAmerican.AndifthatstatementmakesanyKanakainhereuncomfortable,itishuikau,confusion,aboutwhatbeingHawaiianmeans.Itisn’tjust ancestry and it isn’t just culturalproficiency;beingHawaiian isultimatelyaboutnotwishingtobeanythingelse.
Therearecertainthingsthatcannotbetaken,thatcanonlybesurrendered.Asapeople,weareknowledgeableaboutthethingstakenbutnotalwaysconsciousofthethingswehavenotsurrendered.Iamspeakingofourunwillingnesstoforfeitourkinshipwitheachotherandthemanydifferentwaysweattempttoexpressthatkinship.Alloftheculturallysignificantthingswedo,fromÿölelotocleaningtheÿauwai(ditch,canal)tomarchingthroughWaikïkï,arenotasimportantasthefactthatwedothemtobeclosertogether.IlaughwhenIthinkabouthowharditistokeepthisfaith.Whileweinsistonmaintainingthiskinship,itdoesn’tmeanthatwenecessarilyagreewithoneanotheroreventhatwelikeeachother.
ThatbringsmetosomeobservationsaboutHawaiianleadership.Inotice thatwemodern-dayKänakaMaoliareparticularlyhardonourleaders.AndasIhavebecomeacquaintedwithour18th-and19th-centuryaliÿi nui(greatchiefs),Ihaverealizedthatwe’vealwaysbeenthatway.Wekill theweakones,thefoolish,theinept,thedisloyal,andsometimesjusttheunfortunate.IthinkofachieflikeKaÿiana,whocamebackfromvoyagingtoChinawantingtosupportKamehameha,wantingtogetinvolved,bringinghisgunsandknowledgeoftheworld,andhewasreadytogo.Theotherchiefsdidn’t likehim,sotheystartedspreadingrumors,theycreatedsuspicion,andprettysoonthatpoorguywasouttathere—oneofthepeoplekilledonOÿahuintheinvasion.
do we wish to live as Hawaiians, or don’t we?
Forthelongesttime,I’vebeenawarethatwitheverynewgeneration,alargerandlargernumberofouryoungpeopleneedtoworkhardertoidentifywiththeirancestors—orevenjustwithotherHawaiians.Brought up in urban environments, far from loÿi (wetland taropatches),andoftenunfamiliarevenwiththeocean,rearedintheloudemptinessofAmericanpopularculture,ouryoungincreasinglyexistinanisolationthateventhechildrenofmygenerationneverknew.Despite the very real successes of Hawaiian language education,the revival of oli (chant), mele (song), and hula, and the ongoingpoliticalandsocialactivism,Känaka Maoli(NativeHawaiians)faceamostdangerous time inourhistory,whenbeingHawaiianmayberenderedimpotentbyafederalcourtdecisionbytheAmericancultureofequality,andmostimportantly,byourownchoices.
It is huikau, confusion, over what our choices are and what theymean that is threatening our lähui (nation) and not the choices
themselves.Oneexample is federal recognition.Thekingdomfolks tellus thatsupportingtheAkakaBillwillendouressentialsovereigntyandreplace itwithapuppetgovernment,endourlegitimateclaimstothecrowngovernmentlands,andultimatelyleadtotheendofthelähui.TheAkakafolkstellusthatwithoutfederalrecognition,thecourtswilleventuallydestroyallofourentitlementsandleaveHawaiianswithnothing.
IwonderwhatLiliÿuwouldmakeofthiskindofchoice?Ithinkherchoiceswereclearandsimple:Commitherpeopletofightanddieforhergovernment,ornot.Thechoiceshe faceddidnot, inherwildest imagination, lead toapeoplewhowouldbecome indistinguishable fromAmericans. Itwassimplyaboutwhetherhergovernmentandherrulecontinued.
TheessentialchoicesforHawaiianstodayarenomorecomplexthanhers.DowewishtoliveasHawaiians,ordon’twe?Andifthatisthechoicewemustmake,thenfederalrecognitionisirrelevant.WhatmattersisnotwhattheU.S.Senatedecidesbuthowwewillfacethefuturetogether,whomwewillentrustwithleader-ship,andhowfarwearewillingtocommitourselvestobeHawaiian.
it was only huikau,
confusion, that caused
people to believe they
had no right to live and work
on the land.
22
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
23
OSORiO | ON BEING HAWAIIAN
We’vebeenhearingtheseconversationsallaroundus,forthebetterpartofahalfcentury.Hawaiiansmustknowtheirlanguage,Hawaiiansmustknowtheirhistory,Hawaiiansmustremainontheland,Hawaiiansgottasticktogether.ThecommonthreadtoalloftheseimperativesisHawaiian.BeingHawaiian.WhenIconsiderall thethingsAmericansocietypossessesandpromises, italmostsurprisesmethattherearesomanyofuswhoinsistonlivingourlivesasHawaiians.Especiallysincesofewofuscomewellequippedforthetask.Myÿölelo(language)ishaltingenoughtomakemealmostmuteinanygatheringofHawaiianlanguagefaculty.Andmyfamilywouldstarveiftheyneededtodependonmetocarefortheloÿiortheloko iÿa(fishpond).So,ImightbeatechnicallydeficientKanakaMaoli,butthisIknow:IamnotanAmerican.AndifthatstatementmakesanyKanakainhereuncomfortable,itishuikau,confusion,aboutwhatbeingHawaiianmeans.Itisn’tjust ancestry and it isn’t just culturalproficiency;beingHawaiian isultimatelyaboutnotwishingtobeanythingelse.
Therearecertainthingsthatcannotbetaken,thatcanonlybesurrendered.Asapeople,weareknowledgeableaboutthethingstakenbutnotalwaysconsciousofthethingswehavenotsurrendered.Iamspeakingofourunwillingnesstoforfeitourkinshipwitheachotherandthemanydifferentwaysweattempttoexpressthatkinship.Alloftheculturallysignificantthingswedo,fromÿölelotocleaningtheÿauwai(ditch,canal)tomarchingthroughWaikïkï,arenotasimportantasthefactthatwedothemtobeclosertogether.IlaughwhenIthinkabouthowharditistokeepthisfaith.Whileweinsistonmaintainingthiskinship,itdoesn’tmeanthatwenecessarilyagreewithoneanotheroreventhatwelikeeachother.
ThatbringsmetosomeobservationsaboutHawaiianleadership.Inotice thatwemodern-dayKänakaMaoliareparticularlyhardonourleaders.AndasIhavebecomeacquaintedwithour18th-and19th-centuryaliÿi nui(greatchiefs),Ihaverealizedthatwe’vealwaysbeenthatway.Wekill theweakones,thefoolish,theinept,thedisloyal,andsometimesjusttheunfortunate.IthinkofachieflikeKaÿiana,whocamebackfromvoyagingtoChinawantingtosupportKamehameha,wantingtogetinvolved,bringinghisgunsandknowledgeoftheworld,andhewasreadytogo.Theotherchiefsdidn’t likehim,sotheystartedspreadingrumors,theycreatedsuspicion,andprettysoonthatpoorguywasouttathere—oneofthepeoplekilledonOÿahuintheinvasion.
do we wish to live as Hawaiians, or don’t we?
Forthelongesttime,I’vebeenawarethatwitheverynewgeneration,alargerandlargernumberofouryoungpeopleneedtoworkhardertoidentifywiththeirancestors—orevenjustwithotherHawaiians.Brought up in urban environments, far from loÿi (wetland taropatches),andoftenunfamiliarevenwiththeocean,rearedintheloudemptinessofAmericanpopularculture,ouryoungincreasinglyexistinanisolationthateventhechildrenofmygenerationneverknew.Despite the very real successes of Hawaiian language education,the revival of oli (chant), mele (song), and hula, and the ongoingpoliticalandsocialactivism,Känaka Maoli(NativeHawaiians)faceamostdangerous time inourhistory,whenbeingHawaiianmayberenderedimpotentbyafederalcourtdecisionbytheAmericancultureofequality,andmostimportantly,byourownchoices.
It is huikau, confusion, over what our choices are and what theymean that is threatening our lähui (nation) and not the choices
themselves.Oneexample is federal recognition.Thekingdomfolks tellus thatsupportingtheAkakaBillwillendouressentialsovereigntyandreplace itwithapuppetgovernment,endourlegitimateclaimstothecrowngovernmentlands,andultimatelyleadtotheendofthelähui.TheAkakafolkstellusthatwithoutfederalrecognition,thecourtswilleventuallydestroyallofourentitlementsandleaveHawaiianswithnothing.
IwonderwhatLiliÿuwouldmakeofthiskindofchoice?Ithinkherchoiceswereclearandsimple:Commitherpeopletofightanddieforhergovernment,ornot.Thechoiceshe faceddidnot, inherwildest imagination, lead toapeoplewhowouldbecome indistinguishable fromAmericans. Itwassimplyaboutwhetherhergovernmentandherrulecontinued.
TheessentialchoicesforHawaiianstodayarenomorecomplexthanhers.DowewishtoliveasHawaiians,ordon’twe?Andifthatisthechoicewemustmake,thenfederalrecognitionisirrelevant.WhatmattersisnotwhattheU.S.Senatedecidesbuthowwewillfacethefuturetogether,whomwewillentrustwithleader-ship,andhowfarwearewillingtocommitourselvestobeHawaiian.
it was only huikau,
confusion, that caused
people to believe they
had no right to live and work
on the land.
24
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
25
OSORiO | ON BEING HAWAIIAN
We have to remind ourselves that leadership is sacrifice.
Butpeoplehave to listen tooneanother.Because the fact is, itisn’tgoingtobeKamehamehaSchools’moneyandlandorOHA’smoneythatcanmakechange.It’stheleadership,theleadershipthat’sgrownoutofthecommunitythathasdoneenormousthingsin the past quarter century, such as saving Kahoÿolawe IslandfromthenavyandrevivingtheHawaiianlanguage.AllthiswasdonewithoutKamehamehaSchools’money,andwithoutOHA.So,whatarewedoing?Whyarewerunningfromthecourts?WhyarewerunningfromtheU.S.government?
LeadershipisaboutrecognizingthatwechoosetobeHawaiian.Wechoosetobenothingelse.Wedon’twanttobefragmented.Wedon’twanttobepart-Hawaiian.Wedon’twanttobepartofacountrythatisaimingforsomethingverydifferentand has very different values and very different understandings of its role inhistory.Ifwearetobetruetothelegacyofourancestors—andImeannotjustourdistantancestorsbutourimmediateancestorslikeLiliÿuandNäwahï,andevenKühiö—weneedtoresurrectthenation.Weneedtobeacountryagain.Itisonlyhuikauthatpreventsusfromtakingthisstep.
Ithinkthelongerweareinthismovement,thesurerweareofwhoweare.Wehadchildrentounderstandthatweknowwhowearesothattheyfollowinourfootsteps,andweneedtobringtheleaderstotasktounderstandwhattheyhavetodo.IlookatKekuniBlaisdellandseesomeonewhohasledusforsolonginagentleandyetforcefulwaytowardmakingthosechoices.We’reready.Weshouldstopfoolingaround.TheTwigg-Smithsinthisworld,they’renotfoolingaround.They’renotgoingtowaitonus.They’renotgoingtogiveusaninch.Weneedtotakethisplaceback,andweneedyoutodothiswithus.
Justsonobodythinkswe’reromanticizingleadership,wehavetoremindourselvesthat leadership issacrifice.SoIclosewitha tribute toGeorgeHelmandKimoMitchell,whowerelostonKahoÿolaweIslandinMarch1977.
We’relikethattoourleaders.Wekilledthemliterallybefore;weharmourleadersonlyfiguratively today. I’mnotsurewhichone ismoremerciful—the literalorfigurativekilling—butthisIknow:Wearewarriorsstill—menandwomen—andwearemorethanuptothetaskofbuildingournationagain.Itcomesbacktoourchoice:toliveasHawaiiansornot.
AsI’vebeeninvolvedindifferentpartsofourmovement,andmostlyineducationintheselast10years,I’venoticedthatoneofthethingswetendtodo—wedoitalmostnaturallynow—istoavoidtakingoverthewholething.Wewanttodoourownkuleana(responsibility),andit’saveryHawaiianthingtodo.Westakeourclaimtoaparticularkindoftask:health,education,highereducation,whateverit is. We want to be sure we’re doing something we are competent to do, andwe don’t want other people butting in. And we’re really good about caring forourkuleana,andnowwehavekuleanaeverywhere:kumu hula(hulainstructors),educators, people in law,people ingovernment. But it’snot enough. Weneedpeoplenowtobringtheleaderstogetherandsay,“Yes,thoseareyourkuleana,butweneedtobetogethernow.Weneedtostrategizewhattodowiththeexpertise
youhavebuiltandthepeoplearoundyouarebuildingtogether.Weneedtocomeupwithastrategyforbuildingournationagain,andyouhavetotakeastepforwardandbewillingtotakethefighttothenextlevel.Youhavetobewillingtotalktopeopleyoucouldn’tstandbefore, you have to be willing to make mistakes and maybe lose.”Anduntilwedothis,weareanationintheoryonly.
I’vebeensayingsomeofthesethingsforthelastfewmonths,recog-nizing thatwehavesuffered theattacksonouraliÿi trustsandontheOfficeofHawaiianAffairs(OHA).Iamverymuchawareofthefact that those attacks aregoing toprobably continuebecause thepeoplewhoaredoingthisbelievethattheycanwin,andthatwe’rerunning from them. We shouldn’t run from them anymore. The
KamehamehaSchools,withitsmoneyanditslands,hasthecapacitytotransformtheeconomyofthisstate.Ithasthecapacitytoeffecttremendouspoliticalchangejustbythreateningtotransformtheeconomyofthisstate.OHAcanpitchinwiththecorpusofmoneyithascollectedovertheseyearsandtheexperienceithashadwithinitsownleadership.
Being Hawaiian is
ultimately about not
wishing to be anything else.
24
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
25
OSORiO | ON BEING HAWAIIAN
We have to remind ourselves that leadership is sacrifice.
Butpeoplehave to listen tooneanother.Because the fact is, itisn’tgoingtobeKamehamehaSchools’moneyandlandorOHA’smoneythatcanmakechange.It’stheleadership,theleadershipthat’sgrownoutofthecommunitythathasdoneenormousthingsin the past quarter century, such as saving Kahoÿolawe IslandfromthenavyandrevivingtheHawaiianlanguage.AllthiswasdonewithoutKamehamehaSchools’money,andwithoutOHA.So,whatarewedoing?Whyarewerunningfromthecourts?WhyarewerunningfromtheU.S.government?
LeadershipisaboutrecognizingthatwechoosetobeHawaiian.Wechoosetobenothingelse.Wedon’twanttobefragmented.Wedon’twanttobepart-Hawaiian.Wedon’twanttobepartofacountrythatisaimingforsomethingverydifferentand has very different values and very different understandings of its role inhistory.Ifwearetobetruetothelegacyofourancestors—andImeannotjustourdistantancestorsbutourimmediateancestorslikeLiliÿuandNäwahï,andevenKühiö—weneedtoresurrectthenation.Weneedtobeacountryagain.Itisonlyhuikauthatpreventsusfromtakingthisstep.
Ithinkthelongerweareinthismovement,thesurerweareofwhoweare.Wehadchildrentounderstandthatweknowwhowearesothattheyfollowinourfootsteps,andweneedtobringtheleaderstotasktounderstandwhattheyhavetodo.IlookatKekuniBlaisdellandseesomeonewhohasledusforsolonginagentleandyetforcefulwaytowardmakingthosechoices.We’reready.Weshouldstopfoolingaround.TheTwigg-Smithsinthisworld,they’renotfoolingaround.They’renotgoingtowaitonus.They’renotgoingtogiveusaninch.Weneedtotakethisplaceback,andweneedyoutodothiswithus.
Justsonobodythinkswe’reromanticizingleadership,wehavetoremindourselvesthat leadership issacrifice.SoIclosewitha tribute toGeorgeHelmandKimoMitchell,whowerelostonKahoÿolaweIslandinMarch1977.
We’relikethattoourleaders.Wekilledthemliterallybefore;weharmourleadersonlyfiguratively today. I’mnotsurewhichone ismoremerciful—the literalorfigurativekilling—butthisIknow:Wearewarriorsstill—menandwomen—andwearemorethanuptothetaskofbuildingournationagain.Itcomesbacktoourchoice:toliveasHawaiiansornot.
AsI’vebeeninvolvedindifferentpartsofourmovement,andmostlyineducationintheselast10years,I’venoticedthatoneofthethingswetendtodo—wedoitalmostnaturallynow—istoavoidtakingoverthewholething.Wewanttodoourownkuleana(responsibility),andit’saveryHawaiianthingtodo.Westakeourclaimtoaparticularkindoftask:health,education,highereducation,whateverit is. We want to be sure we’re doing something we are competent to do, andwe don’t want other people butting in. And we’re really good about caring forourkuleana,andnowwehavekuleanaeverywhere:kumu hula(hulainstructors),educators, people in law,people ingovernment. But it’snot enough. Weneedpeoplenowtobringtheleaderstogetherandsay,“Yes,thoseareyourkuleana,butweneedtobetogethernow.Weneedtostrategizewhattodowiththeexpertise
youhavebuiltandthepeoplearoundyouarebuildingtogether.Weneedtocomeupwithastrategyforbuildingournationagain,andyouhavetotakeastepforwardandbewillingtotakethefighttothenextlevel.Youhavetobewillingtotalktopeopleyoucouldn’tstandbefore, you have to be willing to make mistakes and maybe lose.”Anduntilwedothis,weareanationintheoryonly.
I’vebeensayingsomeofthesethingsforthelastfewmonths,recog-nizing thatwehavesuffered theattacksonouraliÿi trustsandontheOfficeofHawaiianAffairs(OHA).Iamverymuchawareofthefact that those attacks aregoing toprobably continuebecause thepeoplewhoaredoingthisbelievethattheycanwin,andthatwe’rerunning from them. We shouldn’t run from them anymore. The
KamehamehaSchools,withitsmoneyanditslands,hasthecapacitytotransformtheeconomyofthisstate.Ithasthecapacitytoeffecttremendouspoliticalchangejustbythreateningtotransformtheeconomyofthisstate.OHAcanpitchinwiththecorpusofmoneyithascollectedovertheseyearsandtheexperienceithashadwithinitsownleadership.
Being Hawaiian is
ultimately about not
wishing to be anything else.
26
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
IcanrecallthewayyourvoicewouldfilltheroomAndwewouldallbestilledbyyourmelodyAndnowyourvoiceisgoneandtotheseabelongsAllofthegentlesongsthatyouhadharbored
HawaiianSoulhowcouldyouleaveusYou’venotbeenlostatsea,you’reonlywanderingHawaiianSoulwesingyourmelodyAndsendthemouttosea,youknowtheharmony
TheysaybeforeyoulefttoseekyourdestinyThatoldervoicescalledanddrownedyourlaughterButIbelieveyouknewwhatyouwouldalwaysbeAbeaconinthestormtoguideusafter
About the Author
JonathanOsorio,PhD,isdirectoroftheKamakaküokalaniCenterforHawaiianStudies, University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa. His research and teaching interestsinclude 19th- and 20th-century law and politics in Hawaiÿi, music and identity,andindigenousrights.
27
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
By rooting Hawaiian students first in their own cultural perspective,
we provide the lens through which they can view the rest of the
world. A multicultural curriculum taught in Hawaiÿi that is devoid
of Hawaiian anything—by omission, obstruction, or obliteration—
marginalizes Hawaiian culture. Because we are in our homeland, this
type of omission affects our academic integrity. If we do not teach
Hawaiian students who they are as Hawaiians, we devalue them and
their küpuna (ancestors, elders). This is Hawaiÿi, and for that reason
alone, as teachers we must use a Hawaiian philosophy of education
that establishes Hawaiian literature as foundational before moving
out to embrace a global perspective.
Grounding Hawaiian Learners— and Teachers—in Their Indigenous Identity
Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi
correspondence may be sent to: Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi, English department, Kamehameha Schools 210 Konia Circle, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi 96817 Email: [email protected]
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HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
2�
KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
Thisessayprovidessomeanswerstothesequestions.
Inmyopinion,Hawaiianeducationisaphilosophyofeducation.Inmanyways,itisliketheotherphilosophieswehavelearnedandincorporatedinonewayoranotherthroughoutourteachingcareer.WhenIfirstbeganteachingin1984inNewportBeach,California,MadelineHunterandherfive-steplessonplanwasthephilosophical craze.Today theconceptsofmultiple intelligencesanddifferenti-ated instructionhavebecomecatchwordsforeducators.Asheadof theEnglishdepartmentatKamehamehaSchools,Ireceivefliersonaweeklybasisfordiverselearning seminars. Call it the latest craze, but many of these ideas were intro-ducedbytheHunters,Goodlads,Deweys,andothereducatorphilosophers.Greatideas!Goodphilosophies!Andwithinourclassroom,weusebitsandpieces—anddiscardtherest.
Yet, Hawaiian education differs from these others because it isaphilosophyrooted inasenseof indigenousbeing.And it isaphilosophy of education that many of us know works best withourstudentshereinHawaiÿi.WhenweshiftthefocalpointawayfromaWestern-centeredapproachtoaHawaiian/KanakaMaoli–centeredfocus,ourstudentsmakerelevantconnectionstowhat’sbeing taught, especially our haumäna (students) of Hawaiianancestry,becausesomuchofwhatistaughtandhowitistaughtisrootedinoursenseofidentityasKänakaMaoli.Ironically,manyoftheHawaiianteachingstrategiesweuseintheclassroomareconsistentwithwhatisconsidered“bestpractice.”Yes,thisisyetanotherphilosophyofeducation.
So how do we describe or even explain a Hawaiian philosophy of education?I answer this question by sharing a story of how I came to my own Hawaiianphilosophyofteaching.
Firstofall,IamaCalifornia-bornHawaiian—I’llsaymoreaboutmyupbringinglater—andIcamehometoHawaiÿiin1989.Iwasassignedfoursectionsofninth-grade English at Kamehameha Schools, and I began teaching my students thesamewayIhadtaughtinSanDiego,whereIhadtaughtthepreviousyear.Initially,mystudentswereverypoliteandpatient,but itbecameveryclear,veryquickly,thattheydidn’thaveaclueaboutwhatIwassaying.
Hawaiian education is a philosophy that is rooted in a sense of indigenous being.
AsIoftensharewithmygraduatingseniorsatKamehamehaSchools,thisisagreat time tobeaHawaiianeducator, and it is agreatprivilege to teach
ourHawaiianstudents.TheconceptofHawaiianeducationisexciting,especiallyasweseethemomentumbuildeachyear.WhenIarrivedattheconferencethismorning,*Iwasthrilledtoseetwobusloadsofstudents—ourfutureeducators—arriving. We have come a long way since the first Native Hawaiian EducationAssociationconferenceonMauiin2000.
Althoughexciting,asmanyofusknow,Hawaiianeducationisnotaneasyroad.Weareoftenmetwithresistancefromwithout—whenwealsohavetomeetnationalinitiatives like No Child Left Behind, new SAT exams, and more competitivecollegeentrancerequirements—all tobeaccomplishedwithdwindlingbudgets.
“Domorewithless”istheexpectationandfrustration.
WealsoexperienceresistancefromwithinourownHawaiiancommunities—whenparentsworrythattheirchildwillbeshortchangedornolongercompetitiveifwechangeourapproachtoeducation.Andwecan’tblamethemwhensomanyofourNativeHawaiiancommunityarenolongerabletoaffordtoliveathome.Agoodeducationhasbecomeevenmorevaluable.
Some of the questions that we, as Hawaiian educators, field include thefollowing:
• “SowhatisHawaiianeducation,anyway?AnddoesthatmeanHawaiianslearndifferentlyfromotherstudents?”
• “Aren’tyoucompromisingacademicrigorwhenyouincorporateHawaiianculture,literature,andpedagogy?”
• “HowcanHawaiianeducationhelpstudentswhohaveonlyenoughHawaiianbloodtofitintheirlittletoe?DoyoureallywanttocramtheirHawaiianethnicitydowntheirthroats?”
*This article is based on a speech delivered at the Seventh Annual Conference of the Native Hawaiian Education Association in March 2006 in Pearl City, Hawai‘i.
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HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
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KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
Thisessayprovidessomeanswerstothesequestions.
Inmyopinion,Hawaiianeducationisaphilosophyofeducation.Inmanyways,itisliketheotherphilosophieswehavelearnedandincorporatedinonewayoranotherthroughoutourteachingcareer.WhenIfirstbeganteachingin1984inNewportBeach,California,MadelineHunterandherfive-steplessonplanwasthephilosophical craze.Today theconceptsofmultiple intelligencesanddifferenti-ated instructionhavebecomecatchwordsforeducators.Asheadof theEnglishdepartmentatKamehamehaSchools,Ireceivefliersonaweeklybasisfordiverselearning seminars. Call it the latest craze, but many of these ideas were intro-ducedbytheHunters,Goodlads,Deweys,andothereducatorphilosophers.Greatideas!Goodphilosophies!Andwithinourclassroom,weusebitsandpieces—anddiscardtherest.
Yet, Hawaiian education differs from these others because it isaphilosophyrooted inasenseof indigenousbeing.And it isaphilosophy of education that many of us know works best withourstudentshereinHawaiÿi.WhenweshiftthefocalpointawayfromaWestern-centeredapproachtoaHawaiian/KanakaMaoli–centeredfocus,ourstudentsmakerelevantconnectionstowhat’sbeing taught, especially our haumäna (students) of Hawaiianancestry,becausesomuchofwhatistaughtandhowitistaughtisrootedinoursenseofidentityasKänakaMaoli.Ironically,manyoftheHawaiianteachingstrategiesweuseintheclassroomareconsistentwithwhatisconsidered“bestpractice.”Yes,thisisyetanotherphilosophyofeducation.
So how do we describe or even explain a Hawaiian philosophy of education?I answer this question by sharing a story of how I came to my own Hawaiianphilosophyofteaching.
Firstofall,IamaCalifornia-bornHawaiian—I’llsaymoreaboutmyupbringinglater—andIcamehometoHawaiÿiin1989.Iwasassignedfoursectionsofninth-grade English at Kamehameha Schools, and I began teaching my students thesamewayIhadtaughtinSanDiego,whereIhadtaughtthepreviousyear.Initially,mystudentswereverypoliteandpatient,but itbecameveryclear,veryquickly,thattheydidn’thaveaclueaboutwhatIwassaying.
Hawaiian education is a philosophy that is rooted in a sense of indigenous being.
AsIoftensharewithmygraduatingseniorsatKamehamehaSchools,thisisagreat time tobeaHawaiianeducator, and it is agreatprivilege to teach
ourHawaiianstudents.TheconceptofHawaiianeducationisexciting,especiallyasweseethemomentumbuildeachyear.WhenIarrivedattheconferencethismorning,*Iwasthrilledtoseetwobusloadsofstudents—ourfutureeducators—arriving. We have come a long way since the first Native Hawaiian EducationAssociationconferenceonMauiin2000.
Althoughexciting,asmanyofusknow,Hawaiianeducationisnotaneasyroad.Weareoftenmetwithresistancefromwithout—whenwealsohavetomeetnationalinitiatives like No Child Left Behind, new SAT exams, and more competitivecollegeentrancerequirements—all tobeaccomplishedwithdwindlingbudgets.
“Domorewithless”istheexpectationandfrustration.
WealsoexperienceresistancefromwithinourownHawaiiancommunities—whenparentsworrythattheirchildwillbeshortchangedornolongercompetitiveifwechangeourapproachtoeducation.Andwecan’tblamethemwhensomanyofourNativeHawaiiancommunityarenolongerabletoaffordtoliveathome.Agoodeducationhasbecomeevenmorevaluable.
Some of the questions that we, as Hawaiian educators, field include thefollowing:
• “SowhatisHawaiianeducation,anyway?AnddoesthatmeanHawaiianslearndifferentlyfromotherstudents?”
• “Aren’tyoucompromisingacademicrigorwhenyouincorporateHawaiianculture,literature,andpedagogy?”
• “HowcanHawaiianeducationhelpstudentswhohaveonlyenoughHawaiianbloodtofitintheirlittletoe?DoyoureallywanttocramtheirHawaiianethnicitydowntheirthroats?”
*This article is based on a speech delivered at the Seventh Annual Conference of the Native Hawaiian Education Association in March 2006 in Pearl City, Hawai‘i.
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KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
Thebestpartabouttheshiftinfocuswasthatitworked!Usingourownculturalliterature,mystudentswereabletopersonallyconnecttotheliteratureandgainthenecessaryliteraryanalysisskillsfromexaminingHawaiianmoÿolelo(stories),whichtheyalsowereabletosuccessfullyapplytoother,moreWestern—canonical—literarypieces.
MynewphilosophyworkedespeciallywellwhenteachingAmericanliterature.Ibeganeachunitwithrelevantworksfromhome.Forexample,weexaminedthepersuasivetechniquesfoundinjournalsandprotestletterswrittenbyWalterRitteandRichardSawyerinNä Manaÿo Aloha o Kahoÿolawe (Honolulu,1978)aswellasotherpiecesgeneratedbytheProtectKahoÿolaweÿOhanaduringtheireffortstostopthebombingonKahoÿolawe.WereadthesematerialsbeforewediscussedPatrickHenryandThomasJefferson,whostagedasimilar“DavidandGoliath”strugglewitha superpower.ByplacingAmerican literature intoa sharper Hawaiian-honed focus, the passion and motivationof Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson, the founding fathersof America, became familiar to my students because as NativeHawaiians, they held similar passionate opinions regarding thebombingofKahoÿolawe.Theconnectionsweremade,thebridgeswerebuilt, andmystudentsbegan to see relevance in literaturegeneratedfarawayfromourislandhome.
However,asexpected,mynewapproachtoteachingEnglishwasmetwiththequestion,“Aren’tyoucompromisingacademicrigorwhenyouincorporateHawaiianculture,literature,andpedagogy?”Unfortunately,yetnotsurprisingly,mydepartmentheadandmanyothersatthattimequestionedmeaboutthisnewapproach.
It was a fair question, but my answer then and now is—No! To assume thatincludingHawaiiancultureoraHawaiianworldviewwoulddecreaseacademicrigorwouldmeanthatourküpuna(ancestors,elders)weren’tverybrightandhadnostandardsoftheirown.
Wasitnotourküpunawhotoldus“külia i ka nuÿu”(striveforthehighest)?Itwasourküpunawhotoldus,evenscoldedus,tobelievethatperfectionandrigorweretobecelebrated.Itwasourküpunawhoproducedthefinestkapa(tapamadefromtreebark)inthePacificandwhomCaptainCooklabeledashavingestablishedthe
i needed to learn about my own identity as a Hawaiian as well as learn new Hawaiian literature.
BesidesthefactthatIwastalking100milesanhour—ItalkedasfastasIdroveinSouthernCalifornia,andIwasdangerous—theliteraturethatwewerediscussingwaswrittenbyauthors—mainlydeadhaole (foreign,Caucasian)males—wholived2,500to9,000milesawayfromHawaiÿi.ThemajorityoftheliteraturecamefromtheEastCoastofAmericaorfromEngland.
I was teaching the best and the brightest from the Hawaiiancommunity,yettheydidnotrelatetotheliterature,tome,ortomyphilosophyofteaching—whichatthattimewas:Iamtheteacher,theimparterofallEnglishknowledge,andIhavealltheanswersbecauseIwenttocollege.Sothesestudentsneededtolistentomebecause I controlled theirgrade.Whatanaivephilosophy Ihadbackthen.
Inmydesiretofigureouthowtobetterconnectwithmystudentsandtounderstandwhytheywerestruggling,Ibegantoenvisionthem and their attempt to connect with the literature as a tree,upsidedownwithitsrootsintheair,tryingdesperatelytoconnectwith both the literature and my expectations—because as good
students,theydidtryveryhard.IsoonrealizedIhadtwochoices:One,IcouldcontinueteachingasIwas,dragging100-plusstudentsthroughmycurriculum,passthemon,andthencontinuethepainandtorture,or,two,IcouldchangethewayIapproachedteachingandessentiallychangemyphilosophy.Isoonrealizeditwouldtakelesseffortformetochangethanitwouldtaketocontinuedraggingmygrade-consciousstudentsthroughmyegocentric,haole-centeredcurriculum.
This shift in philosophy was spooky. No longer could I be the imparter of allknowledgebecause Ineeded to rootmy students in literature they could relateto before I could introduce the literature I knew best. As a California-bornHawaiian, that meant I needed to learn about my own identity as a Hawaiianas well as learn new Hawaiian literature. My students became my teachers asweworkedthroughliteraturetheyknewwell.Andinsteadofmyvoicebeingtheloudestintheclassroom,mystudents’voicescametotheforefrontastheybecameempowered—myperspectivebecamejust1of25.Irealizedthatthemomentofstudentempowermenthadarrivedwhenoneofmystudentssaidhethoughtmyreadingofthetextwas“toosensitive.”
i was teaching the best and the brightest
from the Hawaiian
community, yet they did not
relate to the literature, to me, or to my
philosophy of teaching.
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KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
Thebestpartabouttheshiftinfocuswasthatitworked!Usingourownculturalliterature,mystudentswereabletopersonallyconnecttotheliteratureandgainthenecessaryliteraryanalysisskillsfromexaminingHawaiianmoÿolelo(stories),whichtheyalsowereabletosuccessfullyapplytoother,moreWestern—canonical—literarypieces.
MynewphilosophyworkedespeciallywellwhenteachingAmericanliterature.Ibeganeachunitwithrelevantworksfromhome.Forexample,weexaminedthepersuasivetechniquesfoundinjournalsandprotestletterswrittenbyWalterRitteandRichardSawyerinNä Manaÿo Aloha o Kahoÿolawe (Honolulu,1978)aswellasotherpiecesgeneratedbytheProtectKahoÿolaweÿOhanaduringtheireffortstostopthebombingonKahoÿolawe.WereadthesematerialsbeforewediscussedPatrickHenryandThomasJefferson,whostagedasimilar“DavidandGoliath”strugglewitha superpower.ByplacingAmerican literature intoa sharper Hawaiian-honed focus, the passion and motivationof Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson, the founding fathersof America, became familiar to my students because as NativeHawaiians, they held similar passionate opinions regarding thebombingofKahoÿolawe.Theconnectionsweremade,thebridgeswerebuilt, andmystudentsbegan to see relevance in literaturegeneratedfarawayfromourislandhome.
However,asexpected,mynewapproachtoteachingEnglishwasmetwiththequestion,“Aren’tyoucompromisingacademicrigorwhenyouincorporateHawaiianculture,literature,andpedagogy?”Unfortunately,yetnotsurprisingly,mydepartmentheadandmanyothersatthattimequestionedmeaboutthisnewapproach.
It was a fair question, but my answer then and now is—No! To assume thatincludingHawaiiancultureoraHawaiianworldviewwoulddecreaseacademicrigorwouldmeanthatourküpuna(ancestors,elders)weren’tverybrightandhadnostandardsoftheirown.
Wasitnotourküpunawhotoldus“külia i ka nuÿu”(striveforthehighest)?Itwasourküpunawhotoldus,evenscoldedus,tobelievethatperfectionandrigorweretobecelebrated.Itwasourküpunawhoproducedthefinestkapa(tapamadefromtreebark)inthePacificandwhomCaptainCooklabeledashavingestablishedthe
i needed to learn about my own identity as a Hawaiian as well as learn new Hawaiian literature.
BesidesthefactthatIwastalking100milesanhour—ItalkedasfastasIdroveinSouthernCalifornia,andIwasdangerous—theliteraturethatwewerediscussingwaswrittenbyauthors—mainlydeadhaole (foreign,Caucasian)males—wholived2,500to9,000milesawayfromHawaiÿi.ThemajorityoftheliteraturecamefromtheEastCoastofAmericaorfromEngland.
I was teaching the best and the brightest from the Hawaiiancommunity,yettheydidnotrelatetotheliterature,tome,ortomyphilosophyofteaching—whichatthattimewas:Iamtheteacher,theimparterofallEnglishknowledge,andIhavealltheanswersbecauseIwenttocollege.Sothesestudentsneededtolistentomebecause I controlled theirgrade.Whatanaivephilosophy Ihadbackthen.
Inmydesiretofigureouthowtobetterconnectwithmystudentsandtounderstandwhytheywerestruggling,Ibegantoenvisionthem and their attempt to connect with the literature as a tree,upsidedownwithitsrootsintheair,tryingdesperatelytoconnectwith both the literature and my expectations—because as good
students,theydidtryveryhard.IsoonrealizedIhadtwochoices:One,IcouldcontinueteachingasIwas,dragging100-plusstudentsthroughmycurriculum,passthemon,andthencontinuethepainandtorture,or,two,IcouldchangethewayIapproachedteachingandessentiallychangemyphilosophy.Isoonrealizeditwouldtakelesseffortformetochangethanitwouldtaketocontinuedraggingmygrade-consciousstudentsthroughmyegocentric,haole-centeredcurriculum.
This shift in philosophy was spooky. No longer could I be the imparter of allknowledgebecause Ineeded to rootmy students in literature they could relateto before I could introduce the literature I knew best. As a California-bornHawaiian, that meant I needed to learn about my own identity as a Hawaiianas well as learn new Hawaiian literature. My students became my teachers asweworkedthroughliteraturetheyknewwell.Andinsteadofmyvoicebeingtheloudestintheclassroom,mystudents’voicescametotheforefrontastheybecameempowered—myperspectivebecamejust1of25.Irealizedthatthemomentofstudentempowermenthadarrivedwhenoneofmystudentssaidhethoughtmyreadingofthetextwas“toosensitive.”
i was teaching the best and the brightest
from the Hawaiian
community, yet they did not
relate to the literature, to me, or to my
philosophy of teaching.
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KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
By rooting our students first in their own Hawaiian cultural perspective, weprovidethelensthroughwhichtheycanviewtherestoftheworld.ThusinthedisciplineofEnglish,IfirststartwithHawaiianliterature,thenmovetotraditionalandgloballiterature.ThisprocessexpressesaHawaiianphilosophyofeducation.
To silence the naysayers, my goal was to overwhelmmy department head with information—to answer thequestions before being asked—so I showed her every-thingIdeveloped.Inturn,shesupportedmyeffortsasaHawaiianeducator.IttookmanymoreyearsbeforeIbegantotrulywinherover,butduringthattimesheallowedmethespacetoexploreanddevelopnewcurriculum.
Even as a kumu at Kamehameha Schools where I am privileged to teach onlyHawaiianstudents, Ihavehadstudentswho initially thought theyweregettingshortchanged because I was not teaching them “real English”—whatever “realEnglish”is.Infact,onmorethanoneoccasion,aparentoroneofmycolleagueshas asked: “How can Hawaiian education help your students, especially whenmosthaveonlyenoughHawaiianbloodtofitintheirlittletoe?AnddoyoureallywanttocramtheirHawaiianethnicitydowntheirthroats?”
Thistwo-partquestiondeservesatwo-partanswer.MyfirstanswerisonethatIlearnedfromAuntyPuaKanaheleinher1995article“KeAuLonoiKahoÿolawe,Hoÿi(TheEraofLonoatKahoÿolawe,Returned)”documentingtheMakahikionKahoÿolawe(Mänoa: A Pacific Journal of International Writing,7,152–167).Shecallsitancestral memory.OurHawaiianidentitystaysinourDNA!Itdoesn’tmatterhowmuchorhowlittleHawaiianbloodourstudentshave—ittakesonlyoneancestortoconnectstudentstothemanywhocamebefore.AndIhavepersonallyseenthisplayedoutinmyownlife.
IwasbornandraisedinasmalltownontheRussianRiverinNorthernCaliforniacalledForestville.Formostofmychildhood,weweretheonlyHawaiiansinthepredominantlyWhitetown.MyHawaiianfatherwasthebabyofafamilyofeightchildrenwhowerealsobornandraisedinCalifornia.MygrandparentsarefromHawaiÿiIsland—GrandpawasaKaiwifromKona,andGrandmawasaKumalaefromHilo.Bothlefthomeatthebeginningofthe20thcentury,makingme,theirgranddaughter,asecond-generationCalifornia-bornHawaiian.
Our Hawaiian identity stays in our dNA!
mostsophisticatedsocietyinallofOceania.Therefore,ifweexpectthatsamerigorfromourstudents,thentheirperformanceshouldbetheirverybestatalltimes.Thesewereratherhighexpectations,andIamcertainmanyofyoucanalsosharestoriesofhowitworksandhowourstudentstrulyrisetothechallenge.
Therealityis,ourstudentsmustfunctioninmultipleworlds.AsNativeHawaiians,theyare thenextgenerationand thehope forourpeople.Theyalso live in theWestern society with its economic, sociopolitical, and cultural realities. Thesesamestudentsmustalsofunctioninathirdworldofpopcultureandtechnology.Navigatingbetweenmultipleworldstakestalentandsometimeswe,astheirkumu(teachers),needtoguidethemthroughthemaze.Ibelievethatgivingmystudentsasolidgrounding in their indigenous identity, then transporting themtootherculturesthroughourstudyofliterature,isonewaytohelpthemnavigatethese
differentworlds.
Withthisconvictioninmind,Iembarkedonasecondmission:building the bridge for my colleagues to understand thatsolidifying students’ indigenous identity does not mean lostrigor.Ineededtojustifyanddemonstratethatthesameskillscouldbebetter taught tomystudentswhen theywere rootedfirstinaHawaiianperspective.WhenImademyphilosophicaljustification,mydepartmentheaddidnotbuyit.Itwasoneofmy colleagues and mentors, Richard Hamasaki, who taughtmethat thesecret tochanging thestatusquowas to“answerquestionsbeforetheywereasked.”Ibeganincludingmyjusti-fications inunitplansandyearlyoverviewsaswell asprojectinstructions.IalsoidentifiedtherequiredskillsandassessmentforthestudyofbothHawaiianandAmericanliterature.
AsI introducedearlier,myunitonKahoÿolawecomparedtheHawaiian-generatedprotestliteraturewiththeprotestwritingsoftheAmericanRevolution.Irequiredmystudentstoanalyzethesamepersuasivetechniquesandstrategiesusedinthewritings
of the Protect Kahoÿolawe ÿOhana in comparison with American revolutionarywriters like Patrick Henry and his “Speech to the Virginia Convention” (1788).Notsurprisingly,whentheseskillsweretaughtinthismanner,mystudentsgotit,eventhoughtheystillthoughtPatrickHenrywasfartoolong-winded.
By rooting our students first
in their own Hawaiian cultural
perspective, we provide the
lens through which they can view the rest of
the world.
32
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
33
KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
By rooting our students first in their own Hawaiian cultural perspective, weprovidethelensthroughwhichtheycanviewtherestoftheworld.ThusinthedisciplineofEnglish,IfirststartwithHawaiianliterature,thenmovetotraditionalandgloballiterature.ThisprocessexpressesaHawaiianphilosophyofeducation.
To silence the naysayers, my goal was to overwhelmmy department head with information—to answer thequestions before being asked—so I showed her every-thingIdeveloped.Inturn,shesupportedmyeffortsasaHawaiianeducator.IttookmanymoreyearsbeforeIbegantotrulywinherover,butduringthattimesheallowedmethespacetoexploreanddevelopnewcurriculum.
Even as a kumu at Kamehameha Schools where I am privileged to teach onlyHawaiianstudents, Ihavehadstudentswho initially thought theyweregettingshortchanged because I was not teaching them “real English”—whatever “realEnglish”is.Infact,onmorethanoneoccasion,aparentoroneofmycolleagueshas asked: “How can Hawaiian education help your students, especially whenmosthaveonlyenoughHawaiianbloodtofitintheirlittletoe?AnddoyoureallywanttocramtheirHawaiianethnicitydowntheirthroats?”
Thistwo-partquestiondeservesatwo-partanswer.MyfirstanswerisonethatIlearnedfromAuntyPuaKanaheleinher1995article“KeAuLonoiKahoÿolawe,Hoÿi(TheEraofLonoatKahoÿolawe,Returned)”documentingtheMakahikionKahoÿolawe(Mänoa: A Pacific Journal of International Writing,7,152–167).Shecallsitancestral memory.OurHawaiianidentitystaysinourDNA!Itdoesn’tmatterhowmuchorhowlittleHawaiianbloodourstudentshave—ittakesonlyoneancestortoconnectstudentstothemanywhocamebefore.AndIhavepersonallyseenthisplayedoutinmyownlife.
IwasbornandraisedinasmalltownontheRussianRiverinNorthernCaliforniacalledForestville.Formostofmychildhood,weweretheonlyHawaiiansinthepredominantlyWhitetown.MyHawaiianfatherwasthebabyofafamilyofeightchildrenwhowerealsobornandraisedinCalifornia.MygrandparentsarefromHawaiÿiIsland—GrandpawasaKaiwifromKona,andGrandmawasaKumalaefromHilo.Bothlefthomeatthebeginningofthe20thcentury,makingme,theirgranddaughter,asecond-generationCalifornia-bornHawaiian.
Our Hawaiian identity stays in our dNA!
mostsophisticatedsocietyinallofOceania.Therefore,ifweexpectthatsamerigorfromourstudents,thentheirperformanceshouldbetheirverybestatalltimes.Thesewereratherhighexpectations,andIamcertainmanyofyoucanalsosharestoriesofhowitworksandhowourstudentstrulyrisetothechallenge.
Therealityis,ourstudentsmustfunctioninmultipleworlds.AsNativeHawaiians,theyare thenextgenerationand thehope forourpeople.Theyalso live in theWestern society with its economic, sociopolitical, and cultural realities. Thesesamestudentsmustalsofunctioninathirdworldofpopcultureandtechnology.Navigatingbetweenmultipleworldstakestalentandsometimeswe,astheirkumu(teachers),needtoguidethemthroughthemaze.Ibelievethatgivingmystudentsasolidgrounding in their indigenous identity, then transporting themtootherculturesthroughourstudyofliterature,isonewaytohelpthemnavigatethese
differentworlds.
Withthisconvictioninmind,Iembarkedonasecondmission:building the bridge for my colleagues to understand thatsolidifying students’ indigenous identity does not mean lostrigor.Ineededtojustifyanddemonstratethatthesameskillscouldbebetter taught tomystudentswhen theywere rootedfirstinaHawaiianperspective.WhenImademyphilosophicaljustification,mydepartmentheaddidnotbuyit.Itwasoneofmy colleagues and mentors, Richard Hamasaki, who taughtmethat thesecret tochanging thestatusquowas to“answerquestionsbeforetheywereasked.”Ibeganincludingmyjusti-fications inunitplansandyearlyoverviewsaswell asprojectinstructions.IalsoidentifiedtherequiredskillsandassessmentforthestudyofbothHawaiianandAmericanliterature.
AsI introducedearlier,myunitonKahoÿolawecomparedtheHawaiian-generatedprotestliteraturewiththeprotestwritingsoftheAmericanRevolution.Irequiredmystudentstoanalyzethesamepersuasivetechniquesandstrategiesusedinthewritings
of the Protect Kahoÿolawe ÿOhana in comparison with American revolutionarywriters like Patrick Henry and his “Speech to the Virginia Convention” (1788).Notsurprisingly,whentheseskillsweretaughtinthismanner,mystudentsgotit,eventhoughtheystillthoughtPatrickHenrywasfartoolong-winded.
By rooting our students first
in their own Hawaiian cultural
perspective, we provide the
lens through which they can view the rest of
the world.
34
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
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KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
Sohowdoesmystory relate to theHawaiian students inmyclassroomwhoseHawaiiankoko(blood)canfitintheirlittletoe?Simplyput,itisnotonlyaboutthestudents.ItcertainlywasnotonlyaboutmewhenIcamehome.Myküpunahadaplan(andinmanyways,Icamebackkickingandscreaming).ButIhavenodoubtnowthattheywantedmehome.So,whenaHawaiiankeiki(child)walksintomyclassroom,Irealizethatheorshedoesnotcomealone—heorshecomeswithhisorherÿohana—thoselivingandthosewhohavepassed.Infact,ontheseconddayofclass,mystudents introduce themselveswith theirmoÿoküÿauhau (genea-logical succession, pedigree)—not necessarily for their class-mates’benefitbuttoremindthemofwhostandswiththemandtohelpmetounderstandwhohasbeenentrustedtomycare.
Myhänaidadalwayssaysthataskumuintheclassroom,Iammerely the conduit, the guide, creating the environment andopportunity for the journey to begin. I may not see the fruitsrightawayorever,butIjustneedtotrustthatIampartoftheprocess.Myeducationalphilosophydictates that I teach to thewholestudent—representedbythosewhohavecomebeforeandtheadulteachkeikiwillbecome.
Sowhataboutthehereandnow?DoIreallywantto“cramtheirHawaiian ethnicity down their throats”? No, but I also don’twant to ignore theirHawaiianheritage.Amulticultural curric-ulum taught inHawaiÿi that isdevoidofHawaiiananything—by omission, obstruction, or obliteration—marginalizes ourHawaiian culture.Andbecauseweare inourhomeland, this typeofomissionaffectsouracademicintegrity.Ifwedon’tteachourHawaiianstudentswhotheyareasHawaiians,wedevaluethemandtheirküpuna.Therehasbeenenoughofthatfortoolong.
Most importantly, out of the chop suey mix of ethnicities that I could possiblyrootmystudents in, there isonlyoneethnicity thatcan trulyclaimHawaiÿiasits ancestral homeland. We are not in the Philippines or Portugal or China orJapan.ThisisHawaiÿi,andforthatreasonalone,IamobligatedtouseaHawaiianphilosophy of education that establishes Hawaiian literature as foundationalbeforemovingout toembraceaglobalperspectivewhen teachingmystudents,especiallythoseofHawaiianancestry.
This is Hawaiÿi, and for that reason alone, i am obligated to use a Hawaiian philosophy of education that establishes Hawaiian literature as foundational.
I grew up in a typical American family that denied our cultural background.Although my mother is 100% Moscow Russian, early in my childhood, shestoppedpracticingRussiantraditions.AndmyfatherwasintentoncapturingtheAmericandream.HetalkedverylittleaboutbeingHawaiian,besidesfightingtheracismthataccompaniedhisdarkskinandalastnameonlyidentifiableonamap
of Hawaiÿi—the channel between Oÿahu and Molokaÿi. AndI was told that Kaiwi meant “the bone,” which seemed verystrangetomeatthetime.Ireallydidn’thaveaclue.
For themostpart,people inmysmall townthoughtIwasaratherwhitewashedAmericanchildwithadifficultlastnamethatnoonecouldpronounce;however,IwasalsoveryawareofthefactthatIsawtheworlddifferently.Isawhöÿailona(signs,symbols)intheenvironmentaroundmeandconnectedwithmysurroundingsinwaysthatmyfriendsneverunderstood.IrememberIprayedtobelikeeveryoneelse—tobe“normal.”Ididn’tknowwhatnormalreallywas,exceptthatthisbrowngirlwasn’tit.
Infact,thefirsttimeIbegantofeelnormalwaswhenIcamehomeatage27andsatinKekühaupiÿogymonKamehamehaSchools’campuswith3,000otherHawaiianswholookedjustlikeme.ItwasthenIknewIwasn’tsoweirdafterall.ButIhadyettounderstandwhatbeingHawaiianmeant.
Myhänai(adoptive)parents,DaniandPhilipHanohano,weretheoneswhotookthetimetoremindmeaboutwhoIwasasaHawaiianandtoguidemeinunder-standing what I knew in my naÿau (gut). It was 17 years ago that I began myjourneyofremembering,whichbringsmetowhereIamtoday.Ittookmyküpuna70yearsbefore thefirstof their ÿohana (family) returnedhome,but theymadecertainthateventhoughIwasborntwogenerationsawayfromtheÿäina(land),IwouldnotforgetthatIamHawaiian.
When a Hawaiian keiki walks into my
classroom, i realize that
he or she comes with his or
her ÿohana—those living
and those who have passed.
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HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
35
KAiWi | INDIGENOUS IDENTITY
Sohowdoesmystory relate to theHawaiian students inmyclassroomwhoseHawaiiankoko(blood)canfitintheirlittletoe?Simplyput,itisnotonlyaboutthestudents.ItcertainlywasnotonlyaboutmewhenIcamehome.Myküpunahadaplan(andinmanyways,Icamebackkickingandscreaming).ButIhavenodoubtnowthattheywantedmehome.So,whenaHawaiiankeiki(child)walksintomyclassroom,Irealizethatheorshedoesnotcomealone—heorshecomeswithhisorherÿohana—thoselivingandthosewhohavepassed.Infact,ontheseconddayofclass,mystudents introduce themselveswith theirmoÿoküÿauhau (genea-logical succession, pedigree)—not necessarily for their class-mates’benefitbuttoremindthemofwhostandswiththemandtohelpmetounderstandwhohasbeenentrustedtomycare.
Myhänaidadalwayssaysthataskumuintheclassroom,Iammerely the conduit, the guide, creating the environment andopportunity for the journey to begin. I may not see the fruitsrightawayorever,butIjustneedtotrustthatIampartoftheprocess.Myeducationalphilosophydictates that I teach to thewholestudent—representedbythosewhohavecomebeforeandtheadulteachkeikiwillbecome.
Sowhataboutthehereandnow?DoIreallywantto“cramtheirHawaiian ethnicity down their throats”? No, but I also don’twant to ignore theirHawaiianheritage.Amulticultural curric-ulum taught inHawaiÿi that isdevoidofHawaiiananything—by omission, obstruction, or obliteration—marginalizes ourHawaiian culture.Andbecauseweare inourhomeland, this typeofomissionaffectsouracademicintegrity.Ifwedon’tteachourHawaiianstudentswhotheyareasHawaiians,wedevaluethemandtheirküpuna.Therehasbeenenoughofthatfortoolong.
Most importantly, out of the chop suey mix of ethnicities that I could possiblyrootmystudents in, there isonlyoneethnicity thatcan trulyclaimHawaiÿiasits ancestral homeland. We are not in the Philippines or Portugal or China orJapan.ThisisHawaiÿi,andforthatreasonalone,IamobligatedtouseaHawaiianphilosophy of education that establishes Hawaiian literature as foundationalbeforemovingout toembraceaglobalperspectivewhen teachingmystudents,especiallythoseofHawaiianancestry.
This is Hawaiÿi, and for that reason alone, i am obligated to use a Hawaiian philosophy of education that establishes Hawaiian literature as foundational.
I grew up in a typical American family that denied our cultural background.Although my mother is 100% Moscow Russian, early in my childhood, shestoppedpracticingRussiantraditions.AndmyfatherwasintentoncapturingtheAmericandream.HetalkedverylittleaboutbeingHawaiian,besidesfightingtheracismthataccompaniedhisdarkskinandalastnameonlyidentifiableonamap
of Hawaiÿi—the channel between Oÿahu and Molokaÿi. AndI was told that Kaiwi meant “the bone,” which seemed verystrangetomeatthetime.Ireallydidn’thaveaclue.
For themostpart,people inmysmall townthoughtIwasaratherwhitewashedAmericanchildwithadifficultlastnamethatnoonecouldpronounce;however,IwasalsoveryawareofthefactthatIsawtheworlddifferently.Isawhöÿailona(signs,symbols)intheenvironmentaroundmeandconnectedwithmysurroundingsinwaysthatmyfriendsneverunderstood.IrememberIprayedtobelikeeveryoneelse—tobe“normal.”Ididn’tknowwhatnormalreallywas,exceptthatthisbrowngirlwasn’tit.
Infact,thefirsttimeIbegantofeelnormalwaswhenIcamehomeatage27andsatinKekühaupiÿogymonKamehamehaSchools’campuswith3,000otherHawaiianswholookedjustlikeme.ItwasthenIknewIwasn’tsoweirdafterall.ButIhadyettounderstandwhatbeingHawaiianmeant.
Myhänai(adoptive)parents,DaniandPhilipHanohano,weretheoneswhotookthetimetoremindmeaboutwhoIwasasaHawaiianandtoguidemeinunder-standing what I knew in my naÿau (gut). It was 17 years ago that I began myjourneyofremembering,whichbringsmetowhereIamtoday.Ittookmyküpuna70yearsbefore thefirstof their ÿohana (family) returnedhome,but theymadecertainthateventhoughIwasborntwogenerationsawayfromtheÿäina(land),IwouldnotforgetthatIamHawaiian.
When a Hawaiian keiki walks into my
classroom, i realize that
he or she comes with his or
her ÿohana—those living
and those who have passed.
36
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
IhavedonemybesttoanswerthreeofthemanyquestionswefaceinHawaiianeducation.MyhopeisthatsomewhereinallIhaveshared,youcanfindsomethingthatcanworkforyou.ItistrulyanexcitingtimetobeaHawaiianeducator.Andweareallinthistogether.MahalotoourküpunaandKe Akua(God)whocontinuetoguideuseachday.
About the Author
MonicaA.KaÿimiponoKaiwi,a22-yearveteranteacher,currentlyservesasheadof theEnglishdepartmentatKamehamehaSchoolsKapälamaHighSchool. In1983,sheearnedherBAinEnglishfromBiolaUniversity,andin2001sheearnedherMAinEnglishfromtheUniversityofAuckland,NewZealand.AsafoundingmemberoftheNativeHawaiianEducationAssociation,shesatontheboardfor5years.Presently,shesitsontheboardofKuleanaÿÖiwiPress,whichpublishes
ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal.
41
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
In Aotearoa New Zealand, Mäori research capability has grown to
the point at which Kaupapa Mäori (“by Mäori, for Mäori”) research
is a reality. However, there are situations in which health disparities
between Mäori and Päkehä (New Zealanders of European descent)
can be better understood through innovative research collaborations
that examine the contributions of both cultures to Mäori health issues.
In the cooperative independence approach described here, Mäori and
Päkehä research teams think of themselves as “parties” to research
about Mäori patient and Päkehä primary care physician conceptions
of Mäori health. The research relationship was both satisfying and
productive. The findings highlight the cultural gulf between Päkehä
physicians and Mäori clients, suggesting the need for cultural
competency training for physicians.
Kaupapa Mäori Research and Päkehä Social Science: Epistemological Tensions in a Study of Mäori Health
Fiona Cram, Tim McCreanor, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Ray Nairn,
and Wayne Johnstone
correspondence may be sent to: Fiona Cram, Katoa Ltd. 21 Reuben Avenue, Brooklyn, Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealand Email: [email protected]
42
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
43
CRAM | MÄORI–PÄKEHÄ RESEARCH
Ko koe ki tena, ko ahau ki tenei kiwai o te keteYouatthatandIatthishandleofthebasket
Inthisarticlewefocusontheprocessesinvolvedinabiculturalresearchproject(hereafterthephysicianproject),fundedbytheHealthResearchCouncilofNew
Zealand, in which independent but collaborating Mäori1 and Päkehä2 researchteamsinvestigatedthewaysinwhichMäoriusersofprimaryhealthcareservicesandPäkehäphysicianstalkaboutMäorihealthandtheirexperienceswitheachotherinhealthencounters.Theaimofthisresearchprojectwastoinvestigatethediscursivepracticesatplayinthisdomainofinterculturalrelationstounderstandany impacts they may have on the persistent health disparities between MäoriandPäkehä.
Alongsideadescriptionofthestudyitself,wepresentamethodologicalanalysisof our own research process as a reflexive commentary on the epistemologicaltensions inherent in research across power differentials, and as a contributionto some unanswered challenges presented by Päkehä and Mäori researchersundertakinghealthresearchof interest toMäori.Thepurposeof thisapproachistoilluminatetheepistemological,theoretical,andpoliticalcommitmentsthatMäoriandPäkehäresearchersbroughttotheproject.Assuch,thearticlerelatestoestablishedcriticaltraditionsthatcountreflexivity,awareness,andsensitivitytotheplaceoftheresearcherinknowledgecreationasimportantissuesinvalidatingandinterpretingresearchfindings(L.T.Smith,1999;Wetherell,Taylor,&Yates,2001).AnadditionalgoalofthisarticleistostimulatemethodologicalandpoliticaldebatesonmodelsofMäori–Päkehäresearchrelationsinthesocialsciences inAotearoaNewZealandand toadd toconversationsabout indigenous–nonindig-enousresearchrelationsinthesocialsciencesglobally.
Astheresearchcapacityofindigenousgroupscontinuestoincrease,therewillbeagrowingneedforsuchchallenges tocurrentnotionsofresearchrelations. InHawaiÿi,programssuchasÿImiHale–NativeHawaiianCancerNetworkarestrivingtobuildNativeHawaiianhealthresearchcapacity(Tsark&Braun,2004).Someof thereflections in thisarticlemaywellconnectwith theexperienceofNativeHawaiianhealthresearchersontwofronts:thecreationofresearchcollaborationswithnonindigenousresearchersandtheexaminationofhealthcareencountersbetweenindigenouspatientsandnonindigenousphysicians.
Mäori Health Disparities
ThestartingpointforourresearchwasthesharpeningofourgeneralknowledgeaboutMäorihealth.ThehealthdisparitiesbetweenMäoriandPäkehäpopulationswithinAotearoaNewZealandarewelldocumented(Howden-Chapman&Tobias,2000;Pömareetal.,1995).Mäorihavepooreroutcomesacrossawiderangeofhealthstatistics,andthisdisparityhasbeenreflectedinofficialstatisticsformanydecades(e.g.,Turbott,1940).Thegapmayhavebeenreducedover thedecadesofthe20thcentury,butitstillremains.Mäorihealthresearchersarguethatthegovernmentalreformsofthelate1980sandearly1990sledtoanincreaseinthedisparity(Ajwani,Blakely,Robson,Tobias,&Bonne,2003;Pömareetal.,1995).
Health disparities between indigenous and nonindigenous peoples are anenduring legacyofcolonization (Smylie,2005). In the1990s,NativeHawaiianshadthelowestlifeexpectancyintheUnitedStatesandsuffereddisparateratesofheartdisease,cancer,anddiabetes.Withinadominatingcultureofbiomedicine,acommonlyheldviewisthatNativeHawaiiansareinnatelyunhealthy(Blaisdell,1998;McMullin,2005).ThisisnotdissimilartoPäkehärepresentationsofMäori(McCreanor&Nairn,2002a,2002b).
Common Päkehä representations of Mäori health, based on the reductionistbiomedicalmodel,facilitateblamingMäori,orsometimesMäoriculture,forthecurrentstateofaffairs.InsuchtalkMäoriarerepresentedasignorant,shy,super-stitious, or backward (Beaglehole & Beaglehole, 1946). Historically, the PäkehäresponsebasedonsuchconstructionshasbeenmanifestinattacksontraditionalMäorimedicalpracticesoreffortsto“educate”Mäoripeople(Simon&Smith,2001).Intheearlydecadesofthe20thcentury,healthworkerspersuadedMäorimothersnottobreastfeedor,alternatively,toboiltheirbreastmilktoreducetuberculosis.Turbott’s(1940)accountoftyphoidamongMäoriisanotherexample,stressingtheneedfor“education…todevelopthedesireforimprovedhygieneandbetterhomes”(p.247).Amorerecentexampleoftheprocessofblamingculturalpracticeswasfoundinthediscussionsofcotdeath.Thepublishedpreventionstrategiesinthe1990sledtomarkedreductionsinthedeathsofPäkehäbabies,whiledeathratesamongMäoribabiesremainedvirtuallyunchanged(PublicHealthCommission,1993).Facedwith this failure,someauthoritiesattemptedtopinMäorirates tobed-sharing (see, e.g., “Coroner has Warning,” 1993). Blaming Mäori for theirown ill-health serves to avoid consideration of the impacts of Päkehä systems,ideologies,andpractices(i.e.,theentirecolonialprocess)ontheissue.
42
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
43
CRAM | MÄORI–PÄKEHÄ RESEARCH
Ko koe ki tena, ko ahau ki tenei kiwai o te keteYouatthatandIatthishandleofthebasket
Inthisarticlewefocusontheprocessesinvolvedinabiculturalresearchproject(hereafterthephysicianproject),fundedbytheHealthResearchCouncilofNew
Zealand, in which independent but collaborating Mäori1 and Päkehä2 researchteamsinvestigatedthewaysinwhichMäoriusersofprimaryhealthcareservicesandPäkehäphysicianstalkaboutMäorihealthandtheirexperienceswitheachotherinhealthencounters.Theaimofthisresearchprojectwastoinvestigatethediscursivepracticesatplayinthisdomainofinterculturalrelationstounderstandany impacts they may have on the persistent health disparities between MäoriandPäkehä.
Alongsideadescriptionofthestudyitself,wepresentamethodologicalanalysisof our own research process as a reflexive commentary on the epistemologicaltensions inherent in research across power differentials, and as a contributionto some unanswered challenges presented by Päkehä and Mäori researchersundertakinghealthresearchof interest toMäori.Thepurposeof thisapproachistoilluminatetheepistemological,theoretical,andpoliticalcommitmentsthatMäoriandPäkehäresearchersbroughttotheproject.Assuch,thearticlerelatestoestablishedcriticaltraditionsthatcountreflexivity,awareness,andsensitivitytotheplaceoftheresearcherinknowledgecreationasimportantissuesinvalidatingandinterpretingresearchfindings(L.T.Smith,1999;Wetherell,Taylor,&Yates,2001).AnadditionalgoalofthisarticleistostimulatemethodologicalandpoliticaldebatesonmodelsofMäori–Päkehäresearchrelationsinthesocialsciences inAotearoaNewZealandand toadd toconversationsabout indigenous–nonindig-enousresearchrelationsinthesocialsciencesglobally.
Astheresearchcapacityofindigenousgroupscontinuestoincrease,therewillbeagrowingneedforsuchchallenges tocurrentnotionsofresearchrelations. InHawaiÿi,programssuchasÿImiHale–NativeHawaiianCancerNetworkarestrivingtobuildNativeHawaiianhealthresearchcapacity(Tsark&Braun,2004).Someof thereflections in thisarticlemaywellconnectwith theexperienceofNativeHawaiianhealthresearchersontwofronts:thecreationofresearchcollaborationswithnonindigenousresearchersandtheexaminationofhealthcareencountersbetweenindigenouspatientsandnonindigenousphysicians.
Mäori Health Disparities
ThestartingpointforourresearchwasthesharpeningofourgeneralknowledgeaboutMäorihealth.ThehealthdisparitiesbetweenMäoriandPäkehäpopulationswithinAotearoaNewZealandarewelldocumented(Howden-Chapman&Tobias,2000;Pömareetal.,1995).Mäorihavepooreroutcomesacrossawiderangeofhealthstatistics,andthisdisparityhasbeenreflectedinofficialstatisticsformanydecades(e.g.,Turbott,1940).Thegapmayhavebeenreducedover thedecadesofthe20thcentury,butitstillremains.Mäorihealthresearchersarguethatthegovernmentalreformsofthelate1980sandearly1990sledtoanincreaseinthedisparity(Ajwani,Blakely,Robson,Tobias,&Bonne,2003;Pömareetal.,1995).
Health disparities between indigenous and nonindigenous peoples are anenduring legacyofcolonization (Smylie,2005). In the1990s,NativeHawaiianshadthelowestlifeexpectancyintheUnitedStatesandsuffereddisparateratesofheartdisease,cancer,anddiabetes.Withinadominatingcultureofbiomedicine,acommonlyheldviewisthatNativeHawaiiansareinnatelyunhealthy(Blaisdell,1998;McMullin,2005).ThisisnotdissimilartoPäkehärepresentationsofMäori(McCreanor&Nairn,2002a,2002b).
Common Päkehä representations of Mäori health, based on the reductionistbiomedicalmodel,facilitateblamingMäori,orsometimesMäoriculture,forthecurrentstateofaffairs.InsuchtalkMäoriarerepresentedasignorant,shy,super-stitious, or backward (Beaglehole & Beaglehole, 1946). Historically, the PäkehäresponsebasedonsuchconstructionshasbeenmanifestinattacksontraditionalMäorimedicalpracticesoreffortsto“educate”Mäoripeople(Simon&Smith,2001).Intheearlydecadesofthe20thcentury,healthworkerspersuadedMäorimothersnottobreastfeedor,alternatively,toboiltheirbreastmilktoreducetuberculosis.Turbott’s(1940)accountoftyphoidamongMäoriisanotherexample,stressingtheneedfor“education…todevelopthedesireforimprovedhygieneandbetterhomes”(p.247).Amorerecentexampleoftheprocessofblamingculturalpracticeswasfoundinthediscussionsofcotdeath.Thepublishedpreventionstrategiesinthe1990sledtomarkedreductionsinthedeathsofPäkehäbabies,whiledeathratesamongMäoribabiesremainedvirtuallyunchanged(PublicHealthCommission,1993).Facedwith this failure,someauthoritiesattemptedtopinMäorirates tobed-sharing (see, e.g., “Coroner has Warning,” 1993). Blaming Mäori for theirown ill-health serves to avoid consideration of the impacts of Päkehä systems,ideologies,andpractices(i.e.,theentirecolonialprocess)ontheissue.
44
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
45
CRAM | MÄORI–PÄKEHÄ RESEARCH
GeneralMäoriconceptionsofhealth,ontheotherhand,areknownfromanumberofwrittendescriptionsidentifyingintegrated,holistic,community-basedconceptsthatdifferfundamentallyfromthestandardPäkehäapproach(e.g.,Pere,1988).Inthisway,MäoriconceptionsofhealthareclosetothoseofNativeHawaiians(e.g.,Mayberry,Affonso,Shibuya,&Clemmens,1998;McMullin,2005).Mäoriconcep-tions of health tend to cohere around resilient cultural concepts and practices,suchastherelationshipbetweentinana(body)andwairua(spiritualessence),theconceptsoftapu(sacred)andnoa(ordinary),andtheritualoftangi(mourning),tonameafew(Dansey,1992;Marsden,1992).Theserepresentationspromoteholistic,integratedpracticesbasedonself-sufficiencyandMäoriempiricalknowledgeabouthealthandhealing.Theyincludediet,exercise,herbalandtraditionalmedicines,theuseofkarakia(prayer),whänau(family)involvement,andotherpracticesthathave been frequently criticized, undermined, and sometimes outlawed by thedominantPäkehäviewsonhealth.
In the past 20 years, Mäori views of health have crystallized older, culturalunderstandings, to conceptualize a holistic schema encompassing tinana (thephysicalelement),hinengaro(thementalstate),wairua(thespirit),andwhänau(theimmediateandwiderfamily)withinthehealtharea(Murchie,1984).AlsoknownastheWhare Tapa Wha,orfourcornerposts(Durie,1994),theseaspectsoccurinthecontextofTe Whenua(landprovidingasenseofidentityandbelonging),Te Reo(thelanguageofcommunication),Te Ao Turoa(environment),andWhanaungatanga(extendedfamilyrelationships;seePublicHealthCommission,1993,p.24).Thedisruptionofsuchtheoreticalstructuresandthepracticestheysustain,byPäkehäideologiesofhealthinthecourseofthecolonialprocess,meansitisunclearifandhow these ideologiesareactiveamongMäori in thecontemporarysetting.TheMäorisectionofthephysicianprojectsoughttodiscoverifanyoftheseresourcesareusedinthetalkofMäoriparticipantsinconstructingMäorihealth.
MäorialsoreportunderstandingsaboutPäkehähealthcarethatarethelegacyofpastexperiencesbetweenMäoriclientsandPäkehähealthprofessionals.Theseinclude suspicions about treatment, the reluctance to engage in an interactionwithhealthprofessionals,andbehavior referred to in thesociological literatureasresistance(L.T.Smith,1985).Suchactionshavebeeninterpretedbysomeasevidenceofwhakamä,thenotionofshameorshyness(Metge,1986),buttheymayalsobepartofamoregeneralreactiontobeingtreatedinpatronizingorpaternalisticways(Awatere,1984).Considerationofthislastpoint,alongsidehistoricalaccounts
ofMäorigoodhealthpriortoEuropeanincursionintothecountry,madeuslessinclinedtoacceptthevictim-blamingconclusionsofindividualizingbiomedicineasasatisfactoryexplanationofMäorihealthdisparities.Instead,wewantedtolookatwhatthemedicalsystemcouldbecontributingtothesituation.WeknewthatMäoriutilizationofprimaryhealthcareserviceswasdifferentinnature,ifnotinlevel,tothatofPäkehä(McAvoy,Davis,Raymont,&Gribben,1994).Mäoriwereshowntopresentlaterandwithmorefloridsymptoms,suggestinganonspecificdiscomfortwith themedical system. If therewereproblems,wouldwebeabletoshedlightontheminthePäkehäsectionofthephysicianprojectbytalkingtomedicalpractitionerswho,afterall,aretheempowered,authorizedpartiestothisinterfacebetweenMäoriandPäkehä?ItwaswiththisquestioninmindthatweturnedourattentiontoprimaryhealthcareinAotearoaNewZealand.
Primary Health Care
Mäori seeking primary medical care will invariably end up in the consultingroomsofPäkehäphysicians,because thenumberofMäoriphysicians is small.TheconsultingroomcanbeviewedasasiteofstrugglebetweenMäoripatientsand Päkehä physicians. The struggle occurs because of the meeting of twodifferentkindsof“livedideologies,”namely,PäkehäandMäori.It isastruggleoverpowerandoverwhoseideologyinformsandcontrolstheinteraction.Withinthiscontext,theinteractionbetweenMäoripatientandPäkehäphysicianbecomesmorethanjustgettingalongwellandcommunicatingonaninterpersonallevel;itisalsoaboutnegotiatingculturalboundaries.Thecentralfocusofourstudyishowbothpartiesthatengageintheseinteractions—MäoriaspatientsandPäkehäasphysicians—talkaboutMäorihealthandtheirexperiencesofinteractingwithoneanother.
Theliterature(Silverman,1987;Simpsonetal.,1991)pointsoutthatthequalityofsuchtalkhasprofoundimpacts—evenonapparentlyphysicalsymptomssuchasbloodpressure—andisofcrucialimportanceinpsychosocialandpsychiatricproblems.Communication is also strongly implicated in treatment complianceinchronicdiseasessuchasdiabetes(Kaplan,Greenfield,&Ware,1989).Inthis
44
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
45
CRAM | MÄORI–PÄKEHÄ RESEARCH
GeneralMäoriconceptionsofhealth,ontheotherhand,areknownfromanumberofwrittendescriptionsidentifyingintegrated,holistic,community-basedconceptsthatdifferfundamentallyfromthestandardPäkehäapproach(e.g.,Pere,1988).Inthisway,MäoriconceptionsofhealthareclosetothoseofNativeHawaiians(e.g.,Mayberry,Affonso,Shibuya,&Clemmens,1998;McMullin,2005).Mäoriconcep-tions of health tend to cohere around resilient cultural concepts and practices,suchastherelationshipbetweentinana(body)andwairua(spiritualessence),theconceptsoftapu(sacred)andnoa(ordinary),andtheritualoftangi(mourning),tonameafew(Dansey,1992;Marsden,1992).Theserepresentationspromoteholistic,integratedpracticesbasedonself-sufficiencyandMäoriempiricalknowledgeabouthealthandhealing.Theyincludediet,exercise,herbalandtraditionalmedicines,theuseofkarakia(prayer),whänau(family)involvement,andotherpracticesthathave been frequently criticized, undermined, and sometimes outlawed by thedominantPäkehäviewsonhealth.
In the past 20 years, Mäori views of health have crystallized older, culturalunderstandings, to conceptualize a holistic schema encompassing tinana (thephysicalelement),hinengaro(thementalstate),wairua(thespirit),andwhänau(theimmediateandwiderfamily)withinthehealtharea(Murchie,1984).AlsoknownastheWhare Tapa Wha,orfourcornerposts(Durie,1994),theseaspectsoccurinthecontextofTe Whenua(landprovidingasenseofidentityandbelonging),Te Reo(thelanguageofcommunication),Te Ao Turoa(environment),andWhanaungatanga(extendedfamilyrelationships;seePublicHealthCommission,1993,p.24).Thedisruptionofsuchtheoreticalstructuresandthepracticestheysustain,byPäkehäideologiesofhealthinthecourseofthecolonialprocess,meansitisunclearifandhow these ideologiesareactiveamongMäori in thecontemporarysetting.TheMäorisectionofthephysicianprojectsoughttodiscoverifanyoftheseresourcesareusedinthetalkofMäoriparticipantsinconstructingMäorihealth.
MäorialsoreportunderstandingsaboutPäkehähealthcarethatarethelegacyofpastexperiencesbetweenMäoriclientsandPäkehähealthprofessionals.Theseinclude suspicions about treatment, the reluctance to engage in an interactionwithhealthprofessionals,andbehavior referred to in thesociological literatureasresistance(L.T.Smith,1985).Suchactionshavebeeninterpretedbysomeasevidenceofwhakamä,thenotionofshameorshyness(Metge,1986),buttheymayalsobepartofamoregeneralreactiontobeingtreatedinpatronizingorpaternalisticways(Awatere,1984).Considerationofthislastpoint,alongsidehistoricalaccounts
ofMäorigoodhealthpriortoEuropeanincursionintothecountry,madeuslessinclinedtoacceptthevictim-blamingconclusionsofindividualizingbiomedicineasasatisfactoryexplanationofMäorihealthdisparities.Instead,wewantedtolookatwhatthemedicalsystemcouldbecontributingtothesituation.WeknewthatMäoriutilizationofprimaryhealthcareserviceswasdifferentinnature,ifnotinlevel,tothatofPäkehä(McAvoy,Davis,Raymont,&Gribben,1994).Mäoriwereshowntopresentlaterandwithmorefloridsymptoms,suggestinganonspecificdiscomfortwith themedical system. If therewereproblems,wouldwebeabletoshedlightontheminthePäkehäsectionofthephysicianprojectbytalkingtomedicalpractitionerswho,afterall,aretheempowered,authorizedpartiestothisinterfacebetweenMäoriandPäkehä?ItwaswiththisquestioninmindthatweturnedourattentiontoprimaryhealthcareinAotearoaNewZealand.
Primary Health Care
Mäori seeking primary medical care will invariably end up in the consultingroomsofPäkehäphysicians,because thenumberofMäoriphysicians is small.TheconsultingroomcanbeviewedasasiteofstrugglebetweenMäoripatientsand Päkehä physicians. The struggle occurs because of the meeting of twodifferentkindsof“livedideologies,”namely,PäkehäandMäori.It isastruggleoverpowerandoverwhoseideologyinformsandcontrolstheinteraction.Withinthiscontext,theinteractionbetweenMäoripatientandPäkehäphysicianbecomesmorethanjustgettingalongwellandcommunicatingonaninterpersonallevel;itisalsoaboutnegotiatingculturalboundaries.Thecentralfocusofourstudyishowbothpartiesthatengageintheseinteractions—MäoriaspatientsandPäkehäasphysicians—talkaboutMäorihealthandtheirexperiencesofinteractingwithoneanother.
Theliterature(Silverman,1987;Simpsonetal.,1991)pointsoutthatthequalityofsuchtalkhasprofoundimpacts—evenonapparentlyphysicalsymptomssuchasbloodpressure—andisofcrucialimportanceinpsychosocialandpsychiatricproblems.Communication is also strongly implicated in treatment complianceinchronicdiseasessuchasdiabetes(Kaplan,Greenfield,&Ware,1989).Inthis
46
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
47
CRAM | MÄORI–PÄKEHÄ RESEARCH
vein,oneprominentstudy(Mishler,1984)hastakenadiscourseanalyticapproachfocusedprimarilyonthediagnosticinterview,highlightingthematerialimpactsofsuchspecificdiscourse.Althoughdoctor–patientcommunicationisanimportantfacet of our concerns in this project (and a likely subject for detailed investiga-tionbeyondit),wewerekeentocast thenetwidertodrawinotherfeaturesofdiscourse that constituteamoregeneral context toMäorihealth.Aspreviouslyoutlined,history (bothpersonal andsociopolitical), relationsofdominanceandoppression,worldviewandspirituality,areallexpectedtoinfluenceconstructionsofhealthanalyzedinthisstudy.
Thesecondstrandofthisprojectstory,areflexivecommentarythatweavesinandoutofourteamdiscussionsoftheresearchtopic,beganwithourdeliberationofwhoshouldconductMäorihealthresearch.
Who Should Do Mäori Health Research?
Inmanyfieldsofsocialscienceresearch,includinghealth—whereresearchersareconducting investigations with groups who are comparatively disadvantaged ormarginalized—itisrecommendedthatresearchpartnershipsbeformedtoreducetheperceiveddistancebetweenthosedoingtheresearchandthosebeingresearched.Sucharrangementsaredescribedasa vehicle throughwhich researchers, theirwork,andtheknowledgeproducedcanbemore“useful”toparticipantcommuni-ties(MoewakaBarnes,2000).Forexample,intheAustraliancontext,Humphery(2001)highlightedcallsforindigenousinvolvementinthedirectionandconductof research important to indigenous communities. Furthermore, First NationspeoplesinCanadahavecalledforresearchtobedecolonized(TenFingers,2005),andinHawaiÿi,movesareafoottofirmlyrecenterNativeHawaiianswithinresearchandevaluationwithindigenouscommunities(Cook,2001;Kahakalau,2004).
In Aotearoa New Zealand, where the indigenous Mäori have been displacedanddispossessed in thecourseof160yearsofPäkehäcolonization,guidelinesfor Päkehä researchers wanting to research Mäori health issues urge theestablishment of collaborative research approaches and partnerships. Ethicsguidelineswithinsomedisciplineshavealsobeenformulatedwiththenotionof
partnershipbetweennon-MäoriresearchersandMäoriresearchcommunitiesinmind(e.g.,TeAwekotuku,1991).Theseinitiativesaretobeadmiredbecausetheyhavepromptedallresearcherstoquestiontheirpracticeand, indeed, theirviewoftheworld,sothatinoursituationthereisemergingconsensusthatresearchshould be at least culturally sensitive, if not fully vested with the provisions ofculturalsafety(Ramsden,1997).However,suchmovesarepremisedonashortfallinMäoriresearchcapacitythatrequiresnon-MäoriresearcherstoconductMäoriresearch.ThisshortfallislessandlesslikelyasMäoriresearchcapacityisgrowingrapidly.Assuch, theguidanceoffered to researchersdoesnot fullyexplore theissuesfacedbyMäoriresearcherswhoareconductingresearchwithMäori.Thisisnotasituationofresearchersresearching“down”;rathertheseresearchersmustnegotiatethemultipleandoftensubtlewaysinwhichtheyarebothaninsiderandanoutsidertotheirparticipantgroup(L.T.Smith,1999).
In addition, the guidelines on partnership research do not speak to Päkehäresearcherswhowanttodoresearch“for”Mäorithatisnotnecessarilyresearch
“with”or“on”Mäori;inotherwords,Päkehäresearcherswhowanttheirresearchto support a Mäori epistemological framework through the development of aresearch-basedcritiqueofPäkehä theories,policies, andpractices, especially astheyrelatetoMäori–Päkehärelations.Inresponsetothefirstofthesegaps,L.T.Smith(1999)outlinedsevenethicalprinciplesthatarerelevantforMäoriresearch.Cram(2001)expandedtheseprinciplesingeneralresearchguidelinesforMäoriresearchers (seeTable1).ThesecondissueofPäkehäresearcherssupportingaMäori kaupapa (framework) remains largely unaddressed (Cram & McCreanor,1993;Huygens,1993).Inseekingguidanceonthisissue,weturnedtothefoundingdocumentofAotearoaNewZealand:Te Tiriti o Waitangi(TheTreatyofWaitangi;Orange,1987).
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vein,oneprominentstudy(Mishler,1984)hastakenadiscourseanalyticapproachfocusedprimarilyonthediagnosticinterview,highlightingthematerialimpactsofsuchspecificdiscourse.Althoughdoctor–patientcommunicationisanimportantfacet of our concerns in this project (and a likely subject for detailed investiga-tionbeyondit),wewerekeentocast thenetwidertodrawinotherfeaturesofdiscourse that constituteamoregeneral context toMäorihealth.Aspreviouslyoutlined,history (bothpersonal andsociopolitical), relationsofdominanceandoppression,worldviewandspirituality,areallexpectedtoinfluenceconstructionsofhealthanalyzedinthisstudy.
Thesecondstrandofthisprojectstory,areflexivecommentarythatweavesinandoutofourteamdiscussionsoftheresearchtopic,beganwithourdeliberationofwhoshouldconductMäorihealthresearch.
Who Should Do Mäori Health Research?
Inmanyfieldsofsocialscienceresearch,includinghealth—whereresearchersareconducting investigations with groups who are comparatively disadvantaged ormarginalized—itisrecommendedthatresearchpartnershipsbeformedtoreducetheperceiveddistancebetweenthosedoingtheresearchandthosebeingresearched.Sucharrangementsaredescribedasa vehicle throughwhich researchers, theirwork,andtheknowledgeproducedcanbemore“useful”toparticipantcommuni-ties(MoewakaBarnes,2000).Forexample,intheAustraliancontext,Humphery(2001)highlightedcallsforindigenousinvolvementinthedirectionandconductof research important to indigenous communities. Furthermore, First NationspeoplesinCanadahavecalledforresearchtobedecolonized(TenFingers,2005),andinHawaiÿi,movesareafoottofirmlyrecenterNativeHawaiianswithinresearchandevaluationwithindigenouscommunities(Cook,2001;Kahakalau,2004).
In Aotearoa New Zealand, where the indigenous Mäori have been displacedanddispossessed in thecourseof160yearsofPäkehäcolonization,guidelinesfor Päkehä researchers wanting to research Mäori health issues urge theestablishment of collaborative research approaches and partnerships. Ethicsguidelineswithinsomedisciplineshavealsobeenformulatedwiththenotionof
partnershipbetweennon-MäoriresearchersandMäoriresearchcommunitiesinmind(e.g.,TeAwekotuku,1991).Theseinitiativesaretobeadmiredbecausetheyhavepromptedallresearcherstoquestiontheirpracticeand, indeed, theirviewoftheworld,sothatinoursituationthereisemergingconsensusthatresearchshould be at least culturally sensitive, if not fully vested with the provisions ofculturalsafety(Ramsden,1997).However,suchmovesarepremisedonashortfallinMäoriresearchcapacitythatrequiresnon-MäoriresearcherstoconductMäoriresearch.ThisshortfallislessandlesslikelyasMäoriresearchcapacityisgrowingrapidly.Assuch, theguidanceoffered to researchersdoesnot fullyexplore theissuesfacedbyMäoriresearcherswhoareconductingresearchwithMäori.Thisisnotasituationofresearchersresearching“down”;rathertheseresearchersmustnegotiatethemultipleandoftensubtlewaysinwhichtheyarebothaninsiderandanoutsidertotheirparticipantgroup(L.T.Smith,1999).
In addition, the guidelines on partnership research do not speak to Päkehäresearcherswhowanttodoresearch“for”Mäorithatisnotnecessarilyresearch
“with”or“on”Mäori;inotherwords,Päkehäresearcherswhowanttheirresearchto support a Mäori epistemological framework through the development of aresearch-basedcritiqueofPäkehä theories,policies, andpractices, especially astheyrelatetoMäori–Päkehärelations.Inresponsetothefirstofthesegaps,L.T.Smith(1999)outlinedsevenethicalprinciplesthatarerelevantforMäoriresearch.Cram(2001)expandedtheseprinciplesingeneralresearchguidelinesforMäoriresearchers (seeTable1).ThesecondissueofPäkehäresearcherssupportingaMäori kaupapa (framework) remains largely unaddressed (Cram & McCreanor,1993;Huygens,1993).Inseekingguidanceonthisissue,weturnedtothefoundingdocumentofAotearoaNewZealand:Te Tiriti o Waitangi(TheTreatyofWaitangi;Orange,1987).
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The treaty was first signed at Waitangi on February 6, 1840, by Mäori chiefsand British officials. It paved the way for British settlement in Aotearoa NewZealand while at the same time guaranteeing social and economic rights andprivilegestoMäori (McCreanor,1989).TheprincipalrightguaranteedtoMäoriwastino rangatiratanga,whichdenotesnotonlypossessionbutalsocontrolandmanagementoflands,dwellingplaces,andotherpossessions(WaitangiTribunal,1983). However, disputes over the treaty have occurred because of differencesbetweentheEnglishandMäoriversionsofthetreaty.IntheEnglishtextMäoricede “sovereignty” to the Queen, whereas in the Mäori version they cede onlykawanatanga,therighttogovern.
Controversy and debate still surround the role of the treaty in Aotearoa NewZealandsociety,butithascertainlycometotheforefrontofcurrent-daydiscussionsabout Mäori–Päkehä relations and Mäori aspirations for self-determination(Dyck&Kearns,1995;Jackson,2004).Itthereforestandstoreasonthatthetreatyshouldalsobeconsideredcentraltoadiscussionofresearchconductedwithinthis
Note: From “Researching in the Margins: Issues for Mäori Researchers—A Discussion Paper,” by L.T. Smith, 2006, AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Scholarship, (Special Supplement 2006–Marginalisation), pp. 4–27. Copyright 2006 by Ngä Pae o te Märamatanga.
TAblE 1 “Community-Up” approach to defining research conduct
Cultural values (L. T. Smith, 1���)
Researcher guidelines (Cram, 2001)
Aroha ki te tangata A respect for people; allow people to define their own space and meet on their own terms.
He kanohi kitea It is important to meet people face to face and to also be a face that is known to and seen within a community.
Titiro, whakarongo… körero
Looking and listening (and then maybe speaking); develop understanding in order to find a place from which to speak.
Manaaki ki te tangata Sharing, hosting, being generous.
Kia tupato Be cautious; be politically astute, culturally safe, and reflective about insider/outsider status.
Kaua e takahia te mana o te tangata
Do not trample on the “mana” or dignity of a person.
Kia mahaki Be humble; do not flaunt your knowledge; find ways of sharing it.
country.ItwastemptingtousethecommonterminologyinAotearoaNewZealandoftreaty“partnership”andapplythistotherelationshipbetweentheMäoriandPäkehäresearchteams.However,wewerewaryoftreadingthenegativepathwaysthathavecometobeassociatedwiththetermpartnership(Torjman,1998).Itistoo easy to conceal important power differentials beneath the egalitarian glossofpartnership,afactorwidelyexperiencedinbureaucraticresponsestoPäkehätreatyresponsibilities.
Instead,weprefertodefinepartnershipasagoalratherthanasanexistingstate.We have therefore chosen to base our thinking within an analysis that viewsMäoriandPäkehäaspartiestotheTreatyofWaitangi,andwehaveappliedthisterminologytoourresearchrelationships.Bothpartiestotheresearchthereforehaveastake in itandhaveconsequentrightsandresponsibilities.Theserightsand responsibilities were to be negotiated between parties throughout theproject.3Being“partiestoaresearchproject” isalsoterminologythatcanapplymore generally to indigenous–nonindigenous research collaborations, even intheabsenceof anoverarching treaty.The followingsectiondescribesonesuchresearchcollaboration.
The Present Project
Thepresentprojectexaminedhowtwogroupsofparticipants,MäoripatientsandPäkehä physicians, talk about Mäori health. These speakers constitute a givenentitysuchasMäorihealthindifferingways,dependingontheirunderstandingofthecontextinwhichtheyarespeaking.Todothis,theymustdrawonanarrayofresourcesprovidedwithintheircommunity.Theseresourcesaretheobjectofthisstudy.Forthisproject,itmeanswedonotseektoprovideadefinitiverepresenta-tion of the single coherent entity, “Mäori health,” but to identify the resourcestwodistinctgroupsofinformantsuseinconstitutingtheentityintheirtalk.Wefeltthatifwecoulddescribetheseresources—andparticularly,ifwecouldunder-standcriticaldifferencesbetweenthem—thenwewouldbeinapositiontoinformandencourageactioninbothgroupstoimproveoutcomes.Acriticalelementofthe present project was the relationship between the two research teams, withthePäkehäresearchteamtakingresponsibilityforexaminingthetalkofPäkehäphysicians and the Mäori research team taking responsibility for talking withMäoripatients.
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The treaty was first signed at Waitangi on February 6, 1840, by Mäori chiefsand British officials. It paved the way for British settlement in Aotearoa NewZealand while at the same time guaranteeing social and economic rights andprivilegestoMäori (McCreanor,1989).TheprincipalrightguaranteedtoMäoriwastino rangatiratanga,whichdenotesnotonlypossessionbutalsocontrolandmanagementoflands,dwellingplaces,andotherpossessions(WaitangiTribunal,1983). However, disputes over the treaty have occurred because of differencesbetweentheEnglishandMäoriversionsofthetreaty.IntheEnglishtextMäoricede “sovereignty” to the Queen, whereas in the Mäori version they cede onlykawanatanga,therighttogovern.
Controversy and debate still surround the role of the treaty in Aotearoa NewZealandsociety,butithascertainlycometotheforefrontofcurrent-daydiscussionsabout Mäori–Päkehä relations and Mäori aspirations for self-determination(Dyck&Kearns,1995;Jackson,2004).Itthereforestandstoreasonthatthetreatyshouldalsobeconsideredcentraltoadiscussionofresearchconductedwithinthis
Note: From “Researching in the Margins: Issues for Mäori Researchers—A Discussion Paper,” by L.T. Smith, 2006, AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Scholarship, (Special Supplement 2006–Marginalisation), pp. 4–27. Copyright 2006 by Ngä Pae o te Märamatanga.
TAblE 1 “Community-Up” approach to defining research conduct
Cultural values (L. T. Smith, 1���)
Researcher guidelines (Cram, 2001)
Aroha ki te tangata A respect for people; allow people to define their own space and meet on their own terms.
He kanohi kitea It is important to meet people face to face and to also be a face that is known to and seen within a community.
Titiro, whakarongo… körero
Looking and listening (and then maybe speaking); develop understanding in order to find a place from which to speak.
Manaaki ki te tangata Sharing, hosting, being generous.
Kia tupato Be cautious; be politically astute, culturally safe, and reflective about insider/outsider status.
Kaua e takahia te mana o te tangata
Do not trample on the “mana” or dignity of a person.
Kia mahaki Be humble; do not flaunt your knowledge; find ways of sharing it.
country.ItwastemptingtousethecommonterminologyinAotearoaNewZealandoftreaty“partnership”andapplythistotherelationshipbetweentheMäoriandPäkehäresearchteams.However,wewerewaryoftreadingthenegativepathwaysthathavecometobeassociatedwiththetermpartnership(Torjman,1998).Itistoo easy to conceal important power differentials beneath the egalitarian glossofpartnership,afactorwidelyexperiencedinbureaucraticresponsestoPäkehätreatyresponsibilities.
Instead,weprefertodefinepartnershipasagoalratherthanasanexistingstate.We have therefore chosen to base our thinking within an analysis that viewsMäoriandPäkehäaspartiestotheTreatyofWaitangi,andwehaveappliedthisterminologytoourresearchrelationships.Bothpartiestotheresearchthereforehaveastake in itandhaveconsequentrightsandresponsibilities.Theserightsand responsibilities were to be negotiated between parties throughout theproject.3Being“partiestoaresearchproject” isalsoterminologythatcanapplymore generally to indigenous–nonindigenous research collaborations, even intheabsenceof anoverarching treaty.The followingsectiondescribesonesuchresearchcollaboration.
The Present Project
Thepresentprojectexaminedhowtwogroupsofparticipants,MäoripatientsandPäkehä physicians, talk about Mäori health. These speakers constitute a givenentitysuchasMäorihealthindifferingways,dependingontheirunderstandingofthecontextinwhichtheyarespeaking.Todothis,theymustdrawonanarrayofresourcesprovidedwithintheircommunity.Theseresourcesaretheobjectofthisstudy.Forthisproject,itmeanswedonotseektoprovideadefinitiverepresenta-tion of the single coherent entity, “Mäori health,” but to identify the resourcestwodistinctgroupsofinformantsuseinconstitutingtheentityintheirtalk.Wefeltthatifwecoulddescribetheseresources—andparticularly,ifwecouldunder-standcriticaldifferencesbetweenthem—thenwewouldbeinapositiontoinformandencourageactioninbothgroupstoimproveoutcomes.Acriticalelementofthe present project was the relationship between the two research teams, withthePäkehäresearchteamtakingresponsibilityforexaminingthetalkofPäkehäphysicians and the Mäori research team taking responsibility for talking withMäoripatients.
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Methodology
Bymethodology,wemeanthetheoreticalapproachthatdeterminesthewayweundertake research, including, for example, our relationship with participantsandthecommunitieswhereweworkandlive.Methods,ontheotherhand,aretools thatcanbeused toproduceandanalyzedata, forexample, in-depth inter-viewingandquestionnaires(L.T.Smith,1999).Themethodologyforthepresentresearch is sourced inKaupapa Mäori (“byMäori, forMäori”) theory.KaupapaMäoriresearchisanattempttoretrievespaceforMäorivoicesandperspectives,methodologies,andanalyses,wherebyMäorirealitiesareseenaslegitimate.ThismeansworkingoutsidethebinaryoppositionofMäoriandPäkehäandcenteringTe Ao Mäori(theMäoriworld;seePihama,1993).
KaupapaMäoritakesforgrantedthelegitimacyofbeingMäoriandthevalidityofMäoriworldviews.Mäori languageandcultureare thereforeseenascentral.Inaddition,KaupapaMäoriacknowledges,andisunderpinnedby,Mäoristrugglesfor autonomy and self-determination (G. H. Smith, 1997). An integral part ofKaupapaMäoritheoryisalsothecritiqueofsocietal“commonsense”understand-ingsofwhatitistobeMäori.Theseunderstandingshaveinvariablybeenbuiltupoverdecadesofcolonization,arebasedondeficitmodels,andprovidejustificationsforpoliciesandpracticesthatoppressMäori(Pihama,1993).
WithinKaupapaMäoriresearch,theroleofresearchersisthereforetwofold.First,researchersneedtoaffirmtheimportanceofMäoriself-definitionsandself-valu-ations. Second, researchers need to critique Päkehä/colonial constructions anddefinitionsofMäoriandarticulatesolutionstoMäoriconcernsintermsofMäoriknowledge. Linda Smith (1999) argued that while Päkehä researchers cannotdo Kaupapa Mäori research, they can support Mäori Kaupapa (also see Cram,1997).OurresearchdiscussionsoftheseissueshavealsorestedonthepremisethatPäkehäresearcherswouldnotbedoingresearchwithMäoriparticipantsbutwouldbedoingresearchthatwouldbeofbenefit(oratleastrelevance)toMäori.Nevertheless, a joint approachwasvaluablebecauseofour conception that the
“problemofMäorihealth”wasatleastasmuchaPäkehäproblemas(ifnotmorethan)aMäoriproblem.BythiswemeanthattherearesignificantcontributionstoMäorihealth frombothMäoriandPäkehä,given thePäkehädomination inthe process of colonization and alienation of Mäori resources, not to mentionthelong-standingtheoreticalandapplieddominationofhealththeory,practices,andservices.
Inseekingtounderstandthedisparitiesbetweenthegoalsofbothhealthauthori-tiesandconsumergroupsandtheoutcomesdescribedinthereports,theresearchprojectfocusesontheconstructionofMäorihealthinthetalkofphysiciansandMäoriclients.Toappreciatethevalueofsuchwork,itisnecessarytorecognizethelinksbetweensuchdiscourseandthesocialpracticesofthoseforwhomtheserepresentationsconstitute“reality.”Thereisasubstantialbodyofresearchdemon-stratingthatthewayinwhichpeople,asindividualsorgroups,definerealityisamajordeterminantof theirbehavior. Inproblemsolving (Johnson-Laird,1983),interpersonalbehavior(Snyder,1984),amongscientists(Gilbert&Mulkay,1984),and in thecommunity (Potter&Reicher,1987), theway inwhichsituationsoreventsareunderstoodhasbeenshowntoshapeparticipants’actions.
Recentdevelopmentsinsocialsciencehaveinspiredagrowingbodyoflanguage-based research in areas of social dominance and inequality (van Dijk, 1993;Wetherell & Potter, 1992; Wetherell et al., 2001). There are two assumptionsunderlyingthisworkthatmustbeunderstoodifthepowerofitsfindingsistobeappreciated.First,itisassumedthattherealityofobjects,events,andsituationsisconstitutedthroughthediscoursesaboutthem.Thesecondassumptionisthatthewayinwhichtherealityofaparticularobject,event,orsituationisconstituteddependsontheinterestorconcernofthespeakingindividualinthatsituation.Itfollowsfromthefirstassumptionthatresearchinthistraditiondoesnotseektouncoverordefinetheessentialnatureofthetargetedentity; indeed,itassumesthatsuchadescriptionwouldbemerelyanotherwayofconstituting theobject.In doing so, research introduces the realm of power relations into knowledge-basedenterprises,tomakeexplicitthewaysinwhichdifferentialsinmaterialandpoliticalpoweraremanifestinmaterialdifferencesinthesituationsofdifferentlyempowered groups. In this context, the ideologies of those with power will bedominantoverthoseofpeoplewhohaveless.
Theoriesofideology(Bordieu&Passeron,1990)emphasizetheroleoflanguageinthereproductionofideologyandtheimportanceofthelattertotheestablish-mentandmaintenanceofsocialrelations.However,initsconventionalcontextofclassstruggle,ideologyischaracterizedasthetoolofrulingelitesandisevokedtoexplainthecontrolofthemasses.WearemoreinterestedintheformulationbyBilligetal.(1988),whichpresentstheideaoflived ideology—thearrayofideas,beliefs,andexplanationsdrawnontointerpreteverydayexperience.
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Methodology
Bymethodology,wemeanthetheoreticalapproachthatdeterminesthewayweundertake research, including, for example, our relationship with participantsandthecommunitieswhereweworkandlive.Methods,ontheotherhand,aretools thatcanbeused toproduceandanalyzedata, forexample, in-depth inter-viewingandquestionnaires(L.T.Smith,1999).Themethodologyforthepresentresearch is sourced inKaupapa Mäori (“byMäori, forMäori”) theory.KaupapaMäoriresearchisanattempttoretrievespaceforMäorivoicesandperspectives,methodologies,andanalyses,wherebyMäorirealitiesareseenaslegitimate.ThismeansworkingoutsidethebinaryoppositionofMäoriandPäkehäandcenteringTe Ao Mäori(theMäoriworld;seePihama,1993).
KaupapaMäoritakesforgrantedthelegitimacyofbeingMäoriandthevalidityofMäoriworldviews.Mäori languageandcultureare thereforeseenascentral.Inaddition,KaupapaMäoriacknowledges,andisunderpinnedby,Mäoristrugglesfor autonomy and self-determination (G. H. Smith, 1997). An integral part ofKaupapaMäoritheoryisalsothecritiqueofsocietal“commonsense”understand-ingsofwhatitistobeMäori.Theseunderstandingshaveinvariablybeenbuiltupoverdecadesofcolonization,arebasedondeficitmodels,andprovidejustificationsforpoliciesandpracticesthatoppressMäori(Pihama,1993).
WithinKaupapaMäoriresearch,theroleofresearchersisthereforetwofold.First,researchersneedtoaffirmtheimportanceofMäoriself-definitionsandself-valu-ations. Second, researchers need to critique Päkehä/colonial constructions anddefinitionsofMäoriandarticulatesolutionstoMäoriconcernsintermsofMäoriknowledge. Linda Smith (1999) argued that while Päkehä researchers cannotdo Kaupapa Mäori research, they can support Mäori Kaupapa (also see Cram,1997).OurresearchdiscussionsoftheseissueshavealsorestedonthepremisethatPäkehäresearcherswouldnotbedoingresearchwithMäoriparticipantsbutwouldbedoingresearchthatwouldbeofbenefit(oratleastrelevance)toMäori.Nevertheless, a joint approachwasvaluablebecauseofour conception that the
“problemofMäorihealth”wasatleastasmuchaPäkehäproblemas(ifnotmorethan)aMäoriproblem.BythiswemeanthattherearesignificantcontributionstoMäorihealth frombothMäoriandPäkehä,given thePäkehädomination inthe process of colonization and alienation of Mäori resources, not to mentionthelong-standingtheoreticalandapplieddominationofhealththeory,practices,andservices.
Inseekingtounderstandthedisparitiesbetweenthegoalsofbothhealthauthori-tiesandconsumergroupsandtheoutcomesdescribedinthereports,theresearchprojectfocusesontheconstructionofMäorihealthinthetalkofphysiciansandMäoriclients.Toappreciatethevalueofsuchwork,itisnecessarytorecognizethelinksbetweensuchdiscourseandthesocialpracticesofthoseforwhomtheserepresentationsconstitute“reality.”Thereisasubstantialbodyofresearchdemon-stratingthatthewayinwhichpeople,asindividualsorgroups,definerealityisamajordeterminantof theirbehavior. Inproblemsolving (Johnson-Laird,1983),interpersonalbehavior(Snyder,1984),amongscientists(Gilbert&Mulkay,1984),and in thecommunity (Potter&Reicher,1987), theway inwhichsituationsoreventsareunderstoodhasbeenshowntoshapeparticipants’actions.
Recentdevelopmentsinsocialsciencehaveinspiredagrowingbodyoflanguage-based research in areas of social dominance and inequality (van Dijk, 1993;Wetherell & Potter, 1992; Wetherell et al., 2001). There are two assumptionsunderlyingthisworkthatmustbeunderstoodifthepowerofitsfindingsistobeappreciated.First,itisassumedthattherealityofobjects,events,andsituationsisconstitutedthroughthediscoursesaboutthem.Thesecondassumptionisthatthewayinwhichtherealityofaparticularobject,event,orsituationisconstituteddependsontheinterestorconcernofthespeakingindividualinthatsituation.Itfollowsfromthefirstassumptionthatresearchinthistraditiondoesnotseektouncoverordefinetheessentialnatureofthetargetedentity; indeed,itassumesthatsuchadescriptionwouldbemerelyanotherwayofconstituting theobject.In doing so, research introduces the realm of power relations into knowledge-basedenterprises,tomakeexplicitthewaysinwhichdifferentialsinmaterialandpoliticalpoweraremanifestinmaterialdifferencesinthesituationsofdifferentlyempowered groups. In this context, the ideologies of those with power will bedominantoverthoseofpeoplewhohaveless.
Theoriesofideology(Bordieu&Passeron,1990)emphasizetheroleoflanguageinthereproductionofideologyandtheimportanceofthelattertotheestablish-mentandmaintenanceofsocialrelations.However,initsconventionalcontextofclassstruggle,ideologyischaracterizedasthetoolofrulingelitesandisevokedtoexplainthecontrolofthemasses.WearemoreinterestedintheformulationbyBilligetal.(1988),whichpresentstheideaoflived ideology—thearrayofideas,beliefs,andexplanationsdrawnontointerpreteverydayexperience.
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For thePäkehäresearch team, thepoststructuralistperspective thathasencom-passedthecritiqueofempiricismhasalsoinspiredthedevelopmentofqualitativeresearchstylesfocusedontheexplicationoflanguageinareasofgender(Gavey,1989;Lather,1991)andculturalrelations(Essed,1988;Nairn&McCreanor,1990).Methodsbuiltaroundthediscourseanalysisoftranscriptionsofsemistructuredinterviews (Potter & Wetherell, 1987) offer detailed understandings of thecomplexity anddynamicsof intergroup relations that are lost in the traditionalsocialscienceapproachesofexperimentandquestionnaire.
For the Mäori research team, this perspective offered one tool for the analysisof Mäori talk. Mäori theories of knowledge encompass empirical traditionsfor enumeration, measurement, and comparison, yet the historical storage,retrieval,andtransmissionofknowledgethroughoralculturemeansthat thereis an ongoing orientation toward talk as data. The everyday understandingof knowledge as constructed/enacted is cemented in the institutions andpracticesofMäorisocieties, suchaswhakapapa (genealogy),waiata (song),andmany others. While these practices are continually undermined and derogatedthrough the colonial imposition of Western worldview, culture, and science,therenaissance inMäorisocietyat largehasseen theresurgenceof interest indiscourse,reclaimingtestimony,lifestory,andstorytellingaslegitimateformsofknowledge(L.T.Smith,1999).Inthisproject,theresearchinterviewsincorporatemanyoftheseelements,providingaparticularlyrichanddeepbaseofexperientialmaterialfromwhichtodrawthethemesandpatterns,aswellasthevariationsinparticipants’encounterswithprimaryhealthcareinkeepingwiththeimperativesofthechosenresearchquestion.
PotterandWetherell(1987)arguedthatapproachingsuchdataasatopicofstudy“intheirownright”istheoreticallyjustified,methodologicallypossible,andsociallysignificant.Itisanaturalisticoptionthatacknowledgesthepossibilitythatpeopleare positioned within heterogeneous and contradictory discourses, and thatthesediscoursescanreflectthemannerinwhichpowerrelationsinafieldsuchas Mäori health may be manifest. Discourse databases are designed to samplethekindsoflinguisticresourcesavailable,ratherthantoassignindividualsintopreconceivedcategories(asdosurveystudies)ortoprovideasingle,apparentlycoherentaccountofaconceptsuchasMäorihealththatisvariouslyconstitutedin
participants’talkandpractice.Thismeansthatdiscoursestudiestypicallydrawonrelativelysmallnumbersofparticipants,whosetalkcentersoncommontopicsandparticulartaskssuchasexplainingandjustifying.Forthisreason,itisassumedthatfewerindividualsspeakinginmoredepthwillprovideaglobalimpressionofthediscursiveresourcesavailable.
Anarrayofbroadlycriticaldiscursiveapproachestothescientificstudyofsociallifehasemerged(Wetherelletal.,2001).Theseincludepoststructuralistdiscourseanalysis, conversation analysis, and critical discourse analysis (van Dijk, 1993),offering a comprehensive approach to the dimensions of text that need to beexamined to provide rigorous descriptions of the structure and function ofdiscourse. In addition, a theoretical rationale for critical study of the discourseof both the empowered and the disempowered, as a means of highlightingsocialinjustice,isbeginningtoappear(Wodak&Matouschek,1993).Studiesoftheproductionofdominancemainly focuson thediscourseof theempoweredin the enactment of their ideologies. For example, Wetherell and Potter (1992)analyzedPäkehätalkabout“racialissues”andshowedthatspeakersuseavarietyofdiscursive resources to justify the relativepositionsofMäori andPäkehä, topresentthemselvesinapositivelight,andtolegitimatethestatusquo.
However,beyondtheparticularcommitmenttoworktoward“depowering”elites(Huygens,1993),discourse theoryalso identifiesakeyrole for thestudyof thediscourseoftheoppressedinchallengingexistingsocialrelations(Essed,1988).Thenotionofhegemony(Gramsci,1971)foregroundswaysinwhichdisciplinarypowermaybeinternalizedintheideologiesoftheoppressed,leadingthemintobeliefs and practices that entrench their condition (Awatere, 1984). Knowledgeof the discourses of the disempowered may act as a catalyst in the politicaldevelopmentandeducationalprogramsamongoppressedgroups,whichinturnchallengesestablishedideologyandleadstosocialchange.
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For thePäkehäresearch team, thepoststructuralistperspective thathasencom-passedthecritiqueofempiricismhasalsoinspiredthedevelopmentofqualitativeresearchstylesfocusedontheexplicationoflanguageinareasofgender(Gavey,1989;Lather,1991)andculturalrelations(Essed,1988;Nairn&McCreanor,1990).Methodsbuiltaroundthediscourseanalysisoftranscriptionsofsemistructuredinterviews (Potter & Wetherell, 1987) offer detailed understandings of thecomplexity anddynamicsof intergroup relations that are lost in the traditionalsocialscienceapproachesofexperimentandquestionnaire.
For the Mäori research team, this perspective offered one tool for the analysisof Mäori talk. Mäori theories of knowledge encompass empirical traditionsfor enumeration, measurement, and comparison, yet the historical storage,retrieval,andtransmissionofknowledgethroughoralculturemeansthat thereis an ongoing orientation toward talk as data. The everyday understandingof knowledge as constructed/enacted is cemented in the institutions andpracticesofMäorisocieties, suchaswhakapapa (genealogy),waiata (song),andmany others. While these practices are continually undermined and derogatedthrough the colonial imposition of Western worldview, culture, and science,therenaissance inMäorisocietyat largehasseen theresurgenceof interest indiscourse,reclaimingtestimony,lifestory,andstorytellingaslegitimateformsofknowledge(L.T.Smith,1999).Inthisproject,theresearchinterviewsincorporatemanyoftheseelements,providingaparticularlyrichanddeepbaseofexperientialmaterialfromwhichtodrawthethemesandpatterns,aswellasthevariationsinparticipants’encounterswithprimaryhealthcareinkeepingwiththeimperativesofthechosenresearchquestion.
PotterandWetherell(1987)arguedthatapproachingsuchdataasatopicofstudy“intheirownright”istheoreticallyjustified,methodologicallypossible,andsociallysignificant.Itisanaturalisticoptionthatacknowledgesthepossibilitythatpeopleare positioned within heterogeneous and contradictory discourses, and thatthesediscoursescanreflectthemannerinwhichpowerrelationsinafieldsuchas Mäori health may be manifest. Discourse databases are designed to samplethekindsoflinguisticresourcesavailable,ratherthantoassignindividualsintopreconceivedcategories(asdosurveystudies)ortoprovideasingle,apparentlycoherentaccountofaconceptsuchasMäorihealththatisvariouslyconstitutedin
participants’talkandpractice.Thismeansthatdiscoursestudiestypicallydrawonrelativelysmallnumbersofparticipants,whosetalkcentersoncommontopicsandparticulartaskssuchasexplainingandjustifying.Forthisreason,itisassumedthatfewerindividualsspeakinginmoredepthwillprovideaglobalimpressionofthediscursiveresourcesavailable.
Anarrayofbroadlycriticaldiscursiveapproachestothescientificstudyofsociallifehasemerged(Wetherelletal.,2001).Theseincludepoststructuralistdiscourseanalysis, conversation analysis, and critical discourse analysis (van Dijk, 1993),offering a comprehensive approach to the dimensions of text that need to beexamined to provide rigorous descriptions of the structure and function ofdiscourse. In addition, a theoretical rationale for critical study of the discourseof both the empowered and the disempowered, as a means of highlightingsocialinjustice,isbeginningtoappear(Wodak&Matouschek,1993).Studiesoftheproductionofdominancemainly focuson thediscourseof theempoweredin the enactment of their ideologies. For example, Wetherell and Potter (1992)analyzedPäkehätalkabout“racialissues”andshowedthatspeakersuseavarietyofdiscursive resources to justify the relativepositionsofMäori andPäkehä, topresentthemselvesinapositivelight,andtolegitimatethestatusquo.
However,beyondtheparticularcommitmenttoworktoward“depowering”elites(Huygens,1993),discourse theoryalso identifiesakeyrole for thestudyof thediscourseoftheoppressedinchallengingexistingsocialrelations(Essed,1988).Thenotionofhegemony(Gramsci,1971)foregroundswaysinwhichdisciplinarypowermaybeinternalizedintheideologiesoftheoppressed,leadingthemintobeliefs and practices that entrench their condition (Awatere, 1984). Knowledgeof the discourses of the disempowered may act as a catalyst in the politicaldevelopmentandeducationalprogramsamongoppressedgroups,whichinturnchallengesestablishedideologyandleadstosocialchange.
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Data and Analysis
IndigenoustheoriesofknowledgechallengeWesterntheoryinacontestforspacetodeterminewhat counts asdata (L.T.Smith,1999).Thereareechoesof thistension within Päkehä thinking as positivist and constructionist philosophiesbattle over the legitimacy of methods—and thus conceptions—as to what willcount as data. The former regards data as deriving from empirical observationandexperiment,whereasthelattercreatesnewpossibilitiesbasedonexperience,especiallyasrepresentedindiscourseandtalk.Inthecontextofthelargerconflictbetweenindigenousandcolonizingepistemologies,thereareresonancesbetweentheconstructionistandindigenousapproaches toknowledge,whichpredisposebothtoorienttotalkandtextasdataforunderstandingandinterpretingthelivedexperienceofpopulationgroups.
Theresearchquestionispitchedinsuchawaythatcallsforqualitativedata,becauseit bears on and illuminates the situated interpretative resources and common-sense,livedideologiesofparticularcommunities.Wewantedtoknowaboutthewaysinwhichtwointeractinggroupsconstructandinterpretthoseinteractions.Qualitativedatagiveustherichnessanddepthfromwhichtobuildaccountsoftherecurrentpatternsandvariationsinsuchtalk.AskingparticipantsdirectlyaboutthetopicofMäorihealth(inwhichbothgroupshaveaninterest)evokesthesharedvocabularies, grammar, imagery, ideas, and meanings available and current intheirconstructionsandinterpretationsofthetopic.Thesedatawillhaveintegrityandmeaningontheirown;whentheyarebroughtinto“conversation”witheachother,thedatawillpotentiallyrevealimportantinsightsaboutthebasisandnatureoftheinteractionbetweenMäoriclientsandPäkehädoctors.
Wedecidedthatinthefirstinstance,asthestudywasexploratoryandinductive,wewouldconductface-to-faceinterviews.Wewantedthedatatobeableto“speakfrom two sides” as a way of approaching the different experiences of the twogroupsaroundthecommontopicratherthanasabasisforasimplisticcompare-and-contrastexercise.Forthisreason,wetookaflexibleapproachtoboththeformandthecontentofinterviewsgatheredbytheteams,beingpreparedforwhatcameforth from a relatively negotiated, organic process rather than trying to dictateuniformityforcomparability.
Mäori Participant Interviews
WhiletheMäorisideofthephysicianprojectchoseindividualinterviews,therewasaflexibilitythatwassensitivetoapreferenceenactedinsomeinstancesofpartici-pants contributing in pairs rather than alone. Twenty-eight Mäori participants(ages17to74)wereinterviewed.Theinterviewswerelooselystructuredtoallowtheparticipantstobeinthedriver’sseatregardingthedirectiontheinterviewstook,areasthatwereopentodiscussion,andthelengthoftheinterviews.ParticipantswereinvitedtotalkaboutMäorihealthandtotelltheirstoriesaboutinteractingwithnon-Mäoriphysicians.Wewouldbehesitanttocallourmethod“talkstory,”but we definitely have an affinity for this as a way of engaging with researchparticipants.Theinterviewswerefullytranscribed,andthetranscriptsformedthedataforathematicanalysis.
Päkehä Participant Interviews
While Päkehä researchers have had to struggle to establish the legitimacy ofqualitativemethodsingeneral—anddiscursiveapproachesinparticular—withinthese emerging traditions there is a central concern with talk and text as data.In the case of the Päkehä doctors, we decided to pursue individual interviewsfor pragmatic reasons, because our connections indicated that getting doctorstogether in groups would be more difficult owing to their busy schedules. WefeltclearthatfollowingtheleadofWetherellandPotter(1992),thiswouldbethepreferredmodeofcontributiontotheprojectforthisgroup.Inaddition,itseemedthatitmightbeeasiertomanageanypowerdynamicsonetoone,ratherthanwithagroupofrelativelyassertiveandarticulateindividuals.
Twenty-six physicians were interviewed. For the purpose of data that can beused to identify interpretative repertoires, individual interviewsareassumed toinvolvetheparticipantinthearticulationofcommonformsoftalk,withoutthecomplicatingfactorsofinteractivephaseswithcoparticipants.Whileitistruethattheinterviewer—toagreaterorlesserextent—coconstructstheinterview,inthisinstancetheinterviewer(TimMcCreanor)wasrelativelyunfamiliarwiththetopic.Further,withparticipantsspeakingfromapositionofstrength,wewereconfidenttherewouldbecleararticulationsoftheresourcesavailabletophysicianstotalkaboutMäorihealth.
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Data and Analysis
IndigenoustheoriesofknowledgechallengeWesterntheoryinacontestforspacetodeterminewhat counts asdata (L.T.Smith,1999).Thereareechoesof thistension within Päkehä thinking as positivist and constructionist philosophiesbattle over the legitimacy of methods—and thus conceptions—as to what willcount as data. The former regards data as deriving from empirical observationandexperiment,whereasthelattercreatesnewpossibilitiesbasedonexperience,especiallyasrepresentedindiscourseandtalk.Inthecontextofthelargerconflictbetweenindigenousandcolonizingepistemologies,thereareresonancesbetweentheconstructionistandindigenousapproaches toknowledge,whichpredisposebothtoorienttotalkandtextasdataforunderstandingandinterpretingthelivedexperienceofpopulationgroups.
Theresearchquestionispitchedinsuchawaythatcallsforqualitativedata,becauseit bears on and illuminates the situated interpretative resources and common-sense,livedideologiesofparticularcommunities.Wewantedtoknowaboutthewaysinwhichtwointeractinggroupsconstructandinterpretthoseinteractions.Qualitativedatagiveustherichnessanddepthfromwhichtobuildaccountsoftherecurrentpatternsandvariationsinsuchtalk.AskingparticipantsdirectlyaboutthetopicofMäorihealth(inwhichbothgroupshaveaninterest)evokesthesharedvocabularies, grammar, imagery, ideas, and meanings available and current intheirconstructionsandinterpretationsofthetopic.Thesedatawillhaveintegrityandmeaningontheirown;whentheyarebroughtinto“conversation”witheachother,thedatawillpotentiallyrevealimportantinsightsaboutthebasisandnatureoftheinteractionbetweenMäoriclientsandPäkehädoctors.
Wedecidedthatinthefirstinstance,asthestudywasexploratoryandinductive,wewouldconductface-to-faceinterviews.Wewantedthedatatobeableto“speakfrom two sides” as a way of approaching the different experiences of the twogroupsaroundthecommontopicratherthanasabasisforasimplisticcompare-and-contrastexercise.Forthisreason,wetookaflexibleapproachtoboththeformandthecontentofinterviewsgatheredbytheteams,beingpreparedforwhatcameforth from a relatively negotiated, organic process rather than trying to dictateuniformityforcomparability.
Mäori Participant Interviews
WhiletheMäorisideofthephysicianprojectchoseindividualinterviews,therewasaflexibilitythatwassensitivetoapreferenceenactedinsomeinstancesofpartici-pants contributing in pairs rather than alone. Twenty-eight Mäori participants(ages17to74)wereinterviewed.Theinterviewswerelooselystructuredtoallowtheparticipantstobeinthedriver’sseatregardingthedirectiontheinterviewstook,areasthatwereopentodiscussion,andthelengthoftheinterviews.ParticipantswereinvitedtotalkaboutMäorihealthandtotelltheirstoriesaboutinteractingwithnon-Mäoriphysicians.Wewouldbehesitanttocallourmethod“talkstory,”but we definitely have an affinity for this as a way of engaging with researchparticipants.Theinterviewswerefullytranscribed,andthetranscriptsformedthedataforathematicanalysis.
Päkehä Participant Interviews
While Päkehä researchers have had to struggle to establish the legitimacy ofqualitativemethodsingeneral—anddiscursiveapproachesinparticular—withinthese emerging traditions there is a central concern with talk and text as data.In the case of the Päkehä doctors, we decided to pursue individual interviewsfor pragmatic reasons, because our connections indicated that getting doctorstogether in groups would be more difficult owing to their busy schedules. WefeltclearthatfollowingtheleadofWetherellandPotter(1992),thiswouldbethepreferredmodeofcontributiontotheprojectforthisgroup.Inaddition,itseemedthatitmightbeeasiertomanageanypowerdynamicsonetoone,ratherthanwithagroupofrelativelyassertiveandarticulateindividuals.
Twenty-six physicians were interviewed. For the purpose of data that can beused to identify interpretative repertoires, individual interviewsareassumed toinvolvetheparticipantinthearticulationofcommonformsoftalk,withoutthecomplicatingfactorsofinteractivephaseswithcoparticipants.Whileitistruethattheinterviewer—toagreaterorlesserextent—coconstructstheinterview,inthisinstancetheinterviewer(TimMcCreanor)wasrelativelyunfamiliarwiththetopic.Further,withparticipantsspeakingfromapositionofstrength,wewereconfidenttherewouldbecleararticulationsoftheresourcesavailabletophysicianstotalkaboutMäorihealth.
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Findings
Todate, therehavebeen threepublications fromthisstudy.Thefirst,which isprimarilymethodological,appearedintheJournal of Health Psychology(McCreanor&Nairn,2002a),whereasthesecondandthirdarticlesreportingoverviewsoftheMäoriandPäkehäfindingsappearedseparatelyintheNew Zealand Medical Journal(Cram,Smith,&Johnstone,2003;McCreanor&Nairn,2002b).Thelatterarticlesreportwidelydivergent themes fromdiscursive analysesofdatagathered fromMäori and Päkehä participants. Further publications will elaborate these differ-encesandconsidertheimplicationsforequitableandrealisticpoliciesforhealthservicedeliveryinacolonialsituationwithentrenchedhealthdisparitiesbetweenMäoriandPäkehä.
ThefindingsrepresentacontributiontoasocialanalysisofmedicineinAotearoaNewZealandthathashistoricaldimensions(Nicholson,1988)andcontemporarycomponents(Westbrooke,Baxter,&Hogan,2001).Thefindingsalsodemonstratesimilaritieswiththewidelyavailablecritiqueofracisminhealth,whichfuelsethnichealthdisparitiesworldwide(Karlson&Nazroo,2003;Krieger,2003).MäoriandPäkehähaveverydifferentwaysofconstructingandtalkingabouthealth,whicharguablyplayoutinprimaryhealthcareconsultationsandhaverealimpactsonthehealthofMäoriindividuals,communities,andpopulations.
Mäori Patients
Thissectionprovidesanoverviewof5ofthe10recurrentthemesthatarosefromtheinterviewswithMäoripatients.(SeeCrametal.,2003,forafulloverview.)
MäORI HEAlTH.Whenansweringthequestion“WhatisMäorihealth?”manyoftheparticipantsemphasizedtheimportanceofdefininghealthholistically.Theyacknowledgedboththeinterconnectednessandtheimportanceofbalanceamongthephysical,mental,andspiritualaspectsofhealth.Thesignificanceofwhänauor family (see below) was also stressed. Some participants also talked aboutthe impact of social and economic well-being on Mäori health, the disparitiesbetweenMäoriandPäkehähealth,andtheroleofMäorihealthcareprovisionsinmaintaininghealth.
TRADITIONAl wAyS.Theholistic,relationalnatureofMäorihealthwascloselylinkedtoparticipants’discussionoftraditionalMäoriapproachesto,andknowledgeabout,healing. Many of the participants had engaged in traditional healing practicesrelatedto,forexample,rongoäandwairua(seebelow).ThesepracticesthereforecontinuetohavearoleinMäorihealth.
RONGOä.Rongoäincludesremedies,therapies,andspiritualhealing.Olderpartic-ipantstoldstoriesfromtheiryouthaboutrongoäbeingusedintimesofillness.RongoäwerealsocurrentlybeingusedbybothyoungandoldparticipantswhosawthisascompatiblewiththeiruseofWesternmedicines.Twoofthekuia(olderwomen)spokeabouttheirownspecializedknowledgeofrongoäandofsharingthisknowledgewithothers.
wAIRuA.Wairua,orspirit,wasthemostcommonlymentionedelementofMäorihealth.Itwasseenbyparticipantsaskeytounderstandinghealthandillnessasitprovidesinsightintothewholeperson,notjusttheperson’smanifestsymptoms.Without such insight, healing cannot occur as a person’s physical or mentalsymptomsmaywellhaveother,underlyingcauses.ThisunderstandingwasseenasbeingfundamentalinMäorihealthpractitioners,whereasPäkehäpractitionerswereseenaslesslikelytounderstandit,oftentreatingonlythesymptoms.
wHäNAu. Participants spoke about the whänau, or family, as the foundationalstructureforMäori.Whänaubuffersitsmembersfromthewiderworld,includingexperiencesofillness,treatment,andhospitalization,andisthereforeintegraltoMäori health and well-being. Participants were in agreement about the impor-tanceoftheleadershiproleskuiaandkoroua(oldermen)havewithinwhänau.Itwasalsoacknowledgedthatsomewhänaudidnotfunctioninthiswaybecauseoffamilystresses(e.g.,economic,social).Thesewhänauwereseenascopingthebesttheycouldandinneedofbothreliefandhope.
Päkehä Physicians
Inthissection,weoutline5ofthe10repertoiresthatemergedthroughouranalysesofthedata.Thesesketchesaresummariesofmorelengthyanalyses(McCreanor&Nairn,2002a,2002b)consistingofdetaileddescriptionsofthemesillustratedbyverbatimexcerptsfromtranscripts.
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Findings
Todate, therehavebeen threepublications fromthisstudy.Thefirst,which isprimarilymethodological,appearedintheJournal of Health Psychology(McCreanor&Nairn,2002a),whereasthesecondandthirdarticlesreportingoverviewsoftheMäoriandPäkehäfindingsappearedseparatelyintheNew Zealand Medical Journal(Cram,Smith,&Johnstone,2003;McCreanor&Nairn,2002b).Thelatterarticlesreportwidelydivergent themes fromdiscursive analysesofdatagathered fromMäori and Päkehä participants. Further publications will elaborate these differ-encesandconsidertheimplicationsforequitableandrealisticpoliciesforhealthservicedeliveryinacolonialsituationwithentrenchedhealthdisparitiesbetweenMäoriandPäkehä.
ThefindingsrepresentacontributiontoasocialanalysisofmedicineinAotearoaNewZealandthathashistoricaldimensions(Nicholson,1988)andcontemporarycomponents(Westbrooke,Baxter,&Hogan,2001).Thefindingsalsodemonstratesimilaritieswiththewidelyavailablecritiqueofracisminhealth,whichfuelsethnichealthdisparitiesworldwide(Karlson&Nazroo,2003;Krieger,2003).MäoriandPäkehähaveverydifferentwaysofconstructingandtalkingabouthealth,whicharguablyplayoutinprimaryhealthcareconsultationsandhaverealimpactsonthehealthofMäoriindividuals,communities,andpopulations.
Mäori Patients
Thissectionprovidesanoverviewof5ofthe10recurrentthemesthatarosefromtheinterviewswithMäoripatients.(SeeCrametal.,2003,forafulloverview.)
MäORI HEAlTH.Whenansweringthequestion“WhatisMäorihealth?”manyoftheparticipantsemphasizedtheimportanceofdefininghealthholistically.Theyacknowledgedboththeinterconnectednessandtheimportanceofbalanceamongthephysical,mental,andspiritualaspectsofhealth.Thesignificanceofwhänauor family (see below) was also stressed. Some participants also talked aboutthe impact of social and economic well-being on Mäori health, the disparitiesbetweenMäoriandPäkehähealth,andtheroleofMäorihealthcareprovisionsinmaintaininghealth.
TRADITIONAl wAyS.Theholistic,relationalnatureofMäorihealthwascloselylinkedtoparticipants’discussionoftraditionalMäoriapproachesto,andknowledgeabout,healing. Many of the participants had engaged in traditional healing practicesrelatedto,forexample,rongoäandwairua(seebelow).ThesepracticesthereforecontinuetohavearoleinMäorihealth.
RONGOä.Rongoäincludesremedies,therapies,andspiritualhealing.Olderpartic-ipantstoldstoriesfromtheiryouthaboutrongoäbeingusedintimesofillness.RongoäwerealsocurrentlybeingusedbybothyoungandoldparticipantswhosawthisascompatiblewiththeiruseofWesternmedicines.Twoofthekuia(olderwomen)spokeabouttheirownspecializedknowledgeofrongoäandofsharingthisknowledgewithothers.
wAIRuA.Wairua,orspirit,wasthemostcommonlymentionedelementofMäorihealth.Itwasseenbyparticipantsaskeytounderstandinghealthandillnessasitprovidesinsightintothewholeperson,notjusttheperson’smanifestsymptoms.Without such insight, healing cannot occur as a person’s physical or mentalsymptomsmaywellhaveother,underlyingcauses.ThisunderstandingwasseenasbeingfundamentalinMäorihealthpractitioners,whereasPäkehäpractitionerswereseenaslesslikelytounderstandit,oftentreatingonlythesymptoms.
wHäNAu. Participants spoke about the whänau, or family, as the foundationalstructureforMäori.Whänaubuffersitsmembersfromthewiderworld,includingexperiencesofillness,treatment,andhospitalization,andisthereforeintegraltoMäori health and well-being. Participants were in agreement about the impor-tanceoftheleadershiproleskuiaandkoroua(oldermen)havewithinwhänau.Itwasalsoacknowledgedthatsomewhänaudidnotfunctioninthiswaybecauseoffamilystresses(e.g.,economic,social).Thesewhänauwereseenascopingthebesttheycouldandinneedofbothreliefandhope.
Päkehä Physicians
Inthissection,weoutline5ofthe10repertoiresthatemergedthroughouranalysesofthedata.Thesesketchesaresummariesofmorelengthyanalyses(McCreanor&Nairn,2002a,2002b)consistingofdetaileddescriptionsofthemesillustratedbyverbatimexcerptsfromtranscripts.
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MäORI IDENTITy.TheissueofwhoshouldbecountedasMäoriwasseenasdeeplyproblematic and was widely used as a discursive device for discounting claimsof racismorcultural insensitivity.Scientificdefinitionsbasedongeneticswereroutinely offered but regularly conflicted with social constructions of Mäoriidentity,leavingnoviableobjectivestandard.SomeparticipantsarguedtherewasinsufficientjustificationforconceptualorpracticaldifferencesintheirworkwithMäoriandPäkehäpatients.
MäORI MORbIDITy. In line with population data, Mäori were seen as morecommonlyandmoreseverelyafflictedbyawiderangeofseriousandmundaneconditions. Some participants argued that Mäori under their care were muchbetteroff,butmostconcurredtherewasarealproblemnationwide.Explanationsofthesedisparitieswerecastasinteractionsbetweengeneticsandenvironment(primarily socioeconomic status and culture) in conventional biomedical terms,withnoanalysisofracismorcolonialism.
COMplIANCE.ParticipantswidelyreportedthatoneofthekeyissuesinworkingwithMäoriwasnoncompliance,whichmeant thatMäorimustaccept responsi-bilitiesforfailuresorbreakdownsinhealthcare.Comparedwiththerestofthepracticepopulation,Mäorididnottakeaconsistentpreventativeapproachtotheirhealthcareandwere frequently locked intodistressing, reactive, crisis-orientedtreatmentregimes,towhichtheyhadlittlecommitment.Thiswassaidtoarisefrom a present-focused, laissez-faire worldview, seated in ignorance, willful-ness,orself-destructivetendenciesthatcharacterizedtheMäoriapproachtolifeingeneral.
STylE Of wORkING wITH MäORI.DespitethepreemptiveargumentsaboutMäoriidentity,mostparticipantsreportedimportantdifferencesinhowtheywouldworkwithMäoriandPäkehäpatients.Inparticular,participantsnotedtheneedtoallowmoretimewithMäoripatientstofacilitaterapport-buildingandtoallowforamoreflexible unfolding of the medical history. Specific issues included protocols forphysicalexamination,useofgroupconsultations, indirectcommunicationwithpatients(viaseniorwomen),simplepresentationsofinformationusingpictures,repetition, extra input on follow-up, and flexibility with respect to punctualityandpayment.
MäORI CONCEpTIONS Of HEAlTH.ManyparticipantswereclearthatMäorithinkabouthealth inquitedifferentways thandoPäkehäbutwereable togiveonlya general outline of what Mäori conceptions were. Very few had knowledge offormalMäorimodelsofhealth;somenamedafewactualremediesorpracticesfromMäoritraditionsandfeltthatacquiringsuchknowledgewasnottheirrespon-sibilityorinterest.Adiscourseaboutcomplementarymedicinewasdrawnupon,toarguethatiftherewasnoharmdoneinthecourseofsuchpractices,thentheyweretobeacceptedandevenencouraged.
Discussion
Thefindings from the studies are strongevidenceof the culturalgulfbetweenprimary care physicians and Mäori clients of these professionals. The findingshighlightthedifferentconceptualizations,practices,andexpectationsthatinformand shape the actual interactions of primary health care. The inevitable powerdifferentialatpersonal,systemic,andinstitutionallevelsthatexistsbetweenthegroups—and inmanyof theclinicalconsultationdyads thatconstituteprimaryhealth care—is a likely contributor to thedifferentialpatternsofhealth serviceusageandoutcomesforMäoriandnon-Mäori.
Addressing this power differential will require more than cultural competencetraininginitsnarrowsense.Rather,changewillrequireabroader,twofoldagendafor cultural competency such as that suggested by Symonette (2004). The firstcomponent,“Inside/Out,”wouldrequirephysicianstodevelopanunderstandingof power and privilege hierarchies, including how they and their patients arelocated within these hierarchies. The second component, “Outside/In,” wouldencompassthedevelopmentofdiversity-relevantknowledgeandskills.Politicallyandethically, it is incumbentonthephysicianstoworkforchange.ThisisnottosaythatMäorishouldnotalsoworkforchange,butthataheavyresponsibilitylieswiththeempoweredgroup.ForMäori,ourresearchisaboutvalidationandaffirmation.It isone thing tosuspect that the treatmentyoureceive fromyourphysicianisaffectedbecauseyouareMäori;itisanotherthingtohavethosesuspi-cionsconfirmedandanalyzedwithinabroader,ideologicalcontext.
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MäORI IDENTITy.TheissueofwhoshouldbecountedasMäoriwasseenasdeeplyproblematic and was widely used as a discursive device for discounting claimsof racismorcultural insensitivity.Scientificdefinitionsbasedongeneticswereroutinely offered but regularly conflicted with social constructions of Mäoriidentity,leavingnoviableobjectivestandard.SomeparticipantsarguedtherewasinsufficientjustificationforconceptualorpracticaldifferencesintheirworkwithMäoriandPäkehäpatients.
MäORI MORbIDITy. In line with population data, Mäori were seen as morecommonlyandmoreseverelyafflictedbyawiderangeofseriousandmundaneconditions. Some participants argued that Mäori under their care were muchbetteroff,butmostconcurredtherewasarealproblemnationwide.Explanationsofthesedisparitieswerecastasinteractionsbetweengeneticsandenvironment(primarily socioeconomic status and culture) in conventional biomedical terms,withnoanalysisofracismorcolonialism.
COMplIANCE.ParticipantswidelyreportedthatoneofthekeyissuesinworkingwithMäoriwasnoncompliance,whichmeant thatMäorimustaccept responsi-bilitiesforfailuresorbreakdownsinhealthcare.Comparedwiththerestofthepracticepopulation,Mäorididnottakeaconsistentpreventativeapproachtotheirhealthcareandwere frequently locked intodistressing, reactive, crisis-orientedtreatmentregimes,towhichtheyhadlittlecommitment.Thiswassaidtoarisefrom a present-focused, laissez-faire worldview, seated in ignorance, willful-ness,orself-destructivetendenciesthatcharacterizedtheMäoriapproachtolifeingeneral.
STylE Of wORkING wITH MäORI.DespitethepreemptiveargumentsaboutMäoriidentity,mostparticipantsreportedimportantdifferencesinhowtheywouldworkwithMäoriandPäkehäpatients.Inparticular,participantsnotedtheneedtoallowmoretimewithMäoripatientstofacilitaterapport-buildingandtoallowforamoreflexible unfolding of the medical history. Specific issues included protocols forphysicalexamination,useofgroupconsultations, indirectcommunicationwithpatients(viaseniorwomen),simplepresentationsofinformationusingpictures,repetition, extra input on follow-up, and flexibility with respect to punctualityandpayment.
MäORI CONCEpTIONS Of HEAlTH.ManyparticipantswereclearthatMäorithinkabouthealth inquitedifferentways thandoPäkehäbutwereable togiveonlya general outline of what Mäori conceptions were. Very few had knowledge offormalMäorimodelsofhealth;somenamedafewactualremediesorpracticesfromMäoritraditionsandfeltthatacquiringsuchknowledgewasnottheirrespon-sibilityorinterest.Adiscourseaboutcomplementarymedicinewasdrawnupon,toarguethatiftherewasnoharmdoneinthecourseofsuchpractices,thentheyweretobeacceptedandevenencouraged.
Discussion
Thefindings from the studies are strongevidenceof the culturalgulfbetweenprimary care physicians and Mäori clients of these professionals. The findingshighlightthedifferentconceptualizations,practices,andexpectationsthatinformand shape the actual interactions of primary health care. The inevitable powerdifferentialatpersonal,systemic,andinstitutionallevelsthatexistsbetweenthegroups—and inmanyof theclinicalconsultationdyads thatconstituteprimaryhealth care—is a likely contributor to thedifferentialpatternsofhealth serviceusageandoutcomesforMäoriandnon-Mäori.
Addressing this power differential will require more than cultural competencetraininginitsnarrowsense.Rather,changewillrequireabroader,twofoldagendafor cultural competency such as that suggested by Symonette (2004). The firstcomponent,“Inside/Out,”wouldrequirephysicianstodevelopanunderstandingof power and privilege hierarchies, including how they and their patients arelocated within these hierarchies. The second component, “Outside/In,” wouldencompassthedevelopmentofdiversity-relevantknowledgeandskills.Politicallyandethically, it is incumbentonthephysicianstoworkforchange.ThisisnottosaythatMäorishouldnotalsoworkforchange,butthataheavyresponsibilitylieswiththeempoweredgroup.ForMäori,ourresearchisaboutvalidationandaffirmation.It isone thing tosuspect that the treatmentyoureceive fromyourphysicianisaffectedbecauseyouareMäori;itisanotherthingtohavethosesuspi-cionsconfirmedandanalyzedwithinabroader,ideologicalcontext.
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In terms of research process, we have worked together as Mäori and Päkehäresearchers;aspartiestoahistoricalandlivingagreementtocooperate,TeTiritio Waitangi: as parties interested in exploring specific domains such as healthinpursuitofsocialjusticeinthiscountry;andaspartieswithinterestsinsocialjusticeforindigenouspeoplesworldwide.Theideawasthatwewouldbeapart,buttalkingtooneanother,andsomewheredownthetrackwewouldcometogethertolinkupthefindingsemergingfromthecomponents.Thishasrequiredalargeelement of trust, as we were simply unsure of what we were getting into. Weadopted a process of routine reporting, delivered through monthly meetingsonhoweachgroupwasfaring,supplementedbyextracontactswhenproblemsarose or significant insights emerged. “Cooperative independence” seems likeasimplecatchphrasetocharacterizethisstage.Similarpatternsemergedintheanalyticphasesastheteamsworkedtoprocesstheirdataandthentoseethattheapproachesweresufficientlycongruenttoallthedatasets(tospeaktoeachother).
ThedevelopmentofthisbiculturalknowledgeisfirmlysituatedwithinKaupapaMäori.Ontheonehand,theexplorationofMäoriexperiencesofprimarycarehaslookedinward,askingMäoritotalkabouttheirunderstandingsofMäorihealthand their experiences of engagement with non-Mäori physicians. On the otherhand, the exploration has looked outward, asking how these same experiencesareconstitutedwithinthetalkofPäkehäphysicians.Severalkeylessonsfromourresearchprocessarehighlightedbelow:
• Thereisanimportantrolefornonindigenousresearcherswhoarecommittedtosupportingindigenousresearchagendas.Thisroleisaboutworkingwithandalongsideindigenousresearchers,butnotnecessarilyresearchingwithinindigenouscommunities.Rather,nonindigenousresearcherscanturntheirgazeonnonindigenouscommunitiesinwhichtheunderlyingcausesofindigenousmarginalizationcanbefoundandchallenged.InHawaiÿi,thismightmeanthatnon-Hawaiianresearchersasksystemicquestionsaboutthepowerandprivilegethatisembeddedwithinnonindigenousinstitutions,andwhetherthispowerandprivilegeworksfororagainstHawaiianwell-beingandself-determination.
• Bytakingthestanceof“interestedparties”totheresearch—asdistinctfromresearchpartners—wewereabletokeepthepowerrelationsbetweenus,asMäoriandPäkehä,clearlyintheframethroughouttheresearchprocess.Onthewhole,thisencouragedamuchmorenegotiatedsetofresearchrelationsinwhichtheassumptionsofeitherpartywereavailableforscrutinythroughouttheresearchprocess.Thisaccountabilityprocessisimportant.Nonindigenousresearchers,forexample,shouldnotrushofftodotheresearchtheythinkwillserveanindigenousagenda,evenifthisresearchiswithnonindigenouscommunities.Rather,theresearchagendashouldbenegotiatedwith,andbeaccountableto,indigenouspeoples.Inthisproject,wehavefoundthatonesuchaccountabilityframeworkoccurswhenindigenousandnonindigenousresearchteamsworktogether.
• TheintellectualtraditionsofbothMäoriandPäkehäwerecomfortablyencompassedwithinthemethodologicalframeworkwesettledonforourinvestigation.Inaddition,theselectionofresearchquestionsassumedthattherewouldbetwoperspectivesatplayanddrewontheknowledge,expectations,andagendasofbothparties.Themostimportantelementsinthiswereourmutualrespectandthecommitmentweeachbroughttotheresearchrelationship.Throughthis,wehaveputintoeffectmanyofthepracticesthatguideMäoriresearchers(seeTable1),suchasarespectforoneanother,awillingnesstolistenandtoshareexpertise,andabeliefthatwecanlearnfromoneanother.Theseculturalvaluescanprovideusefulguidanceforhowindigenousandnonindigenousresearcherscanbehavetowardeachotherwhentheyaddressanindigenousconcernthroughjointresearch.
• Powerdifferencesbetweenthetwogroupssupplyingdatameantthateachteamtookitsownapproachinanalyzingthematerialswhilekeepingeachotherinformedandretainingtheoptionoffurthercollaborations.Theresultwasthatthefindings,whilereflectingtheverydifferentexperiencesandapproachesinformingthediscoursesofthetwogroupsonissuesofMäorihealth,neverthelessmirrorandanticipateeachotherinwaysthathavesignificantimplicationsforhealthservicedelivery.Theprospectofthesetypesofsynergiesisrealinthisresearchmodel,withoneoutcomebeingmultiplesites—bothindigenousandnonindigenous—atwhichthefindingsmightbebroughttobeartofacilitatesocialchange.
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In terms of research process, we have worked together as Mäori and Päkehäresearchers;aspartiestoahistoricalandlivingagreementtocooperate,TeTiritio Waitangi: as parties interested in exploring specific domains such as healthinpursuitofsocialjusticeinthiscountry;andaspartieswithinterestsinsocialjusticeforindigenouspeoplesworldwide.Theideawasthatwewouldbeapart,buttalkingtooneanother,andsomewheredownthetrackwewouldcometogethertolinkupthefindingsemergingfromthecomponents.Thishasrequiredalargeelement of trust, as we were simply unsure of what we were getting into. Weadopted a process of routine reporting, delivered through monthly meetingsonhoweachgroupwasfaring,supplementedbyextracontactswhenproblemsarose or significant insights emerged. “Cooperative independence” seems likeasimplecatchphrasetocharacterizethisstage.Similarpatternsemergedintheanalyticphasesastheteamsworkedtoprocesstheirdataandthentoseethattheapproachesweresufficientlycongruenttoallthedatasets(tospeaktoeachother).
ThedevelopmentofthisbiculturalknowledgeisfirmlysituatedwithinKaupapaMäori.Ontheonehand,theexplorationofMäoriexperiencesofprimarycarehaslookedinward,askingMäoritotalkabouttheirunderstandingsofMäorihealthand their experiences of engagement with non-Mäori physicians. On the otherhand, the exploration has looked outward, asking how these same experiencesareconstitutedwithinthetalkofPäkehäphysicians.Severalkeylessonsfromourresearchprocessarehighlightedbelow:
• Thereisanimportantrolefornonindigenousresearcherswhoarecommittedtosupportingindigenousresearchagendas.Thisroleisaboutworkingwithandalongsideindigenousresearchers,butnotnecessarilyresearchingwithinindigenouscommunities.Rather,nonindigenousresearcherscanturntheirgazeonnonindigenouscommunitiesinwhichtheunderlyingcausesofindigenousmarginalizationcanbefoundandchallenged.InHawaiÿi,thismightmeanthatnon-Hawaiianresearchersasksystemicquestionsaboutthepowerandprivilegethatisembeddedwithinnonindigenousinstitutions,andwhetherthispowerandprivilegeworksfororagainstHawaiianwell-beingandself-determination.
• Bytakingthestanceof“interestedparties”totheresearch—asdistinctfromresearchpartners—wewereabletokeepthepowerrelationsbetweenus,asMäoriandPäkehä,clearlyintheframethroughouttheresearchprocess.Onthewhole,thisencouragedamuchmorenegotiatedsetofresearchrelationsinwhichtheassumptionsofeitherpartywereavailableforscrutinythroughouttheresearchprocess.Thisaccountabilityprocessisimportant.Nonindigenousresearchers,forexample,shouldnotrushofftodotheresearchtheythinkwillserveanindigenousagenda,evenifthisresearchiswithnonindigenouscommunities.Rather,theresearchagendashouldbenegotiatedwith,andbeaccountableto,indigenouspeoples.Inthisproject,wehavefoundthatonesuchaccountabilityframeworkoccurswhenindigenousandnonindigenousresearchteamsworktogether.
• TheintellectualtraditionsofbothMäoriandPäkehäwerecomfortablyencompassedwithinthemethodologicalframeworkwesettledonforourinvestigation.Inaddition,theselectionofresearchquestionsassumedthattherewouldbetwoperspectivesatplayanddrewontheknowledge,expectations,andagendasofbothparties.Themostimportantelementsinthiswereourmutualrespectandthecommitmentweeachbroughttotheresearchrelationship.Throughthis,wehaveputintoeffectmanyofthepracticesthatguideMäoriresearchers(seeTable1),suchasarespectforoneanother,awillingnesstolistenandtoshareexpertise,andabeliefthatwecanlearnfromoneanother.Theseculturalvaluescanprovideusefulguidanceforhowindigenousandnonindigenousresearcherscanbehavetowardeachotherwhentheyaddressanindigenousconcernthroughjointresearch.
• Powerdifferencesbetweenthetwogroupssupplyingdatameantthateachteamtookitsownapproachinanalyzingthematerialswhilekeepingeachotherinformedandretainingtheoptionoffurthercollaborations.Theresultwasthatthefindings,whilereflectingtheverydifferentexperiencesandapproachesinformingthediscoursesofthetwogroupsonissuesofMäorihealth,neverthelessmirrorandanticipateeachotherinwaysthathavesignificantimplicationsforhealthservicedelivery.Theprospectofthesetypesofsynergiesisrealinthisresearchmodel,withoneoutcomebeingmultiplesites—bothindigenousandnonindigenous—atwhichthefindingsmightbebroughttobeartofacilitatesocialchange.
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This elucidation of understandings and power dynamics that influence Mäorihealthandwell-beinghasbeenonefruitofthisresearchrelationship.ChangeinthecurrentlivedideologyofthiscontextnowneedstofollowifMäoriaretobewellservedwithinprimaryhealthcareinthiscountry.WebelieveourexperiencesofcollaborationhavegeneratedinsightsofimportancetofutureresearchinAotearoaNewZealandand,wehope,ofinteresttoresearchersinHawaiÿiandelsewhere.
References
Ajwani,S.,Blakely,T.,Robson,B.,Tobias,M.,&Bonne,M.(2003).Decades of disparity: Ethnic mortality trends in New Zealand 1980–1999.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:MinistryofHealthandUniversityofOtago.
Awatere,D.(1984).Mäori sovereignty.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:Broadsheet.
Beaglehole,E.,&Beaglehole,P.(1946).Some modern Mäoris.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:NZCTER.
Billig,M.,Condor,S.,Edwards,D.,Gane,M.,Middleton,D.,&Radley,R.(1988).Ideological dilemmas.London:Sage.
Blaisdell,R.K.(1998).CultureandcancerinKänakaMaoli(NativeHawaiians).Asian American Pacific Island Journal of Health, 6,400.
Bordieu,P.,&Passeron,J.-C.(1990).Reproduction in education, society and culture.London:Sage.
Cook,B.P.(2001).AcallforrespectandequalityforindigenousscholarshipinHawaiianhealth.Pacific Health Dialogue, 8,368–374.
Coronerhaswarningforparents.(1993,April29).New Zealand Herald,p.2.
Cram,F.(1997).Developingpartnershipsinresearch:PäkehäresearchersandMäoriresearch.SITES, 35,44–63.
Cram,F.(2001).RangahauMäori:TonaTikaTonaPono[Mäoriresearch:Rightandgood].InM.Tolich(Ed.),Research ethics in Aotearoa(pp.35–52).Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:Longman.
Cram,F.,&McCreanor,T.(1993,March).TowardsthedevelopmentofapsychologyforAotearoa.New Zealand Psychological Bulletin,14–21.
Cram,F.,Smith,L.,&Johnstone,W.(2003).MappingthethemesofMäoritalkabouthealth.New Zealand Medical Journal, 116.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nzma.org.nz/journal/116-1170/357/
Dansey,H.(1992).Aviewofdeath.InM.King(Ed.),Te Ao Hurihuri[Theworldmoveson](pp.106–117).Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:LongmanPaul.
Durie,M.H.(1994).Whaiora: Mäori health development.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:OxfordUniversityPress.
Dyck,I.,&Kearns,R.(1995).Transformingtherelationsofresearch:Towardsculturallysafegeographiesofhealthandwellbeing.Health & Place, 1,137–147.
Essed,P.(1988).Understandingaccountsofracism:Politicsandheuristicsofrealityconstructions.Text, 8,5–40.
Gavey,N.(1989).Feministpoststructuralismanddiscourseanalysis.Psychology of Women Quarterly, 13,459–475.
Gilbert,N.,&Mulkay,M.(1984).Opening Pandora’s box: A sociological analysis of scientists discourse.Cambridge,England:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Gramsci,A.(1971).Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci(Q.Hoare&G.N.Smith,Eds.&Trans.).London:Lawrence&Wishart.
Howden-Chapman,P.,&Tobias,M.(2000).(Eds.).Social inequalities in health: New Zealand 1999.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:MinistryofHealth.
Humphery,K.(2001).Dirtyquestions:Indigenoushealthand‘Westernresearch.’Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 25,197–202.
Huygens,I.(1993).Aletter,anidea.New Zealand Psychological Society Bulletin, 76,22–25.
Jackson,M.(2004).The Crown baselines for legislation on the foreshore and seabed: An analysis.RetrievedMay18,2005,fromhttp://www.converge.org.nz/pma/fs010404.htm
Johnson-Laird,P.N.(1983).Mental models.Cambridge,England:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Kahakalau,K.(2004).Indigenousheuristicactionresearch:BridgingWesternandindigenousresearchmethodologies.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,19–34.
Kaplan,S.,Greenfield,S.,&Ware,J.(1989).Assessingtheeffectsofphysician–patientinteractionsontheoutcomesofchronicdisease.Medical Care, 27,110–127.
Karlson,S.,&Nazroo,J.(2003).Relationbetweenracialdiscrimination,socialclass,andhealthamongethnicminoritygroups.American Journal of Public Health, 92,624–632.
62
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CRAM | MÄORI–PÄKEHÄ RESEARCH
This elucidation of understandings and power dynamics that influence Mäorihealthandwell-beinghasbeenonefruitofthisresearchrelationship.ChangeinthecurrentlivedideologyofthiscontextnowneedstofollowifMäoriaretobewellservedwithinprimaryhealthcareinthiscountry.WebelieveourexperiencesofcollaborationhavegeneratedinsightsofimportancetofutureresearchinAotearoaNewZealandand,wehope,ofinteresttoresearchersinHawaiÿiandelsewhere.
References
Ajwani,S.,Blakely,T.,Robson,B.,Tobias,M.,&Bonne,M.(2003).Decades of disparity: Ethnic mortality trends in New Zealand 1980–1999.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:MinistryofHealthandUniversityofOtago.
Awatere,D.(1984).Mäori sovereignty.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:Broadsheet.
Beaglehole,E.,&Beaglehole,P.(1946).Some modern Mäoris.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:NZCTER.
Billig,M.,Condor,S.,Edwards,D.,Gane,M.,Middleton,D.,&Radley,R.(1988).Ideological dilemmas.London:Sage.
Blaisdell,R.K.(1998).CultureandcancerinKänakaMaoli(NativeHawaiians).Asian American Pacific Island Journal of Health, 6,400.
Bordieu,P.,&Passeron,J.-C.(1990).Reproduction in education, society and culture.London:Sage.
Cook,B.P.(2001).AcallforrespectandequalityforindigenousscholarshipinHawaiianhealth.Pacific Health Dialogue, 8,368–374.
Coronerhaswarningforparents.(1993,April29).New Zealand Herald,p.2.
Cram,F.(1997).Developingpartnershipsinresearch:PäkehäresearchersandMäoriresearch.SITES, 35,44–63.
Cram,F.(2001).RangahauMäori:TonaTikaTonaPono[Mäoriresearch:Rightandgood].InM.Tolich(Ed.),Research ethics in Aotearoa(pp.35–52).Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:Longman.
Cram,F.,&McCreanor,T.(1993,March).TowardsthedevelopmentofapsychologyforAotearoa.New Zealand Psychological Bulletin,14–21.
Cram,F.,Smith,L.,&Johnstone,W.(2003).MappingthethemesofMäoritalkabouthealth.New Zealand Medical Journal, 116.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nzma.org.nz/journal/116-1170/357/
Dansey,H.(1992).Aviewofdeath.InM.King(Ed.),Te Ao Hurihuri[Theworldmoveson](pp.106–117).Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:LongmanPaul.
Durie,M.H.(1994).Whaiora: Mäori health development.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:OxfordUniversityPress.
Dyck,I.,&Kearns,R.(1995).Transformingtherelationsofresearch:Towardsculturallysafegeographiesofhealthandwellbeing.Health & Place, 1,137–147.
Essed,P.(1988).Understandingaccountsofracism:Politicsandheuristicsofrealityconstructions.Text, 8,5–40.
Gavey,N.(1989).Feministpoststructuralismanddiscourseanalysis.Psychology of Women Quarterly, 13,459–475.
Gilbert,N.,&Mulkay,M.(1984).Opening Pandora’s box: A sociological analysis of scientists discourse.Cambridge,England:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Gramsci,A.(1971).Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci(Q.Hoare&G.N.Smith,Eds.&Trans.).London:Lawrence&Wishart.
Howden-Chapman,P.,&Tobias,M.(2000).(Eds.).Social inequalities in health: New Zealand 1999.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:MinistryofHealth.
Humphery,K.(2001).Dirtyquestions:Indigenoushealthand‘Westernresearch.’Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 25,197–202.
Huygens,I.(1993).Aletter,anidea.New Zealand Psychological Society Bulletin, 76,22–25.
Jackson,M.(2004).The Crown baselines for legislation on the foreshore and seabed: An analysis.RetrievedMay18,2005,fromhttp://www.converge.org.nz/pma/fs010404.htm
Johnson-Laird,P.N.(1983).Mental models.Cambridge,England:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Kahakalau,K.(2004).Indigenousheuristicactionresearch:BridgingWesternandindigenousresearchmethodologies.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,19–34.
Kaplan,S.,Greenfield,S.,&Ware,J.(1989).Assessingtheeffectsofphysician–patientinteractionsontheoutcomesofchronicdisease.Medical Care, 27,110–127.
Karlson,S.,&Nazroo,J.(2003).Relationbetweenracialdiscrimination,socialclass,andhealthamongethnicminoritygroups.American Journal of Public Health, 92,624–632.
64
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Krieger,N.(2003).Doesracismharmhealth?Didchildabuseexistbefore1962?Onexplicitquestions,criticalscience,andcurrentcontroversies:Anecosocialperspective.American Journal of Public Health, 93,194–199.
Lather,P.(1991).Getting smart: Feminist research and pedagogy with/in the postmodern.NewYork:Routledge.
Marsden,M.(1992).God,manandtheuniverse:AMäoriview.InM.King(Ed.),Te Ao Hurihuri[Theworldmoveson](pp.118–138).Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:LongmanPaul.
Mayberry,L.J.,Affonso,D.D.,Shibuya,J.,&Clemmens,D.(1998).Integratingculturalvalues,beliefsandcustomsintopregnancyandpostpartumcare:LessonslearnedfromaHawaiianPublicHealthnursingproject.Journal of Perinatal and Neonatal Nursing, 13,15–26.
McAvoy,B.,Davis,P.,Raymont,A.,&Gribben,B.(1994).TheWaikatoMedicalCare(WaiMedCa)Survey.New Zealand Medical Journal, 107(986,Part2),388–431.
McCreanor,T.(1989).TheTreatyofWaitangi:Responsesandresponsibilities.InH.Yensen,K.Hague,&T.McCreanor(Eds.),Honouring the treaty(pp.34–45).Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:Penguin.
McCreanor,T.,&Nairn,R.(2002a).Tauiwigeneralpractitioners’explanationsofMäorihealth:ColonialrelationsinprimaryhealthcareinAotearoa/NewZealand?Journal of Health Psychology, 7,509–518.
McCreanor,T.,&Nairn,R.(2002b).Tauiwigeneralpractitioners’talkaboutMäorihealth:Interpretativerepertoires.New Zealand Medical Journal, 115.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nzma.org.nz/journal/115-1167/272/
McMullin,J.(2005).Thecalltolife:RevitalizingahealthyHawaiianidentity.Social Science & Medicine, 61,809–820.
Metge,J.(1986).In and out of touch: Whakamaa in cross-cultural contexts.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:VictoriaUniversityPress.
Mishler,E.(1984).The discourse of medicine: Dialectics of medical interviews.Norwood,NJ:Ablex.
MoewakaBarnes,H.(2000).Collaborationincommunityaction:Asuccessfulpartnershipbetweenindigenouscommunitiesandresearchers.Health Promotion International, 15,17–25.
Murchie,E.(1984).Rapuora: Health and Mäori women.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:MäoriWomen’sWelfareLeague.
Nairn,R.G.,&McCreanor,T.N.(1990).Sensitivityandinsensitivity:AnimbalanceinPäkehäaccountsofMäori/Päkehärelations.Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 9,293–308.
Nicholson,M.(1988).Medicineandradicalpolitics:ChangingimagesoftheNewZealandMäoriinthenineteenthcentury.InD.Arnold(Ed.),Imperial medicine and indigenous societies(pp.66–104).Manchester,England:ManchesterUniversityPress.
Orange,C.(1987).The Treaty of Waitangi.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Allen&Unwin.
Pere,R.R.(1988).Tewheke:Whaiatemaramatangametearoha[Theoctopus:Seekafterunderstandingandlove].InS.Middleton(Ed.),Women and education in Aotearoa(pp.6–19).Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Allen&Unwin.
Pihama,L.E.(1993).Tungiateururua,kiatupuwhakaritoritotetupuoteharakeke[Settheovergrownbushalight,andthenewflaxshootswillspringup].Unpublishedmaster’sthesis,FacultyofEducation,UniversityofAuckland,AotearoaNewZealand.
Pömare,E.,Keefe-Ormsby,V.,Ormsby,C.,Pearce,N.,Reid,P.,Robson,B.,&Wätene-Hayden,N.(1995).Hauora: Mäori standards of health III.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:TeRöpüRangahauHauoraaEruPömare.
Potter,J.,&Reicher,S.(1987).Discoursesofcommunityandconflict:Theorganisationofsocialcategoriesinaccountsofariot.British Journal of Social Psychology, 26,183–192.
Potter,J.,&Wetherell,M.(1987).Discourse analysis and social psychology: Beyond attitudes and behaviour.London:Sage.
PublicHealthCommission.(1993).Tamariki ora[Childhealth].Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Author.
Ramsden,I.(1997).Culturalsafety:Implementingtheconcept—Thesocialforceofnursingandmidwifery.InP.TeWhaiti,M.McCarthy,&A.Durie(Eds.),Mai i Rangiatea: Mäori wellbeing and development(pp.113–125).Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:AucklandUniversityPress.
Silverman,D.(1987).Communication and medical practice: Social relations in the clinic.London:Sage.
Simon,J.,&Smith,L.T.,withCram,F.,Höhepa,M.,McNaughton,S.,&Stephenson,M.(2001).A civilising mission? Perceptions and representations of the Native Schools system.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:AucklandUniversityPress.
Simpson,M.,Buckman,R.,Stewart,M.,Maguire,P.,Lipkin,M.,Novack,D.,&Till,J.(1991).Doctor–patientcommunication:TheTorontoConsensusStatement.British Medical Journal, 303,1385–1387.
Smith,G.H.(1997).The development of Kaupapa Mäori: Theory and praxis.Unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,FacultyofEducation,UniversityofAuckland,Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand.
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Krieger,N.(2003).Doesracismharmhealth?Didchildabuseexistbefore1962?Onexplicitquestions,criticalscience,andcurrentcontroversies:Anecosocialperspective.American Journal of Public Health, 93,194–199.
Lather,P.(1991).Getting smart: Feminist research and pedagogy with/in the postmodern.NewYork:Routledge.
Marsden,M.(1992).God,manandtheuniverse:AMäoriview.InM.King(Ed.),Te Ao Hurihuri[Theworldmoveson](pp.118–138).Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:LongmanPaul.
Mayberry,L.J.,Affonso,D.D.,Shibuya,J.,&Clemmens,D.(1998).Integratingculturalvalues,beliefsandcustomsintopregnancyandpostpartumcare:LessonslearnedfromaHawaiianPublicHealthnursingproject.Journal of Perinatal and Neonatal Nursing, 13,15–26.
McAvoy,B.,Davis,P.,Raymont,A.,&Gribben,B.(1994).TheWaikatoMedicalCare(WaiMedCa)Survey.New Zealand Medical Journal, 107(986,Part2),388–431.
McCreanor,T.(1989).TheTreatyofWaitangi:Responsesandresponsibilities.InH.Yensen,K.Hague,&T.McCreanor(Eds.),Honouring the treaty(pp.34–45).Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:Penguin.
McCreanor,T.,&Nairn,R.(2002a).Tauiwigeneralpractitioners’explanationsofMäorihealth:ColonialrelationsinprimaryhealthcareinAotearoa/NewZealand?Journal of Health Psychology, 7,509–518.
McCreanor,T.,&Nairn,R.(2002b).Tauiwigeneralpractitioners’talkaboutMäorihealth:Interpretativerepertoires.New Zealand Medical Journal, 115.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nzma.org.nz/journal/115-1167/272/
McMullin,J.(2005).Thecalltolife:RevitalizingahealthyHawaiianidentity.Social Science & Medicine, 61,809–820.
Metge,J.(1986).In and out of touch: Whakamaa in cross-cultural contexts.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:VictoriaUniversityPress.
Mishler,E.(1984).The discourse of medicine: Dialectics of medical interviews.Norwood,NJ:Ablex.
MoewakaBarnes,H.(2000).Collaborationincommunityaction:Asuccessfulpartnershipbetweenindigenouscommunitiesandresearchers.Health Promotion International, 15,17–25.
Murchie,E.(1984).Rapuora: Health and Mäori women.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:MäoriWomen’sWelfareLeague.
Nairn,R.G.,&McCreanor,T.N.(1990).Sensitivityandinsensitivity:AnimbalanceinPäkehäaccountsofMäori/Päkehärelations.Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 9,293–308.
Nicholson,M.(1988).Medicineandradicalpolitics:ChangingimagesoftheNewZealandMäoriinthenineteenthcentury.InD.Arnold(Ed.),Imperial medicine and indigenous societies(pp.66–104).Manchester,England:ManchesterUniversityPress.
Orange,C.(1987).The Treaty of Waitangi.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Allen&Unwin.
Pere,R.R.(1988).Tewheke:Whaiatemaramatangametearoha[Theoctopus:Seekafterunderstandingandlove].InS.Middleton(Ed.),Women and education in Aotearoa(pp.6–19).Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Allen&Unwin.
Pihama,L.E.(1993).Tungiateururua,kiatupuwhakaritoritotetupuoteharakeke[Settheovergrownbushalight,andthenewflaxshootswillspringup].Unpublishedmaster’sthesis,FacultyofEducation,UniversityofAuckland,AotearoaNewZealand.
Pömare,E.,Keefe-Ormsby,V.,Ormsby,C.,Pearce,N.,Reid,P.,Robson,B.,&Wätene-Hayden,N.(1995).Hauora: Mäori standards of health III.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:TeRöpüRangahauHauoraaEruPömare.
Potter,J.,&Reicher,S.(1987).Discoursesofcommunityandconflict:Theorganisationofsocialcategoriesinaccountsofariot.British Journal of Social Psychology, 26,183–192.
Potter,J.,&Wetherell,M.(1987).Discourse analysis and social psychology: Beyond attitudes and behaviour.London:Sage.
PublicHealthCommission.(1993).Tamariki ora[Childhealth].Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Author.
Ramsden,I.(1997).Culturalsafety:Implementingtheconcept—Thesocialforceofnursingandmidwifery.InP.TeWhaiti,M.McCarthy,&A.Durie(Eds.),Mai i Rangiatea: Mäori wellbeing and development(pp.113–125).Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:AucklandUniversityPress.
Silverman,D.(1987).Communication and medical practice: Social relations in the clinic.London:Sage.
Simon,J.,&Smith,L.T.,withCram,F.,Höhepa,M.,McNaughton,S.,&Stephenson,M.(2001).A civilising mission? Perceptions and representations of the Native Schools system.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:AucklandUniversityPress.
Simpson,M.,Buckman,R.,Stewart,M.,Maguire,P.,Lipkin,M.,Novack,D.,&Till,J.(1991).Doctor–patientcommunication:TheTorontoConsensusStatement.British Medical Journal, 303,1385–1387.
Smith,G.H.(1997).The development of Kaupapa Mäori: Theory and praxis.Unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,FacultyofEducation,UniversityofAuckland,Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand.
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Smith,L.T.(1985).The ideological dimensions of Mäori health.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:AucklandUniversity,EducationDepartment.
Smith,L.T.(1999).Decolonizing methodology: Research and indigenous peoples.NewYork:ZedBooks&Dunedin,AotearoaNewZealand:OtagoUniversityPress.
Smith,L.T.(2006).Researchinginthemargins:IssuesforMäoriresearchers—Adiscussionpaper.AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Scholarship,(Specialsupplement2006–Marginalisation),4–27.
Smylie,J.(2005).TheethicsofresearchinvolvingCanada’sAboriginalpopulations.Canadian Medical Association Journal, 172,977.
Snyder,M.(1984).Whenbeliefcreatesreality.InL.Berkowitz(Ed.),Advances in experimental social psychology(Vol.18,pp.247–305).Orlando,FL:AcademicPress.
Symontte,H.(2004).Walkingpathwaystowardbecomingaculturallycompetentevaluator:Boundaries,borderlands,andbordercrossings.New Directions for Evaluation, 102,95–109.
TeAwekotuku,N.(1991).He tikanga whakaaro: Research ethics in the Mäori community.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:ManatuMäori.
TenFingers,K.(2005).Rejecting,revitalizing,andreclaiming:FirstNationsworktosetthedirectionofresearchandpolicydevelopment.Canadian Journal of Public Health, 96,S60–S62.
Torjman,S.(1998,October).Strategies for a caring society.Paperpresentedattheconference“InvestingintheWholeCommunity:StrategiesforaCaringSociety,”Toronto,Ontario,Canada.RetrievedJuly1,2001,fromhttp://www.caledoninst.org/publications/pdf/full107%2Epdf
Tsark,J.,&Braun,K.L.(2004).NäLikoNoelo:AprogramtodevelopNativeHawaiianresearchers.Pacific Health Dialog, 11,225–232.
Turbott,H.B.(1940).Healthandsocialwelfare.InI.L.G.Sutherland(Ed.),The Mäori people today(pp.229–268).London:OxfordUniversityPress.
vanDijk,T.A.(1993).Principlesofcriticaldiscourseanalysis.Discourse & Society, 4,249–283.
WaitangiTribunal.(1983).Report of the Waitangi Tribunal on the Motunui-Waitara claim.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Author.
Westbrooke,I.,Baxter,J.,&Hogan,J.(2001).AreMäorisunder-servedforcardiacinterventions?New Zealand Medical Journal, 114,484–487.
Wetherell,M.,&Potter,J.(1992).Mapping the language of racism: Discourse and the legitimation of exploitation.London:HarvesterWheatsheaf.
Wetherell,M.,Taylor,S.,&Yates,S.J.(2001).(Eds.).Discourse as data: A guide for analysis.London:Sage.
Wodak,R.,&Matouschek,B.(1993).Wearedealingwithpeoplewhoseoriginsonecanclearlytelljustbylooking:Criticaldiscourseanalysisandthestudyofneo-racismincontemporaryAustria.Discourse & Society, 4,225–248.
Our thanks to both the Public Health Research Committee and the Mäori Health
Committee of the Health Research Council of New Zealand for their support (both
financial and by way of encouragement) of our research. Fiona Cram has held an Eru
Pömare Mäori Health Research Fellowship, and Wayne Johnstone has held a Mäori
Health Training Fellowship during part of the current research. Many thanks also to the
reviewers who provided encouraging and helpful feedback.
About the Authors
Fiona Cram (Ngäti Kahungunu), PhD (University of Otago, Social andDevelopmental Psychology), is the director of a small research and evaluationcompany,KatoaLtd.Herevaluationwork ismostlywithMäoriandIwi (tribal)organizationsandsocialserviceproviders.HercurrentresearchinterestsincludeMäorihealth,familyviolenceprevention,organizationaldevelopment,andMäorilanguageregeneration.
TimMcCreanor,PhD,isasocialscienceresearcherwithTeRopuWhariki.Hiskeyinterestsareinantiracism,publichealth,discourse,andsocialjustice.
LindaTuhiwaiSmith (NgätiPorou,NgätiAwa),PhD, isprofessorofeducationat the University of Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand. She is joint director ofNgä Pae o te Märamatanga, the National Institute for Research Excellence inMäori Development and Advancement, hosted by the University of Auckland.She is a leading Mäori and indigenous educationist whose work is recognizedinternationally throughher1999book,Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and
Indigenous Peoples.
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CRAM | MÄORI–PÄKEHÄ RESEARCH
Smith,L.T.(1985).The ideological dimensions of Mäori health.Auckland,AotearoaNewZealand:AucklandUniversity,EducationDepartment.
Smith,L.T.(1999).Decolonizing methodology: Research and indigenous peoples.NewYork:ZedBooks&Dunedin,AotearoaNewZealand:OtagoUniversityPress.
Smith,L.T.(2006).Researchinginthemargins:IssuesforMäoriresearchers—Adiscussionpaper.AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Scholarship,(Specialsupplement2006–Marginalisation),4–27.
Smylie,J.(2005).TheethicsofresearchinvolvingCanada’sAboriginalpopulations.Canadian Medical Association Journal, 172,977.
Snyder,M.(1984).Whenbeliefcreatesreality.InL.Berkowitz(Ed.),Advances in experimental social psychology(Vol.18,pp.247–305).Orlando,FL:AcademicPress.
Symontte,H.(2004).Walkingpathwaystowardbecomingaculturallycompetentevaluator:Boundaries,borderlands,andbordercrossings.New Directions for Evaluation, 102,95–109.
TeAwekotuku,N.(1991).He tikanga whakaaro: Research ethics in the Mäori community.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:ManatuMäori.
TenFingers,K.(2005).Rejecting,revitalizing,andreclaiming:FirstNationsworktosetthedirectionofresearchandpolicydevelopment.Canadian Journal of Public Health, 96,S60–S62.
Torjman,S.(1998,October).Strategies for a caring society.Paperpresentedattheconference“InvestingintheWholeCommunity:StrategiesforaCaringSociety,”Toronto,Ontario,Canada.RetrievedJuly1,2001,fromhttp://www.caledoninst.org/publications/pdf/full107%2Epdf
Tsark,J.,&Braun,K.L.(2004).NäLikoNoelo:AprogramtodevelopNativeHawaiianresearchers.Pacific Health Dialog, 11,225–232.
Turbott,H.B.(1940).Healthandsocialwelfare.InI.L.G.Sutherland(Ed.),The Mäori people today(pp.229–268).London:OxfordUniversityPress.
vanDijk,T.A.(1993).Principlesofcriticaldiscourseanalysis.Discourse & Society, 4,249–283.
WaitangiTribunal.(1983).Report of the Waitangi Tribunal on the Motunui-Waitara claim.Wellington,AotearoaNewZealand:Author.
Westbrooke,I.,Baxter,J.,&Hogan,J.(2001).AreMäorisunder-servedforcardiacinterventions?New Zealand Medical Journal, 114,484–487.
Wetherell,M.,&Potter,J.(1992).Mapping the language of racism: Discourse and the legitimation of exploitation.London:HarvesterWheatsheaf.
Wetherell,M.,Taylor,S.,&Yates,S.J.(2001).(Eds.).Discourse as data: A guide for analysis.London:Sage.
Wodak,R.,&Matouschek,B.(1993).Wearedealingwithpeoplewhoseoriginsonecanclearlytelljustbylooking:Criticaldiscourseanalysisandthestudyofneo-racismincontemporaryAustria.Discourse & Society, 4,225–248.
Our thanks to both the Public Health Research Committee and the Mäori Health
Committee of the Health Research Council of New Zealand for their support (both
financial and by way of encouragement) of our research. Fiona Cram has held an Eru
Pömare Mäori Health Research Fellowship, and Wayne Johnstone has held a Mäori
Health Training Fellowship during part of the current research. Many thanks also to the
reviewers who provided encouraging and helpful feedback.
About the Authors
Fiona Cram (Ngäti Kahungunu), PhD (University of Otago, Social andDevelopmental Psychology), is the director of a small research and evaluationcompany,KatoaLtd.Herevaluationwork ismostlywithMäoriandIwi (tribal)organizationsandsocialserviceproviders.HercurrentresearchinterestsincludeMäorihealth,familyviolenceprevention,organizationaldevelopment,andMäorilanguageregeneration.
TimMcCreanor,PhD,isasocialscienceresearcherwithTeRopuWhariki.Hiskeyinterestsareinantiracism,publichealth,discourse,andsocialjustice.
LindaTuhiwaiSmith (NgätiPorou,NgätiAwa),PhD, isprofessorofeducationat the University of Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand. She is joint director ofNgä Pae o te Märamatanga, the National Institute for Research Excellence inMäori Development and Advancement, hosted by the University of Auckland.She is a leading Mäori and indigenous educationist whose work is recognizedinternationally throughher1999book,Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and
Indigenous Peoples.
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HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
RayNairn isanestablishedsocial science researcherandpresidentof theNewZealandPsychologicalSociety.Heisalongtimeantiracismadvocateandaworkerfor social justice and has recently completed his PhD on media depictions ofmentalillness.
Wayne Johnstone (Ngäti Wai) is project manager of Te Puna Oranga, WaikatoDistrict Health Board. Research interests include Mäori health, diabetes, andindigenouspeoples.
Notes
1 MäoriarepeopleofPolynesianoriginwhohavebeensettledinAotearoaNewZealandfornearlyamillennium.
2 PäkehäisaMäoriwordforNewZealandersofEuropeandescent.
3 Thisconceptualizationisinclusiveofthepossibilitythattherelationshipmaybeextendedtootherparties,suchasPacificpeoples.
6�
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
The importance of Doe v. Kamehameha Schools is obvious to Hawaiians,
yet this suit affects all minorities. For centuries, minority groups have
suffered from educational discrimination. After the American Civil
War, laws created to end slavery provided minorities a mechanism to
sue schools with discriminatory policies. Ironically, White students
bringing suits against affirmative action programs have been the
most successful in using these laws. Doe falls in a series of suits
attempting to dismantle educational programs redressing historical
discrimination. In defending its preference to admit Hawaiian students,
Kamehameha Schools has an opportunity to argue for a new legal
standard: one where courts meaningfully consider the oppression of
the group benefiting from the program and in turn place the burden
on claimants to show membership within a historically oppressed
class of people.
Civil Rights and Wrongs: Understanding Doe v. Kamehameha Schools
Trisha Kehaulani Watson
correspondence may be sent to: Trisha Kehaulani Watson P.O. Box 61395, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi 96839 Email: [email protected]
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HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
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WATSON | CIVIL RIGHTS AND WRONGS
standardsestablishedbyaffirmativeactionprograms;itshouldinsteadcallforanewstandard—onethatdemandsthatthecourtslookattheuniquelegalpositionofNativeHawaiians,theindigenouspeopleoftheseislands,andinturnrequirestheplaintifftoshowmembershipwithinahistoricallyoppressedclassofpeople.Iftheplaintiffcannotshowhowheisamemberofagroupthathashistoricallysufferedfromeducationaldiscrimination,hisclaimshouldbedismissed.
Civilrightslawsshouldbereservedforthosetheywereintendedtoprotect.Further,Kamehameha Schools should encourage courts to look at the specific historyof groups benefiting from educational programs and policies. The legal statusandhistoryofNativeHawaiiansisnotcomparablewiththatofothergroups.Byusinglegalargumentsputforthbyotherminoritygroups,KamehamehaSchoolscontinuestoallowAmericancourtstoseeNativeHawaiiansandotherminoritygroups as one amorphous mass. Until defendants demand that the courts seeindividualgroupswithintheirspecificanduniquehistoricalcircumstances, therightsoftheprivilegedwillalwayssupersedetherightsoftheoppressed.
TherecentDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolslitigationemphasizesthatthepromisinglanguageofcivilrightslawsdifferstremendouslyfromtherealityofcivilrightslaws. Civil rights legislation promised to remedy a violent history of discrimi-nation against ethnic minorities, particularly in educational institutions. Yetthat remedy continues to elude minorities and indigenous people, for the 9thCircuit’sexistinginterpretationoflawinthiscaseshowsthatcivilrightslegisla-tion ispoised toattack theverygroups itwasenacted toprotect.TheoutcomeofDoe v. Kamehameha Schools, therefore,will affectnotonlyNativeHawaiiansbutalsoallminoritygroupswhosechildrenaredeniedaqualityeducationintheUnitedStates.
A Brief History of Educational Rights
Historically,educationaldiscrimination litigationhasbeena fairly inactiveareaof the law.Itwasnotuntil the latterhalfof the20thcentury thatcourtsbegantodealwithracialdiscrimination ineducation.Since that time, therehasbeena fairamountof litigationcombatingracialdiscrimination inhighereducation,althoughnoneofitwasparticularlysuccessfulinhelpingminoritiesgainaccessto
Racial discrimination has a long and turbulent history in the United States.Nowherehasthishistorybeenmorevisibleanddestructivethaninoureduca-
tional institutions.Despite the fact that civil rights legislationwasfirst enactedinthelate19thcentury(CivilRightsActof1871),thecourtsandthelegislaturedid not effectively recognize the problem of racial discrimination in educationuntil the mid-20th century.1 The educational institutions in Hawaiÿi witnessedviolentdiscriminationfordecadesagainstNativeHawaiianchildrenwhosoughttoobtainaneducationandspeaktheirnative language(Silva,2004).TheresulthasbeenaninstitutionaldiscriminationagainstNativeHawaiianeducationalandculturalpracticesthathasleftinitswakegenerationsofHawaiianchildrenmiredbyeconomicdifficulties.
Hawaiians have been left largely to their own accord to attempt to improvethe education available to their children. The struggle has been constant anddifficult. This article is about the most recent episode of this struggle, theDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolslawsuit.Thelawsuitreferstoanon-HawaiianapplicantwhowasdeniedadmissiontoKamehamehaSchoolsinpartbecauseofhislackofHawaiianancestry.
Thefirstsectionofthisarticlebrieflyreviewsthehistoryofthevariouslawsusedineducationaldiscriminationsuits.ItillustrateshowtheDoesuitunderminesthespiritandhistoriesoftheselaws.Thenthearticleexaminesthehistoryof§1981,thespecificstatutebeingusedbytheplaintiffintheDoecase.Specifically,itarguesthatalthough§1981wasenactedtoprotectethnicminoritiesfromdiscriminationagainstprivateactorsorentities,variouslegaldecisionsandthehighcostoflitiga-tionmadeitverydifficultforethnicminoritiestousethislawsuccessfullytofightdiscriminationagainstminoritiesinprivateschools.Instead,Caucasianstudentswould lead thecharge,using this lawto launchnumerous legalattacksagainstaffirmativeactionprogramsattemptingtoredresshistoricaldiscrimination.
Next,thearticlelooksattheDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsdecisionasthelatestinthis lineofcasesbroughtbyclaimantsattackingprogramsaimedat redressingeducational discrimination. This section examines how the first 9th Circuitdecisioncontinues the trendwithinAmericancourts thatapply the ruleof lawwithoutconsideringthespiritofthelaw.Thearticlethenanalyzestheproblemswith the Kamehameha Schools’ defense, which leans heavily on justificationsusedtoprotectaffirmativeactionprograms.Thisleadstothefinalsection,whichargues that Kamehameha Schools must stand up for the spirit of civil rightslaws,whichwere created toprotectgroups likeNativeHawaiiansandnot indi-vidualsliketheclaimants.KamehamehaSchoolsisfittingitsdefensetoexisting
70
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WATSON | CIVIL RIGHTS AND WRONGS
standardsestablishedbyaffirmativeactionprograms;itshouldinsteadcallforanewstandard—onethatdemandsthatthecourtslookattheuniquelegalpositionofNativeHawaiians,theindigenouspeopleoftheseislands,andinturnrequirestheplaintifftoshowmembershipwithinahistoricallyoppressedclassofpeople.Iftheplaintiffcannotshowhowheisamemberofagroupthathashistoricallysufferedfromeducationaldiscrimination,hisclaimshouldbedismissed.
Civilrightslawsshouldbereservedforthosetheywereintendedtoprotect.Further,Kamehameha Schools should encourage courts to look at the specific historyof groups benefiting from educational programs and policies. The legal statusandhistoryofNativeHawaiiansisnotcomparablewiththatofothergroups.Byusinglegalargumentsputforthbyotherminoritygroups,KamehamehaSchoolscontinuestoallowAmericancourtstoseeNativeHawaiiansandotherminoritygroups as one amorphous mass. Until defendants demand that the courts seeindividualgroupswithintheirspecificanduniquehistoricalcircumstances, therightsoftheprivilegedwillalwayssupersedetherightsoftheoppressed.
TherecentDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolslitigationemphasizesthatthepromisinglanguageofcivilrightslawsdifferstremendouslyfromtherealityofcivilrightslaws. Civil rights legislation promised to remedy a violent history of discrimi-nation against ethnic minorities, particularly in educational institutions. Yetthat remedy continues to elude minorities and indigenous people, for the 9thCircuit’sexistinginterpretationoflawinthiscaseshowsthatcivilrightslegisla-tion ispoised toattack theverygroups itwasenacted toprotect.TheoutcomeofDoe v. Kamehameha Schools, therefore,will affectnotonlyNativeHawaiiansbutalsoallminoritygroupswhosechildrenaredeniedaqualityeducationintheUnitedStates.
A Brief History of Educational Rights
Historically,educationaldiscrimination litigationhasbeena fairly inactiveareaof the law.Itwasnotuntil the latterhalfof the20thcentury thatcourtsbegantodealwithracialdiscrimination ineducation.Since that time, therehasbeena fairamountof litigationcombatingracialdiscrimination inhighereducation,althoughnoneofitwasparticularlysuccessfulinhelpingminoritiesgainaccessto
Racial discrimination has a long and turbulent history in the United States.Nowherehasthishistorybeenmorevisibleanddestructivethaninoureduca-
tional institutions.Despite the fact that civil rights legislationwasfirst enactedinthelate19thcentury(CivilRightsActof1871),thecourtsandthelegislaturedid not effectively recognize the problem of racial discrimination in educationuntil the mid-20th century.1 The educational institutions in Hawaiÿi witnessedviolentdiscriminationfordecadesagainstNativeHawaiianchildrenwhosoughttoobtainaneducationandspeaktheirnative language(Silva,2004).TheresulthasbeenaninstitutionaldiscriminationagainstNativeHawaiianeducationalandculturalpracticesthathasleftinitswakegenerationsofHawaiianchildrenmiredbyeconomicdifficulties.
Hawaiians have been left largely to their own accord to attempt to improvethe education available to their children. The struggle has been constant anddifficult. This article is about the most recent episode of this struggle, theDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolslawsuit.Thelawsuitreferstoanon-HawaiianapplicantwhowasdeniedadmissiontoKamehamehaSchoolsinpartbecauseofhislackofHawaiianancestry.
Thefirstsectionofthisarticlebrieflyreviewsthehistoryofthevariouslawsusedineducationaldiscriminationsuits.ItillustrateshowtheDoesuitunderminesthespiritandhistoriesoftheselaws.Thenthearticleexaminesthehistoryof§1981,thespecificstatutebeingusedbytheplaintiffintheDoecase.Specifically,itarguesthatalthough§1981wasenactedtoprotectethnicminoritiesfromdiscriminationagainstprivateactorsorentities,variouslegaldecisionsandthehighcostoflitiga-tionmadeitverydifficultforethnicminoritiestousethislawsuccessfullytofightdiscriminationagainstminoritiesinprivateschools.Instead,Caucasianstudentswould lead thecharge,using this lawto launchnumerous legalattacksagainstaffirmativeactionprogramsattemptingtoredresshistoricaldiscrimination.
Next,thearticlelooksattheDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsdecisionasthelatestinthis lineofcasesbroughtbyclaimantsattackingprogramsaimedat redressingeducational discrimination. This section examines how the first 9th Circuitdecisioncontinues the trendwithinAmericancourts thatapply the ruleof lawwithoutconsideringthespiritofthelaw.Thearticlethenanalyzestheproblemswith the Kamehameha Schools’ defense, which leans heavily on justificationsusedtoprotectaffirmativeactionprograms.Thisleadstothefinalsection,whichargues that Kamehameha Schools must stand up for the spirit of civil rightslaws,whichwere created toprotectgroups likeNativeHawaiiansandnot indi-vidualsliketheclaimants.KamehamehaSchoolsisfittingitsdefensetoexisting
72
HüLiLi Vol.3 No.1 (2006)
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WATSON | CIVIL RIGHTS AND WRONGS
AllpersonswithinthejurisdictionoftheUnitedStatesshallhavethesamerightineverystateandterritorytomakeandenforcecontracts,tosue,beparties,giveevidence,andtothe full andequalbenefitof all lawsandproceedings forthesecurityofpersonsandpropertyasisenjoyedbywhitecitizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains,penalties,taxes,licenses,andexactionsofeverykind,andtonoother.
Therefore, § 1981 has the capacity to reach parties and entities that would beprotectedfrom14thAmendmentor§1983action,asboththe14thAmendmentand§1983applyonlytostateactors.Privatepartiesdonotlikebeinggovernedbyfederallaw,yettheSupremeCourthasconsistentlysupportedtheconstitutionalityof§1981,findingthat§2ofthe13thAmendmentgrantedCongresstheauthoritytoenactlawsthatenforcedthe13thAmendment.6
Section 1981 has been used primarily in employment discrimination cases, afact that becomes important when looking at the Doe case, because the courtswouldfinditappropriatetoapplystandardsofemploymentlawintheirdecision.Therefore,actionsrelatedto§1981inemploymentcaseswouldinfluence§1981education cases. The Supreme Court affirmed the use of § 1981 against bothprivate and public employers (Johnson v. Railway Express Agency, 1975; Runyon
v. McCrary, 1976). Section 1981’s potency against employers was bolstered in1991,whenCongressamended theCivilRightsAct to includesubsections thatallowedemployeestobringsuitsagainstemployerswhoengagedindiscrimina-toryconduct.7,8
The 14th Amendment of the United States Constitution is probably the mostfamoussourceof“civilrights”protection.The14thAmendmentreads:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States andsubjecttothejurisdictionthereof,arecitizensoftheUnitedStatesandoftheStatewhereintheyreside.NoStateshallmakeorenforceanylawwhichshallabridgetheprivilegesor immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shallany State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property,withoutdueprocessoflaw;nordenytoanypersonwithinitsjurisdictiontheequalprotectionofthelaws.
bettereducation.Nevertheless,thesecasesreveallawsthathavebeentraditionallyusedintheefforttocreateeducationalequalityforminorities.Themostimportantlaws in battling discrimination in educational institutions have been the EqualProtectionClauseofthe14thAmendment,§1983and§1981.2,3
WhilethecomplaintDoefiledagainstKamehamehaSchoolsdidnotusealloftheselaws,thelawsareallstillimportant,becausetheyprovideahistoryofhowthecourtshavetreatededucationaldiscriminationcases.Whatisperhapsmostimportanttounderstandis thecontext inwhichthese lawswerecreated.Understandingthecontextofwhy these lawswerecreatedsheds lighton theappallingways theselawsarecurrentlybeingused.ManyofthestatutesusedintheDoe v. Kamehameha
Schoolslitigationwereenactedinthepost–CivilWarerainanefforttorealizetheendingoflegalslaveryintheUnitedStates.Itisblasphemousthatstatutescreatedtoendhumanslaveryarecurrentlybeingusedagainstminorities.
The 13th Amendment was a bold amendment, for, unlike amendments thatappliedonlytostateaction,the13thAmendmentregulatedtheactionsofprivatepartiesandentities;thiswastoensurethatprivateslaveownersbeforcedtofreetheirhumanslaves.The13thAmendmentstates:
Section 1.Neitherslaverynorinvoluntaryservitude,exceptas a punishment for crime whereof the party shall havebeendulyconvicted,shallexistwithintheUnitedStates,oranyplacesubjecttotheirjurisdiction.
Section 2.Congressshallhavepowertoenforcethisarticlebyappropriatelegislation.
The13thAmendmentnotonlybannedprivatepersonsfromowningslaves4butalsograntedCongresstheauthoritytoenactlegislationtoenforcethisban.Itisunderthispremiseandauthoritythat§1981wascreated.
Anotherpost–CivilWarstatute(CivilRightsActof1866),5§1981isastatuteintheU.S.Code.Therearetwostatutesapplicabletothisdiscussion:§1981and§1983;§1981isdistinctfrom§1983inthatit,likethe13thAmendment,appliestoprivateparties,whereas§1983appliesonlytostateagencies.Section1981reads:
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WATSON | CIVIL RIGHTS AND WRONGS
AllpersonswithinthejurisdictionoftheUnitedStatesshallhavethesamerightineverystateandterritorytomakeandenforcecontracts,tosue,beparties,giveevidence,andtothe full andequalbenefitof all lawsandproceedings forthesecurityofpersonsandpropertyasisenjoyedbywhitecitizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains,penalties,taxes,licenses,andexactionsofeverykind,andtonoother.
Therefore, § 1981 has the capacity to reach parties and entities that would beprotectedfrom14thAmendmentor§1983action,asboththe14thAmendmentand§1983applyonlytostateactors.Privatepartiesdonotlikebeinggovernedbyfederallaw,yettheSupremeCourthasconsistentlysupportedtheconstitutionalityof§1981,findingthat§2ofthe13thAmendmentgrantedCongresstheauthoritytoenactlawsthatenforcedthe13thAmendment.6
Section 1981 has been used primarily in employment discrimination cases, afact that becomes important when looking at the Doe case, because the courtswouldfinditappropriatetoapplystandardsofemploymentlawintheirdecision.Therefore,actionsrelatedto§1981inemploymentcaseswouldinfluence§1981education cases. The Supreme Court affirmed the use of § 1981 against bothprivate and public employers (Johnson v. Railway Express Agency, 1975; Runyon
v. McCrary, 1976). Section 1981’s potency against employers was bolstered in1991,whenCongressamended theCivilRightsAct to includesubsections thatallowedemployeestobringsuitsagainstemployerswhoengagedindiscrimina-toryconduct.7,8
The 14th Amendment of the United States Constitution is probably the mostfamoussourceof“civilrights”protection.The14thAmendmentreads:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States andsubjecttothejurisdictionthereof,arecitizensoftheUnitedStatesandoftheStatewhereintheyreside.NoStateshallmakeorenforceanylawwhichshallabridgetheprivilegesor immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shallany State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property,withoutdueprocessoflaw;nordenytoanypersonwithinitsjurisdictiontheequalprotectionofthelaws.
bettereducation.Nevertheless,thesecasesreveallawsthathavebeentraditionallyusedintheefforttocreateeducationalequalityforminorities.Themostimportantlaws in battling discrimination in educational institutions have been the EqualProtectionClauseofthe14thAmendment,§1983and§1981.2,3
WhilethecomplaintDoefiledagainstKamehamehaSchoolsdidnotusealloftheselaws,thelawsareallstillimportant,becausetheyprovideahistoryofhowthecourtshavetreatededucationaldiscriminationcases.Whatisperhapsmostimportanttounderstandis thecontext inwhichthese lawswerecreated.Understandingthecontextofwhy these lawswerecreatedsheds lighton theappallingways theselawsarecurrentlybeingused.ManyofthestatutesusedintheDoe v. Kamehameha
Schoolslitigationwereenactedinthepost–CivilWarerainanefforttorealizetheendingoflegalslaveryintheUnitedStates.Itisblasphemousthatstatutescreatedtoendhumanslaveryarecurrentlybeingusedagainstminorities.
The 13th Amendment was a bold amendment, for, unlike amendments thatappliedonlytostateaction,the13thAmendmentregulatedtheactionsofprivatepartiesandentities;thiswastoensurethatprivateslaveownersbeforcedtofreetheirhumanslaves.The13thAmendmentstates:
Section 1.Neitherslaverynorinvoluntaryservitude,exceptas a punishment for crime whereof the party shall havebeendulyconvicted,shallexistwithintheUnitedStates,oranyplacesubjecttotheirjurisdiction.
Section 2.Congressshallhavepowertoenforcethisarticlebyappropriatelegislation.
The13thAmendmentnotonlybannedprivatepersonsfromowningslaves4butalsograntedCongresstheauthoritytoenactlegislationtoenforcethisban.Itisunderthispremiseandauthoritythat§1981wascreated.
Anotherpost–CivilWarstatute(CivilRightsActof1866),5§1981isastatuteintheU.S.Code.Therearetwostatutesapplicabletothisdiscussion:§1981and§1983;§1981isdistinctfrom§1983inthatit,likethe13thAmendment,appliestoprivateparties,whereas§1983appliesonlytostateagencies.Section1981reads:
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thelimitationsplacedontheabilityofplaintiffstorecoversubstantialmonetarydamagesunder§1981claimsagainst schoolshavecontributed to theminimalnumberof§1981suitsbroughtagainsteducationalinstitutions.
Whenevermonetarydamagesarelimited,thecostsoflitigationfalloftenontheclaimants.Mostminoritiesorgroupsrepresentingminorities lack thefinancialpower to engage in costly litigation. Therefore, the attack on KamehamehaSchoolsspeaksnotonlytotheeffortofnon-HawaiiangroupstokeepHawaiiansdispossessedanddisempoweredthroughstrippingthemoftheminimalresourcesstillavailabletoHawaiians—muchofwhichiscontrolledthroughKamehamehaSchools—butitalsorevealsmuchabouthow“justice”hasbeentooexpensiveforthosewhoneeditmost.
For generations, we have witnessed the intellectual and cultural deprivation ofmeaningful educational opportunities for Hawaiian children. This deprivationof educational excellence differs starkly from our traditional system in whichHawaiians thrived intellectually. (For a more in-depth discussion of traditionalHawaiianeducationalsystems,seeMeyer,2003.)Yet,recentlegaleventsthreatento make the sad state of Native Hawaiian education even worse. This case isthereforenotsimplyaboutapolicyforadmissiontoaprivateschoolbutaboutthefutureofNativeHawaiianeducation.
NativeHawaiians,likemanyminoritygroupsthroughouttheUnitedStates,haveseennoeducational justice,despitethefact thattheU.S.Constitutionandcivilrightsstatutesprovideampleammunitionforindividualstobattleracialdiscrimi-nationintheUnitedStates.Itisimportanttoemphasizethatthegroupsinmostneedoftherightsaffordedincivilrightslawshavenotbeenabletosuccessfullyaccess them. Understanding the effectiveness and ineffectiveness of educationlitigationservestoillustratetheuniquenessanddisturbingnatureofthe9thCircuitdecisioninDoe v. Kamehameha Schools.
Inhiscomplaint,DoeclaimsKamehamehaSchools’admissionpolicyviolateshisrightsunder§1981.Anumberofthe“landmark”§1981caseshavebeenclaimsinvolvingdiscrimination ineducational institutions.Fromthesedecisions, it isclear that§ 1981had thepotential tobea formidableweapon to combat racialdiscriminationwithinasystemthathastraditionallycontributedtotheracialsegre-gationandinequalitythatpersistsinAmericatoday.Ironically,itinsteadbecameaweaponusedagainsthistoricallyoppressedgroups,likeNativeHawaiians.
Yet,the14thAmendmentislimitedinitsapplicationinthatitappliesonlytostateaction.Thepowerofthe14thAmendmentwasbolsteredbytheenactmentof§1983,which,likethe14thAmendment,protectsindividualsfromdiscriminatorystateaction.9
Section1983hasbeenanimportantweaponincombatingracialdiscrimination.Section1983reads:
Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance,regulation, custom, or usage, of any State or Territory ortheDistrictofColumbia,subjects,orcausestobesubjected,any citizen of the United States or other person withinthe jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights,privileges,orimmunitiessecuredbytheConstitutionandlaws,shallbeliabletothepartyinjuredinanactionatlaw,suitinequity,orotherproperproceedingforredress.
Derivedfromtherightsguaranteedunderthe14thAmendment,§1983“ensure[s]that an individual has a cause of action for violations of the Constitution….Section 1983 by itself does not protect anyone against anything.”10 Therefore,§ 1983 is a device for individuals to bring claims for constitutional violations.WhilethesestatuteswerenotusedinDoe, theyarenonethelesspartofa largerbody of law that provides guidance for the courts in educational suits, likeDoe v. Kamehameha Schools.
Thehistoryof§1981claimsagainstschoolsismostapplicablebecauseitisthestatute specifically used in the Doe complaint. An analysis of § 1981’s historyin the courts reveals the irony of the plaintiff’s success in Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,becausethestatutehasbeenlargelyunsuccessfulincreatingeducationalopportunitiesforminorities.LikeRice v. Cayetano (2000),11 inwhichcivilrightslawsonceenactedtocombatviolentracialdiscriminationthroughouttheUnitedStateswereusedagainstNativeHawaiians,adisplacedindigenousgroup,theDoedecision illustrateshowcivil rights lawscanbemanipulated tokeepdominantgroupsinpower.Section1981suitshavedonelittleforminoritiesbuthavebeentremendously successful in attacking affirmative action programs. Unlike suitsagainst employers, which have the potential for substantial monetary recovery,
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thelimitationsplacedontheabilityofplaintiffstorecoversubstantialmonetarydamagesunder§1981claimsagainst schoolshavecontributed to theminimalnumberof§1981suitsbroughtagainsteducationalinstitutions.
Whenevermonetarydamagesarelimited,thecostsoflitigationfalloftenontheclaimants.Mostminoritiesorgroupsrepresentingminorities lack thefinancialpower to engage in costly litigation. Therefore, the attack on KamehamehaSchoolsspeaksnotonlytotheeffortofnon-HawaiiangroupstokeepHawaiiansdispossessedanddisempoweredthroughstrippingthemoftheminimalresourcesstillavailabletoHawaiians—muchofwhichiscontrolledthroughKamehamehaSchools—butitalsorevealsmuchabouthow“justice”hasbeentooexpensiveforthosewhoneeditmost.
For generations, we have witnessed the intellectual and cultural deprivation ofmeaningful educational opportunities for Hawaiian children. This deprivationof educational excellence differs starkly from our traditional system in whichHawaiians thrived intellectually. (For a more in-depth discussion of traditionalHawaiianeducationalsystems,seeMeyer,2003.)Yet,recentlegaleventsthreatento make the sad state of Native Hawaiian education even worse. This case isthereforenotsimplyaboutapolicyforadmissiontoaprivateschoolbutaboutthefutureofNativeHawaiianeducation.
NativeHawaiians,likemanyminoritygroupsthroughouttheUnitedStates,haveseennoeducational justice,despitethefact thattheU.S.Constitutionandcivilrightsstatutesprovideampleammunitionforindividualstobattleracialdiscrimi-nationintheUnitedStates.Itisimportanttoemphasizethatthegroupsinmostneedoftherightsaffordedincivilrightslawshavenotbeenabletosuccessfullyaccess them. Understanding the effectiveness and ineffectiveness of educationlitigationservestoillustratetheuniquenessanddisturbingnatureofthe9thCircuitdecisioninDoe v. Kamehameha Schools.
Inhiscomplaint,DoeclaimsKamehamehaSchools’admissionpolicyviolateshisrightsunder§1981.Anumberofthe“landmark”§1981caseshavebeenclaimsinvolvingdiscrimination ineducational institutions.Fromthesedecisions, it isclear that§ 1981had thepotential tobea formidableweapon to combat racialdiscriminationwithinasystemthathastraditionallycontributedtotheracialsegre-gationandinequalitythatpersistsinAmericatoday.Ironically,itinsteadbecameaweaponusedagainsthistoricallyoppressedgroups,likeNativeHawaiians.
Yet,the14thAmendmentislimitedinitsapplicationinthatitappliesonlytostateaction.Thepowerofthe14thAmendmentwasbolsteredbytheenactmentof§1983,which,likethe14thAmendment,protectsindividualsfromdiscriminatorystateaction.9
Section1983hasbeenanimportantweaponincombatingracialdiscrimination.Section1983reads:
Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance,regulation, custom, or usage, of any State or Territory ortheDistrictofColumbia,subjects,orcausestobesubjected,any citizen of the United States or other person withinthe jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights,privileges,orimmunitiessecuredbytheConstitutionandlaws,shallbeliabletothepartyinjuredinanactionatlaw,suitinequity,orotherproperproceedingforredress.
Derivedfromtherightsguaranteedunderthe14thAmendment,§1983“ensure[s]that an individual has a cause of action for violations of the Constitution….Section 1983 by itself does not protect anyone against anything.”10 Therefore,§ 1983 is a device for individuals to bring claims for constitutional violations.WhilethesestatuteswerenotusedinDoe, theyarenonethelesspartofa largerbody of law that provides guidance for the courts in educational suits, likeDoe v. Kamehameha Schools.
Thehistoryof§1981claimsagainstschoolsismostapplicablebecauseitisthestatute specifically used in the Doe complaint. An analysis of § 1981’s historyin the courts reveals the irony of the plaintiff’s success in Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,becausethestatutehasbeenlargelyunsuccessfulincreatingeducationalopportunitiesforminorities.LikeRice v. Cayetano (2000),11 inwhichcivilrightslawsonceenactedtocombatviolentracialdiscriminationthroughouttheUnitedStateswereusedagainstNativeHawaiians,adisplacedindigenousgroup,theDoedecision illustrateshowcivil rights lawscanbemanipulated tokeepdominantgroupsinpower.Section1981suitshavedonelittleforminoritiesbuthavebeentremendously successful in attacking affirmative action programs. Unlike suitsagainst employers, which have the potential for substantial monetary recovery,
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tominorityapplicants(i.e.,AfricanAmericansandMexicanAmericans),violatedtheplaintiffs’civilrightsunderthe14thAmendment,TitleVI,§1983and§1981.TheHopwooddecisionledtoachangeinapplicationproceduresandpoliciesatthelawschool.
In Texas v. Lesage (1999), the Supreme Court protected an individual’s right tochallengeaffirmativeactionprogramsthatuseraceasafactorintheirdecision-makingprocess.LesagewasanAfricanimmigrantofCaucasiandescentwhowasdeniedadmissiontotheUniversityofTexas’scounselingpsychologyprogram.14ThedistrictcourtruledforthedefendantonasummaryjudgmentmotionafterfindingthattheuniversitywouldnothaveadmittedLesage,evenunderaconsti-tutionalprogram(Texas v. Lesage,1999,at18–19).The5thCircuitreversedandthe Supreme Court affirmed the 5th Circuit’s decision (Texas v. Lesage, 1999).One commentator notes: “Lesage indicates that the Court takes very seriouslyits traditional preference for equitable relief in constitutional cases” (Whitman,2000,p.635).15Thismeansthatwhenaconstitutionalviolationcasecomesbeforethecourt,asinRiceorDoe,thecourtwillrequireachangeinpolicyratherthanawardmonetarydamages.Thesecasesarenotaboutpeoplewinningmonetaryawards—theyareaboutdismantlingprograms.
Therefore, the “success” of suits brought against universities and colleges hasresultedprimarily in injunctive relief and/ornominaldamages (seealsoSmith
v. University of Washington, 2000). It is this fact that possibly explains why thenumberofcivilrightsclaimsbroughtintheeducationalsettinghasbeenminimalcomparedwiththosebroughtagainstemployers.ThisrealityonlyemphasizestheDoesuitasanattackonNativeHawaiiansandanyprogramthataimstoremedythecurrentsubjugatedstateofHawaiians.
Again, as recent cases show,§ 1981suits cando littlebut changepolicy; thesesuitsarenotaboutmoney.InHopwood v. Texas(1994),despitefindingthatthelawschool’sadmissionprogramviolatedtheplaintiffs’civilrights,thedistrictcourtsubstantiallylimitedthemonetaryreliefavailabletotheplaintiffs.16Initsinitialdecision,thedistrictcourtfoundonlythattheplaintiffswereallowedtoreapplytothelawschoolwithoutpayingapplicationfeesandentitledtonominaldamagesof$1perplaintiff(Hopwood v. Texas,1994,at582–585).Thisawardresultedfromtheplaintiffs’failuretoshowthattheywouldhavebeenadmittedunderaconsti-tutionaladmissionprogram(Hopwood v. Texas,1994,at579–583).
In1976, twoAfricanAmericanstudentssuedaprivateschool thathadapolicythatcategoricallydeniedAfricanAmericanstudentsadmission. In thedecisioninRunyon v. McCrary (1976), theSupremeCourtheld that “§ 1981does reachprivateactsofracialdiscrimination,”which,asappliedinRunyon,includedprivateschools.Thiswasapowerfuldecisionandremainsprecedent.But,strangely,theRunyondecisiondidnotopenafloodgateoflitigationoverracialdiscriminationinprivateschools,asmighthavebeenexpected.Itwascertainlytheoptimaltimetobringsuchasuit,forsubsequentdecisionswouldlimitthebroadapplicabilityof§1981.
Section1981wasat its strongestafter theRunyondecision.At the time, itwasbelievedthat“itwasclearfrompriordecisionsthatsuitsagainstprivatepartiesunder§1981couldbebasedona remedy implied from§1981 itself” (Jeffries,Karlan, Low, & Rutherglen, 2000, § 1.5(C)). The Supreme Court continuouslyerodedthepowerof§1981suitsthereafter.12
The Use of § 1981 Against Racial Discrimination in Education: A Brief History and Recent Cases
Despiteitspotential,§1981remainedarguablyunderutilized.Onestudyfound§1981tobe“thethirdmostimportantcivilrightsstatute”(Eisenberg&Schwab,1988,p.596).Only§1983andTitleVIIactionswerebroughtmoreoften.13
Section1981actionsagainsteducationalinstitutionshaverarelybeenbroughtincomparisonwithemploymentclaims.Evenin1980–1981,priortodecisionsthatmadebringing§1981suitsmoredifficult,EisenbergandSchwab(1988)foundthatonly10TitleVIactionswerebrought,comparedwith433TitleVIIactions.Amongthe252claimsbroughtunder§1981only2wereagainstschools,comparedwiththe195broughtagainstemployers(Eisenberg&Schwab,1988).HerewebegintoseehowrareandimportanttheDoedecisionbecomes.
Ironically,despite theminimalnumberof claimsbroughtunder thesestatutes,claims against educational institutions have become highly successful, whenbroughtbyWhitestudentschallengingaffirmativeactionprograms.Mostnotably,inHopwood v. Texas(1996),fourWhitelawstudentapplicantssuedtheUniversityofTexasSchoolofLaw,claimingthatitsadmissionsprogram,whichgivespreference
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tominorityapplicants(i.e.,AfricanAmericansandMexicanAmericans),violatedtheplaintiffs’civilrightsunderthe14thAmendment,TitleVI,§1983and§1981.TheHopwooddecisionledtoachangeinapplicationproceduresandpoliciesatthelawschool.
In Texas v. Lesage (1999), the Supreme Court protected an individual’s right tochallengeaffirmativeactionprogramsthatuseraceasafactorintheirdecision-makingprocess.LesagewasanAfricanimmigrantofCaucasiandescentwhowasdeniedadmissiontotheUniversityofTexas’scounselingpsychologyprogram.14ThedistrictcourtruledforthedefendantonasummaryjudgmentmotionafterfindingthattheuniversitywouldnothaveadmittedLesage,evenunderaconsti-tutionalprogram(Texas v. Lesage,1999,at18–19).The5thCircuitreversedandthe Supreme Court affirmed the 5th Circuit’s decision (Texas v. Lesage, 1999).One commentator notes: “Lesage indicates that the Court takes very seriouslyits traditional preference for equitable relief in constitutional cases” (Whitman,2000,p.635).15Thismeansthatwhenaconstitutionalviolationcasecomesbeforethecourt,asinRiceorDoe,thecourtwillrequireachangeinpolicyratherthanawardmonetarydamages.Thesecasesarenotaboutpeoplewinningmonetaryawards—theyareaboutdismantlingprograms.
Therefore, the “success” of suits brought against universities and colleges hasresultedprimarily in injunctive relief and/ornominaldamages (seealsoSmith
v. University of Washington, 2000). It is this fact that possibly explains why thenumberofcivilrightsclaimsbroughtintheeducationalsettinghasbeenminimalcomparedwiththosebroughtagainstemployers.ThisrealityonlyemphasizestheDoesuitasanattackonNativeHawaiiansandanyprogramthataimstoremedythecurrentsubjugatedstateofHawaiians.
Again, as recent cases show,§ 1981suits cando littlebut changepolicy; thesesuitsarenotaboutmoney.InHopwood v. Texas(1994),despitefindingthatthelawschool’sadmissionprogramviolatedtheplaintiffs’civilrights,thedistrictcourtsubstantiallylimitedthemonetaryreliefavailabletotheplaintiffs.16Initsinitialdecision,thedistrictcourtfoundonlythattheplaintiffswereallowedtoreapplytothelawschoolwithoutpayingapplicationfeesandentitledtonominaldamagesof$1perplaintiff(Hopwood v. Texas,1994,at582–585).Thisawardresultedfromtheplaintiffs’failuretoshowthattheywouldhavebeenadmittedunderaconsti-tutionaladmissionprogram(Hopwood v. Texas,1994,at579–583).
In1976, twoAfricanAmericanstudentssuedaprivateschool thathadapolicythatcategoricallydeniedAfricanAmericanstudentsadmission. In thedecisioninRunyon v. McCrary (1976), theSupremeCourtheld that “§ 1981does reachprivateactsofracialdiscrimination,”which,asappliedinRunyon,includedprivateschools.Thiswasapowerfuldecisionandremainsprecedent.But,strangely,theRunyondecisiondidnotopenafloodgateoflitigationoverracialdiscriminationinprivateschools,asmighthavebeenexpected.Itwascertainlytheoptimaltimetobringsuchasuit,forsubsequentdecisionswouldlimitthebroadapplicabilityof§1981.
Section1981wasat its strongestafter theRunyondecision.At the time, itwasbelievedthat“itwasclearfrompriordecisionsthatsuitsagainstprivatepartiesunder§1981couldbebasedona remedy implied from§1981 itself” (Jeffries,Karlan, Low, & Rutherglen, 2000, § 1.5(C)). The Supreme Court continuouslyerodedthepowerof§1981suitsthereafter.12
The Use of § 1981 Against Racial Discrimination in Education: A Brief History and Recent Cases
Despiteitspotential,§1981remainedarguablyunderutilized.Onestudyfound§1981tobe“thethirdmostimportantcivilrightsstatute”(Eisenberg&Schwab,1988,p.596).Only§1983andTitleVIIactionswerebroughtmoreoften.13
Section1981actionsagainsteducationalinstitutionshaverarelybeenbroughtincomparisonwithemploymentclaims.Evenin1980–1981,priortodecisionsthatmadebringing§1981suitsmoredifficult,EisenbergandSchwab(1988)foundthatonly10TitleVIactionswerebrought,comparedwith433TitleVIIactions.Amongthe252claimsbroughtunder§1981only2wereagainstschools,comparedwiththe195broughtagainstemployers(Eisenberg&Schwab,1988).HerewebegintoseehowrareandimportanttheDoedecisionbecomes.
Ironically,despite theminimalnumberof claimsbroughtunder thesestatutes,claims against educational institutions have become highly successful, whenbroughtbyWhitestudentschallengingaffirmativeactionprograms.Mostnotably,inHopwood v. Texas(1996),fourWhitelawstudentapplicantssuedtheUniversityofTexasSchoolofLaw,claimingthatitsadmissionsprogram,whichgivespreference
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PerhapsBivens v. Six Unnamed Federal Narcotics Agents (1971),which“providesa damages remedy for individuals deprived of constitutionally protected rights”(Helfand,2000–2001,citingBivens,at397),limitedthepotentialof§1981claimsbefore Hopwood and Lesage were ever decided. Bivens greatly limits remediesavailableunder§1981:
Section 1981 is inapplicable to remedy many types ofconstitutionaldeprivationsengaged inby federalofficials.WhileSection1981providesallpersonstherighttomakeand enforce contracts, to sue, to be parties, and to giveevidence on equal footing, it does not provide a remedyfor tortuous conduct typically associated with a violationoftheFourth,Fifth,andEighthAmendments.Indeed,theoverwhelming majority of Section 1981 actions broughttodayareemploymentdiscriminationsuits.InBivens,theSupreme Court recognized that Section 1981 would notprovidearemedyforthetypesofunconstitutionalconductthatMr.Bivensexperienced.(Bivens,at108–109,citing42U.S.C.§1981(a)(1994))
Soagain,remediesavailableunder§1981arelimited.ThisemphasizestheactionagainstKamehamehaSchoolsasanefforttochangepolicyandsocialsentimentagainstHawaiians.
Thelackoflitigationagainstprivateinstitutionsbroughtbymarginalizedgroupsiscertainlysuspicious.CivilrightslawswerenotcreatedfortheWhitemajority,yetitseemsthatonlymembersoftheWhitemajorityhavebeenabletosuccess-fullyusecivilrightsstatutes.
Despitethepotentialtoinitiatesystemicchangetopreventracialdiscriminationineducationalinstitutions,itseemsthatlimitsontheamountofmonetarydamagesavailable and traditionally awarded under § 1981 have discouraged minoritiesfrombringingsuitsunderthisstatute.Unlikeemploymentcases,whichyieldagreaterpotentialforcompensatoryrelief,thevictoriesofsuitswonagainstschoolsarelargelysymbolic(i.e.,theyresultininjunctiveordeclaratoryrelief).
The5thCircuitdisagreedwiththistestandrelievedtheplaintiffsofsomeoftheevidentiary burden placed on them by the district court’s finding. Instead, the5thCircuitheldthatthedefendanthadtheburdenofprovingthattheplaintiffswouldnothavebeenadmittedunderaconstitutionaladmissionprogram.Ifthedefendantcouldnotmeetthisburden,theplaintiffswouldbeentitledtogreatermonetarydamages(Hopwood,1994,at963).
Onremand,thedefendantprovedthattheplaintiffswouldhavestillbeendeniedadmissionunderaconstitutionalprogram.Thus,theplaintiffswereabletoshownoinjury(Hopwood v. Texas,1998).Theawardof$1perplaintiffwasreinstated(Hopwood v. Texas,1998,at923).
In its latest incantation, the 5th Circuit affirmed the district court’s findingregardingmonetarydamages.Thecourtagreedthatthedefendantmetitsburdenofproofwhenshowingthattheplaintiffswouldnothavebeenadmittedunderaconstitutionaladmissionprogramandwere thereforenotentitled tocompensa-torydamages(Hopwood v. Texas,2000).17
The Supreme Court in Lesage approved similar limitations to remedies in civilrights litigation. In Lesage, the Court stated that “even if the government hasconsideredanimpermissiblecriterioninmakingadecisionadversetotheplaintiff,itcannonethelessdefeatliabilitybydemonstratingthatitwouldhavemadethesamedecisionabsenttheforbiddenconsideration”(Texas v. Lesage,1999,at20–21,citing Mt. Healthy City Board of Education v. Doyle,1977).18Thisdecisionisconsis-tentwithpriorfindingsthatheldthatabsentproofthataplaintiffsufferedactualinjury—aviolationofone’sconstitutionalrights—isinsufficientinitselftojustifyasubstantialdamagesaward.19
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PerhapsBivens v. Six Unnamed Federal Narcotics Agents (1971),which“providesa damages remedy for individuals deprived of constitutionally protected rights”(Helfand,2000–2001,citingBivens,at397),limitedthepotentialof§1981claimsbefore Hopwood and Lesage were ever decided. Bivens greatly limits remediesavailableunder§1981:
Section 1981 is inapplicable to remedy many types ofconstitutionaldeprivationsengaged inby federalofficials.WhileSection1981providesallpersonstherighttomakeand enforce contracts, to sue, to be parties, and to giveevidence on equal footing, it does not provide a remedyfor tortuous conduct typically associated with a violationoftheFourth,Fifth,andEighthAmendments.Indeed,theoverwhelming majority of Section 1981 actions broughttodayareemploymentdiscriminationsuits.InBivens,theSupreme Court recognized that Section 1981 would notprovidearemedyforthetypesofunconstitutionalconductthatMr.Bivensexperienced.(Bivens,at108–109,citing42U.S.C.§1981(a)(1994))
Soagain,remediesavailableunder§1981arelimited.ThisemphasizestheactionagainstKamehamehaSchoolsasanefforttochangepolicyandsocialsentimentagainstHawaiians.
Thelackoflitigationagainstprivateinstitutionsbroughtbymarginalizedgroupsiscertainlysuspicious.CivilrightslawswerenotcreatedfortheWhitemajority,yetitseemsthatonlymembersoftheWhitemajorityhavebeenabletosuccess-fullyusecivilrightsstatutes.
Despitethepotentialtoinitiatesystemicchangetopreventracialdiscriminationineducationalinstitutions,itseemsthatlimitsontheamountofmonetarydamagesavailable and traditionally awarded under § 1981 have discouraged minoritiesfrombringingsuitsunderthisstatute.Unlikeemploymentcases,whichyieldagreaterpotentialforcompensatoryrelief,thevictoriesofsuitswonagainstschoolsarelargelysymbolic(i.e.,theyresultininjunctiveordeclaratoryrelief).
The5thCircuitdisagreedwiththistestandrelievedtheplaintiffsofsomeoftheevidentiary burden placed on them by the district court’s finding. Instead, the5thCircuitheldthatthedefendanthadtheburdenofprovingthattheplaintiffswouldnothavebeenadmittedunderaconstitutionaladmissionprogram.Ifthedefendantcouldnotmeetthisburden,theplaintiffswouldbeentitledtogreatermonetarydamages(Hopwood,1994,at963).
Onremand,thedefendantprovedthattheplaintiffswouldhavestillbeendeniedadmissionunderaconstitutionalprogram.Thus,theplaintiffswereabletoshownoinjury(Hopwood v. Texas,1998).Theawardof$1perplaintiffwasreinstated(Hopwood v. Texas,1998,at923).
In its latest incantation, the 5th Circuit affirmed the district court’s findingregardingmonetarydamages.Thecourtagreedthatthedefendantmetitsburdenofproofwhenshowingthattheplaintiffswouldnothavebeenadmittedunderaconstitutionaladmissionprogramandwere thereforenotentitled tocompensa-torydamages(Hopwood v. Texas,2000).17
The Supreme Court in Lesage approved similar limitations to remedies in civilrights litigation. In Lesage, the Court stated that “even if the government hasconsideredanimpermissiblecriterioninmakingadecisionadversetotheplaintiff,itcannonethelessdefeatliabilitybydemonstratingthatitwouldhavemadethesamedecisionabsenttheforbiddenconsideration”(Texas v. Lesage,1999,at20–21,citing Mt. Healthy City Board of Education v. Doyle,1977).18Thisdecisionisconsis-tentwithpriorfindingsthatheldthatabsentproofthataplaintiffsufferedactualinjury—aviolationofone’sconstitutionalrights—isinsufficientinitselftojustifyasubstantialdamagesaward.19
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Thoughmostopponentsofimmigrationareloathtoadmitit,atleastpublicly,they’reworriedthatthehugeinfluxofHispanicswillsomehowchangeAmericafortheworse.Andwhocanblamethemforwonderingwhetherthetremendousdemographicshiftthathastakenplaceoverthelastfewyearswon’thaveunintendedconsequences?In1970,therewerefewerthan10millionHispanicsintheUnitedStates;today,therearemorethan40million,thankslargelytotheever-increasinginfluxofLatinAmericanimmigrants.Andsomeestimatespredictthatbymid-centuryoneoutofeverythreeAmericanswillbeofHispanicheritage.(Chavez,2006)
ThisisshamelessracistrhetoricoftheCenterforEqualOpportunity—thesameorganization that supports theplaintiff’s lawsuit againstKamehamehaSchools.Theplaintiff’sbrazenrequest,thatthecourtuseacivilrightslawthathadonlyuntilthisaction“preventedall-whiteprivateschoolsfromrefusingtoadmitblackstudents”(“NinthCircuit,”2005)againstNativeHawaiians,illustratesthevitalityofprejudiceagainstminoritiesintheUnitedStates.
Kamehameha Schools serves as one of the few remedies provided to NativeHawaiiansforahistoryofdiscriminationthatextendsbackto the19thcentury.Among a history of empty promises by the state and federal government, itwasPrincessPauahiandherprivate trust thatgaveNativeHawaiians landandresources. In their Reply Memorandum in Support of Defendants’ Motion forSummary Judgment, Kamehameha Schools explained: “Kamehameha…is aneducational institution that operates to redress the effects of historical wrongsdone to the Native Hawaiian people by preparing students for society at large,and as a consequence, its mission has an external focus” (Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,2004,atp.16).Thisisthecruxoftheiraffirmativeactionargument—thattheirpurpose,toremedyaspecifichistoricalwrongcommittedagainsttheNativeHawaiianpeople,justifiespoliciesthatotherwiseviolateAmericanlaw.TheReplyMemorandumfurthernoted:
Kamehameha is not remedying generalized socialdiscrimination,butratherisremedyingaveryspecificharmin which government was plainly implicated: the actionsof theStateofHawai‘iand theUnitedStates inbringingabout the overthrow of the Hawaiian Monarchy and the
While the ability to recover is clearly an important consideration in bringing asuit, therealityisthatit inhibitsdefendants(oftenmembersofethnicminoritygroups)frombringingsuits.Withoutthepotentialformonetarydamages,defen-dantsarelefttofundtheiractionsthemselves.Judicialdecisionsthatlimitlitiga-tion,especiallyincivilrightsactions,runtheriskofcurbingthemechanismsbywhichindividualsinitiatesocialchangeandparticipateintheprotectionoftheircivilrights.Theimportanceof§1981isnotlimitedtotheemploymentrelation-ship;protectionofthefreedomtoparticipateinaneducationalprocessfreefromdiscrimination is also key to sustaining a meaningful democratic society. Doeprovesthatjudicialreliefoftenmakesitselfavailableonlytothewealthymajorityandnottotheoppressedminorities.
The Case of Doe v. Kamehameha Schools
InJune2003,JohnDoe,achildofhaole(non-Hawaiian)ancestry,filedacomplaintin federal court after being denied admission to Kamehameha Schools. In hiscomplaint,theplaintiffsought
adeclaratoryjudgmentthatthechallengedpolicyisillegaland unenforceable; a permanent injunction against anyfurther implementation of the challenged policy of anyotheradmissionspolicyatKamehamehaSchoolsthatgrantsa preference on the basis of ‘Hawaiian ancestry’; and apermanentinjunctionadmittingPlaintifftoaKamehamehaSchoolscampus.(Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2003)
TheplaintiffsoughtonlytochangeKamehameha’sadmissionpolicy.
DoeisbeingrepresentedbyJohnW.GoemansandEricGrant.GrantiswiththeCenterforEqualOpportunity,aconservativeorganizationcommittedtoendingaffirmativeactionprogramsintheUnitedStates.TheirWebsitefeaturesarticlessuchas“HispanicImmigrantsBecomingAmericans,”whichexpressesconcernssuchasthefollowing:
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Thoughmostopponentsofimmigrationareloathtoadmitit,atleastpublicly,they’reworriedthatthehugeinfluxofHispanicswillsomehowchangeAmericafortheworse.Andwhocanblamethemforwonderingwhetherthetremendousdemographicshiftthathastakenplaceoverthelastfewyearswon’thaveunintendedconsequences?In1970,therewerefewerthan10millionHispanicsintheUnitedStates;today,therearemorethan40million,thankslargelytotheever-increasinginfluxofLatinAmericanimmigrants.Andsomeestimatespredictthatbymid-centuryoneoutofeverythreeAmericanswillbeofHispanicheritage.(Chavez,2006)
ThisisshamelessracistrhetoricoftheCenterforEqualOpportunity—thesameorganization that supports theplaintiff’s lawsuit againstKamehamehaSchools.Theplaintiff’sbrazenrequest,thatthecourtuseacivilrightslawthathadonlyuntilthisaction“preventedall-whiteprivateschoolsfromrefusingtoadmitblackstudents”(“NinthCircuit,”2005)againstNativeHawaiians,illustratesthevitalityofprejudiceagainstminoritiesintheUnitedStates.
Kamehameha Schools serves as one of the few remedies provided to NativeHawaiiansforahistoryofdiscriminationthatextendsbackto the19thcentury.Among a history of empty promises by the state and federal government, itwasPrincessPauahiandherprivate trust thatgaveNativeHawaiians landandresources. In their Reply Memorandum in Support of Defendants’ Motion forSummary Judgment, Kamehameha Schools explained: “Kamehameha…is aneducational institution that operates to redress the effects of historical wrongsdone to the Native Hawaiian people by preparing students for society at large,and as a consequence, its mission has an external focus” (Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,2004,atp.16).Thisisthecruxoftheiraffirmativeactionargument—thattheirpurpose,toremedyaspecifichistoricalwrongcommittedagainsttheNativeHawaiianpeople,justifiespoliciesthatotherwiseviolateAmericanlaw.TheReplyMemorandumfurthernoted:
Kamehameha is not remedying generalized socialdiscrimination,butratherisremedyingaveryspecificharmin which government was plainly implicated: the actionsof theStateofHawai‘iand theUnitedStates inbringingabout the overthrow of the Hawaiian Monarchy and the
While the ability to recover is clearly an important consideration in bringing asuit, therealityisthatit inhibitsdefendants(oftenmembersofethnicminoritygroups)frombringingsuits.Withoutthepotentialformonetarydamages,defen-dantsarelefttofundtheiractionsthemselves.Judicialdecisionsthatlimitlitiga-tion,especiallyincivilrightsactions,runtheriskofcurbingthemechanismsbywhichindividualsinitiatesocialchangeandparticipateintheprotectionoftheircivilrights.Theimportanceof§1981isnotlimitedtotheemploymentrelation-ship;protectionofthefreedomtoparticipateinaneducationalprocessfreefromdiscrimination is also key to sustaining a meaningful democratic society. Doeprovesthatjudicialreliefoftenmakesitselfavailableonlytothewealthymajorityandnottotheoppressedminorities.
The Case of Doe v. Kamehameha Schools
InJune2003,JohnDoe,achildofhaole(non-Hawaiian)ancestry,filedacomplaintin federal court after being denied admission to Kamehameha Schools. In hiscomplaint,theplaintiffsought
adeclaratoryjudgmentthatthechallengedpolicyisillegaland unenforceable; a permanent injunction against anyfurther implementation of the challenged policy of anyotheradmissionspolicyatKamehamehaSchoolsthatgrantsa preference on the basis of ‘Hawaiian ancestry’; and apermanentinjunctionadmittingPlaintifftoaKamehamehaSchoolscampus.(Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2003)
TheplaintiffsoughtonlytochangeKamehameha’sadmissionpolicy.
DoeisbeingrepresentedbyJohnW.GoemansandEricGrant.GrantiswiththeCenterforEqualOpportunity,aconservativeorganizationcommittedtoendingaffirmativeactionprogramsintheUnitedStates.TheirWebsitefeaturesarticlessuchas“HispanicImmigrantsBecomingAmericans,”whichexpressesconcernssuchasthefollowing:
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AlthoughthiscertainlyadoptsaframeworkendorsedbyKamehamehaSchoolsintheReplyMemorandum,ultimatelythecourtdeterminedthattheschools’policyfailedtomeetthestandardsadoptedbythe9thCircuit.
InrejectingKamehamehaSchools’plan,thecourtappliedathree-parttestfromaTitleVII (employment) case.Comparing this casewithUnited Steelworkers of
America, AFL-CIO-CLC v. Weber(1979),thecourtnoted:“AtissueinWeberwasanaffirmativeactionplancollectivelybargainedbyaunionandanemployerthatreservedforAfrican-Americanemployeesfiftypercentof theopeningsinanin-plant craft training program” (Doe v. Kamehameha Schools, 2005, at 8949). TheCourtthenoutlineditsthree-parttestfromWeber:
We recently distilled the Court’s analysis in Weber intothreedistinctrequirements:affirmativeactionplansmust(1) respond toamanifest imbalance in itswork force; (2)not‘create[]anabsolutetothe[]advancement’ofthenon-preferred race or ‘unnecessarily trammel [ ]’ their rights;and(3)donomorethanisnecessarytoachieveabalance.(Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2005,at8950)
TheCourtthenfoundthattheaffirmativeactionpolicywasacivilrightsviolationbecause it failed to meet the second requirement of the Weber test. The Courtstated:
We do not address the appellant’s claims because wefindthesecondofWeber’sguidingprinciples fatal to theprograminplaceattheKamehamehaSchools.Theschool’sadmissionspolicyoperatesasanabsolutebartoadmissionfor non-Hawaiians. Kamehameha’s refusal to admit non-HawaiianssolongastherearenativeHawaiianapplicantscategorically‘trammels’therightsofnon-Hawaiians.(Doe
v. Kamehameha Schools,2005,at8951)
Bythisstandard,noremedialpolicythatprotectsaspecificgroupwouldsurvive.
dispossessionoftheNativeHawaiianpeople.TheSchoolsare addressing, through their educational programs, thecontinuingeffectsofthesepastwrongs.(Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,2004,at21)
Therefore,KamehamehaSchoolsarguesnotonlythatitsprogramisanaffirma-tive actionprogrambut also that theprogramappropriatelymeets all the legalstandardssetforthwithinAmericanjurisprudence.
TheDistrictCourtagreed.BecausenocaselikethishadeverbeendecidedintheUnitedStates, theactionaffordedJudgeAlanKaytheopportunitytodeterminewhichstandardoflawshouldapply.Inhisdecision,JudgeKayfound:
Inthiscase,KamehamehaSchoolsisaprivateinstitutionthatdoesnotreceivefederalfunding….Logicthusdictatesthat although not entirely analogous to a private school’srace-conscious remedial admission policy, the TitleVII/§ 1981 private employment framework provided themost appropriate guidance. (Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2003,at1164)
This means the Court applied standards from employment law to thiseducationcase.
AlthoughJudgeKayagreedwithKamehamehaSchools, theargumentfailedonappealtothe9thCircuitforanumberofreasons,bothlegalandsocial.Theargumentfailedbecausealthoughthe9thCircuitdidnotapplythestrictscrutinytest(Doe v.
Kamehameha Schools,2005),thecourtnonethelessfoundKamehameha’spolicytobeacivilrightsviolation.The9thCircuitdetermined:
[T]he issuebecomeswhether theSchoolscanarticulatealegitimate nondiscriminatory reason justifying this racialpreference.Towardthisend,theSchoolsurgethatitspolicyconstitutesavalidaffirmativeactionplanrationallyrelatedtoredressingpresentimbalancesinthesocioeconomicandeducational achievement of native Hawaiians, producingnativeHawaiianleadershipforcommunityinvolvement,andrevitalizingnativeHawaiianculture. (Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,2005,at8947–8948)
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AlthoughthiscertainlyadoptsaframeworkendorsedbyKamehamehaSchoolsintheReplyMemorandum,ultimatelythecourtdeterminedthattheschools’policyfailedtomeetthestandardsadoptedbythe9thCircuit.
InrejectingKamehamehaSchools’plan,thecourtappliedathree-parttestfromaTitleVII (employment) case.Comparing this casewithUnited Steelworkers of
America, AFL-CIO-CLC v. Weber(1979),thecourtnoted:“AtissueinWeberwasanaffirmativeactionplancollectivelybargainedbyaunionandanemployerthatreservedforAfrican-Americanemployeesfiftypercentof theopeningsinanin-plant craft training program” (Doe v. Kamehameha Schools, 2005, at 8949). TheCourtthenoutlineditsthree-parttestfromWeber:
We recently distilled the Court’s analysis in Weber intothreedistinctrequirements:affirmativeactionplansmust(1) respond toamanifest imbalance in itswork force; (2)not‘create[]anabsolutetothe[]advancement’ofthenon-preferred race or ‘unnecessarily trammel [ ]’ their rights;and(3)donomorethanisnecessarytoachieveabalance.(Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2005,at8950)
TheCourtthenfoundthattheaffirmativeactionpolicywasacivilrightsviolationbecause it failed to meet the second requirement of the Weber test. The Courtstated:
We do not address the appellant’s claims because wefindthesecondofWeber’sguidingprinciples fatal to theprograminplaceattheKamehamehaSchools.Theschool’sadmissionspolicyoperatesasanabsolutebartoadmissionfor non-Hawaiians. Kamehameha’s refusal to admit non-HawaiianssolongastherearenativeHawaiianapplicantscategorically‘trammels’therightsofnon-Hawaiians.(Doe
v. Kamehameha Schools,2005,at8951)
Bythisstandard,noremedialpolicythatprotectsaspecificgroupwouldsurvive.
dispossessionoftheNativeHawaiianpeople.TheSchoolsare addressing, through their educational programs, thecontinuingeffectsofthesepastwrongs.(Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,2004,at21)
Therefore,KamehamehaSchoolsarguesnotonlythatitsprogramisanaffirma-tive actionprogrambut also that theprogramappropriatelymeets all the legalstandardssetforthwithinAmericanjurisprudence.
TheDistrictCourtagreed.BecausenocaselikethishadeverbeendecidedintheUnitedStates, theactionaffordedJudgeAlanKaytheopportunitytodeterminewhichstandardoflawshouldapply.Inhisdecision,JudgeKayfound:
Inthiscase,KamehamehaSchoolsisaprivateinstitutionthatdoesnotreceivefederalfunding….Logicthusdictatesthat although not entirely analogous to a private school’srace-conscious remedial admission policy, the TitleVII/§ 1981 private employment framework provided themost appropriate guidance. (Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2003,at1164)
This means the Court applied standards from employment law to thiseducationcase.
AlthoughJudgeKayagreedwithKamehamehaSchools, theargumentfailedonappealtothe9thCircuitforanumberofreasons,bothlegalandsocial.Theargumentfailedbecausealthoughthe9thCircuitdidnotapplythestrictscrutinytest(Doe v.
Kamehameha Schools,2005),thecourtnonethelessfoundKamehameha’spolicytobeacivilrightsviolation.The9thCircuitdetermined:
[T]he issuebecomeswhether theSchoolscanarticulatealegitimate nondiscriminatory reason justifying this racialpreference.Towardthisend,theSchoolsurgethatitspolicyconstitutesavalidaffirmativeactionplanrationallyrelatedtoredressingpresentimbalancesinthesocioeconomicandeducational achievement of native Hawaiians, producingnativeHawaiianleadershipforcommunityinvolvement,andrevitalizingnativeHawaiianculture. (Doe v. Kamehameha
Schools,2005,at8947–8948)
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KamehamehaSchools’admissionspolicyisnotanaffirmativeactionprogram—itisanexerciseofbeneficiaries’rightsandculturalrights.NativeHawaiianshavelegalrightsthatareuniquetoNativeHawaiians(Lucas,2004).Take,forexample,theissueofaccessrights.IntheNative Hawaiian Rights Handbook,Lucas(1991)explained:
Access along the shore, between ahupuaÿa or districts, tothemountainsandsea,andtosmallareasoflandcultivatedorharvestedbynativetenants,wasanecessarypartofearlyHawaiian life. With Western contact and the consequentchanges in land tenure and lifestyle, gaining access tolandlockedkuleanaparcels,andtothemountainsandsea,havebecomeimportantrightswhichNativeHawaiiansmustassertiftheyaretoretaintheirlandsandtheirtraditionalculturalpractices.(p.211)
Access rights, customary rights, fishing rights—these are all things that distin-guish Native Hawaiians from other nonindigenous subjugated groups. Wemust therefore be careful when aligning our claims with other oppressedgroups,becausearemedyappropriatetoonemaynotnecessarilybeappropriateto another. Therefore, while using an affirmative action argument makes legalsensewithintheprogenyofcasesusedbyKamehameha,onemustwonderifitdidnotfailbecauseKamehamehafailedtodistinguishitselfenoughfromotheroppressedgroupswithintheUnitedStates.By“fallingintoline”withtheaffirma-tiveactionargument,KamehamehaSchoolsessentiallycavestoRice v. Cayetano(2000)anditshegemonicideologybylikeningtheNativeHawaiianpeopletootherethnicminoritiesinsteadofbeingsteadfastinitspositionthatwearesubjugatedindigenouspeoplewithlandrightsandcustomaryrightsthatentitleustospecialconsiderationinAmericancourts.
Whilethereareanumberofsimilaritiesbetweensubordinatedgroups,suchasAfricanAmericansandHawaiians,wecannotallowAmerican jurisprudence totreatusasoneamorphoussubjugatedmass.ThebasesoftheclaimsbyHawaiiansarenotthebasesoftheclaimsofAfricanAmericans.ThenatureofdispossessionofNativeHawaiianscomesfromspecificanddistinctactsby theUnitedStatesthatinvolvetheillegaloverthrowofasovereignkingdom.ThisisafarcryfromtheatrocitiescommittedagainstAfricanAmericans.WhenKamehamehaSchoolsfititselfintotheframeworkcreatedbytheplaintiff,itessentiallyalloweditselfto
Thisstandard fails toplace itsdecisionwithin thecontextofHawaiÿi’scolonialhistory.Thecourtimmediatelyfollowedtheprecedingstatementwiththis:“The[Supreme]CourtinRunyonmadeclearthatanadmissiontoallmembersofthenon-preferredraceonaccountoftheirraceisa‘classicviolationof§1981’”(Doe
v. Kamehameha Schools,2005,at8951,citationsomitted).Thisisaflat-outinsulttowhatRunyonstoodforandanillustrationofhowapplicabilityoflawdependsonthecolorofone’sskin.InRunyon v. McCrary(1976),theSupremeCourtheldthat“§1981doesreachprivateactsofracialdiscrimination,”which,asappliedinRunyon,included private schools. Yet, in Runyon, two African American students weredeniedadmissiontoaprivateschoolthathadapolicyofsystematicallydenyingadmissiontoAfricanAmericanapplicants.Runyon was about letting Black students
into an all-White school—avitaldecisionthe9thCircuitconveniently ignoredintheKamehamehadecision,asifthecircumstancesofthiscasehavenobearingonthecaseathand.
The Problem with Affirmative Action as a Remedy
This brings us back to the problem of using the affirmative action paradigm.Contractremediesfallintothreecategories:restitution,reliance,andexpectationdamages. Tort remedies include three categories as well: general, special, andpunitive damages. Civil rights violations can require remedies that demand anindividualorgrouptoperformorprovideacertainservice.Thislastcategoryisgenerally what is used in affirmative action cases: Courts can either demand achangeinpolicyorrequiretheschooltoadmitastudentwhowouldnototherwisebe admitted. Affirmative action cases focus primarily on the student deniedadmission.Thehistoryofthebeneficiariesissecondary.Thisframeworkallowsthecourt inDoe toplace therightsofonehaolestudentabove therightsofallHawaiianchildren.
Affirmativeactionhasbecomea“catchall”solutionthatoftenreplacessolutionsmore appropriate for indigenous people who have native rights to lands andresources that other subjugated persons do not. Instead, perhaps we need towork within the framework of antisubordination theory, discussed later in thisarticle,whichgivesgreaterdeference to the individualizedplightofhistoricallyoppressedpeople.
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KamehamehaSchools’admissionspolicyisnotanaffirmativeactionprogram—itisanexerciseofbeneficiaries’rightsandculturalrights.NativeHawaiianshavelegalrightsthatareuniquetoNativeHawaiians(Lucas,2004).Take,forexample,theissueofaccessrights.IntheNative Hawaiian Rights Handbook,Lucas(1991)explained:
Access along the shore, between ahupuaÿa or districts, tothemountainsandsea,andtosmallareasoflandcultivatedorharvestedbynativetenants,wasanecessarypartofearlyHawaiian life. With Western contact and the consequentchanges in land tenure and lifestyle, gaining access tolandlockedkuleanaparcels,andtothemountainsandsea,havebecomeimportantrightswhichNativeHawaiiansmustassertiftheyaretoretaintheirlandsandtheirtraditionalculturalpractices.(p.211)
Access rights, customary rights, fishing rights—these are all things that distin-guish Native Hawaiians from other nonindigenous subjugated groups. Wemust therefore be careful when aligning our claims with other oppressedgroups,becausearemedyappropriatetoonemaynotnecessarilybeappropriateto another. Therefore, while using an affirmative action argument makes legalsensewithintheprogenyofcasesusedbyKamehameha,onemustwonderifitdidnotfailbecauseKamehamehafailedtodistinguishitselfenoughfromotheroppressedgroupswithintheUnitedStates.By“fallingintoline”withtheaffirma-tiveactionargument,KamehamehaSchoolsessentiallycavestoRice v. Cayetano(2000)anditshegemonicideologybylikeningtheNativeHawaiianpeopletootherethnicminoritiesinsteadofbeingsteadfastinitspositionthatwearesubjugatedindigenouspeoplewithlandrightsandcustomaryrightsthatentitleustospecialconsiderationinAmericancourts.
Whilethereareanumberofsimilaritiesbetweensubordinatedgroups,suchasAfricanAmericansandHawaiians,wecannotallowAmerican jurisprudence totreatusasoneamorphoussubjugatedmass.ThebasesoftheclaimsbyHawaiiansarenotthebasesoftheclaimsofAfricanAmericans.ThenatureofdispossessionofNativeHawaiianscomesfromspecificanddistinctactsby theUnitedStatesthatinvolvetheillegaloverthrowofasovereignkingdom.ThisisafarcryfromtheatrocitiescommittedagainstAfricanAmericans.WhenKamehamehaSchoolsfititselfintotheframeworkcreatedbytheplaintiff,itessentiallyalloweditselfto
Thisstandard fails toplace itsdecisionwithin thecontextofHawaiÿi’scolonialhistory.Thecourtimmediatelyfollowedtheprecedingstatementwiththis:“The[Supreme]CourtinRunyonmadeclearthatanadmissiontoallmembersofthenon-preferredraceonaccountoftheirraceisa‘classicviolationof§1981’”(Doe
v. Kamehameha Schools,2005,at8951,citationsomitted).Thisisaflat-outinsulttowhatRunyonstoodforandanillustrationofhowapplicabilityoflawdependsonthecolorofone’sskin.InRunyon v. McCrary(1976),theSupremeCourtheldthat“§1981doesreachprivateactsofracialdiscrimination,”which,asappliedinRunyon,included private schools. Yet, in Runyon, two African American students weredeniedadmissiontoaprivateschoolthathadapolicyofsystematicallydenyingadmissiontoAfricanAmericanapplicants.Runyon was about letting Black students
into an all-White school—avitaldecisionthe9thCircuitconveniently ignoredintheKamehamehadecision,asifthecircumstancesofthiscasehavenobearingonthecaseathand.
The Problem with Affirmative Action as a Remedy
This brings us back to the problem of using the affirmative action paradigm.Contractremediesfallintothreecategories:restitution,reliance,andexpectationdamages. Tort remedies include three categories as well: general, special, andpunitive damages. Civil rights violations can require remedies that demand anindividualorgrouptoperformorprovideacertainservice.Thislastcategoryisgenerally what is used in affirmative action cases: Courts can either demand achangeinpolicyorrequiretheschooltoadmitastudentwhowouldnototherwisebe admitted. Affirmative action cases focus primarily on the student deniedadmission.Thehistoryofthebeneficiariesissecondary.Thisframeworkallowsthecourt inDoe toplace therightsofonehaolestudentabove therightsofallHawaiianchildren.
Affirmativeactionhasbecomea“catchall”solutionthatoftenreplacessolutionsmore appropriate for indigenous people who have native rights to lands andresources that other subjugated persons do not. Instead, perhaps we need towork within the framework of antisubordination theory, discussed later in thisarticle,whichgivesgreaterdeference to the individualizedplightofhistoricallyoppressedpeople.
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ThewaysinwhichtheselegaltheoristssetouttochangetheuseoflawasaweaponagainstthesubordinatedhaveundergonemanyevolutionsintheyearssincethefirstinceptionofCRT(Valdes,McCristalCulp,&Harris,2002).Nocollectionofscholars identifying themselves as “critical” should be without a willingness tobe self-critical. The most interesting and perhaps applicable to the legal devel-opmentsinHawai‘iisantisubordinationtheory,asubdiscoursewithinCRTthatmovestowardamoredynamicapproachthatallowsforgreaterconsiderationofthehistoryofthegroupbenefitingfromtheprogrambeingchallenged.
Antisubordination theory refocuses on the original vision of affirmative actionthat demands redress for the wrongs committed against subordinated people.Lawrence(2001)explained:
The original vision of affirmative action proceeded fromthe perspective of the subordinated. The students andcommunity activists who fought for affirmative actionin the 1960s and ’70s understood that racism operatednot primarily through the acts of prejudiced individualsagainst individuals of color but through the oppressionof their communities. It was not enough to remove the
“White” and “Colored” signs from lunch counters, buses,andbeaches.Institutionalizedracismoperatedbydenyingeconomic resources, education, political power, and self-determination to communities of people defined by race.When they demanded affirmative action—when they sat-inandsuedandtookoverbuildingsandwentonhungerstrikesandcloseddownuniversities—theysoughtredressfor their communities. They demanded the admission ofstudentsandthehiringoffacultywhoidentifiedwiththeexcluded—not just people who shared their skin color orlanguage, but individuals who would represent and givevoicetothosepersonswhowereignored,misrepresented,orobjectifiedintraditionalscholarship.(p.928)
be“lumped”intoamarginalizedmasscreatedandcontrolledbyAmericanjuris-prudence.KamehamehaSchoolsalloweditselftobeindistinguishable.Bysaying,
“surewe’relikeeveryoneelse,but…”wefellrightintoarhetoricalhegemonictrapthatdoomedusfromthestart.SuchistheverynatureofthehegemonicideologiesthatcontrolAmericanlaw.Criticalracetheorypossiblyholdsananswer.
Antisubordination Theory: A New Framework for Defending Educational Programs
Antisubordination theory comes out of the critical race theory (CRT) legalscholarship,which
embracesamovementofleftscholars,mostofthemscholarsofcolor,situatedinlawschools,whoseworkchallengestheways inwhich race and racial power are constructed andrepresentedinAmericanlegalculture,andmoregenerally,inAmericansocietyasawhole.(Crenshaw,Gotanda,Peller,&Thomas,1995,p.xviii)
Crenshawetal.(1995)identifiedtwocommoninterestswithinthiscollectionofotherwisediversescholarship:
ThefirstistounderstandhowaregimeofwhitesupremacyanditssubordinationofpeopleofcolorhavebeencreatedandmaintainedinAmerica,and,inparticular,toexaminetherelationshipbetweenthatsocialstructureandprofessedidealssuchas“theruleoflaw”and“equalprotection.”Thesecond is a desire not merely to understand the vexedbondbetween lawandracialpowerbut tochange it. [Thescholarship]thusshare[s]anethicalcommitmenttohumanliberation—evenifwerejectconventionalnotionsofwhatsuch a conception means, and though we often disagree,evenoveritsspecificdirection.(p.xviii)
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ThewaysinwhichtheselegaltheoristssetouttochangetheuseoflawasaweaponagainstthesubordinatedhaveundergonemanyevolutionsintheyearssincethefirstinceptionofCRT(Valdes,McCristalCulp,&Harris,2002).Nocollectionofscholars identifying themselves as “critical” should be without a willingness tobe self-critical. The most interesting and perhaps applicable to the legal devel-opmentsinHawai‘iisantisubordinationtheory,asubdiscoursewithinCRTthatmovestowardamoredynamicapproachthatallowsforgreaterconsiderationofthehistoryofthegroupbenefitingfromtheprogrambeingchallenged.
Antisubordination theory refocuses on the original vision of affirmative actionthat demands redress for the wrongs committed against subordinated people.Lawrence(2001)explained:
The original vision of affirmative action proceeded fromthe perspective of the subordinated. The students andcommunity activists who fought for affirmative actionin the 1960s and ’70s understood that racism operatednot primarily through the acts of prejudiced individualsagainst individuals of color but through the oppressionof their communities. It was not enough to remove the
“White” and “Colored” signs from lunch counters, buses,andbeaches.Institutionalizedracismoperatedbydenyingeconomic resources, education, political power, and self-determination to communities of people defined by race.When they demanded affirmative action—when they sat-inandsuedandtookoverbuildingsandwentonhungerstrikesandcloseddownuniversities—theysoughtredressfor their communities. They demanded the admission ofstudentsandthehiringoffacultywhoidentifiedwiththeexcluded—not just people who shared their skin color orlanguage, but individuals who would represent and givevoicetothosepersonswhowereignored,misrepresented,orobjectifiedintraditionalscholarship.(p.928)
be“lumped”intoamarginalizedmasscreatedandcontrolledbyAmericanjuris-prudence.KamehamehaSchoolsalloweditselftobeindistinguishable.Bysaying,
“surewe’relikeeveryoneelse,but…”wefellrightintoarhetoricalhegemonictrapthatdoomedusfromthestart.SuchistheverynatureofthehegemonicideologiesthatcontrolAmericanlaw.Criticalracetheorypossiblyholdsananswer.
Antisubordination Theory: A New Framework for Defending Educational Programs
Antisubordination theory comes out of the critical race theory (CRT) legalscholarship,which
embracesamovementofleftscholars,mostofthemscholarsofcolor,situatedinlawschools,whoseworkchallengestheways inwhich race and racial power are constructed andrepresentedinAmericanlegalculture,andmoregenerally,inAmericansocietyasawhole.(Crenshaw,Gotanda,Peller,&Thomas,1995,p.xviii)
Crenshawetal.(1995)identifiedtwocommoninterestswithinthiscollectionofotherwisediversescholarship:
ThefirstistounderstandhowaregimeofwhitesupremacyanditssubordinationofpeopleofcolorhavebeencreatedandmaintainedinAmerica,and,inparticular,toexaminetherelationshipbetweenthatsocialstructureandprofessedidealssuchas“theruleoflaw”and“equalprotection.”Thesecond is a desire not merely to understand the vexedbondbetween lawandracialpowerbut tochange it. [Thescholarship]thusshare[s]anethicalcommitmenttohumanliberation—evenifwerejectconventionalnotionsofwhatsuch a conception means, and though we often disagree,evenoveritsspecificdirection.(p.xviii)
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years.TheplaintiffasksthecourtstoeffectivelyignorethehistoryofeducationaldiscriminationinHawaiÿiandthroughouttheUnitedStatesagainstindigenousandminoritygroups.
Education, for the majority of the history of the United States, has been usedasaneffective tool in theoppressionandmarginalizationofNativeAmericans,Hawaiians,andAfricanAmericans,amongothermarginalizedgroups,suchasLatinos,women,andthedisabled(Spring,2001).Whetherthroughtheprovisionofinadequateeducationorthedenialofeducationaltogether,theWhiteAmericanmajority considered it beneficial for hundreds of years to keep races, classes,andgendersuneducated.Often,thiseffortwasacalculatedandintentionalone(Spring,2001).TheWhite,malemajorityregularlypromulgatedlawsbanningtheeducationofsubjugatedpeoples,likeAfricanAmericans,women,andHawaiians.Thelastingeffectsoftheseeffortsarestillidentifiabletoday.TheplaintiffinDoemakesnomentionofthem.
Themoredisturbingaspectofcolor-blindrhetoric is itsadoptionby thecourts.Therefusalbyjudgestoseethatcivilrightslawsarecontextuallysituatedwithinthe racial discrimination from which they developed is truly what keeps racialdiscriminationaliveandwell in theUnitedStates.Whitepeopleshouldnotbeallowedtobringracediscriminationclaims.Theselawswerenotmeanttoprotectthem.These lawswereenacted tobe shields for theoppressed,not swords forthe oppressor. Yet such laws have been defiled by people like the plaintiff andattorneysinDoewhodisregardwhatispono,orwhatisright.
Conclusion
AnanalysisofthecivilrightsstatutesbeingusedinDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsrevealsaperversionofjustice.DoehasusedlawscreatedtoendhumanslaveryinanefforttodismantleaschoolcreatedtoprovideaqualityeducationtodispossessedNativeHawaiianchildren.AlookatrecentcasesbroughtunderthesesamelawsshowshowtheCenterforEqualOpportunity’sworkintheDoecaseisactuallypartofalargercampaignthatsystematicallyattacksprogramsthroughouttheUnitedStatesthatworktoremedyhundredsofyearsofeducationdiscrimination.
Legal analysis of the 9th Circuit in Doe v. Kamehameha Schools clearly did notoperate within this framework. Instead of considering the program “from theperspectiveofthesubordinated,”thedecisionconverselyturnedontherightsofthenon-Hawaiianstudent.Antisubordinationtheorythereforewouldbejurispru-dencewithinthespiritofthelaw(protectionfortheoppressed)asopposedtothecurrentpracticeofusingcolor-blindapproachesinkeepingmarginalizedpeoplesubordinated.
TheDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsdecisionerrsfundamentallyinitsperpetuationofa“color-blind”approachofcivilrights.ItisthepositionofwhoBrownetal.(2003)identifiedas “racial realists.” InWhite-Washing Race: The Myth of a Color-Blind
Society,Brownetal.explained:
Althoughracialrealistsdonotclaimthatracismhasendedcompletely, they want race to disappear. For them, color-blindness isnot simplya legal standard; it is aparticularkindofsocialorder,onewhereracialidentityisirrelevant.Theybelieveacolor-blindsocietycanuncoupleindividualbehavior from group identification, allowing genuineinclusionofallpeople.Intheirview,werethisallowedtohappen,individualswhorefusedtofollowcommonmoralstandards would be stigmatized as individuals, not asmembersofaparticulargroup.(pp.7–8)
Color-blindness issimply that:blind.It refuses toacknowledgeandengage thecontinuingdiscriminationsanddisparitiesthathamperanytrueadvancementofjusticeorequalityintheUnitedStates.Color-blindness—oncetheblessedvisionofMartinLutherKingJr.—hasbeendistortedbytheprogenyofhisadversariestohindertheverydreamKingonceheldsodear.
TheperversionofcivilrightslawbytheWhiteplaintiffandhisattorneysinDoeis best seen in their reply brief to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. The briefopensbycitingBrown v. Board of Education, thecelebratedcivil rightsdecisionthatendedracialsegregationinpublicschoolsintheUnitedStatesin1954.Theplaintiff’shereticeffortinDoetoturnlawenactedtoprotectethnicminoritiesandotheroppressedgroupsagainst thenativepeopleofHawaiÿi illustrates theverysortofracialhatredthathaolehaveperpetuatedintheseislandsforhundredsof
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years.TheplaintiffasksthecourtstoeffectivelyignorethehistoryofeducationaldiscriminationinHawaiÿiandthroughouttheUnitedStatesagainstindigenousandminoritygroups.
Education, for the majority of the history of the United States, has been usedasaneffective tool in theoppressionandmarginalizationofNativeAmericans,Hawaiians,andAfricanAmericans,amongothermarginalizedgroups,suchasLatinos,women,andthedisabled(Spring,2001).Whetherthroughtheprovisionofinadequateeducationorthedenialofeducationaltogether,theWhiteAmericanmajority considered it beneficial for hundreds of years to keep races, classes,andgendersuneducated.Often,thiseffortwasacalculatedandintentionalone(Spring,2001).TheWhite,malemajorityregularlypromulgatedlawsbanningtheeducationofsubjugatedpeoples,likeAfricanAmericans,women,andHawaiians.Thelastingeffectsoftheseeffortsarestillidentifiabletoday.TheplaintiffinDoemakesnomentionofthem.
Themoredisturbingaspectofcolor-blindrhetoric is itsadoptionby thecourts.Therefusalbyjudgestoseethatcivilrightslawsarecontextuallysituatedwithinthe racial discrimination from which they developed is truly what keeps racialdiscriminationaliveandwell in theUnitedStates.Whitepeopleshouldnotbeallowedtobringracediscriminationclaims.Theselawswerenotmeanttoprotectthem.These lawswereenacted tobe shields for theoppressed,not swords forthe oppressor. Yet such laws have been defiled by people like the plaintiff andattorneysinDoewhodisregardwhatispono,orwhatisright.
Conclusion
AnanalysisofthecivilrightsstatutesbeingusedinDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsrevealsaperversionofjustice.DoehasusedlawscreatedtoendhumanslaveryinanefforttodismantleaschoolcreatedtoprovideaqualityeducationtodispossessedNativeHawaiianchildren.AlookatrecentcasesbroughtunderthesesamelawsshowshowtheCenterforEqualOpportunity’sworkintheDoecaseisactuallypartofalargercampaignthatsystematicallyattacksprogramsthroughouttheUnitedStatesthatworktoremedyhundredsofyearsofeducationdiscrimination.
Legal analysis of the 9th Circuit in Doe v. Kamehameha Schools clearly did notoperate within this framework. Instead of considering the program “from theperspectiveofthesubordinated,”thedecisionconverselyturnedontherightsofthenon-Hawaiianstudent.Antisubordinationtheorythereforewouldbejurispru-dencewithinthespiritofthelaw(protectionfortheoppressed)asopposedtothecurrentpracticeofusingcolor-blindapproachesinkeepingmarginalizedpeoplesubordinated.
TheDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsdecisionerrsfundamentallyinitsperpetuationofa“color-blind”approachofcivilrights.ItisthepositionofwhoBrownetal.(2003)identifiedas “racial realists.” InWhite-Washing Race: The Myth of a Color-Blind
Society,Brownetal.explained:
Althoughracialrealistsdonotclaimthatracismhasendedcompletely, they want race to disappear. For them, color-blindness isnot simplya legal standard; it is aparticularkindofsocialorder,onewhereracialidentityisirrelevant.Theybelieveacolor-blindsocietycanuncoupleindividualbehavior from group identification, allowing genuineinclusionofallpeople.Intheirview,werethisallowedtohappen,individualswhorefusedtofollowcommonmoralstandards would be stigmatized as individuals, not asmembersofaparticulargroup.(pp.7–8)
Color-blindness issimply that:blind.It refuses toacknowledgeandengage thecontinuingdiscriminationsanddisparitiesthathamperanytrueadvancementofjusticeorequalityintheUnitedStates.Color-blindness—oncetheblessedvisionofMartinLutherKingJr.—hasbeendistortedbytheprogenyofhisadversariestohindertheverydreamKingonceheldsodear.
TheperversionofcivilrightslawbytheWhiteplaintiffandhisattorneysinDoeis best seen in their reply brief to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. The briefopensbycitingBrown v. Board of Education, thecelebratedcivil rightsdecisionthatendedracialsegregationinpublicschoolsintheUnitedStatesin1954.Theplaintiff’shereticeffortinDoetoturnlawenactedtoprotectethnicminoritiesandotheroppressedgroupsagainst thenativepeopleofHawaiÿi illustrates theverysortofracialhatredthathaolehaveperpetuatedintheseislandsforhundredsof
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And this is what we must do now. We must continue to demand a discussionaroundDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsframednotinthejudicialtermsof“affirma-tiveaction”or“remedialprograms”butfiercediscussionsabouttheracismthatstill plagues Hawai‘i. Doe should not be only about defending Kamehameha’sprograms but also about advocating for an end to the continued racial attacksagainst the Hawaiian people. We have allowed this discussion to be about therightsofnon-Hawaiianchildren.What about the rights of Hawaiian children?
References
Albert v. Carovano,851F.2d561(2ndCir.1988).
Alexander v. Sandoval,532U.S.275(2001).
Bivens v. Six Unnamed Federal Narcotics Agents,403U.S.388(1971).
Brown v. Board of Education,347U.S.483(1954).
Brown,M.K.,Carnoy,M.,Currie,E.,Duster,T.,Oppenheimer,D.B.,Shultz,M.M.,&Wellman,D.(2003).White-washing race: The myth of a color-blind society.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.
Cannon v. University of Chicago,411U.S.677,728(1978).
Carey v. Piphus,435U.S.247,266(1978).
Chapman v. Houston Welfare Rights Organization,441U.S.600,615(1979).
Chavez,L.(2006).Hispanic immigrants becoming Americans.RetrievedMarch22,2006,fromhttp://www.ceousa.org
CivilRightsActof1866,42U.S.C.§ 1981.
CivilRightsActof1871,42U.S.C.§ 1983(1994).
CivilRightsCases,109U.S.3,20(1883).
Cohen v. President and Fellows of Harvard College,729F.2d59(1stCir.1984).
Crenshaw,K.,Gotanda,N.,Peller,G.,&Thomas,K.(Eds.).(1995).Introduction.InCritical race theory: The key writings that formed the movement(p.xviii).NewYork:NewPress.
Doe v. Kamehameha SchoolsaffordsHawaiianstheuniqueopportunitytomakeourhistoryheard.Itisouropportunitytochangejurisprudenceforthebettermentofdisenfranchisedgroupsthroughoutthecountry.Insteadofdefendingitspolicies,KamehamehaSchoolsshouldaskthecourttoshifttheburdenfromdefendantsjustifyingtheiraffirmativeactionpoliciestoplaintiffsbringingcivilrightssuits.Placetheburdenonthosefromnonminoritygroupsbringingcivilrightssuitstoshowhowtheybelongtoamarginalizedclassastoaffordthemprotectionundertheselaws.
TheUnitedStateshasneveraffordedallitsresidentsequalityunderthelaw.Thegreatest insultofDoe v. Kamehameha Schools is that the9thCircuitpretends itdoes. When Native Hawaiians continue to suffer immeasurably from coloniza-tion, the demand by a non-Hawaiian that we justify ownership and protectionoverthefewresourcesthatremainavailabletousisthegreatestinsultmanyofushaveeverknown.Wecanonlyhopethattherehearingbeforethe9thCircuit(Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2006)resultsinadecisionthatbetterappreciatesthecontinuingstrugglesoftheNativeHawaiianpeople.
TherearemanyreasonstocringewhenreadingtheDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsdecision.Foranationofmarginalizedstudents,itishorrifyingtoknowthatthejusticethathaseludedthosewhohaveneededitmostcontinuestoeludethem,while the courts threaten to take opportunities for minority children and givethemto thedominantmajority.Yet, there isamore insidiousdanger inDoe v.
Kamehameha Schools than the obvious threat it poses to Kamehameha Schoolsanditsprograms.ThisdecisioncodifieswithinAmericanideologythenotionofacolor-blindAmerica,onethatrefusestoseethewaysinwhichracismstillexistsinthissociety.bellhooks(1995)wrote:
Afterallifweallpretendracismdoesnotexist,thatwedonotknowwhatitisorhowtochangeit—itneverhastogoaway.Overtracistdiscriminationisnotasfashionableasitoncewasandthatiswhyeveryonecanpretendracismdoesnotexist,soweneedtotalkaboutthevernaculardiscourseof neo-colonial white supremacy—similar to racism butnot the same thing. Everyone in the society, women andmen,boysandgirls,whowanttoseeanendtoracism,anendtowhitesupremacy,mustbegintoengageinacounterhegemonic “race talk” that is fiercely and passionatelycallingforchange.(pp.4–5)
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And this is what we must do now. We must continue to demand a discussionaroundDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsframednotinthejudicialtermsof“affirma-tiveaction”or“remedialprograms”butfiercediscussionsabouttheracismthatstill plagues Hawai‘i. Doe should not be only about defending Kamehameha’sprograms but also about advocating for an end to the continued racial attacksagainst the Hawaiian people. We have allowed this discussion to be about therightsofnon-Hawaiianchildren.What about the rights of Hawaiian children?
References
Albert v. Carovano,851F.2d561(2ndCir.1988).
Alexander v. Sandoval,532U.S.275(2001).
Bivens v. Six Unnamed Federal Narcotics Agents,403U.S.388(1971).
Brown v. Board of Education,347U.S.483(1954).
Brown,M.K.,Carnoy,M.,Currie,E.,Duster,T.,Oppenheimer,D.B.,Shultz,M.M.,&Wellman,D.(2003).White-washing race: The myth of a color-blind society.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.
Cannon v. University of Chicago,411U.S.677,728(1978).
Carey v. Piphus,435U.S.247,266(1978).
Chapman v. Houston Welfare Rights Organization,441U.S.600,615(1979).
Chavez,L.(2006).Hispanic immigrants becoming Americans.RetrievedMarch22,2006,fromhttp://www.ceousa.org
CivilRightsActof1866,42U.S.C.§ 1981.
CivilRightsActof1871,42U.S.C.§ 1983(1994).
CivilRightsCases,109U.S.3,20(1883).
Cohen v. President and Fellows of Harvard College,729F.2d59(1stCir.1984).
Crenshaw,K.,Gotanda,N.,Peller,G.,&Thomas,K.(Eds.).(1995).Introduction.InCritical race theory: The key writings that formed the movement(p.xviii).NewYork:NewPress.
Doe v. Kamehameha SchoolsaffordsHawaiianstheuniqueopportunitytomakeourhistoryheard.Itisouropportunitytochangejurisprudenceforthebettermentofdisenfranchisedgroupsthroughoutthecountry.Insteadofdefendingitspolicies,KamehamehaSchoolsshouldaskthecourttoshifttheburdenfromdefendantsjustifyingtheiraffirmativeactionpoliciestoplaintiffsbringingcivilrightssuits.Placetheburdenonthosefromnonminoritygroupsbringingcivilrightssuitstoshowhowtheybelongtoamarginalizedclassastoaffordthemprotectionundertheselaws.
TheUnitedStateshasneveraffordedallitsresidentsequalityunderthelaw.Thegreatest insultofDoe v. Kamehameha Schools is that the9thCircuitpretends itdoes. When Native Hawaiians continue to suffer immeasurably from coloniza-tion, the demand by a non-Hawaiian that we justify ownership and protectionoverthefewresourcesthatremainavailabletousisthegreatestinsultmanyofushaveeverknown.Wecanonlyhopethattherehearingbeforethe9thCircuit(Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2006)resultsinadecisionthatbetterappreciatesthecontinuingstrugglesoftheNativeHawaiianpeople.
TherearemanyreasonstocringewhenreadingtheDoe v. Kamehameha Schoolsdecision.Foranationofmarginalizedstudents,itishorrifyingtoknowthatthejusticethathaseludedthosewhohaveneededitmostcontinuestoeludethem,while the courts threaten to take opportunities for minority children and givethemto thedominantmajority.Yet, there isamore insidiousdanger inDoe v.
Kamehameha Schools than the obvious threat it poses to Kamehameha Schoolsanditsprograms.ThisdecisioncodifieswithinAmericanideologythenotionofacolor-blindAmerica,onethatrefusestoseethewaysinwhichracismstillexistsinthissociety.bellhooks(1995)wrote:
Afterallifweallpretendracismdoesnotexist,thatwedonotknowwhatitisorhowtochangeit—itneverhastogoaway.Overtracistdiscriminationisnotasfashionableasitoncewasandthatiswhyeveryonecanpretendracismdoesnotexist,soweneedtotalkaboutthevernaculardiscourseof neo-colonial white supremacy—similar to racism butnot the same thing. Everyone in the society, women andmen,boysandgirls,whowanttoseeanendtoracism,anendtowhitesupremacy,mustbegintoengageinacounterhegemonic “race talk” that is fiercely and passionatelycallingforchange.(pp.4–5)
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McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents.339U.S.637(1950).
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Morse v. North Coast Opportunities,118F.3d1338(9thCir.1997).
Mt. Healthy City Board of Education v. Doyle,429U.S.274,287(1977).
Ninthcircuitholdsthatprivateschool’sremedialadmissionspolicyviolates§1981.—Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,416F.3d1025(9thCir.2005).(2005).Harvard Law Reveiw,119,661–668.
Patterson v. McLean Credit Union,491U.S.164(1989).
Rice v. Cayetano(98-818)528U.S.495(2000),146F.3d1075.
Runyon v. McCrary,427U.S.160(1976).
Seamon,R.H.(1998,Winter).Damagesforunconstitutionalaffirmativeaction:AnanalysisofthemonetaryclaimsinHopwood v. Texas.Temple Law Review, 71,839–844.
Silva,N.(2004).Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.
Smith v. Duquesne University,612F.Supp.72(W.D.Pa.1985).
Smith v. University of Washington,233F.3d1188(9thCir.2000),cert.denied121S.Ct.2192(2001).
Spring,J.(2001).Deculturalization and the struggle for equality: A brief history of the education of dominated cultures in the United States(3rded.).NewYork:McGraw-Hill.
Sweatt v. Painter,339U.S.629(1950).
Texas v. Lesage,528U.S.18(1999).
United Steelworkers of America, AFL-CIO-CLC v. Weber,443US193(1979).
Valdes,F.,McCristalCulp,J.,&Harris,A.P.(Eds.).(2002).Crossroads, directions, and a new critical race theory.Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress.
Whitman,C.B.(2000,Winter).AnessayonTexas v. Lesage.Mercer Law Review, 51,621–636.
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,295F.Supp.2d1141,1157(Dist.ofHaw.2003).
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,Civ.No.03-00316(Dist.ofHaw.2004),replymemoranduminsupportofdefendant’smotionforsummaryjudgment.
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,No.04-15044(9thCir.2005).
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2006WL488413(9thCir.2006)(rehearinggranted).
Eisenberg,T.,&Schwab,S.(1988).Comment:TheimportanceofSection1981.Cornell Law Review, 73,596–599.
Fischer v. Discoll,546F.Supp.861(E.D.Pa.1982).
General Building Contractors Association, Inc. v. Pennsylvania,458U.S.375(1982).
Helfand,S.(2000–2001).DesensitizationtoborderviolenceandtheBivensremedytoeffectuatesystemicchange.La Raza Law Journal, 12,87–108.
hooks,b.(1995).Killing rage: Ending racism.NewYork:OwlBooks.
Hopwood v. Texas,861F.Supp551,584-585(W.D.Tex.1994).
Hopwood v. Texas,78F.3d932(5thCir.1996).
Hopwood v. Texas,999F.Supp.872,884(W.D.Tex.1998).
Hopwood v. Texas,236F.3d256,281-282(5thCir.2000).
Jeffries,J.C.,Jr.,Karlan,P.S.,Low,P.W.,&Rutherglen,G.A.(2000).Civil rights actions: Enforcing the constitution.Egan,MN:WestGroup.
Jett v. Dallas Independent School District,491U.S.701,731(1989).
Johnson v. Railway Express Agency,421U.S.454(1975).
Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co.,392U.S409,439(1968).
Krohn v. Harvard Law School,552F.2d21(1stCir.1977).
Lawrence,C.,III.(2001,May).Twoviewsoftheriver:Acritiqueoftheliberaldefenseofaffirmativeaction.Columbia Law Review,101,928,951–952.
Lucas,P.(1991).Accessrights.InM.K.MacKenzie(Ed.),Native Hawaiian rights handbook(p.211).Honolulu:NativeHawaiianLegalCorporation.
Lucas,P.F.N.(2004).No ke ola pono ka lähui Hawaiÿi:Theprotectionandperpetuationofcustomaryandtraditionalrightsasasourceofwell-beingforNativeHawaiians.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being,1,197–220.
Martin v. Delaware Law School of Widener University,625F.Supp.1288(D.Del.1985).
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McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents.339U.S.637(1950).
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Morse v. North Coast Opportunities,118F.3d1338(9thCir.1997).
Mt. Healthy City Board of Education v. Doyle,429U.S.274,287(1977).
Ninthcircuitholdsthatprivateschool’sremedialadmissionspolicyviolates§1981.—Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,416F.3d1025(9thCir.2005).(2005).Harvard Law Reveiw,119,661–668.
Patterson v. McLean Credit Union,491U.S.164(1989).
Rice v. Cayetano(98-818)528U.S.495(2000),146F.3d1075.
Runyon v. McCrary,427U.S.160(1976).
Seamon,R.H.(1998,Winter).Damagesforunconstitutionalaffirmativeaction:AnanalysisofthemonetaryclaimsinHopwood v. Texas.Temple Law Review, 71,839–844.
Silva,N.(2004).Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.
Smith v. Duquesne University,612F.Supp.72(W.D.Pa.1985).
Smith v. University of Washington,233F.3d1188(9thCir.2000),cert.denied121S.Ct.2192(2001).
Spring,J.(2001).Deculturalization and the struggle for equality: A brief history of the education of dominated cultures in the United States(3rded.).NewYork:McGraw-Hill.
Sweatt v. Painter,339U.S.629(1950).
Texas v. Lesage,528U.S.18(1999).
United Steelworkers of America, AFL-CIO-CLC v. Weber,443US193(1979).
Valdes,F.,McCristalCulp,J.,&Harris,A.P.(Eds.).(2002).Crossroads, directions, and a new critical race theory.Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress.
Whitman,C.B.(2000,Winter).AnessayonTexas v. Lesage.Mercer Law Review, 51,621–636.
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,295F.Supp.2d1141,1157(Dist.ofHaw.2003).
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,Civ.No.03-00316(Dist.ofHaw.2004),replymemoranduminsupportofdefendant’smotionforsummaryjudgment.
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,No.04-15044(9thCir.2005).
Doe v. Kamehameha Schools,2006WL488413(9thCir.2006)(rehearinggranted).
Eisenberg,T.,&Schwab,S.(1988).Comment:TheimportanceofSection1981.Cornell Law Review, 73,596–599.
Fischer v. Discoll,546F.Supp.861(E.D.Pa.1982).
General Building Contractors Association, Inc. v. Pennsylvania,458U.S.375(1982).
Helfand,S.(2000–2001).DesensitizationtoborderviolenceandtheBivensremedytoeffectuatesystemicchange.La Raza Law Journal, 12,87–108.
hooks,b.(1995).Killing rage: Ending racism.NewYork:OwlBooks.
Hopwood v. Texas,861F.Supp551,584-585(W.D.Tex.1994).
Hopwood v. Texas,78F.3d932(5thCir.1996).
Hopwood v. Texas,999F.Supp.872,884(W.D.Tex.1998).
Hopwood v. Texas,236F.3d256,281-282(5thCir.2000).
Jeffries,J.C.,Jr.,Karlan,P.S.,Low,P.W.,&Rutherglen,G.A.(2000).Civil rights actions: Enforcing the constitution.Egan,MN:WestGroup.
Jett v. Dallas Independent School District,491U.S.701,731(1989).
Johnson v. Railway Express Agency,421U.S.454(1975).
Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co.,392U.S409,439(1968).
Krohn v. Harvard Law School,552F.2d21(1stCir.1977).
Lawrence,C.,III.(2001,May).Twoviewsoftheriver:Acritiqueoftheliberaldefenseofaffirmativeaction.Columbia Law Review,101,928,951–952.
Lucas,P.(1991).Accessrights.InM.K.MacKenzie(Ed.),Native Hawaiian rights handbook(p.211).Honolulu:NativeHawaiianLegalCorporation.
Lucas,P.F.N.(2004).No ke ola pono ka lähui Hawaiÿi:Theprotectionandperpetuationofcustomaryandtraditionalrightsasasourceofwell-beingforNativeHawaiians.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being,1,197–220.
Martin v. Delaware Law School of Widener University,625F.Supp.1288(D.Del.1985).
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Further,TitleVIcanreachprivateschoolsthatwouldbeprotectedfrom§1983action.Thestandardisclear:“Privateschoolsofhighereducationreceivingfederalfunds,charteredbystate,regulatedbystate,generallynotstateactors”(Morse,p.637,citingCohen v. President and Fellows of Harvard College,1984;Fischer v. Discoll,1982;Krohn v. Harvard Law School,1977;Martin v. Delaware Law School of Widener
University, 1985; Smith v. Duquesne University, 1985). This general rule applieseven to secondary institutions,despite theopportunity to showstandingunder§1983under“publicfunction”theory(“Sinceeducation,fire,andpoliceprotec-tionwereclear ‘publicfunctions’andtherewas ‘agreaterdegreeofexclusivity,’stateactioncouldbefoundwhenchallengesweremadetotheconductofthoseentities”; Morse, p. 635): “Where state law mandates that private schools estab-lisheddisciplinaryrulesfordisruptivestudentactivityandstudentsuspendedforviolatingthoserules,stillnostateaction…”(Morse,p.637,citingAlbert v. Carovano,1988[enbanc]).IthasbeenarguedthattheonlywayaschoolcouldescapetheregulationsofTitleVIwouldbetorefusefederalfunding.
4 While the 13th Amendment’s initial effect was the banning of slavery, theSupremeCourtwouldlaterfindthatitalsoprohibitedall“badgesofslavery”:
‘By its own unaided force and effect,’ the ThirteenthAmendment ‘abolished slavery, and established universalfreedom.’ Whether or not the Amendment itself did anymorethanthat—aquestionnotinvolvedinthiscase—itisatleastclearthattheEnablingClauseofthatAmendmentempowered Congress to do much more. For that clauseclothed‘CongresswithpowertopassalllawsnecessaryandproperforabolishingallbadgesandincidentsofslaveryintheUnitedStates.’(Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co.,1968,citingCivil Rights Cases,1883)
5 “Section1981stemsfrom§1oftheCivilRightsActof1866,ch.31,14Stat.27.Itwasreenactedinpartof§16oftheEnforcementActof1870,ch.114,16Stat.140,andinfullby§18ofthesameact.Therightsprotectedby§1ofthe1866Actandby§16ofthe1870Actbecame§§1977–1978oftheRevisedStatutes”(Eisenberg&Schwab,1988,note1).
About the Author
TrishaKehaulaniWatsonisfromOÿahu.SheisalecturerinHawaiianhistoryattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa,whereshealsoworksattheKamakaküokalaniCenterforHawaiianStudies.Sheiscurrentlyapost-JDfellowattheCenterforExcellenceinNativeHawaiianLawattheWilliamS.RichardsonSchoolofLaw.ShereceivedherJDin2003andherPhDinAmericanStudiesin2005.
Notes
1 SeeSweatt v. Painter(1950),inwhichtheSupremeCourtorderedtheUniversityofTexasLawSchooltoadmitanAfricanAmericanstudentwhohadbeenforcedtoattendasegregatedlawschoolinthestatebecausethelawschooldidnotadmitAfricanAmericanstudents.SeealsoMcLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents(1950);Brown v. Board of Education(1954).
2 Yet,generally, thesedevicesarenotusedwithequalfrequencyincivilrightscases. Even among cases brought against schools, there is a disparity betweenthenumberofcasesbroughtagainstpublicinstitutions(wherereliefisavailableunder§1983)andcasesbroughtagainstprivateinstitutions(wherereliefwouldnotbeavailableunder§ 1983).When§1983reliefisnotavailable(§1983actionscanonlybebroughtagainststateactors),remedywouldbeavailableunderTitleVIor§1981.
3 TitleVIisalsoanimportantdeviceineducationaldiscriminationsuitsagainstprivate schools. Yet, Title VI only prohibits discrimination in any program oractivitythatreceivesfundingorfinancialassistancefromthefederalgovernment.(“NopersonintheUnitedStatesshall,onthegroundofrace,color,ornationalorigin,beexcludedfromparticipationin,bedeniedthebenefitsof,orbesubjectedtodiscriminationunderanyprogramoractivityreceivingfederalfinancialassis-tance”;42U.S.C.§2000d.)BecauseKamehamehaSchoolsdoesnotreceivefederalfunding,itisnotapplicabletothiscase.TitleVIisnonethelessimportantincivilrightsclaimsbecauseit,like§1981,canreachentitiesthatmaynotnecessaryfallintothejurisdictionof§1983claimsbecauseithasbeenestablishedthatfederalfundingdoesnotnecessarilymeanthattheentityorprogramisacting“undercoloroflaw”(618PLI/Lit611,630,citingMorse v. North Coast Opportunities,1997).
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Further,TitleVIcanreachprivateschoolsthatwouldbeprotectedfrom§1983action.Thestandardisclear:“Privateschoolsofhighereducationreceivingfederalfunds,charteredbystate,regulatedbystate,generallynotstateactors”(Morse,p.637,citingCohen v. President and Fellows of Harvard College,1984;Fischer v. Discoll,1982;Krohn v. Harvard Law School,1977;Martin v. Delaware Law School of Widener
University, 1985; Smith v. Duquesne University, 1985). This general rule applieseven to secondary institutions,despite theopportunity to showstandingunder§1983under“publicfunction”theory(“Sinceeducation,fire,andpoliceprotec-tionwereclear ‘publicfunctions’andtherewas ‘agreaterdegreeofexclusivity,’stateactioncouldbefoundwhenchallengesweremadetotheconductofthoseentities”; Morse, p. 635): “Where state law mandates that private schools estab-lisheddisciplinaryrulesfordisruptivestudentactivityandstudentsuspendedforviolatingthoserules,stillnostateaction…”(Morse,p.637,citingAlbert v. Carovano,1988[enbanc]).IthasbeenarguedthattheonlywayaschoolcouldescapetheregulationsofTitleVIwouldbetorefusefederalfunding.
4 While the 13th Amendment’s initial effect was the banning of slavery, theSupremeCourtwouldlaterfindthatitalsoprohibitedall“badgesofslavery”:
‘By its own unaided force and effect,’ the ThirteenthAmendment ‘abolished slavery, and established universalfreedom.’ Whether or not the Amendment itself did anymorethanthat—aquestionnotinvolvedinthiscase—itisatleastclearthattheEnablingClauseofthatAmendmentempowered Congress to do much more. For that clauseclothed‘CongresswithpowertopassalllawsnecessaryandproperforabolishingallbadgesandincidentsofslaveryintheUnitedStates.’(Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co.,1968,citingCivil Rights Cases,1883)
5 “Section1981stemsfrom§1oftheCivilRightsActof1866,ch.31,14Stat.27.Itwasreenactedinpartof§16oftheEnforcementActof1870,ch.114,16Stat.140,andinfullby§18ofthesameact.Therightsprotectedby§1ofthe1866Actandby§16ofthe1870Actbecame§§1977–1978oftheRevisedStatutes”(Eisenberg&Schwab,1988,note1).
About the Author
TrishaKehaulaniWatsonisfromOÿahu.SheisalecturerinHawaiianhistoryattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa,whereshealsoworksattheKamakaküokalaniCenterforHawaiianStudies.Sheiscurrentlyapost-JDfellowattheCenterforExcellenceinNativeHawaiianLawattheWilliamS.RichardsonSchoolofLaw.ShereceivedherJDin2003andherPhDinAmericanStudiesin2005.
Notes
1 SeeSweatt v. Painter(1950),inwhichtheSupremeCourtorderedtheUniversityofTexasLawSchooltoadmitanAfricanAmericanstudentwhohadbeenforcedtoattendasegregatedlawschoolinthestatebecausethelawschooldidnotadmitAfricanAmericanstudents.SeealsoMcLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents(1950);Brown v. Board of Education(1954).
2 Yet,generally, thesedevicesarenotusedwithequalfrequencyincivilrightscases. Even among cases brought against schools, there is a disparity betweenthenumberofcasesbroughtagainstpublicinstitutions(wherereliefisavailableunder§1983)andcasesbroughtagainstprivateinstitutions(wherereliefwouldnotbeavailableunder§ 1983).When§1983reliefisnotavailable(§1983actionscanonlybebroughtagainststateactors),remedywouldbeavailableunderTitleVIor§1981.
3 TitleVIisalsoanimportantdeviceineducationaldiscriminationsuitsagainstprivate schools. Yet, Title VI only prohibits discrimination in any program oractivitythatreceivesfundingorfinancialassistancefromthefederalgovernment.(“NopersonintheUnitedStatesshall,onthegroundofrace,color,ornationalorigin,beexcludedfromparticipationin,bedeniedthebenefitsof,orbesubjectedtodiscriminationunderanyprogramoractivityreceivingfederalfinancialassis-tance”;42U.S.C.§2000d.)BecauseKamehamehaSchoolsdoesnotreceivefederalfunding,itisnotapplicabletothiscase.TitleVIisnonethelessimportantincivilrightsclaimsbecauseit,like§1981,canreachentitiesthatmaynotnecessaryfallintothejurisdictionof§1983claimsbecauseithasbeenestablishedthatfederalfundingdoesnotnecessarilymeanthattheentityorprogramisacting“undercoloroflaw”(618PLI/Lit611,630,citingMorse v. North Coast Opportunities,1997).
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12InJett v. Dallas Independent School District(1989),theSupremeCourtfoundthat§1981itself,contrarytopopularbelief,didnotsupplyaremedywhenthe§1981actionwasbeingbroughtagainstastateactor.Thecourtfoundthatremedyfora§1981violationinsuchinstancesderivedfrom§1983.Thecourtstated,“Wethinkthehistoryof the1866Actand the1871Act…indicates thatCongress intendedtheexplicitremedialprovisionsof§1983becontrollinginthecontextofdamagesandactionsbroughtagainststateactorsallegingviolationoftherightsdeclaredin§1981.”
Thecourtcontinuedtoarticulate:
That we have read § 1 of the 1866 Act to reach privateaction and have implied a damages remedy to effectuatethe declarationof rights contained in thatprovisiondoesnotauthorizeustodosointhecontextofthe“stateaction”portionof§1981,whereCongresshasestablisheditsownremedialscheme.Inthecontextoftheapplicationof§1981and§1982toprivateactors,we“hadlittlechoicebuttoholdthataggrievedindividualscouldenforcethisprohibition,forthereexistednootherremedytoaddresssuchviolationsofthestatute.”(Jett v. Dallas Independent School District,1989,citingCannon v. University of Chicago, 1978; JudgeWhite,dissenting)
Jett made bringing a § 1981 action against state actors more difficult in that itrequiredplaintiffstoestablisha§1983violationaswell.(“Theplaintiffcanrecoveragainstaunitoflocalgovernment,therefore,onlyiftheconditionsestablishedfor§1983canbesatisfied”;Jeffriesetal.,2000,§4.2.)Suchashowingisnotrequiredforactionsbroughtagainstprivateactors.(“Incaseswhereprivateactorsaresuedunder§1981,bycontrast, theremedyappearstobeimpliedfrom§ 1981itself.Section1983wouldinanyeventbeirrelevantbecauseofitsexplicitlimitationtoactionstakenundercolorofstatelaw”;Jeffriesetal.,2000,§4.2.)
13EisenbergandSchwab(1988)analyzedthecivilrightscasesbroughtinthreedistrictsbetween1980and1981.Theyfoundthat506caseswerebroughtunder§1983,433werebroughtunderTitleVII,and252werebroughtunder§1981.Intheiranalysis,casescouldbebroughtundermorethanonestatute.
6 “Ithasneverbeendoubted…‘thatthepowervestedinCongresstoenforce[the13thAmendment]byappropriate legislation’…includes thepower toenact laws‘directandprimary,operatingupontheactsofindividuals,whethersanctionedbystatelegislationornot’”(Runyon v. McCrary,1976,citingJones v. Alfred H. Mayer
Co.,1968).
7 42 U.S.C. § 1981(b)–(c): (b) For purposes of this section, the term “makeand enforce contracts” includes the making, performance, modification, andterminationofcontracts,andtheenjoymentofallbenefits,privileges,termsandconditionsofthecontractualrelationship.(c)Therightsprotectedbythissectionare protected against the impairment by nongovernmental discrimination andimpairmentundercolorofstatelaw.
This amendment rejected the Supreme Court decision in Patterson v. McLean
Credit Union (1989), which found that a§ 1981 action couldnot bebrought toremedydiscriminatoryconductintheemploymentsetting.
8 Yet, in General Building Contractors Association, Inc. v. Pennsylvania (1982),theSupreme Courtheld that a§ 1981 claim requires a showing of intentionaldiscrimination. This made Title VI a more powerful tool in combating racialdiscrimination in schools. For, until the recent Alexander v. Sandoval (2001)decision,TitleVIcouldreachcasesofdisparateimpactwhereas§1981couldnot.
9 To qualify for relief under § 1983, the plaintiff must prove there was “stateaction”orthatthepersonorentitywhocommittedtheviolationacted“undercoloroflaw”(see618PLI/Lit611,628[1999]).
10618 PLI/Lit 611, 615 (1999), citing Chapman v. Houston Welfare Rights
Organization(1979;“§1983doesnotcreateanysubstantiverightsatall”).
11Rice v. Cayetanowasthelawsuitfiledbyahaole(non-Hawaiian)HawaiÿiresidentoverastatelawthatallowedonlythosewithNativeHawaiianancestrytovoteforcandidatesfortheOfficeofHawaiianAffairs.ThecasewenttotheUnitedStatesSupremeCourt.TheSupremeCourtfoundthatNativeHawaiianswerearacialgroupandnotapoliticalgroupunderthelaw.Therefore,allowingonlyHawaiians,asaracialgroup,tovoteinastateelectionwasaviolationoftheConstitution.Thisdecision allowed all state residents, regardless of ancestry, to vote for Office ofHawaiianAffairscandidates.
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12InJett v. Dallas Independent School District(1989),theSupremeCourtfoundthat§1981itself,contrarytopopularbelief,didnotsupplyaremedywhenthe§1981actionwasbeingbroughtagainstastateactor.Thecourtfoundthatremedyfora§1981violationinsuchinstancesderivedfrom§1983.Thecourtstated,“Wethinkthehistoryof the1866Actand the1871Act…indicates thatCongress intendedtheexplicitremedialprovisionsof§1983becontrollinginthecontextofdamagesandactionsbroughtagainststateactorsallegingviolationoftherightsdeclaredin§1981.”
Thecourtcontinuedtoarticulate:
That we have read § 1 of the 1866 Act to reach privateaction and have implied a damages remedy to effectuatethe declarationof rights contained in thatprovisiondoesnotauthorizeustodosointhecontextofthe“stateaction”portionof§1981,whereCongresshasestablisheditsownremedialscheme.Inthecontextoftheapplicationof§1981and§1982toprivateactors,we“hadlittlechoicebuttoholdthataggrievedindividualscouldenforcethisprohibition,forthereexistednootherremedytoaddresssuchviolationsofthestatute.”(Jett v. Dallas Independent School District,1989,citingCannon v. University of Chicago, 1978; JudgeWhite,dissenting)
Jett made bringing a § 1981 action against state actors more difficult in that itrequiredplaintiffstoestablisha§1983violationaswell.(“Theplaintiffcanrecoveragainstaunitoflocalgovernment,therefore,onlyiftheconditionsestablishedfor§1983canbesatisfied”;Jeffriesetal.,2000,§4.2.)Suchashowingisnotrequiredforactionsbroughtagainstprivateactors.(“Incaseswhereprivateactorsaresuedunder§1981,bycontrast, theremedyappearstobeimpliedfrom§ 1981itself.Section1983wouldinanyeventbeirrelevantbecauseofitsexplicitlimitationtoactionstakenundercolorofstatelaw”;Jeffriesetal.,2000,§4.2.)
13EisenbergandSchwab(1988)analyzedthecivilrightscasesbroughtinthreedistrictsbetween1980and1981.Theyfoundthat506caseswerebroughtunder§1983,433werebroughtunderTitleVII,and252werebroughtunder§1981.Intheiranalysis,casescouldbebroughtundermorethanonestatute.
6 “Ithasneverbeendoubted…‘thatthepowervestedinCongresstoenforce[the13thAmendment]byappropriate legislation’…includes thepower toenact laws‘directandprimary,operatingupontheactsofindividuals,whethersanctionedbystatelegislationornot’”(Runyon v. McCrary,1976,citingJones v. Alfred H. Mayer
Co.,1968).
7 42 U.S.C. § 1981(b)–(c): (b) For purposes of this section, the term “makeand enforce contracts” includes the making, performance, modification, andterminationofcontracts,andtheenjoymentofallbenefits,privileges,termsandconditionsofthecontractualrelationship.(c)Therightsprotectedbythissectionare protected against the impairment by nongovernmental discrimination andimpairmentundercolorofstatelaw.
This amendment rejected the Supreme Court decision in Patterson v. McLean
Credit Union (1989),which found that a§ 1981 action couldnot bebrought toremedydiscriminatoryconductintheemploymentsetting.
8 Yet, in General Building Contractors Association, Inc. v. Pennsylvania (1982),theSupremeCourtheld that a§ 1981 claim requires a showing of intentionaldiscrimination. This made Title VI a more powerful tool in combating racialdiscrimination in schools. For, until the recent Alexander v. Sandoval (2001)decision,TitleVIcouldreachcasesofdisparateimpactwhereas§1981couldnot.
9 To qualify for relief under § 1983, the plaintiff must prove there was “stateaction”orthatthepersonorentitywhocommittedtheviolationacted“undercoloroflaw”(see618PLI/Lit611,628[1999]).
10618 PLI/Lit 611, 615 (1999), citing Chapman v. Houston Welfare Rights
Organization(1979;“§1983doesnotcreateanysubstantiverightsatall”).
11Rice v. Cayetanowasthelawsuitfiledbyahaole(non-Hawaiian)HawaiÿiresidentoverastatelawthatallowedonlythosewithNativeHawaiianancestrytovoteforcandidatesfortheOfficeofHawaiianAffairs.ThecasewenttotheUnitedStatesSupremeCourt.TheSupremeCourtfoundthatNativeHawaiianswerearacialgroupandnotapoliticalgroupunderthelaw.Therefore,allowingonlyHawaiians,asaracialgroup,tovoteinastateelectionwasaviolationoftheConstitution.Thisdecision allowed all state residents, regardless of ancestry, to vote for Office ofHawaiianAffairscandidates.
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14Lesage brought his claim under the 14th Amendment, Title VI, § 1981 and§1983(Texas v. Lesage,1999).
15Whitman(2000)furthercommented:“TheSupremeCourt’sopinioninLesageisconsistentwithpriorcaselawinrecognizingthatprospectivereliefshouldnotbeforeclosedbyadefendant’ssame-decisionshowing,whetherthecaseisaFirstAmendmentretaliationcaseoranequalprotectionchallengetoagovernment’smotion”(p.634).
16Intheircomplaint,theplaintiffshad“soughtinjunctiveanddeclaratoryrelief,aswellascompensatoryandpunitivedamages”(Seamon,1998,citingHopwood,1994,at938).
17“Thedistrictcourtwascorrect…inholdingonremandthatTexashadborneitsburdenofprovingbyapreponderanceof theevidencethat thePlaintiffswouldhavehadnoreasonablechanceofbeingofferedadmissiontotheLawSchoolin1992 under a constitutionally valid, race-blind admissions system. In affirmingthatrulingweavoid theneedtoaddress thedistrictcourt’salternativefindingsoffactandconclusionsof lawregardingcompensabledamagesincurredbythePlaintiffs”(Hopwood v. Texas,2000,at256,281–282).
18Thecourtconcludedinitsdecisionthat“whereaplaintiffchallengesadiscretegovernmental decision as being based on an impermissible criterion and it isundisputedthatthegovernmentwouldhavemadethesamedecisionregardless,thereisnocognizableinjurywarrantingreliefunder§1983”(Texas v. Lesage,1999,at21).
19Whitman (2000) explained that in Carey v. Piphus: “[The Supreme Court]rejected plaintiffs’ argument that they should be able to recover substantialdamageswithoutproofofactualinjurysimplybecausetheirconstitutionalrightshadbeenviolated”(p.633,citingCarey v. Piphus,1978).
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Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
This study examines parenting practices and adolescents’ sense
of family obligation in promoting resilience in 155 Native Hawaiian
youths living in poverty. Two aspects of adolescent well-being,
behavioral adjustment and physical health, were studied. Four
variables—supportive parenting, punishment, youth respect, and
youth support—predicted the likelihood of youths’ engagement in
internalizing/externalizing problem behaviors and youths’ general
health status after family demographics, family history of psychosocial
risk, and chronic medical conditions were controlled. Results suggest
that parenting practices and youths’ values of family obligation were
significant correlates of youths’ behavioral adjustment and well-being.
Greater attention should therefore be paid to the protective function
of Native Hawaiian families and development of positive family value
systems in Native Hawaiian youths.
The Roles of Family Obligation and Parenting Practices in Explaining the Well-Being of Native Hawaiian Adolescents Living in Poverty
Barbara D. DeBaryshe, Sylvia Yuen, Lana N. Nakamura,
and Ivette Rodriguez Stern
correspondence may be sent to: Barbara d. deBaryshe, Center on the Family, University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa 2515 Campus Road, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi 96822 Email: [email protected]
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ManyNativeHawaiian(NH)1youthsfacechallengesandobstaclesonthepathtosuccessfuladulthood.Aschildren, theyperformmorepoorly inschool
thandonon-Hawaiians,asevidencedbylowerstandardizedtestscoresandover-representation inspecial educationprograms (Kanaÿiaupuni& Ishibashi,2003).Asteens,NHyouthsaremorelikelytoengageinriskbehaviorssuchasantisocialactivities,druguse,andearlysexual intercourse,andare less likely tograduatefrom high school (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003; Lai & Saka, 2000; Pearson,2004).Laterinlife,NHadultsareoverrepresentedamongthosewhoarearrestedor incarcerated (Gao & Perrone, 2004; Marsella, Oliveira, Plummer, & Crabbe,1995;Yuen,Hu,&Engel,2005).NativeHawaiiansfacehealthdisparitiesaswell.Theydisplaythehighestratesofcertainchronichealthconditionssuchasobesity,diabetes,asthma,andhighbloodpressure,andhavetheshortestlifeexpectancyofallethnicgroupsinthestateofHawaiÿi(HawaiÿiDepartmentofHealth,2004;Marsella et al., 1995). All of the negative outcomes mentioned above are alsoassociatedwithpoverty(CenteronBudgetandPolicyPriorities,2000;Duncan&Brooks-Gunn,2000;Moore&Redd,2002).Bywhateverindicatorisused—income,homelessness, welfare assistance, or children receiving free or reduced schoollunches—NativeHawaiiansaredisproportionatelyfoundamongthepoor(AlohaUnitedWay,2005;Harris&Jones,2005;Stern,Yuen,&Hartsock,2004).
Todate,muchoftheresearchontheNHpopulationhasbeendescriptive,withafocusondocumentingnegativehealthandsocialconditions.Thereisaneedforadditional research thatdocumentspositiveoutcomesaswell asvulnerabilities.Bothpolicymakersandthegeneralpublicneedtorememberthatthereisconsid-erable variation in well-being across different members of the NH community,withmost individualsand familiesshowinghealthyoutcomes.Most important,thereisaneedtobetterunderstandthefactorsandprocessesthatcontributetostrengthandresiliencyamongthemorevulnerableNativeHawaiians.
Someresearcherspointtothefamilyasthestartingpointforunderstandingthedevelopmental trajectories of Native Hawaiians (Kanaÿiaupuni, 2004; Stern etal.,2004).Theculturalvalueofcommitmenttotheÿohana(family)continuestobeheldamongcontemporaryHawaiiansand isanessentialcomponentofNHidentity (Kanaÿiaupuni, 2004). Native Hawaiians tend to exhibit greater family-centeredcharacteristicsthandonon-Hawaiians.Forexample,NativeHawaiiansaremorelikelytoliveinmultigenerationalhouseholds,NHchildrenhavemorecontact with grandparents and other kin, and extended family members playa larger role in child rearingas comparedwithother ethnicgroups inHawaiÿi(Goebertetal.,2000;Sternetal.,2004).NHadolescentsreporthigher levelsof
emotionalsupportandcloserrelationshipswithfamilymembers(Goebertetal.,2000),andNHfamiliesaremorelikelytoregularlyengageinculturalpractices(Sternetal.,2004).Inthisarticle,weexaminethefamilyasasourceofstrengthforNHadolescentslivingundertheriskconditionofpoverty.Twoaspectsofthefamilycontextareconsidered:parentingpracticesandtheadolescent’ssenseofobligationtohisorherÿohana.
Poverty and Parenting
Povertyisconsistentlyassociatedwithproblemsinchildhealth,socioemotionaladjustment,andschoolachievement,includingproblemssuchaslowbirthweight,disability, chronic asthma, internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors,grade retention, and school dropout (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Moore &Redd,2002).Althoughthedeleteriouseffectsofpovertyarecertainlymulticausalinnature,onecontributingmechanismoperatesviathefamilyenvironment.Thefamily stress modelpositsthatchronicfinancialpressurecandisruptthepositivefamily processes that promote children’s healthy psychosocial development(Conger&Elder,1994;Duncan&Brooks-Gunn,2000;McLoyd,1990).Theanxietyanddistressexperiencedbyfinanciallystressedparentscanmakethembecomelessaffectionate,lesssupportive,andlessinvolvedwiththeirchildrenandmorelikely to use inconsistent, harsh, or explosive discipline. However, financiallystressedparentswhoareabletomaintainastable,loving,andstimulatinghomeenvironmentmayhelptheirchildrenovercomeatleastsomeoftheenvironmentaldisadvantagesassociatedwithchroniceconomichardship.
The family stress model has been applied across several populations (e.g.,displaced workers, small farm families, urban and rural poor), certain ethnicgroups (Caucasian, African American, Mexican American), and even historicalperiods (e.g., contemporary, the depression era; see Brody et al., 1994; Conger&Elder,1994;Elder,1974;Liem&Liem,1988;McLoyd,1990;McLoyd,Jayratne,Ceballo,&Borquez,1994;Mistry,Vandewater,Huston,&McLoyd,2002;Parkeetal.,2004).However,ithasnotbeenappliedtoNativeHawaiians,apopulationthatisneglectedinstudiesoffamilypoverty.
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ManyNativeHawaiian(NH)1youthsfacechallengesandobstaclesonthepathtosuccessfuladulthood.Aschildren, theyperformmorepoorly inschool
thandonon-Hawaiians,asevidencedbylowerstandardizedtestscoresandover-representation inspecial educationprograms (Kanaÿiaupuni& Ishibashi,2003).Asteens,NHyouthsaremorelikelytoengageinriskbehaviorssuchasantisocialactivities,druguse,andearlysexual intercourse,andare less likely tograduatefrom high school (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003; Lai & Saka, 2000; Pearson,2004).Laterinlife,NHadultsareoverrepresentedamongthosewhoarearrestedor incarcerated (Gao & Perrone, 2004; Marsella, Oliveira, Plummer, & Crabbe,1995;Yuen,Hu,&Engel,2005).NativeHawaiiansfacehealthdisparitiesaswell.Theydisplaythehighestratesofcertainchronichealthconditionssuchasobesity,diabetes,asthma,andhighbloodpressure,andhavetheshortestlifeexpectancyofallethnicgroupsinthestateofHawaiÿi(HawaiÿiDepartmentofHealth,2004;Marsella et al., 1995). All of the negative outcomes mentioned above are alsoassociatedwithpoverty(CenteronBudgetandPolicyPriorities,2000;Duncan&Brooks-Gunn,2000;Moore&Redd,2002).Bywhateverindicatorisused—income,homelessness, welfare assistance, or children receiving free or reduced schoollunches—NativeHawaiiansaredisproportionatelyfoundamongthepoor(AlohaUnitedWay,2005;Harris&Jones,2005;Stern,Yuen,&Hartsock,2004).
Todate,muchoftheresearchontheNHpopulationhasbeendescriptive,withafocusondocumentingnegativehealthandsocialconditions.Thereisaneedforadditional research thatdocumentspositiveoutcomesaswell asvulnerabilities.Bothpolicymakersandthegeneralpublicneedtorememberthatthereisconsid-erable variation in well-being across different members of the NH community,withmost individualsand familiesshowinghealthyoutcomes.Most important,thereisaneedtobetterunderstandthefactorsandprocessesthatcontributetostrengthandresiliencyamongthemorevulnerableNativeHawaiians.
Someresearcherspointtothefamilyasthestartingpointforunderstandingthedevelopmental trajectories of Native Hawaiians (Kanaÿiaupuni, 2004; Stern etal.,2004).Theculturalvalueofcommitmenttotheÿohana(family)continuestobeheldamongcontemporaryHawaiiansand isanessentialcomponentofNHidentity (Kanaÿiaupuni, 2004). Native Hawaiians tend to exhibit greater family-centeredcharacteristicsthandonon-Hawaiians.Forexample,NativeHawaiiansaremorelikelytoliveinmultigenerationalhouseholds,NHchildrenhavemorecontact with grandparents and other kin, and extended family members playa larger role in child rearingas comparedwithother ethnicgroups inHawaiÿi(Goebertetal.,2000;Sternetal.,2004).NHadolescentsreporthigher levelsof
emotionalsupportandcloserrelationshipswithfamilymembers(Goebertetal.,2000),andNHfamiliesaremorelikelytoregularlyengageinculturalpractices(Sternetal.,2004).Inthisarticle,weexaminethefamilyasasourceofstrengthforNHadolescentslivingundertheriskconditionofpoverty.Twoaspectsofthefamilycontextareconsidered:parentingpracticesandtheadolescent’ssenseofobligationtohisorherÿohana.
Poverty and Parenting
Povertyisconsistentlyassociatedwithproblemsinchildhealth,socioemotionaladjustment,andschoolachievement,includingproblemssuchaslowbirthweight,disability, chronic asthma, internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors,grade retention, and school dropout (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Moore &Redd,2002).Althoughthedeleteriouseffectsofpovertyarecertainlymulticausalinnature,onecontributingmechanismoperatesviathefamilyenvironment.Thefamily stress modelpositsthatchronicfinancialpressurecandisruptthepositivefamily processes that promote children’s healthy psychosocial development(Conger&Elder,1994;Duncan&Brooks-Gunn,2000;McLoyd,1990).Theanxietyanddistressexperiencedbyfinanciallystressedparentscanmakethembecomelessaffectionate,lesssupportive,andlessinvolvedwiththeirchildrenandmorelikely to use inconsistent, harsh, or explosive discipline. However, financiallystressedparentswhoareabletomaintainastable,loving,andstimulatinghomeenvironmentmayhelptheirchildrenovercomeatleastsomeoftheenvironmentaldisadvantagesassociatedwithchroniceconomichardship.
The family stress model has been applied across several populations (e.g.,displaced workers, small farm families, urban and rural poor), certain ethnicgroups (Caucasian, African American, Mexican American), and even historicalperiods (e.g., contemporary, the depression era; see Brody et al., 1994; Conger&Elder,1994;Elder,1974;Liem&Liem,1988;McLoyd,1990;McLoyd,Jayratne,Ceballo,&Borquez,1994;Mistry,Vandewater,Huston,&McLoyd,2002;Parkeetal.,2004).However,ithasnotbeenappliedtoNativeHawaiians,apopulationthatisneglectedinstudiesoffamilypoverty.
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Parenting Practices and Healthy Youth Development
Thereisalargeliteraturethathighlightstheimportanceofparent–childrelationsand theeffectsof child-rearingpracticesonchildren’spsychosocial adjustment(Lamborn,Mounts,Steinberg,&Dornbusch,1991;Maccoby&Martin,1983;Parker&Benson,2004;Patterson,Reid,&Dishion,1992;Steinberg,Mounts,Lamborn,&Dornbusch,1991).Withinthisliterature,muchattentionhasbeenpaidtotheconstructofauthoritativeparenting.Thisparentingstyleischaracterizedbyhighwarmthandinvolvementwiththechild,coupledwithfirmbutreasonablecontrol,asseeninclearrulesandstandardsforbehaviorandtheuseofreason-orienteddiscipline.Authoritativeparentingiswidelyfoundtoenhanceavarietyofpositivechildoutcomes,suchasself-esteem,avoidanceofriskbehavior,socialskills,andacademicachievement.
Toourknowledge,theconstructofauthoritativeparentinghasnotbeenstudiedin NH families. Ethnographic work suggests that NH parents are affectionateandindulgentwithinfantsbutlessdemonstrativetowardolderchildren(Howard,1974). Compared with parents from other ethnic backgrounds (particularlyCaucasianparents),NHparentsmayengageinlessexplicitteachingandinsteadusemoreindirectmethodsofshapingtheirchildren’sbehavior.NHparentsmaybereluctanttousepraiseormaterialrewardsforfearofestablishingintheirchildrenadependenceonexternalincentives(Howard,1974).Inaddition,becausesocialsensitivityishighlyvalued,NHadultsmayexpectchildrentoreadsocialcuesandattendtotheneedsofotherswithoutpromptingoracknowledgment(Shook,1985,citedinYee,Huang,&Lew,1998).Thereisalsoalackofinformationaboutdisci-plinepracticesinNHfamilies.Althoughculturalhistorianssuggest thatseverepunishmentwasnotpartoftraditionalPacificchildrearing(Korbin,1990;Morton,1996),NHchildrenareoverrepresentedamongtheranksofconfirmedchildabusecasesinHawaiÿi(Marsellaetal.,1995).
EvenlessisknownaboutthewaysinwhichparentinginNHfamiliesinfluenceschildren’sdevelopment.Onestudy(Goebertetal.,2000) foundthatNHadoles-cents who reported high levels of support from their families showed reducedriskforinternalizingsymptomssuchasdepressedmood.Anotherstudyusinga
mixedsampleofAsianAmericans/NativeHawaiiansfoundpositiveassociationsbetween authoritative parenting and youth behavioral adjustment (DeBaryshe,Yuen, & Stern, 2001). Clearly, there is a need for research that demonstratesthe mechanisms through which NH families contribute to their children’shealthydevelopment.
Family Obligation
Familyobligation is a construct that includesbothbehaviors andattitudes thatindicateanadolescenthasastrongsenseofemotionalbonding,duty,andmutualresponsibility with his or her extended family. Indicators of family obligationincludeputtingthegoodofthefamilyfirst,showingrespectforandseekingtheadvice of older family members, spending time in family activities, providinginstrumental assistance to other family members, and maintaining emotionalties with parents across the life span (Chao & Tseng, 2002; Fuligni, Tseng, &Lam,1999;Phinney,Ong,&Madden,2000).Familyobligationhasbeenstudiedmostextensivelyinimmigrantfamilies.However,theconstructisrelevanttoNHfamilies,forwhompersonalidentityisembeddedinthematrixofextendedfamilyrelationships(Blaisdell&Mokuau,1991;Mokuau&Chang,1991).
ResearchonAsianandLatinoimmigrantssuggeststhatfamilyobligationisposi-tivelyassociatedwithfeelingsofclosenesswithone’sparentsinadolescenceandwithpsychologicalwell-beinginearlyadulthood(Fulignietal.,1999;Fuligni,Yip,&Tseng,2002).Italsoappearstoplayacentralroleinmotivatingyoungpeople,especiallylowerachievingyouths,topursueacollegeeducation(Fuligni,2001).Ithasbeensuggestedthatyouthswhovaluefamilyobligationwillavoidengaginginriskbehaviors(DeBarysheetal.,2001).
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Parenting Practices and Healthy Youth Development
Thereisalargeliteraturethathighlightstheimportanceofparent–childrelationsand theeffectsof child-rearingpracticesonchildren’spsychosocial adjustment(Lamborn,Mounts,Steinberg,&Dornbusch,1991;Maccoby&Martin,1983;Parker&Benson,2004;Patterson,Reid,&Dishion,1992;Steinberg,Mounts,Lamborn,&Dornbusch,1991).Withinthisliterature,muchattentionhasbeenpaidtotheconstructofauthoritativeparenting.Thisparentingstyleischaracterizedbyhighwarmthandinvolvementwiththechild,coupledwithfirmbutreasonablecontrol,asseeninclearrulesandstandardsforbehaviorandtheuseofreason-orienteddiscipline.Authoritativeparentingiswidelyfoundtoenhanceavarietyofpositivechildoutcomes,suchasself-esteem,avoidanceofriskbehavior,socialskills,andacademicachievement.
Toourknowledge,theconstructofauthoritativeparentinghasnotbeenstudiedin NH families. Ethnographic work suggests that NH parents are affectionateandindulgentwithinfantsbutlessdemonstrativetowardolderchildren(Howard,1974). Compared with parents from other ethnic backgrounds (particularlyCaucasianparents),NHparentsmayengageinlessexplicitteachingandinsteadusemoreindirectmethodsofshapingtheirchildren’sbehavior.NHparentsmaybereluctanttousepraiseormaterialrewardsforfearofestablishingintheirchildrenadependenceonexternalincentives(Howard,1974).Inaddition,becausesocialsensitivityishighlyvalued,NHadultsmayexpectchildrentoreadsocialcuesandattendtotheneedsofotherswithoutpromptingoracknowledgment(Shook,1985,citedinYee,Huang,&Lew,1998).Thereisalsoalackofinformationaboutdisci-plinepracticesinNHfamilies.Althoughculturalhistorianssuggest thatseverepunishmentwasnotpartoftraditionalPacificchildrearing(Korbin,1990;Morton,1996),NHchildrenareoverrepresentedamongtheranksofconfirmedchildabusecasesinHawaiÿi(Marsellaetal.,1995).
EvenlessisknownaboutthewaysinwhichparentinginNHfamiliesinfluenceschildren’sdevelopment.Onestudy(Goebertetal.,2000) foundthatNHadoles-cents who reported high levels of support from their families showed reducedriskforinternalizingsymptomssuchasdepressedmood.Anotherstudyusinga
mixedsampleofAsianAmericans/NativeHawaiiansfoundpositiveassociationsbetween authoritative parenting and youth behavioral adjustment (DeBaryshe,Yuen, & Stern, 2001). Clearly, there is a need for research that demonstratesthe mechanisms through which NH families contribute to their children’shealthydevelopment.
Family Obligation
Familyobligation is a construct that includesbothbehaviors andattitudes thatindicateanadolescenthasastrongsenseofemotionalbonding,duty,andmutualresponsibility with his or her extended family. Indicators of family obligationincludeputtingthegoodofthefamilyfirst,showingrespectforandseekingtheadvice of older family members, spending time in family activities, providinginstrumental assistance to other family members, and maintaining emotionalties with parents across the life span (Chao & Tseng, 2002; Fuligni, Tseng, &Lam,1999;Phinney,Ong,&Madden,2000).Familyobligationhasbeenstudiedmostextensivelyinimmigrantfamilies.However,theconstructisrelevanttoNHfamilies,forwhompersonalidentityisembeddedinthematrixofextendedfamilyrelationships(Blaisdell&Mokuau,1991;Mokuau&Chang,1991).
ResearchonAsianandLatinoimmigrantssuggeststhatfamilyobligationisposi-tivelyassociatedwithfeelingsofclosenesswithone’sparentsinadolescenceandwithpsychologicalwell-beinginearlyadulthood(Fulignietal.,1999;Fuligni,Yip,&Tseng,2002).Italsoappearstoplayacentralroleinmotivatingyoungpeople,especiallylowerachievingyouths,topursueacollegeeducation(Fuligni,2001).Ithasbeensuggestedthatyouthswhovaluefamilyobligationwillavoidengaginginriskbehaviors(DeBarysheetal.,2001).
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The Present Study
Thepurposeofthisstudyistodeterminewhetherparentingpracticesandyouths’senseoffamilyobligationcontributetothewell-beingofat-riskNHyouths.Inthiscase,theat-riskconditionwaseconomicdeprivation.Welookedattwoaspectsofadolescentwell-being,namely,behavioraladjustmentandphysicalhealth.TheseoutcomesareimportantasNHyouthsshowhighratesofriskbehaviorandfaceanelevatedlikelihoodofchronichealthproblemsinadulthood.UnlikemanyotherstudiesofNHyouths,wecollected informationon familyprocessesandyouthwell-being fromtheperspectiveofmultiple familymembers, thusavoiding thepotentialreportingbiasassociatedwiththeuseofonlyyouths’self-reports.
Method
Participants
Participantswere155low-incomeNativeHawaiianfamilieslivingontheislandofOÿahu.Allfamiliesreceivedneeds-basedfinancialassistance,thatis,TemporaryAssistance to Needy Families (TANF), Temporary Assistance to Other NeedyFamilies (TAONF), and/or food stamps. Selection criteria included the receiptofpublicassistance,thepresenceinthehomeofanadolescentchildage10–17,andthepresenceinthehomeofatleastoneofthechild’sbiologicalparents.Ofoursample,87householdswereheadedbyasinglemother;intheremaining68homesthemotherwasmarriedorcohabitingwithamalepartner.Throughoutthisreport,werefertothemalehouseholderasthefather,eventhoughsomemenwerenottheparticipatingyouth’sbiologicalparent.DemographicinformationonthefamiliesisshowninTable1.
TAblE 1 Demographic characteristics of NH families in this study
Variable Mean Standard deviation Range
Mother’s age (in years) 36.77 5.51 28–54
Father’s age (in years) 39.31 6.51 26–56
youth’s age (in years) 12.92 1.95 10–17
Per capita income ($) 5,258.00 2,164.61 1,512–13,500
% of families
Single parent 56.1
Two parent 43.9
Welfare recipient 48.4
Food stamps recipient 51.6
At least one employed adult 78.7
Parent education% of parents
Mother Father
< High school 9.7 29.4
GEd/high school diploma 59.4 58.8
Some college/associate’s degree 25.1 11.8
Bachelor’s degree or higher 5.1 0.0
Missing 0.6 0.0
Note: For fathers, n = 68; for mothers, youths, n = 155.
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The Present Study
Thepurposeofthisstudyistodeterminewhetherparentingpracticesandyouths’senseoffamilyobligationcontributetothewell-beingofat-riskNHyouths.Inthiscase,theat-riskconditionwaseconomicdeprivation.Welookedattwoaspectsofadolescentwell-being,namely,behavioraladjustmentandphysicalhealth.TheseoutcomesareimportantasNHyouthsshowhighratesofriskbehaviorandfaceanelevatedlikelihoodofchronichealthproblemsinadulthood.UnlikemanyotherstudiesofNHyouths,wecollected informationon familyprocessesandyouthwell-being fromtheperspectiveofmultiple familymembers, thusavoiding thepotentialreportingbiasassociatedwiththeuseofonlyyouths’self-reports.
Method
Participants
Participantswere155low-incomeNativeHawaiianfamilieslivingontheislandofOÿahu.Allfamiliesreceivedneeds-basedfinancialassistance,thatis,TemporaryAssistance to Needy Families (TANF), Temporary Assistance to Other NeedyFamilies (TAONF), and/or food stamps. Selection criteria included the receiptofpublicassistance,thepresenceinthehomeofanadolescentchildage10–17,andthepresenceinthehomeofatleastoneofthechild’sbiologicalparents.Ofoursample,87householdswereheadedbyasinglemother;intheremaining68homesthemotherwasmarriedorcohabitingwithamalepartner.Throughoutthisreport,werefertothemalehouseholderasthefather,eventhoughsomemenwerenottheparticipatingyouth’sbiologicalparent.DemographicinformationonthefamiliesisshowninTable1.
TAblE 1 Demographic characteristics of NH families in this study
Variable Mean Standard deviation Range
Mother’s age (in years) 36.77 5.51 28–54
Father’s age (in years) 39.31 6.51 26–56
youth’s age (in years) 12.92 1.95 10–17
Per capita income ($) 5,258.00 2,164.61 1,512–13,500
% of families
Single parent 56.1
Two parent 43.9
Welfare recipient 48.4
Food stamps recipient 51.6
At least one employed adult 78.7
Parent education% of parents
Mother Father
< High school 9.7 29.4
GEd/high school diploma 59.4 58.8
Some college/associate’s degree 25.1 11.8
Bachelor’s degree or higher 5.1 0.0
Missing 0.6 0.0
Note: For fathers, n = 68; for mothers, youths, n = 155.
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Procedure
Participants in this report are a subset of families from the Financial Strainand Family Resiliency study (Center on the Family, 2003). In the larger study,participantswereastratifiedrandomsampleofallcurrentbenefitrecipientswhomet our inclusion criteria (stratification variables were benefit type and familycomposition).Inthisreport,weincludedatafromalltheNativeHawaiianfamiliesintheoriginalFinancialStrainandFamilyResiliencysample.
Participatingfamiliesreceiveda$100giftcertificatefortheirtimeandeffort.Datacollectionoccurredinthefamilies’homes.Eachfamilymemberwasinterviewedindividually, in a session lasting approximately 2 hours. The interviews werehighlystructuredandconsistedprimarilyoforallyadministeredversionsofsurveyinstrumentswithknownpsychometricproperties.The interviewstaffconsistedofemployeesfromalocalresearchfirm.Interviewerswereselectedonthebasisoftheirinterpersonalskillsandabilitytocommunicaterespectandauthenticitywithfamilies.Severalmembersoftheinterviewteamwerethemselvesformerwelfarerecipients.InterviewersweretrainedbytheCenterontheFamilyresearchstaffwhoareauthorsofthisarticleandwererequiredtopassamockinterviewpriortoworkinginthefield.
Measures
CONTROl VARIAblES.Sixcontrolvariablesweremeasured.Eachcontrolvariablerepresentsanaspectoftheyouths’ongoingfamilyorpersonalcircumstancesthatcould reasonably be expected to correlate with current health and psychosocialadjustment.Youth age, youth gender, and single-parentversustwo-parenthouseholdstatuswereallindividualquestionsincludedintheparentandyouthinterviews.Usinginformationonhouseholdsizeandawidevarietyofearnedandunearnedsourcesofincome(TANFandfoodstampbenefits,alimony,wages,rentalincome,etc.),wealsocomputedhouseholdper capita income.
Youth risk history was a 6-item self-report scale measuring past problems withfamilyviolence,substanceabuse,mentalillness,andcriminalactivityinthechild’sfamilyoforigin (a= .55).Each itemwasscoredusingayes/noresponsescale.Sampleitemsinclude“Haveyoueverworriedthatsomeoneinyourfamilymightseriouslyhurtanotherfamilymember(forexample,punchthemorthreatenthemwithaknifeorgun)?”and“Haveyoueverbeenarrested,putinjuveniledetentionorprobation,orbeeninjail?”Highscoresontheriskhistoryvariableindicateahigherlevelofpsychosocialrisk.
Chronic health conditions was a composite variable formed by taking the meanof parent and youth reports on whether the youth suffered from five chronicmedicalconditions:asthma,allergies,sinus/earinfections,speech/vision/hearingproblems,andanyothermajorhealthproblem.Allitemswereansweredusingayes/noresponsescalewithahighertotalscoreindicatingmorehealthproblems.These items were adapted from the yearly Hawaiÿi Health Survey (Hawai‘iDepartmentofHealth,2004)andrepresentthemostfrequentlyreportedmedicalconditionsaffectingchildreninthestate.
pARENTING pRACTICES.Fivedifferentaspectsofparentingpracticesweremeasured:useofmonitoring,positivereinforcement,strictconsequences,harshdiscipline,andproblemsolving.Later,thesefiveaspectsofparentingwerereducedtotwocomposite scores using factor analysis. The parenting measures used in thisstudywerealsousedintheCenterontheFamily’s(1997)studyoffamilyadjust-ment to recentunemploymentandareadaptationsof instrumentsused in twolongitudinal studiesofparentingandadolescentdevelopment (Conger&Elder,1994;Pattersonet al., 1992).Eachscalewasadministeredboth to childrenandparents.Adultsreportedontheirownbehaviorvis-à-visthechild,whilethechildreportedoneachparentseparately.All itemswereansweredona5-pointscalerangingfrom1=strongly disagree to5=strongly agree.Mostitemswereparallelacrossparentandyouthreports,althoughforsomescalestheyouthreportversioncontainedmoreitems.2
Monitoring was a 4-item scale measuring adult knowledge of the focal child’sactivities,companions,andwhereabouts(e.g.,“Youknowwherechildisandwhohe/sheiswithevenifyouaren’tthere”;a=.70formothers,.72forfathers,.62foryouthreportsonmothers,and.59foryouthreportsonfathers).Thepositivereinforcement scale contained three items for adults and five items for youths
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Procedure
Participants in this report are a subset of families from the Financial Strainand Family Resiliency study (Center on the Family, 2003). In the larger study,participantswereastratifiedrandomsampleofallcurrentbenefitrecipientswhomet our inclusion criteria (stratification variables were benefit type and familycomposition).Inthisreport,weincludedatafromalltheNativeHawaiianfamiliesintheoriginalFinancialStrainandFamilyResiliencysample.
Participatingfamiliesreceiveda$100giftcertificatefortheirtimeandeffort.Datacollectionoccurredinthefamilies’homes.Eachfamilymemberwasinterviewedindividually, in a session lasting approximately 2 hours. The interviews werehighlystructuredandconsistedprimarilyoforallyadministeredversionsofsurveyinstrumentswithknownpsychometricproperties.The interviewstaffconsistedofemployeesfromalocalresearchfirm.Interviewerswereselectedonthebasisoftheirinterpersonalskillsandabilitytocommunicaterespectandauthenticitywithfamilies.Severalmembersoftheinterviewteamwerethemselvesformerwelfarerecipients.InterviewersweretrainedbytheCenterontheFamilyresearchstaffwhoareauthorsofthisarticleandwererequiredtopassamockinterviewpriortoworkinginthefield.
Measures
CONTROl VARIAblES.Sixcontrolvariablesweremeasured.Eachcontrolvariablerepresentsanaspectoftheyouths’ongoingfamilyorpersonalcircumstancesthatcould reasonably be expected to correlate with current health and psychosocialadjustment.Youth age, youth gender, and single-parentversustwo-parenthouseholdstatuswereallindividualquestionsincludedintheparentandyouthinterviews.Usinginformationonhouseholdsizeandawidevarietyofearnedandunearnedsourcesofincome(TANFandfoodstampbenefits,alimony,wages,rentalincome,etc.),wealsocomputedhouseholdper capita income.
Youth risk history was a 6-item self-report scale measuring past problems withfamilyviolence,substanceabuse,mentalillness,andcriminalactivityinthechild’sfamilyoforigin (a= .55).Each itemwasscoredusingayes/noresponsescale.Sampleitemsinclude“Haveyoueverworriedthatsomeoneinyourfamilymightseriouslyhurtanotherfamilymember(forexample,punchthemorthreatenthemwithaknifeorgun)?”and“Haveyoueverbeenarrested,putinjuveniledetentionorprobation,orbeeninjail?”Highscoresontheriskhistoryvariableindicateahigherlevelofpsychosocialrisk.
Chronic health conditions was a composite variable formed by taking the meanof parent and youth reports on whether the youth suffered from five chronicmedicalconditions:asthma,allergies,sinus/earinfections,speech/vision/hearingproblems,andanyothermajorhealthproblem.Allitemswereansweredusingayes/noresponsescalewithahighertotalscoreindicatingmorehealthproblems.These items were adapted from the yearly Hawaiÿi Health Survey (Hawai‘iDepartmentofHealth,2004)andrepresentthemostfrequentlyreportedmedicalconditionsaffectingchildreninthestate.
pARENTING pRACTICES.Fivedifferentaspectsofparentingpracticesweremeasured:useofmonitoring,positivereinforcement,strictconsequences,harshdiscipline,andproblemsolving.Later,thesefiveaspectsofparentingwerereducedtotwocomposite scores using factor analysis. The parenting measures used in thisstudywerealsousedintheCenterontheFamily’s(1997)studyoffamilyadjust-ment to recentunemploymentandareadaptationsof instrumentsused in twolongitudinal studiesofparentingandadolescentdevelopment (Conger&Elder,1994;Pattersonet al., 1992).Eachscalewasadministeredboth to childrenandparents.Adultsreportedontheirownbehaviorvis-à-visthechild,whilethechildreportedoneachparentseparately.All itemswereansweredona5-pointscalerangingfrom1=strongly disagree to5=strongly agree.Mostitemswereparallelacrossparentandyouthreports,althoughforsomescalestheyouthreportversioncontainedmoreitems.2
Monitoring was a 4-item scale measuring adult knowledge of the focal child’sactivities,companions,andwhereabouts(e.g.,“Youknowwherechildisandwhohe/sheiswithevenifyouaren’tthere”;a=.70formothers,.72forfathers,.62foryouthreportsonmothers,and.59foryouthreportsonfathers).Thepositivereinforcement scale contained three items for adults and five items for youths
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(a = .79, .68, .82, and .86); it measured parents’ use of physical and verbalreinforcementandtangiblerewards(e.g.,“Whenchilddoessomethingyoulike,yougivehim/herasmileorsomeothersmallsignthatyoulikewhathe/shedid”and“Yourmomdoesnothingwhenyoudosomethinggoodbecauseshedoesn’twantyoutobetooproudofyourself”[reflected]).Strictconsequenceswasa3-itemscale(a=.66,.60,.63,and.69)measuringparents’consistentadministrationofstrictly enforced but nonabusive consequences (e.g., “When you do somethingwrong,yourdadgivesyouchoresorextraworktodo”).Theharshdisciplinescalecontainedfouritemsforparentsandsixitemsforyouths(a=.52,.45,.69,and.73).This scalemeasured theuseofmore severediscipline techniques suchascorporalpunishmentorlockingthechildoutofthehouse(e.g.,“Youusephysicalpunishmentwhenyourchilddoessomethingwrong”and“Yourdadtriestomakeyoufeelasenseofshamewhenyoudosomethingwrong”).Problemsolvingwasan8-itemscale(a=.58to.80)measuringthequalityoffamilyproblemsolving(e.g.,“Whenthetwoofyouhaveaproblemtosolve,howoftendoesyourmotherseriouslythinkaboutyourideasonhowtosolvetheproblem?”).
Wefirstcomputedscalescoresforeachrespondentandthenafamily-levelscorebytakingthemeanforallrespondents,yieldingfivefamily-levelscores.Becausethefiveparentingscoreswerehighlycorrelated,wereducedthedatausingfactoranalysis. The monitoring, positive reinforcement, problem-solving, strict conse-quences,andharshdisciplinefamily-levelscoreswereenteredinafactoranalysisusingmaximumlikelihoodextractionandorthogonal factorrotation.A2-factorsolutionprovidedagoodfittothedata,2(1,N=155)=1.35,p<.25,andaccountedfor55%oftheitemvariance.Thefirstfactor,labeledsupportive parenting,hadhighloadingsforpositivereinforcement(=.80),monitoring(=.65),andproblemsolving ( = .59). The second factor, labeled punishment, had high loadings forharshdiscipline(=.84)andstrictconsequences(=.55)andahigh,negativeloadingforproblemsolving(=–.48).Wecomputedfactorscoresforeachfamily,andthetwofactorscores,supportiveparentingandpunishment,servedasthetwomeasuresofparentingpracticesusedfordataanalysis.
fAMIly OblIGATION. The Family Obligation Scale (Fuligni et al., 1999) wasadministeredtoeachadolescent.Twoscoreswerederivedfromthisinstrument.Youth respectwasa7-itemscale(a=.70)addressingtheyouth’sbeliefsabouttheimportance of showing respect and deference to older family members. Itemsinclude“Howimportantisittoyoutodowellforthesakeofyourfamily?”and
“Howimportantisittoyoutotreatyourparentswithgreatrespect?”Youth support
wasa6-itemscale(a=.70)measuringtheextenttowhichtheyouthvaluesmain-tainingtiesofemotion,propinquity,andmutualassistancewithfamilymembersacrossthelifespan.Examplesinclude“Howimportantisitforyoutohelpyourparentsfinanciallyinthefuture?”and“Howimportantisittoyoutoliveorgotocollegenearyourparents?”Youthrespectandyouthsupportservedasour twomeasuresoffamilyobligation.Ineachcase,ahighscoreindicatesahigherleveloffamilyobligation.
pROblEM bEHAVIOR.Youth problem behaviorwasacompositevariableformedbycombining youth,mother, and father reportsonan11-item internalizing scaleandan11-itemexternalizingscale(a=.72to.89)adaptedfromtheChildBehaviorChecklist (Child Trends, 1999). High scores indicated the presence of moreproblembehaviors.
GENERAl HEAlTH. Youth general health was a composite variable formed bycombining parent and youth reports on two items regarding the adolescent’soverall physical health. The first item, “How would you rate your/your child’soverall physical health?” was answered using a 5-point response scale rangingfrom1=poorto5=excellent.Fortheseconditem,“Howwouldyoucompareyour/yourchild’soverallphysicalhealthwithotherchildrenofyour/his/herage?”the5-pointresponsescalerangedfrom1=much worseto5=much better.Theitemswerescoredsothatahighscoreindicatesbettercurrentoverallhealth.
Analysis
We conducted data analyses using hierarchical, multiple linear regression.Hierarchical regression iscommonlyusedwithcross-sectionaldataasawayofmakingquasi-causalinferences.Ouraimwastoexplainvarianceineachofthetwoyouthoutcomemeasures(problembehaviorandgeneralhealth).Inhierarchicalregression,predictorvariablesareenteredingroupsorsteps.Variablesenteredinthefirststepoftheanalysisarethosethattheoreticallyaremoredistalcausesorpredictorsoftheoutcomeordependentvariable.Variablesenteredinsucceedingstepsareseenasmoreproximalcauses.
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(a = .79, .68, .82, and .86); it measured parents’ use of physical and verbalreinforcementandtangiblerewards(e.g.,“Whenchilddoessomethingyoulike,yougivehim/herasmileorsomeothersmallsignthatyoulikewhathe/shedid”and“Yourmomdoesnothingwhenyoudosomethinggoodbecauseshedoesn’twantyoutobetooproudofyourself”[reflected]).Strictconsequenceswasa3-itemscale(a=.66,.60,.63,and.69)measuringparents’consistentadministrationofstrictly enforced but nonabusive consequences (e.g., “When you do somethingwrong,yourdadgivesyouchoresorextraworktodo”).Theharshdisciplinescalecontainedfouritemsforparentsandsixitemsforyouths(a=.52,.45,.69,and.73).This scalemeasured theuseofmore severediscipline techniques suchascorporalpunishmentorlockingthechildoutofthehouse(e.g.,“Youusephysicalpunishmentwhenyourchilddoessomethingwrong”and“Yourdadtriestomakeyoufeelasenseofshamewhenyoudosomethingwrong”).Problemsolvingwasan8-itemscale(a=.58to.80)measuringthequalityoffamilyproblemsolving(e.g.,“Whenthetwoofyouhaveaproblemtosolve,howoftendoesyourmotherseriouslythinkaboutyourideasonhowtosolvetheproblem?”).
Wefirstcomputedscalescoresforeachrespondentandthenafamily-levelscorebytakingthemeanforallrespondents,yieldingfivefamily-levelscores.Becausethefiveparentingscoreswerehighlycorrelated,wereducedthedatausingfactoranalysis. The monitoring, positive reinforcement, problem-solving, strict conse-quences,andharshdisciplinefamily-levelscoreswereenteredinafactoranalysisusingmaximumlikelihoodextractionandorthogonal factorrotation.A2-factorsolutionprovidedagoodfittothedata,2(1,N=155)=1.35,p<.25,andaccountedfor55%oftheitemvariance.Thefirstfactor,labeledsupportive parenting,hadhighloadingsforpositivereinforcement(=.80),monitoring(=.65),andproblemsolving ( = .59). The second factor, labeled punishment, had high loadings forharshdiscipline(=.84)andstrictconsequences(=.55)andahigh,negativeloadingforproblemsolving(=–.48).Wecomputedfactorscoresforeachfamily,andthetwofactorscores,supportiveparentingandpunishment,servedasthetwomeasuresofparentingpracticesusedfordataanalysis.
fAMIly OblIGATION. The Family Obligation Scale (Fuligni et al., 1999) wasadministeredtoeachadolescent.Twoscoreswerederivedfromthisinstrument.Youth respectwasa7-itemscale(a=.70)addressingtheyouth’sbeliefsabouttheimportance of showing respect and deference to older family members. Itemsinclude“Howimportantisittoyoutodowellforthesakeofyourfamily?”and
“Howimportantisittoyoutotreatyourparentswithgreatrespect?”Youth support
wasa6-itemscale(a=.70)measuringtheextenttowhichtheyouthvaluesmain-tainingtiesofemotion,propinquity,andmutualassistancewithfamilymembersacrossthelifespan.Examplesinclude“Howimportantisitforyoutohelpyourparentsfinanciallyinthefuture?”and“Howimportantisittoyoutoliveorgotocollegenearyourparents?”Youthrespectandyouthsupportservedasour twomeasuresoffamilyobligation.Ineachcase,ahighscoreindicatesahigherleveloffamilyobligation.
pROblEM bEHAVIOR.Youth problem behaviorwasacompositevariableformedbycombining youth,mother, and father reportsonan11-item internalizing scaleandan11-itemexternalizingscale(a=.72to.89)adaptedfromtheChildBehaviorChecklist (Child Trends, 1999). High scores indicated the presence of moreproblembehaviors.
GENERAl HEAlTH. Youth general health was a composite variable formed bycombining parent and youth reports on two items regarding the adolescent’soverall physical health. The first item, “How would you rate your/your child’soverall physical health?” was answered using a 5-point response scale rangingfrom1=poorto5=excellent.Fortheseconditem,“Howwouldyoucompareyour/yourchild’soverallphysicalhealthwithotherchildrenofyour/his/herage?”the5-pointresponsescalerangedfrom1=much worseto5=much better.Theitemswerescoredsothatahighscoreindicatesbettercurrentoverallhealth.
Analysis
We conducted data analyses using hierarchical, multiple linear regression.Hierarchical regression iscommonlyusedwithcross-sectionaldataasawayofmakingquasi-causalinferences.Ouraimwastoexplainvarianceineachofthetwoyouthoutcomemeasures(problembehaviorandgeneralhealth).Inhierarchicalregression,predictorvariablesareenteredingroupsorsteps.Variablesenteredinthefirststepoftheanalysisarethosethattheoreticallyaremoredistalcausesorpredictorsoftheoutcomeordependentvariable.Variablesenteredinsucceedingstepsareseenasmoreproximalcauses.
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Inour analyses, the control variableswere entered inStep1.Control variablesincluded the demographic measures of age, gender, single-parent householdstatus,andpercapita income.Anadditionalcontrolvariabledifferedaccordingto which dependent measure was being predicted. In the equation predictingyouthproblembehavior,weincludedfamilyriskhistoryasacontrolmeasure,asthismeasureshouldbestronglyassociatedwiththelikelihoodofyouthproblembehavior.Intheequationpredictingyouthgeneralhealth,weincludedasacontrolthenumberofchronicmedicalconditions,whichisaverystringentcontrolforpreexistinghealthstatus.Byenteringthesecontrolvariablesintotheanalysisfirst,their influence is already taken into account when the next set of predictors isaddedtotheregressionequation.
InStep2oftheregressionanalyses,weenteredthefourmeasuresofparentingpracticesandfamilyobligation.Thisallowedustodeterminetheextenttowhichthissetofpredictorsexplainsvarianceintheoutcomemeasuresaboveandbeyondthepredictionalreadyachievedbythecontrolmeasures.AsignificantincrementinpredictioninStep2isconsistentwith,butdoesnotconclusivelydemonstrate,apossiblecausalroleoftheStep2variables.
Results
Descriptive statistics on the 12 variables used in the regression analyses areshown inTable2.Distributionplots and skewness andkurtosis statisticswereexamined for each variable. Only one measure, per capita income, was signifi-cantlynonnormal.Tocorrect for this,we trimmedoutlyingscores (thosemorethan3standarddeviationfromthemean)byreplacingtheoutlyingscoreswithvaluesthatwere$1,000higherthanthehighestscoreinthesamplethatwasnotanoutlier(Tabachnick&Fidell,2001).ResultsoftheregressionanalysesareshowninTable3.WeconductedtwohierarchicalmultipleregressionproceduresusingtheSPSS14statisticalpackage.Ordinary least-squarescomputationprocedureswereused.
TAblE 2 Descriptive statistics on analysis variables
Variable Mean Standard deviation
youth age (in years) 12.92 1.95
youth gendera 1.55 0.50
Single parentb 0.56 0.50
Per capita income ($) 5,258.00 2,164.61
youth risk historyc 0.30 0.24
Chronic health conditionsc 0.82 0.84
Supportive parentingd 0.00 0.88
Punishmentd –0.01 0.86
youth respecte 4.38 0.54
youth supporte 4.02 0.66
youth problem behaviorf 0.52 0.29
youth general healthe 3.70 0.62
a 1= male, 2= female. b 0 = two parent, 1= single parent. c 0–1 response scale with items summed for a maximum score of 5. d Measure is a factor score, so means are zero. e 1–5 response scale. f 0–2 response scale.
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Inour analyses, the control variableswere entered inStep1.Control variablesincluded the demographic measures of age, gender, single-parent householdstatus,andpercapita income.Anadditionalcontrolvariabledifferedaccordingto which dependent measure was being predicted. In the equation predictingyouthproblembehavior,weincludedfamilyriskhistoryasacontrolmeasure,asthismeasureshouldbestronglyassociatedwiththelikelihoodofyouthproblembehavior.Intheequationpredictingyouthgeneralhealth,weincludedasacontrolthenumberofchronicmedicalconditions,whichisaverystringentcontrolforpreexistinghealthstatus.Byenteringthesecontrolvariablesintotheanalysisfirst,their influence is already taken into account when the next set of predictors isaddedtotheregressionequation.
InStep2oftheregressionanalyses,weenteredthefourmeasuresofparentingpracticesandfamilyobligation.Thisallowedustodeterminetheextenttowhichthissetofpredictorsexplainsvarianceintheoutcomemeasuresaboveandbeyondthepredictionalreadyachievedbythecontrolmeasures.AsignificantincrementinpredictioninStep2isconsistentwith,butdoesnotconclusivelydemonstrate,apossiblecausalroleoftheStep2variables.
Results
Descriptive statistics on the 12 variables used in the regression analyses areshown inTable2.Distributionplots and skewness andkurtosis statisticswereexamined for each variable. Only one measure, per capita income, was signifi-cantlynonnormal.Tocorrect for this,we trimmedoutlyingscores (thosemorethan3standarddeviationfromthemean)byreplacingtheoutlyingscoreswithvaluesthatwere$1,000higherthanthehighestscoreinthesamplethatwasnotanoutlier(Tabachnick&Fidell,2001).ResultsoftheregressionanalysesareshowninTable3.WeconductedtwohierarchicalmultipleregressionproceduresusingtheSPSS14statisticalpackage.Ordinary least-squarescomputationprocedureswereused.
TAblE 2 Descriptive statistics on analysis variables
Variable Mean Standard deviation
youth age (in years) 12.92 1.95
youth gendera 1.55 0.50
Single parentb 0.56 0.50
Per capita income ($) 5,258.00 2,164.61
youth risk historyc 0.30 0.24
Chronic health conditionsc 0.82 0.84
Supportive parentingd 0.00 0.88
Punishmentd –0.01 0.86
youth respecte 4.38 0.54
youth supporte 4.02 0.66
youth problem behaviorf 0.52 0.29
youth general healthe 3.70 0.62
a 1= male, 2= female. b 0 = two parent, 1= single parent. c 0–1 response scale with items summed for a maximum score of 5. d Measure is a factor score, so means are zero. e 1–5 response scale. f 0–2 response scale.
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TAblE 3 Beta coefficients, R2, and F statistics for the regression of control variables, parenting practices, and youth family obligation on youth problem behavior and general health
Variable youth problem behavior youth general health
youth age –.14* –.09
youth gender .10 –.08
Single parent –.02 –.09
Per capita income .06 –.02
youth risk history .31****
Chronic health conditions –.25***
Supportive parenting –.21** .31***
Punishment .36**** –.11
youth respect –.15+ .09
youth support .16* –.07
Step 1
DR2 .21**** .11**
F(5, 149) 8.13 3.73
Step 2
DR2 .18**** .13****
F(4, 145) 10.69 5.97
Total
R2 .39**** .24****
F(9, 145) 10.45 5.01
Note: Beta coefficients shown at the top of the table are for the full model. Variables entered at Step 1 are age, gender, single parent, per capita income, and either risk history or chronic health conditions. Variables entered at Step 2 are supportive parenting, punishment, youth respect, and youth support.
+ p < .10. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001. **** p < .0005.
Predicting Youth Problem Behavior
ResultsfortheequationpredictingyouthproblembehaviorareshowninTable3.Thefivecontrolvariablescollectivelyaccountedfor21%ofthevarianceinyouthproblembehavior(DR2=.21,p<.005).Whensupportiveparenting,punishment,youth respect, and youth support were added in Step 2, these four variablesexplained an additional 18% of the variance in problem behavior (DR2 = .18,p<.005).Thestandardizedregressioncoefficientsforthefinal,fullmodelarealsoshowninTable3.Eachcoefficientrepresentstheuniqueassociationofthatpartic-ularvariablewithyouthproblembehavior,aboveandbeyondthevariancesharedwithalltheotherpredictorsintheequation.InspectionofTable3showsthatfivevariableshadsignificant,uniquesharedvariancewiththeoutcomemeasure,andonevariablehadamarginallysignificantuniqueassociation.Specifically,whenall other predictor measures were controlled, more frequent problem behaviorwasassociatedwithhigherlevelsoffamilyriskhistory(=.31,p<.0005),morefrequent punishment ( = .36, p < .0005), and higher levels of youth support(= .16,p< .05).Lower levelsofproblembehaviorwereassociatedwithbeinganolderteen(=–.14,p<.04),withhavingparentswhoengageinhighlevelsofsupportiveparenting(=–.21,p<.01),and,marginally,withhigherlevelsofyouthrespect(=–.15,p<.09).
Predicting Youth General Health
Results for the regression equation predicting youth general health are shownin Table 3. For health outcomes, the five control measures entered in Step 1explained11%ofthevarianceinyouthgeneralhealth(DR2=.11,p<.003).Whensupportiveparenting,punishment,youthrespect,andyouthsupportwereaddedinStep2, thesevariablesexplainedanadditional13%of thevariance inyouthhealth(DR2=.13,p<.0005).InspectionofthestandardizedregressioncoefficientsinTable3indicatesthatonlytwopredictorvariableshaduniqueassociationswiththedependentmeasures.Specifically,whenallotherpredictorswerecontrolled,generalhealthwasworseforyouthswithahighernumberofchronichealthcondi-tions (=–.25,p< .001)andbetter foryouthswhoseparentsengaged inhighlevelsofsupportiveparenting(=.31,p<.001).
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TAblE 3 Beta coefficients, R2, and F statistics for the regression of control variables, parenting practices, and youth family obligation on youth problem behavior and general health
Variable youth problem behavior youth general health
youth age –.14* –.09
youth gender .10 –.08
Single parent –.02 –.09
Per capita income .06 –.02
youth risk history .31****
Chronic health conditions –.25***
Supportive parenting –.21** .31***
Punishment .36**** –.11
youth respect –.15+ .09
youth support .16* –.07
Step 1
DR2 .21**** .11**
F(5, 149) 8.13 3.73
Step 2
DR2 .18**** .13****
F(4, 145) 10.69 5.97
Total
R2 .39**** .24****
F(9, 145) 10.45 5.01
Note: Beta coefficients shown at the top of the table are for the full model. Variables entered at Step 1 are age, gender, single parent, per capita income, and either risk history or chronic health conditions. Variables entered at Step 2 are supportive parenting, punishment, youth respect, and youth support.
+ p < .10. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001. **** p < .0005.
Predicting Youth Problem Behavior
ResultsfortheequationpredictingyouthproblembehaviorareshowninTable3.Thefivecontrolvariablescollectivelyaccountedfor21%ofthevarianceinyouthproblembehavior(DR2=.21,p<.005).Whensupportiveparenting,punishment,youth respect, and youth support were added in Step 2, these four variablesexplained an additional 18% of the variance in problem behavior (DR2 = .18,p<.005).Thestandardizedregressioncoefficientsforthefinal,fullmodelarealsoshowninTable3.Eachcoefficientrepresentstheuniqueassociationofthatpartic-ularvariablewithyouthproblembehavior,aboveandbeyondthevariancesharedwithalltheotherpredictorsintheequation.InspectionofTable3showsthatfivevariableshadsignificant,uniquesharedvariancewiththeoutcomemeasure,andonevariablehadamarginallysignificantuniqueassociation.Specifically,whenall other predictor measures were controlled, more frequent problem behaviorwasassociatedwithhigherlevelsoffamilyriskhistory(=.31,p<.0005),morefrequent punishment ( = .36, p < .0005), and higher levels of youth support(= .16,p< .05).Lower levelsofproblembehaviorwereassociatedwithbeinganolderteen(=–.14,p<.04),withhavingparentswhoengageinhighlevelsofsupportiveparenting(=–.21,p<.01),and,marginally,withhigherlevelsofyouthrespect(=–.15,p<.09).
Predicting Youth General Health
Results for the regression equation predicting youth general health are shownin Table 3. For health outcomes, the five control measures entered in Step 1explained11%ofthevarianceinyouthgeneralhealth(DR2=.11,p<.003).Whensupportiveparenting,punishment,youthrespect,andyouthsupportwereaddedinStep2, thesevariablesexplainedanadditional13%of thevariance inyouthhealth(DR2=.13,p<.0005).InspectionofthestandardizedregressioncoefficientsinTable3indicatesthatonlytwopredictorvariableshaduniqueassociationswiththedependentmeasures.Specifically,whenallotherpredictorswerecontrolled,generalhealthwasworseforyouthswithahighernumberofchronichealthcondi-tions (=–.25,p< .001)andbetter foryouthswhoseparentsengaged inhighlevelsofsupportiveparenting(=.31,p<.001).
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Discussion
In her review of identity processes in contemporary Native Hawaiians,Kanaÿiaupuni(2004)statedthat“today’sHawaiianfamilieshavebeenoverlookedinmuchoftheresearchonfamilydiversityandstrengths”(p.54).Thepresentstudybegins to rectify thisgapbyprovidingevidence that the family isan importantsourceofresiliencyforat-riskNHyouths.InthissampleofNHadolescentslivinginpoverty,bothparentingpracticesandyouths’valuesrelatingtofamilyobligationweresignificantcorrelatesoftheirbehavioraladjustmentandphysicalwell-being.For both problem behavior and general health status, parenting practices andyouthfamilyobligationexplainedasignificantproportionof thevarianceaboveand beyond the effects of family demographic characteristics, history of familypsychosocialrisk,andchronichealthconditions.
Intermsofrelativeinfluenceonproblembehavior,parentingpracticesweremoststrongly associated with youth problem behavior, with youth family obligationplayingalesserrole.Specifically,harshpunishmentwasariskfactorassociatedwith poorbehavioral adjustment,whereas supportiveparenting was a resourcethat predicted low rates of problem behavior. Adolescents’ own belief in theimportanceofrespectingfamilymemberswasalsoaprotectivefactorassociatedwith low levels of problem behavior. It is interesting to note, in the context ofallotherpredictors,thatthesecondaspectofyouthfamilyobligation—thebeliefintheimportanceofprovidinginstrumentalsupportforfamilymembers—wasassociatedwithhigherratesofproblembehavior.Intermsofyouthgeneralhealthstatus,supportiveparentingwasthestrongestuniqueprotectivefactorofallthemeasuresincludedinthisstudy.
The twoparentingvariablesmeasured in this study—supportiveparentingandpunishment—togetherrepresenttheconstructofauthoritativeparenting.Parentshigh on supportive parenting and low on punishment would be described asshowingaprototypicalauthoritativeparentingstyle.Consistentwithpredictionsfromthe literature,supportiveparentingwasaresiliency factorassociatedwithpositive youth well-being, and punishment was a risk factor associated withnegativeadjustment.Thus,thisstudydemonstratesempiricallythatanauthorita-tiveparentingstyle,whichhasbeenwidelyshowntofacilitatepositiveyouthdevel-opmentinotherethnicgroups,functionsinasimilarwayamongNativeHawaiians.
This study also empirically validates the hypothesis that family-centered valuesand the importanceof ÿohana (asmeasuredon the familyobligation scale) arestrengthsthatcanbufferNHyouthsfromthedeleteriouseffectsofpoverty.
It isalsointerestingthatoneaspectoffamilyobligationwasassociatedwithanincreasedlikelihoodofyouthproblembehaviors.Inthecontextofallotherinde-pendent variables, youths high on youth support—that is, those who placed agreater importanceonproviding instrumental assistanceandsupport to familymembersnowandinthefuture—hadhigher levelsofbehaviorproblems.Thisis an unexpected finding and suggests that expectations for ongoing financialandpracticalobligations toone’s familycanbeasourceofstress.Expectationsfor future support may be problematic for adolescents who perceive a conflictbetween providing for their families and desiring personal independence, or ifyouthsfeelpoorlyequippedtoobtainlucrativeemploymentthatwillhelpsupportfamilymembersfinanciallyinalocaleknownforitshighcostofliving.
Thepresentresultssuggestthatpreventionorinterventioneffortsforat-riskNHyouthsshouldhaveadualfocusonchangingbothparentsandtheirchildren.Inotherwords,families,notindividuals,shouldbeseenastherecipientofprogramsorservices.Becausewedidnotcollectdatarelatingtograndparents,oldersiblings,orotherkin,wecannotsaywithconfidencethatextendingthefocusofinterven-tionbeyondtheparent–childpartnershiptoincludethelargerÿohanawouldhaveadditionalbenefits.However,giventhatNHyouthsreportthattheextendedfamilynetworkprovidesimportantchild-rearingandcaretakingfunctions(Goebertetal.,2000),wesuggestthatfutureresearchshouldexplicitlycomparetheeffectivenessofinterventionsthatincludeparentsandchildrenonlywiththosethataddressthelargerfamilysystem.
Withregardtopreventionorinterventioneffortsthatfocusonparentingpractices,attentionshouldbepaidtothefollowing:replacingpunitive,reactivepunishmentwith more productive discipline techniques; encouraging open expressions ofaffectionandapproval;promotingproactivemonitoringandsupervisionofchil-dren’sactivitiesandcompanions;andincreasingrational,inductive,andcollabora-tiveparent–childproblemsolving.Thefocusforyouthsshouldbeonrecognizingandappreciatingtheconcernandeffortsthatparentsextendontheirbehalf,and
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Discussion
In her review of identity processes in contemporary Native Hawaiians,Kanaÿiaupuni(2004)statedthat“today’sHawaiianfamilieshavebeenoverlookedinmuchoftheresearchonfamilydiversityandstrengths”(p.54).Thepresentstudybegins to rectify thisgapbyprovidingevidence that the family isan importantsourceofresiliencyforat-riskNHyouths.InthissampleofNHadolescentslivinginpoverty,bothparentingpracticesandyouths’valuesrelatingtofamilyobligationweresignificantcorrelatesoftheirbehavioraladjustmentandphysicalwell-being.For both problem behavior and general health status, parenting practices andyouthfamilyobligationexplainedasignificantproportionof thevarianceaboveand beyond the effects of family demographic characteristics, history of familypsychosocialrisk,andchronichealthconditions.
Intermsofrelativeinfluenceonproblembehavior,parentingpracticesweremoststrongly associated with youth problem behavior, with youth family obligationplayingalesserrole.Specifically,harshpunishmentwasariskfactorassociatedwithpoorbehavioral adjustment,whereas supportiveparenting was a resourcethat predicted low rates of problem behavior. Adolescents’ own belief in theimportanceofrespectingfamilymemberswasalsoaprotectivefactorassociatedwith low levels of problem behavior. It is interesting to note, in the context ofallotherpredictors,thatthesecondaspectofyouthfamilyobligation—thebeliefintheimportanceofprovidinginstrumentalsupportforfamilymembers—wasassociatedwithhigherratesofproblembehavior.Intermsofyouthgeneralhealthstatus,supportiveparentingwasthestrongestuniqueprotectivefactorofallthemeasuresincludedinthisstudy.
The twoparentingvariablesmeasured in this study—supportiveparentingandpunishment—togetherrepresenttheconstructofauthoritativeparenting.Parentshigh on supportive parenting and low on punishment would be described asshowingaprototypicalauthoritativeparentingstyle.Consistentwithpredictionsfromthe literature,supportiveparentingwasaresiliency factorassociatedwithpositive youth well-being, and punishment was a risk factor associated withnegativeadjustment.Thus,thisstudydemonstratesempiricallythatanauthorita-tiveparentingstyle,whichhasbeenwidelyshowntofacilitatepositiveyouthdevel-opmentinotherethnicgroups,functionsinasimilarwayamongNativeHawaiians.
This study also empirically validates the hypothesis that family-centered valuesand the importanceof ÿohana (asmeasuredon the familyobligation scale) arestrengthsthatcanbufferNHyouthsfromthedeleteriouseffectsofpoverty.
It isalsointerestingthatoneaspectoffamilyobligationwasassociatedwithanincreasedlikelihoodofyouthproblembehaviors.Inthecontextofallotherinde-pendent variables, youths high on youth support—that is, those who placed agreater importanceonproviding instrumental assistanceandsupport to familymembersnowandinthefuture—hadhigher levelsofbehaviorproblems.Thisis an unexpected finding and suggests that expectations for ongoing financialandpracticalobligations toone’s familycanbeasourceofstress.Expectationsfor future support may be problematic for adolescents who perceive a conflictbetween providing for their families and desiring personal independence, or ifyouthsfeelpoorlyequippedtoobtainlucrativeemploymentthatwillhelpsupportfamilymembersfinanciallyinalocaleknownforitshighcostofliving.
Thepresentresultssuggestthatpreventionorinterventioneffortsforat-riskNHyouthsshouldhaveadualfocusonchangingbothparentsandtheirchildren.Inotherwords,families,notindividuals,shouldbeseenastherecipientofprogramsorservices.Becausewedidnotcollectdatarelatingtograndparents,oldersiblings,orotherkin,wecannotsaywithconfidencethatextendingthefocusofinterven-tionbeyondtheparent–childpartnershiptoincludethelargerÿohanawouldhaveadditionalbenefits.However,giventhatNHyouthsreportthattheextendedfamilynetworkprovidesimportantchild-rearingandcaretakingfunctions(Goebertetal.,2000),wesuggestthatfutureresearchshouldexplicitlycomparetheeffectivenessofinterventionsthatincludeparentsandchildrenonlywiththosethataddressthelargerfamilysystem.
Withregardtopreventionorinterventioneffortsthatfocusonparentingpractices,attentionshouldbepaidtothefollowing:replacingpunitive,reactivepunishmentwith more productive discipline techniques; encouraging open expressions ofaffectionandapproval;promotingproactivemonitoringandsupervisionofchil-dren’sactivitiesandcompanions;andincreasingrational,inductive,andcollabora-tiveparent–childproblemsolving.Thefocusforyouthsshouldbeonrecognizingandappreciatingtheconcernandeffortsthatparentsextendontheirbehalf,and
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givingrealconsiderationtothewisdomoftheadviceanddirectionsthatparentsandelderkinprovide.Itislikelythatthesetwoaspectsoffamilylife—parentingpractices and youths’ valuing of family obligation—are dynamically related. Asparentsbecomemoreinvolvedwiththeirchildrenandallowgreatercommunica-tionandcollaborativedecisionmaking,children’srespectforandbondingwiththeirparentsshouldincrease,makingthemmorewillingtofollowparents’adviceandsharetheirparents’goalsandreasoning.
Whatisthelikelihoodthatpreventionorinterventioneffortsthatfocusonauthori-tativeparentingandonpromotingfamily-relatedvalueswouldbewellreceivedintheNHcommunity?WeproposethatthesetopicsareconsistentwithNHculturalvalues;thus,weexpectagoodchanceofuptakebyprogramparticipants.Recentstatewide surveys present a mixed picture of NH family life as compared withotherethnicgroupsinthestate(Goebertetal.,2000;Pearson,2004).Ononehand,NHadolescentsreporthighlevelsoffamilyriskfactors,particularlyintheareasofexposuretoandlackofsanctionsagainstviolence,antisocialbehavior,andalcoholandothersubstanceuse.Ontheotherhand,NHyouthsreporthigherlevelsofprotectivefamilyfactors,includingmoreparentalsupervision,greaterenjoymentofsharedfamilytime,andgreaterself-disclosurewiththeirparents.ThissuggeststhatmanyNHfamilies,includingat-riskfamilies,alreadyengagetosomedegreeininteractionpatternssimilartothoseweproposeasthefocusofpossibleinter-vention.Formanyfamilies,then,ratherthanreplacingorchangingfamilyinterac-tion patterns, prevention/intervention efforts would raise self-awareness of thestrengthsthatfamiliesalreadypossessandincreasethefrequencyandintention-alityofhealthfulfamilyinteractions.
Anotablefindinginthepresentstudyistheidentificationofpsychosocialcorre-latesofphysicalhealth.MostofthehealthdisparitiessufferedbyNativeHawaiiansemergeinmiddleage(Hawai‘iDepartmentofHealth,2004).Itwouldbeworth-whiletoascertainwhetherthelinkbetweenfamilyinteractionpracticesandbetterhealththatwefoundforadolescentsisalsopresentinNHadults.Ourfindingsalsoraiseinterestingquestionsaboutpossiblehealthpreventionefforts.Ifpositiveparenting experienced by adolescents is associated with better physical health,couldparentingprogramshavetheunexpectedpositivesideeffectofpreventinglaterhealthissuesbypromotinggoodhealthamongchildrenearlierinlife?
Insummary,wehaveshownthatparentingpracticesandfamilyobligationbeliefsarenontrivialpredictorsofthebehavioralandphysicalwell-beingofNHadoles-centslivinginpoverty.Oneimportantlimitationofthepresentstudyisthatourdataarecross-sectional.Toaddressthislimitation,wecontrolledinouranalysesfordemographiccharacteristics,long-termfamilyriskfactors,andchronicmedicalconditions,thuslookingattheeffectsofparentingandbeliefsystemsaboveandbeyondtheinfluenceofthesewell-establishedriskfactors.However,longitudinalresearchisneededtobetterconfirmourcontentionthatpositivefamilylifeplaysacausalroleinpromotingthewell-beingofNHyouths.
References
AlohaUnitedWay.(2005).Quality of life in Hawaiÿi 2005 report.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿi,CenterontheFamily.
Blaisdell,K.,&Mokuau,N.(1991).Kanakamaoli:IndigenousHawaiians.InN.Mokuau(Ed.),Handbook of social services for Asian and Pacific Islanders(pp.131–154).NewYork:Greenwood.
Brody,G.H.,Stoneman,Z.,Flor,D.,McCrary,C.,Hastings,L.,&Conyers,O.(1994).Financialresources,parentpsychologicalfunctioning,parentco-caregiving,andearlyadolescentcompetenceinruraltwo-parentAfrican-Americanfamilies.Child Development, 65,590–605.
CenteronBudgetandPolicyPriorities.(2000,February29).Recent studies indicate that many parents who are current or former welfare recipients have disabilities or other medical conditions.RetrievedMarch21,2006,fromhttp://www.cbpp.org/2-29-00wel.pdf
CenterontheFamily.(1997).Family adaptation to occupational loss: Final report.(AvailablefromtheCenterontheFamily,UniversityofHawaiÿi,2515CampusRoad,Honolulu,HI96822)
CenterontheFamily.(2003).Financial strain and family resiliency: A comparison of welfare and working poor families. Final report.(AvailablefromtheCenterontheFamily,UniversityofHawai‘i,2515CampusRoad,Honolulu,HI96822)
Chao,R.,&Tseng,V.(2002).ParentingofAsians.InM.H.Bornstein(Ed.),Handbook of parenting: Vol. 4. Social conditions and applied parenting(2nded.,pp.59–93).Mahwah,NJ:Erlbaum.
Conger,R.D.,&Elder,G.H.,Jr.(1994).Families in troubled times: Adapting to change in rural America.NewYork:AldinedeGruyter.
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givingrealconsiderationtothewisdomoftheadviceanddirectionsthatparentsandelderkinprovide.Itislikelythatthesetwoaspectsoffamilylife—parentingpractices and youths’ valuing of family obligation—are dynamically related. Asparentsbecomemoreinvolvedwiththeirchildrenandallowgreatercommunica-tionandcollaborativedecisionmaking,children’srespectforandbondingwiththeirparentsshouldincrease,makingthemmorewillingtofollowparents’adviceandsharetheirparents’goalsandreasoning.
Whatisthelikelihoodthatpreventionorinterventioneffortsthatfocusonauthori-tativeparentingandonpromotingfamily-relatedvalueswouldbewellreceivedintheNHcommunity?WeproposethatthesetopicsareconsistentwithNHculturalvalues;thus,weexpectagoodchanceofuptakebyprogramparticipants.Recentstatewide surveys present a mixed picture of NH family life as compared withotherethnicgroupsinthestate(Goebertetal.,2000;Pearson,2004).Ononehand,NHadolescentsreporthighlevelsoffamilyriskfactors,particularlyintheareasofexposuretoandlackofsanctionsagainstviolence,antisocialbehavior,andalcoholandothersubstanceuse.Ontheotherhand,NHyouthsreporthigherlevelsofprotectivefamilyfactors,includingmoreparentalsupervision,greaterenjoymentofsharedfamilytime,andgreaterself-disclosurewiththeirparents.ThissuggeststhatmanyNHfamilies,includingat-riskfamilies,alreadyengagetosomedegreeininteractionpatternssimilartothoseweproposeasthefocusofpossibleinter-vention.Formanyfamilies,then,ratherthanreplacingorchangingfamilyinterac-tion patterns, prevention/intervention efforts would raise self-awareness of thestrengthsthatfamiliesalreadypossessandincreasethefrequencyandintention-alityofhealthfulfamilyinteractions.
Anotablefindinginthepresentstudyistheidentificationofpsychosocialcorre-latesofphysicalhealth.MostofthehealthdisparitiessufferedbyNativeHawaiiansemergeinmiddleage(Hawai‘iDepartmentofHealth,2004).Itwouldbeworth-whiletoascertainwhetherthelinkbetweenfamilyinteractionpracticesandbetterhealththatwefoundforadolescentsisalsopresentinNHadults.Ourfindingsalsoraiseinterestingquestionsaboutpossiblehealthpreventionefforts.Ifpositiveparenting experienced by adolescents is associated with better physical health,couldparentingprogramshavetheunexpectedpositivesideeffectofpreventinglaterhealthissuesbypromotinggoodhealthamongchildrenearlierinlife?
Insummary,wehaveshownthatparentingpracticesandfamilyobligationbeliefsarenontrivialpredictorsofthebehavioralandphysicalwell-beingofNHadoles-centslivinginpoverty.Oneimportantlimitationofthepresentstudyisthatourdataarecross-sectional.Toaddressthislimitation,wecontrolledinouranalysesfordemographiccharacteristics,long-termfamilyriskfactors,andchronicmedicalconditions,thuslookingattheeffectsofparentingandbeliefsystemsaboveandbeyondtheinfluenceofthesewell-establishedriskfactors.However,longitudinalresearchisneededtobetterconfirmourcontentionthatpositivefamilylifeplaysacausalroleinpromotingthewell-beingofNHyouths.
References
AlohaUnitedWay.(2005).Quality of life in Hawaiÿi 2005 report.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿi,CenterontheFamily.
Blaisdell,K.,&Mokuau,N.(1991).Kanakamaoli:IndigenousHawaiians.InN.Mokuau(Ed.),Handbook of social services for Asian and Pacific Islanders(pp.131–154).NewYork:Greenwood.
Brody,G.H.,Stoneman,Z.,Flor,D.,McCrary,C.,Hastings,L.,&Conyers,O.(1994).Financialresources,parentpsychologicalfunctioning,parentco-caregiving,andearlyadolescentcompetenceinruraltwo-parentAfrican-Americanfamilies.Child Development, 65,590–605.
CenteronBudgetandPolicyPriorities.(2000,February29).Recent studies indicate that many parents who are current or former welfare recipients have disabilities or other medical conditions.RetrievedMarch21,2006,fromhttp://www.cbpp.org/2-29-00wel.pdf
CenterontheFamily.(1997).Family adaptation to occupational loss: Final report.(AvailablefromtheCenterontheFamily,UniversityofHawaiÿi,2515CampusRoad,Honolulu,HI96822)
CenterontheFamily.(2003).Financial strain and family resiliency: A comparison of welfare and working poor families. Final report.(AvailablefromtheCenterontheFamily,UniversityofHawai‘i,2515CampusRoad,Honolulu,HI96822)
Chao,R.,&Tseng,V.(2002).ParentingofAsians.InM.H.Bornstein(Ed.),Handbook of parenting: Vol. 4. Social conditions and applied parenting(2nded.,pp.59–93).Mahwah,NJ:Erlbaum.
Conger,R.D.,&Elder,G.H.,Jr.(1994).Families in troubled times: Adapting to change in rural America.NewYork:AldinedeGruyter.
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DeBaryshe,B.D.,Yuen,S.,&Stern,I.R.(2001).PsychosocialadjustmentinAsianAmerican/PacificIslanderyouth:Theroleofcopingstrategies,parentingpractices,andcommunitysocialsupport.Adolescent and Family Health, 2(2),63–71.
Duncan,G.,&Brooks-Gunn,J.(2000).Familypoverty,welfarereformandchilddevelopment.Child Development, 71,188–196.
Elder,G.H.,Jr.(1974).Children of the Great Depression: Social changes in life experience.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
Fuligni,A.J.(2001).FamilyobligationandtheacademicmotivationofadolescentsfromAsian,LatinAmerican,andEuropeanbackgrounds.New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 94,61–75.
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Fuligni,A.J.,Yip,T.,&Tseng,V.(2002).Theimpactoffamilyobligationonthedailyactivitiesandpsychologicalwell-beingofChineseAmericanadolescents.Child Development, 73,302–314.
Gao,G.,&Perrone,P.(2004).Crime in Hawai‘i 2003: A review of uniform crime reports.Honolulu:HawaiÿiStateDepartmentoftheAttorneyGeneral,CrimePreventionandJusticeAssistanceDivision.
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Howard,A.(1974).Ain’t no big thing: Coping strategies in a Hawaiian-American community.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.(2004).IdentityanddiversityincontemporaryHawaiianfamilies:Hoÿihouikaiwikuamoÿo.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,53–71.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2003,June).Left behind: The status of Hawaiian students in Hawai‘i’s public schools(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.02-03:13).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Korbin,J.E.(1990).Hanaÿino:ChildmaltreatmentinaHawaiian-Americancommunity.Pacific Studies, 13(3),7–22.
Lai,M.K.,&Saka,S.M.(2000).Hawaiian students’ performance on the 1999 Hawaiÿi Youth Risk Behavior Survey.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa,CurriculumResearchandDevelopmentGroup.
Lamborn,S.D.,Mounts,N.S.,Steinberg,L.,&Dornbusch,S.M.(1991).Patternsofcompetenceandadjustmentamongadolescentsfromauthoritative,authoritarian,indulgent,andneglectfulfamilies.Child Development, 62,1049–1065.
Liem,R.,&Liem,J.H.(1988).Psychologicaleffectsofunemploymentofworkersandtheirfamilies.Journal of Social Issues, 44,87–105.
Maccoby,E.,&Martin,J.(1983).Socializationinthecontextofthefamily:Parent–childinteraction.InE.M.Hetherington(Ed.),Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 4. Socialization, personality, and social development(pp.1–101).NewYork:Wiley.
Marsella,A.J.,Oliveira,J.M.,Plummer,C.M.,&Crabbe,K.M.(1995).NativeHawaiian(KanakaMaoli)culture,mind,andwell-being.InH.I.McCubbin,E.A.Thompson,A.I.Thompson,&J.E.Fromer(Eds.),Resiliency in ethnic minority families: Native and immigrant American families(pp.93–113).Madison:UniversityofWisconsin–Madison.
McLoyd,V.C.(1990).TheimpactofeconomichardshiponBlackfamiliesandchildren:Psychologicaldistress,parenting,andsocioeconomicdevelopment.Child Development, 61,311–346.
McLoyd,V.C.,Jayratne,T.E.,Ceballo,R.,&Borquez,J.(1994).UnemploymentandworkinterruptionamongAfricanAmericansinglemothers:Effectsonparentingandadolescentsocioemotionalfunctioning.Child Development, 65,562–589.
Mistry,R.S.,Vandewater,E.A.,Huston,A.C.,&McLoyd,V.C.(2002).Economicwell-beingandchildren’ssocialadjustment:Theroleoffamilyprocessesinanethnicallydiverselow-incomesample.Child Development, 73,935–951.
Mokuau,N.,&Chang,N.(1991).Samoans.InN.Mokuau(Ed.),Handbook of social services for Asian and Pacific Islanders(pp.155–170).NewYork:Greenwood.
Moore,K.A.,&Redd,Z.(2002).Childreninpoverty:Trends,consequences,andpolicyoptions.Child Trends Research Brief(PublicationNo.2002-54).Washington,DC:ChildTrends.
Morton,H.(1996).Becoming Tongan: An ethnography of childhood.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Parke,R.D.,Coltrane,S.,Duffy,S.,Buriel,R.,Dennis,J.,Powers,J.,etal.(2004).Economicstress,parenting,andchildadjustmentinMexicanAmericanandEuropeanAmericanfamilies.Child Development, 75,1632–1656.
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DeBaryshe,B.D.,Yuen,S.,&Stern,I.R.(2001).PsychosocialadjustmentinAsianAmerican/PacificIslanderyouth:Theroleofcopingstrategies,parentingpractices,andcommunitysocialsupport.Adolescent and Family Health, 2(2),63–71.
Duncan,G.,&Brooks-Gunn,J.(2000).Familypoverty,welfarereformandchilddevelopment.Child Development, 71,188–196.
Elder,G.H.,Jr.(1974).Children of the Great Depression: Social changes in life experience.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
Fuligni,A.J.(2001).FamilyobligationandtheacademicmotivationofadolescentsfromAsian,LatinAmerican,andEuropeanbackgrounds.New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 94,61–75.
Fuligni,A.J.,Tseng,V.,&Lam,M.(1999).AttitudestowardfamilyobligationsamongAmericanadolescentswithAsian,LatinAmericanandEuropeanbackgrounds.Child Development, 70,1030–1044.
Fuligni,A.J.,Yip,T.,&Tseng,V.(2002).Theimpactoffamilyobligationonthedailyactivitiesandpsychologicalwell-beingofChineseAmericanadolescents.Child Development, 73,302–314.
Gao,G.,&Perrone,P.(2004).Crime in Hawai‘i 2003: A review of uniform crime reports.Honolulu:HawaiÿiStateDepartmentoftheAttorneyGeneral,CrimePreventionandJusticeAssistanceDivision.
Goebert,D.,Nahlu,L.,Hishinuma,E.,Bell,C.,Yuen,N.,Carlton,B.,etal.(2000).Cumulativeeffectoffamilyenvironmentonpsychiatricsymptomatologyamongmultiethnicadolescents.Journal of Adolescent Health, 27,34–42.
Harris,P.M.,&Jones,N.A.(2005).We the people: Pacific Islanders in the United States. Census 2000 special reports,CENSR-26.Washington,DC:U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,EconomicsandStatisticsAdministration,U.S.CensusBureau.
HawaiÿiDepartmentofHealth.(2004).Hawaiÿi Health Survey 2004.Honolulu:HawaiÿiDepartmentofHealth,HawaiÿiHealthSurvey,OfficeofHealthStatusMonitoring.Retrievedfromhttp://www.hawaii.gov/health/statistics/hhs/hhs_04/index.html
Howard,A.(1974).Ain’t no big thing: Coping strategies in a Hawaiian-American community.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.(2004).IdentityanddiversityincontemporaryHawaiianfamilies:Hoÿihouikaiwikuamoÿo.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,53–71.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2003,June).Left behind: The status of Hawaiian students in Hawai‘i’s public schools(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.02-03:13).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Korbin,J.E.(1990).Hanaÿino:ChildmaltreatmentinaHawaiian-Americancommunity.Pacific Studies, 13(3),7–22.
Lai,M.K.,&Saka,S.M.(2000).Hawaiian students’ performance on the 1999 Hawaiÿi Youth Risk Behavior Survey.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa,CurriculumResearchandDevelopmentGroup.
Lamborn,S.D.,Mounts,N.S.,Steinberg,L.,&Dornbusch,S.M.(1991).Patternsofcompetenceandadjustmentamongadolescentsfromauthoritative,authoritarian,indulgent,andneglectfulfamilies.Child Development, 62,1049–1065.
Liem,R.,&Liem,J.H.(1988).Psychologicaleffectsofunemploymentofworkersandtheirfamilies.Journal of Social Issues, 44,87–105.
Maccoby,E.,&Martin,J.(1983).Socializationinthecontextofthefamily:Parent–childinteraction.InE.M.Hetherington(Ed.),Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 4. Socialization, personality, and social development(pp.1–101).NewYork:Wiley.
Marsella,A.J.,Oliveira,J.M.,Plummer,C.M.,&Crabbe,K.M.(1995).NativeHawaiian(KanakaMaoli)culture,mind,andwell-being.InH.I.McCubbin,E.A.Thompson,A.I.Thompson,&J.E.Fromer(Eds.),Resiliency in ethnic minority families: Native and immigrant American families(pp.93–113).Madison:UniversityofWisconsin–Madison.
McLoyd,V.C.(1990).TheimpactofeconomichardshiponBlackfamiliesandchildren:Psychologicaldistress,parenting,andsocioeconomicdevelopment.Child Development, 61,311–346.
McLoyd,V.C.,Jayratne,T.E.,Ceballo,R.,&Borquez,J.(1994).UnemploymentandworkinterruptionamongAfricanAmericansinglemothers:Effectsonparentingandadolescentsocioemotionalfunctioning.Child Development, 65,562–589.
Mistry,R.S.,Vandewater,E.A.,Huston,A.C.,&McLoyd,V.C.(2002).Economicwell-beingandchildren’ssocialadjustment:Theroleoffamilyprocessesinanethnicallydiverselow-incomesample.Child Development, 73,935–951.
Mokuau,N.,&Chang,N.(1991).Samoans.InN.Mokuau(Ed.),Handbook of social services for Asian and Pacific Islanders(pp.155–170).NewYork:Greenwood.
Moore,K.A.,&Redd,Z.(2002).Childreninpoverty:Trends,consequences,andpolicyoptions.Child Trends Research Brief(PublicationNo.2002-54).Washington,DC:ChildTrends.
Morton,H.(1996).Becoming Tongan: An ethnography of childhood.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Parke,R.D.,Coltrane,S.,Duffy,S.,Buriel,R.,Dennis,J.,Powers,J.,etal.(2004).Economicstress,parenting,andchildadjustmentinMexicanAmericanandEuropeanAmericanfamilies.Child Development, 75,1632–1656.
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Parker,J.S.,&Benson,M.J.(2004).Parent–adolescentrelationsandadolescentfunctioning:Self-esteem,substanceabuse,anddelinquency.Adolescence, 39,519–530.
Patterson,G.R.,Reid,J.B.,&Dishion,T.J.(1992).Antisocial boys.Eugene,OR:Castaglia.
Pearson,R.S.(2004).Ka Leo O Nä Keiki—The 2003 Hawai‘i student alcohol, tobacco, and other drug use study (1987–2003); Hawaiÿi adolescent prevention and treatment needs assessment.Honolulu:HawaiÿiDepartmentofHealth,AlcoholandDrugAbuseDivision.
Phinney,J.S.,Ong,A.,&Madden,T.(2000).Culturalvaluesandintergenerationalvaluediscrepanciesinimmigrantandnon-immigrantfamilies.Child Development, 71,528–539.
Steinberg,L.,Mounts,N.S.,Lamborn,S.D.,&Dornbusch,S.M.(1991).Authoritativeparentingandadolescentadjustmentacrossvariedecologicalniches.Journal of Research on Adolescence, 1,19–36.
Stern,I.R.,Yuen,S.,&Hartsock,M.(2004).AmacroportraitofHawaiianfamilies.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,73–92.
Tabachnick,B.G.,&Fidell,L.S.(2001).Computer-assisted research design and analysis.Boston:Allyn&Bacon.
Yee,B.W.K.,Huang,L.N.,&Lew,A.(1998).Families:Life-spansocializationinaculturalcontext.InL.C.Lee&N.W.S.Zane(Eds.),Handbook of Asian American psychology(pp.83–135).ThousandOaks,CA:Sage.
Yuen,S.,Hu,A.,&Engel,J.(2005).AprofileofHawaiianandnon-Hawaiianwomenincarceratedinacommunityresidentialtransitionprogram.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 2,97–110.
Notes
1 Throughoutthisarticle,weusethetermNative HawaiiantorefertofamiliesandpersonsofbothfullandpartialNativeHawaiianancestry.
2 Some items, forexample,howoftenyouthsshareaccurate informationwiththeirparentsabouttheircompanionsandwhereabouts,areonlyavailablethroughyouthself-report.
About the Authors
All of the authors are affiliated with the Center on the Family, University ofHawaiÿi–Mänoa. Barbara D. DeBaryshe, PhD, is an associate specialist, SylviaYuen,PhD,isthedirector,LanaN.Nakamura,MA,isaprojectcoordinator,andIvetteRodriguezStern,MSW,isaprojectcoordinator.TheCenterontheFamilyWebsiteaddressiswww.uhfamily.hawaii.edu.
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Parker,J.S.,&Benson,M.J.(2004).Parent–adolescentrelationsandadolescentfunctioning:Self-esteem,substanceabuse,anddelinquency.Adolescence, 39,519–530.
Patterson,G.R.,Reid,J.B.,&Dishion,T.J.(1992).Antisocial boys.Eugene,OR:Castaglia.
Pearson,R.S.(2004).Ka Leo O Nä Keiki—The 2003 Hawai‘i student alcohol, tobacco, and other drug use study (1987–2003); Hawaiÿi adolescent prevention and treatment needs assessment.Honolulu:HawaiÿiDepartmentofHealth,AlcoholandDrugAbuseDivision.
Phinney,J.S.,Ong,A.,&Madden,T.(2000).Culturalvaluesandintergenerationalvaluediscrepanciesinimmigrantandnon-immigrantfamilies.Child Development, 71,528–539.
Steinberg,L.,Mounts,N.S.,Lamborn,S.D.,&Dornbusch,S.M.(1991).Authoritativeparentingandadolescentadjustmentacrossvariedecologicalniches.Journal of Research on Adolescence, 1,19–36.
Stern,I.R.,Yuen,S.,&Hartsock,M.(2004).AmacroportraitofHawaiianfamilies.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,73–92.
Tabachnick,B.G.,&Fidell,L.S.(2001).Computer-assisted research design and analysis.Boston:Allyn&Bacon.
Yee,B.W.K.,Huang,L.N.,&Lew,A.(1998).Families:Life-spansocializationinaculturalcontext.InL.C.Lee&N.W.S.Zane(Eds.),Handbook of Asian American psychology(pp.83–135).ThousandOaks,CA:Sage.
Yuen,S.,Hu,A.,&Engel,J.(2005).AprofileofHawaiianandnon-Hawaiianwomenincarceratedinacommunityresidentialtransitionprogram.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 2,97–110.
Notes
1 Throughoutthisarticle,weusethetermNative HawaiiantorefertofamiliesandpersonsofbothfullandpartialNativeHawaiianancestry.
2 Some items, forexample,howoftenyouthsshareaccurate informationwiththeirparentsabouttheircompanionsandwhereabouts,areonlyavailablethroughyouthself-report.
About the Authors
All of the authors are affiliated with the Center on the Family, University ofHawaiÿi–Mänoa. Barbara D. DeBaryshe, PhD, is an associate specialist, SylviaYuen,PhD,isthedirector,LanaN.Nakamura,MA,isaprojectcoordinator,andIvetteRodriguezStern,MSW,isaprojectcoordinator.TheCenterontheFamilyWebsiteaddressiswww.uhfamily.hawaii.edu.
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Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
This article examines a psychological explanatory framework called
the terror management theory (TMT) as applied to Native Hawaiians.
According to TMT, faith in a cultural worldview—combined with the
achievement of those standards—leads to self-esteem, which in turn
leads to lower anxiety and positive adaptive behaviors. The TMT model
suggests that Hawaiian children’s self-esteem, anxiety, and adaptive
behaviors are linked to (a) their identification with being Hawaiian,
(b) their ability to practice Hawaiian core values and beliefs, and (c)
restoration of collective cultural pride among Native Hawaiians. This
article also discusses implications for future research and how these
findings will contribute to existing knowledge concerning Native
Hawaiian identity and well-being.
The Application of Terror Management Theory to Native Hawaiian Well-Being
A. Kuÿulei Serna
correspondence may be sent to: A. Kuÿulei Serna, institute for Teacher Education, University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa 1776 University Avenue, WA-2, 223, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi 96822 Email: [email protected]
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values.ReconnectingHawaiianchildrentolostordormantHawaiianvaluesmayplayasignificantroletosupport theireffort tosucceedathome,atschool,andintheircommunity.Givenopportunitiestopracticeculturalvaluesmayincreaseself-esteeminHawaiianchildren,increasingtheirchanceofsuccess.
Therehasbeenmuchresearchintheareasofeducation,socialsciences,health,andhistorytoexplainthephenomenonofsuchdisparitiesamongNativeHawaiianchildren and youths, and effective preventative and intervening remedies havebeendesignedtoresolvesomeoftheseissues.Thisarticleintroducesthe terror
management theory,orTMT,asapsychologicaltheoreticalexplanationfordisparateconditionsamongNativeHawaiianyouths.
Terrormanagementtheorysuggests that inorderforanindividual tomaintainpsychologicalcalmnessandcomposure,theindividualmustsustain(a)faithinaculturallyderivedworldviewthatinfluencesrealitywithmeaningandorderand(b)thebeliefthatoneisasignificantcontributortothisreality(Pyszczynski,Solomon,&Greenberg,2003).Self-esteemisobtainedwhenoneissuccessfulatachievingthestandardsofculture.Therefore,TMTstatesthatself-esteemhelpstoserveasananxietybuffer.Thehighertheself-esteem,thegreaterchanceforanindividualto buffer against anxiety. TMT applied may help explain and provide possiblesolutions toresolvingpresent issues thatHawaiianchildrenfacebyaddressingculture,identity,practiceofcorevalues,andself-esteem.
The Psychodynamics of Terror Management
Terrormanagementtheoryisanempiricallytestedpsychologicalframeworkthatexplainshowweashumanbeingsdefendagainstanxietyandexistential terror.Inasmuchashumansarepronetoanxiety,TMTattemptstogiveanexplanationofsocialbehaviorbyfocusingonouressentialbeingandcircumstances(Solomon,Greenberg,&Pyszczynski,1991).Itsuggeststhatcultureservesasapsychologicaldefense by providing a potential buffer against anxiety caused by the humancondition, which is inevitable death (Salzman, 2001). Terror management ispresumedtobeanunconsciousandongoingdefense(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).
Research indicates that Native Hawaiians continue to demonstrate social,political, economical, and educational disparities. Native Hawaiian adoles-
cents,Grades6through12,displayhighratesofantisocialbehaviorsinriskareassuchasschoolsuspensions,alcoholanddruguseinschool,solicitationofdrugs,vehicletheft,arrests,ratesofdepression,likelihoodtoattemptsuicide,andfirearmpossession(Kana‘iaupuni,Malone,&Ishibashi,2005;OfficeofHawaiianAffairs[OHA],2000;Saka&Lai,2004).Hawaiianadolescentsalsoreporthigherlifetimeprevalencefortobacco,alcohol,andmarijuanause(OHA,2000).NativeHawaiianchildrencontinuetobedisproportionatelyvictimizedbychildabuseandneglect(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).
NativeHawaiiansconstitute26%ofthestudentsservedbytheHawaiÿiDepartmentofEducation(KamehamehaSchools,PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluation,2004).NativeHawaiianstudentsscoredapproximately10percentilepoints lower thanstatewideaveragesinmathandreading,withthegapwideninginrelationtotheprogressionofgradelevel(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).NativeHawaiianscontinuetobeoverrepresentedamongstudentsqualifyingforspecialeducationprograms(Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003b) and are underrepresented in institutions ofhighereducationandamongadultswhohavecompleted4ormoreyearsofcollege(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005;OHA,2000).Theyaremorelikelytoberetainedonegrade level and tobe excessively absent in secondary schools.NativeHawaiianchildrenaremorelikelytoattendrestructuringschoolsundertheNoChildLeftBehindAct,aswellasattendschoolswheretherearehigherfacultyturnoversandtendtohaveteacherswithlessexperienceandfewerqualifications(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005;OHA,2000).
NativeHawaiianspositively indicated theirsenseofstrong tiesandrelianceonfamily, communities, and neighborhoods (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). However,riskformaladaptivebehaviorsandnegativesocialoutcomesamongtoday’sNativeHawaiianpopulation,especiallyitsschool-ageyouths,maybetheresultoftheirmarginalization from traditional Native Hawaiian culture and the dominantWesternculture(Hishinumaetal.,2000).TosucceedinaWesternschoolsetting,NativeHawaiianstudentshavehadtoleavetheircultureandvaluesathomeandassumeWesternvaluesandbehaviorsassociatedwithsuccess(Kawakami,1999).NativeHawaiianchildrenwhocontinuetobeatriskfordisparateconditionsoftendonotrealizethattheyaredisconnectedfromtheseinherentHawaiiancultural
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SERNA | TERROR MANAGEMENT THEORY
values.ReconnectingHawaiianchildrentolostordormantHawaiianvaluesmayplayasignificantroletosupport theireffort tosucceedathome,atschool,andintheircommunity.Givenopportunitiestopracticeculturalvaluesmayincreaseself-esteeminHawaiianchildren,increasingtheirchanceofsuccess.
Therehasbeenmuchresearchintheareasofeducation,socialsciences,health,andhistorytoexplainthephenomenonofsuchdisparitiesamongNativeHawaiianchildren and youths, and effective preventative and intervening remedies havebeendesignedtoresolvesomeoftheseissues.Thisarticleintroducesthe terror
management theory,orTMT,asapsychologicaltheoreticalexplanationfordisparateconditionsamongNativeHawaiianyouths.
Terrormanagementtheorysuggests that inorderforanindividual tomaintainpsychologicalcalmnessandcomposure,theindividualmustsustain(a)faithinaculturallyderivedworldviewthatinfluencesrealitywithmeaningandorderand(b)thebeliefthatoneisasignificantcontributortothisreality(Pyszczynski,Solomon,&Greenberg,2003).Self-esteemisobtainedwhenoneissuccessfulatachievingthestandardsofculture.Therefore,TMTstatesthatself-esteemhelpstoserveasananxietybuffer.Thehighertheself-esteem,thegreaterchanceforanindividualto buffer against anxiety. TMT applied may help explain and provide possiblesolutions toresolvingpresent issues thatHawaiianchildrenfacebyaddressingculture,identity,practiceofcorevalues,andself-esteem.
The Psychodynamics of Terror Management
Terrormanagementtheoryisanempiricallytestedpsychologicalframeworkthatexplainshowweashumanbeingsdefendagainstanxietyandexistential terror.Inasmuchashumansarepronetoanxiety,TMTattemptstogiveanexplanationofsocialbehaviorbyfocusingonouressentialbeingandcircumstances(Solomon,Greenberg,&Pyszczynski,1991).Itsuggeststhatcultureservesasapsychologicaldefense by providing a potential buffer against anxiety caused by the humancondition, which is inevitable death (Salzman, 2001). Terror management ispresumedtobeanunconsciousandongoingdefense(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).
Research indicates that Native Hawaiians continue to demonstrate social,political, economical, and educational disparities. Native Hawaiian adoles-
cents,Grades6through12,displayhighratesofantisocialbehaviorsinriskareassuchasschoolsuspensions,alcoholanddruguseinschool,solicitationofdrugs,vehicletheft,arrests,ratesofdepression,likelihoodtoattemptsuicide,andfirearmpossession(Kana‘iaupuni,Malone,&Ishibashi,2005;OfficeofHawaiianAffairs[OHA],2000;Saka&Lai,2004).Hawaiianadolescentsalsoreporthigherlifetimeprevalencefortobacco,alcohol,andmarijuanause(OHA,2000).NativeHawaiianchildrencontinuetobedisproportionatelyvictimizedbychildabuseandneglect(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).
NativeHawaiiansconstitute26%ofthestudentsservedbytheHawaiÿiDepartmentofEducation(KamehamehaSchools,PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluation,2004).NativeHawaiianstudentsscoredapproximately10percentilepoints lower thanstatewideaveragesinmathandreading,withthegapwideninginrelationtotheprogressionofgradelevel(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).NativeHawaiianscontinuetobeoverrepresentedamongstudentsqualifyingforspecialeducationprograms(Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003b) and are underrepresented in institutions ofhighereducationandamongadultswhohavecompleted4ormoreyearsofcollege(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005;OHA,2000).Theyaremorelikelytoberetainedonegrade level and tobe excessively absent in secondary schools.NativeHawaiianchildrenaremorelikelytoattendrestructuringschoolsundertheNoChildLeftBehindAct,aswellasattendschoolswheretherearehigherfacultyturnoversandtendtohaveteacherswithlessexperienceandfewerqualifications(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005;OHA,2000).
NativeHawaiianspositively indicated theirsenseofstrong tiesandrelianceonfamily, communities, and neighborhoods (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2005). However,riskformaladaptivebehaviorsandnegativesocialoutcomesamongtoday’sNativeHawaiianpopulation,especiallyitsschool-ageyouths,maybetheresultoftheirmarginalization from traditional Native Hawaiian culture and the dominantWesternculture(Hishinumaetal.,2000).TosucceedinaWesternschoolsetting,NativeHawaiianstudentshavehadtoleavetheircultureandvaluesathomeandassumeWesternvaluesandbehaviorsassociatedwithsuccess(Kawakami,1999).NativeHawaiianchildrenwhocontinuetobeatriskfordisparateconditionsoftendonotrealizethattheyaredisconnectedfromtheseinherentHawaiiancultural
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Self-esteemisacquiredwhenoneaccepts thestandardsofaculturalworldviewandviewsoneselfasachievingthosestandards(Solomonetal.,1991).Salzman(2001)statedthatself-esteemistheresultofhavingfaithinaculturallyprescribedworldviewandlivinguptoitsstandards.Self-esteemcannotbeprocuredfortheselfthroughself.Itisculturallycontrived(Pyszczynskietal.,2003),theacceptedstandardsofthatmeaningfulreality.
Basicvaluesmayvaryamongcultures,butself-esteemisalwaysachievedbythebelief of a cultural worldview and the achievement of those standards (values).Similarly, Kanahele (1986) claimed that every society’s ideal has a concept ofa “good life,” a desirable and ideal way of living that produces a highly accept-able state of well-being. Members of societies who share and have faith incommon beliefs, practices, values, and standards strive to obtain the good life.The more values members of societies accept and respond to, the more needsthey fulfill, thus allowing them to be happier beings (Kanahele, 1986) withheightenedself-esteem.
Self-Esteem as an Anxiety Buffer
AccordingtoTMT,theprimaryfunctionofself-esteemistobufferanxietyassoci-atedwithvulnerabilityanddeath.Positiveself-esteemisthefeelingthatoneisavaluedparticipantinaculture.Whenself-esteemisraised,anxietyismanagedandadaptiveactionoccurs(Salzman,2001).Likewise,lowlevelsofself-esteemresultinhigherlevelsofanxiety,whichcanleadtobehaviorsthatmaybemaladaptiveforanindividual.
Anxietyisheightenedwhenweashumansdonotdothe“rightthings”accordingto the expectations of the social construct of culture. When we adhere to thestandardssetupbyculture,wesustainapprovalbythosearoundus,thuselevatingself-esteem.Self-esteemasananxietybufferhastwoaspects.First,anindividualmust have faith in a cultural worldview, and second, one must see oneself asachieving a set of standards/values of that cultural worldview. Self-esteem canonly be achieved in these circumstances, which then allows the anxiety-pronehumantoescapefeelingsofinferiority(Salzman,2001).Whenself-esteemishigh,anxietyismanagedandactionsaretakentopreservefaithinculturalworldview.Iffaithinculturalworldviewispreserved,standardscanbeachievedtoheightenself-esteem.
Culture and Anxiety
Self-consciousness, our cognitive ability, causes us to wonder or worry aboutwho we are and what is our worth (our self), where we are going (our future),andwhythingsoccurthewaytheydo(causality).Weareawareofourmortalityand know that it is impossible to live forever. This awareness creates anxiety(existentialterror;Salzman,2001).Becker(citedinSolomonetal.,1991)suggestedthat humans confront the physical problem of death and tragedy through thecreation of culture to minimize the anxiety associated with the awareness ofdeath.Therefore,ashumans,weadoptaculturalworldviewtobufferthisanxiety(Solomonetal.,1991).
Weashumanbeingsneedtofindhighermeaning.Wecreateandmaintainthesocialconstructionofculturebyprovidingasharedsymbolicconstruct.AccordingtoSalzman(2001),culturalworldviewsimbuetheuniversewithorder,meaning,predictabilityandpermanenceandareconstructedsothatsecuritycanbemain-tained through the belief that one is a valuable member of the universe. Thus,culturalworldviewsserveasananxiety-reducingfunctionbyprovidingasenseofmeaning(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).
Althoughculturalworldviewsvary,theyofferdescriptionsforwhatpeopleshoulddotolive“good”and“valuable”lives.Cultureprovidesstandardsbywhichanindi-vidualcanbejudgedtobeofvalue(Solomonetal.,1991).Kanahele(1986)statedthatvaluesasstandardsdefineforapersonhowheorsheshouldbehaveinlife,what actions merit approval/disapproval, and what patterns of relations shouldprevailamongpeopleorinstitutions.Therefore,culturalvaluesasstandardstelluswhatwewanttobe,whatkindofworldwewanttolivein,orhowweevaluateourselvesandtheworld.
Culture and Self-Esteem
It is necessary to view self-esteem as being universal. Self-esteem is the beliefthat one is a person of value in a world of meaning (Pyszczynski et al., 2003).Self-esteemisthesenseofone’svalueinlivingagoodlifeandissignificantintheculturalconstructionofmeaning(Salzman,2001).Self-esteemcanonlybederivedfrommeaningfulactioninthisworldandconsistsofviewingoneselfasavaluableparticipantinaculture.
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Self-esteemisacquiredwhenoneaccepts thestandardsofaculturalworldviewandviewsoneselfasachievingthosestandards(Solomonetal.,1991).Salzman(2001)statedthatself-esteemistheresultofhavingfaithinaculturallyprescribedworldviewandlivinguptoitsstandards.Self-esteemcannotbeprocuredfortheselfthroughself.Itisculturallycontrived(Pyszczynskietal.,2003),theacceptedstandardsofthatmeaningfulreality.
Basicvaluesmayvaryamongcultures,butself-esteemisalwaysachievedbythebelief of a cultural worldview and the achievement of those standards (values).Similarly, Kanahele (1986) claimed that every society’s ideal has a concept ofa “good life,” a desirable and ideal way of living that produces a highly accept-able state of well-being. Members of societies who share and have faith incommon beliefs, practices, values, and standards strive to obtain the good life.The more values members of societies accept and respond to, the more needsthey fulfill, thus allowing them to be happier beings (Kanahele, 1986) withheightenedself-esteem.
Self-Esteem as an Anxiety Buffer
AccordingtoTMT,theprimaryfunctionofself-esteemistobufferanxietyassoci-atedwithvulnerabilityanddeath.Positiveself-esteemisthefeelingthatoneisavaluedparticipantinaculture.Whenself-esteemisraised,anxietyismanagedandadaptiveactionoccurs(Salzman,2001).Likewise,lowlevelsofself-esteemresultinhigherlevelsofanxiety,whichcanleadtobehaviorsthatmaybemaladaptiveforanindividual.
Anxietyisheightenedwhenweashumansdonotdothe“rightthings”accordingto the expectations of the social construct of culture. When we adhere to thestandardssetupbyculture,wesustainapprovalbythosearoundus,thuselevatingself-esteem.Self-esteemasananxietybufferhastwoaspects.First,anindividualmust have faith in a cultural worldview, and second, one must see oneself asachieving a set of standards/values of that cultural worldview. Self-esteem canonly be achieved in these circumstances, which then allows the anxiety-pronehumantoescapefeelingsofinferiority(Salzman,2001).Whenself-esteemishigh,anxietyismanagedandactionsaretakentopreservefaithinculturalworldview.Iffaithinculturalworldviewispreserved,standardscanbeachievedtoheightenself-esteem.
Culture and Anxiety
Self-consciousness, our cognitive ability, causes us to wonder or worry aboutwho we are and what is our worth (our self), where we are going (our future),andwhythingsoccurthewaytheydo(causality).Weareawareofourmortalityand know that it is impossible to live forever. This awareness creates anxiety(existentialterror;Salzman,2001).Becker(citedinSolomonetal.,1991)suggestedthat humans confront the physical problem of death and tragedy through thecreation of culture to minimize the anxiety associated with the awareness ofdeath.Therefore,ashumans,weadoptaculturalworldviewtobufferthisanxiety(Solomonetal.,1991).
Weashumanbeingsneedtofindhighermeaning.Wecreateandmaintainthesocialconstructionofculturebyprovidingasharedsymbolicconstruct.AccordingtoSalzman(2001),culturalworldviewsimbuetheuniversewithorder,meaning,predictabilityandpermanenceandareconstructedsothatsecuritycanbemain-tained through the belief that one is a valuable member of the universe. Thus,culturalworldviewsserveasananxiety-reducingfunctionbyprovidingasenseofmeaning(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).
Althoughculturalworldviewsvary,theyofferdescriptionsforwhatpeopleshoulddotolive“good”and“valuable”lives.Cultureprovidesstandardsbywhichanindi-vidualcanbejudgedtobeofvalue(Solomonetal.,1991).Kanahele(1986)statedthatvaluesasstandardsdefineforapersonhowheorsheshouldbehaveinlife,what actions merit approval/disapproval, and what patterns of relations shouldprevailamongpeopleorinstitutions.Therefore,culturalvaluesasstandardstelluswhatwewanttobe,whatkindofworldwewanttolivein,orhowweevaluateourselvesandtheworld.
Culture and Self-Esteem
It is necessary to view self-esteem as being universal. Self-esteem is the beliefthat one is a person of value in a world of meaning (Pyszczynski et al., 2003).Self-esteemisthesenseofone’svalueinlivingagoodlifeandissignificantintheculturalconstructionofmeaning(Salzman,2001).Self-esteemcanonlybederivedfrommeaningfulactioninthisworldandconsistsofviewingoneselfasavaluableparticipantinaculture.
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Pyszczynskietal.(2003)statedthatmorethan120studiesindifferentcountrieswere conducted to test the second basic hypothesis of TMT, which was thatcultural“worldviewsassuagethepotentiallyparalyzingterrorassociatedwiththeawarenessofourmortality”(p.45).Remindersofdeathshouldcausepeopletoincreasetheirdefenseandbolsteringofculturalworldviews.Instudiesthattestedthissecondhypothesis,participantswereasked to thinkabout theirowndeath,calledmortality salience.Mortality salienceandmoral transgressionwere tested,as well as mortality salience and worldview defense (Pyszczynski et al., 2003).Mortalitysalienceshouldproduceastrongneedfortheprotectionthatworldviewprovides and consequently provokes an especially strong positive reaction toanythingandanyonewhoupholdsthepersonalvisionofrealitydiffusedthroughcultureandastrongnegativereactiontoanythingandanyonewhoviolatesthisreality(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).Insupportofthetheory,abodyofresearchhasshownthataskingpeopletocontemplatetheirownmortalitydoesproducesuchresponses. Beliefs about the nature of reality served to alleviate the concernsofmortality.
Hawaiians’ Trauma Caused Disruption of Culture
TerrormanagementtheorycanbeusedtoexplainthetraumaoftheHawaiiansbroughtonbychangesinthesocial,religious,andeconomicstructuresofHawaiÿi.Kanahele(1986)spokeoftheyearsofdegradationfortheHawaiianssinceWesterncontact.Salzman(2001)stated,“indigenouspeoplesandtheculturesthatsupportthempsychologicallyhavebeentraumatizedbycontactwithEuropeanpeoples”(p.183).SuchwasthecaseforHawaiians,whowereforcedtogiveuptheirlanguage,traditions,myths,cosmology,religion,andrituals.OldHawaiiantraditionsdisin-tegratedwithanincreaseinWesterncontact(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).TheHawaiianpopulationalsodwindledfollowingcontact,whichledtoasurrenderofpoliticalandeconomicpower(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Kanahele,1986).
In the application of TMT, Salzman (2001) discussed the death threat NativeHawaiianshaveencounteredwith the introductionofnewdiseases,sufferingaculturally traumatic experience. The Native Hawaiians did not have immunityfromtheseWesterndiseasesanddiedbythetensofthousands,virtuallywipingoutthepopulation.
Conversely,ifonehasfaithintheculturalworldviewbuthasnotachievedthesetofstandardsforbeingandactinginthatworld,self-esteemcannotbeachieved.This results in having no cultural anxiety buffer, and anxiety goes unmanaged.Anotherreasonformaladaptiveanxietymanagementstrategiesiswhenaculturalworldviewischallenged,fragmented,andnotbelieved—whetherornotstandardsforbeingandactingareachieved,self-esteemisnotachieved,thusprovidingnoculturalanxietybufferandnomanagementofanxiety.
Empirical Support for Terror Management Theory
TheformulationofTMThadtwobasichypothesesthatwouldleadtoempiricalpredication,thedesignofstudies,andcollectionofdatatotestpredictionswithinalaboratorysetting.Thefirsthypothesiswasthatraisingone’sself-esteemwouldlead one to experience less anxiety following a threat.1 To test this hypothesis,Pyszczynski et al. (2003) told college students that they would be watching ashort video and they would be asked their reactions to it. Students were givenpersonalitytests,personalizedpsychologicalassessments,andtheRosenbergSelf-Esteem Scale. Half of the students watched a 7-minute video ofFaces of Deaththat included an actual autopsy and electrocution, which served as the anxiety-provokingsituation.Theotherhalfwatcheda7-minutevideofromthesamedocu-mentary thatwasnonthreateningandhadno references todeath.Thenall thestudentscompletedanxietytests.Itwasfoundthatthoseintheraisedself-esteemconditiondidnotreportelevatedlevelsofanxietyinresponsetographicdepictionsofdeath(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).Asecondstudywasdonetoreplicateandextendfindingsfromthefirststudy.Theresultsofthisstudysupportedthatofthefirst.2
Studieshavealsoinvestigatedtheeffectsofself-esteemondefensiveperceptionsofvulnerabilitytoillnessanddeath.Inonestudy,participantsweregivenpositiveorneutralfeedback.Halfoftheparticipantsweretoldthatemotionalityledtoashorterorlongerlife.Thoseparticipantswhoweregivenneutralfeedbackwereengagedinvulnerability-denyingdefensivedistortions.Theyreportedbeingmoreemotionalwhentheyweretoldthatemotionalityledtolongevityandbeinglessemotionalwhenemotionalitywasassociatedwithashorterlifeexpectancy.Whenself-esteemwasraisedbypositivefeedback,participantsdidnotreportdifferencesinemotionality.Raisingself-esteemreducedtheneedtoengageinvulnerability-denying defensive distortions (Pyszczynski et al., 2003). Multiple studies haveprovided support for the TMT proposition that self-esteem functions to reduceanxietyinstressfulsituations(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).
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Pyszczynskietal.(2003)statedthatmorethan120studiesindifferentcountrieswere conducted to test the second basic hypothesis of TMT, which was thatcultural“worldviewsassuagethepotentiallyparalyzingterrorassociatedwiththeawarenessofourmortality”(p.45).Remindersofdeathshouldcausepeopletoincreasetheirdefenseandbolsteringofculturalworldviews.Instudiesthattestedthissecondhypothesis,participantswereasked to thinkabout theirowndeath,calledmortality salience.Mortality salienceandmoral transgressionwere tested,as well as mortality salience and worldview defense (Pyszczynski et al., 2003).Mortalitysalienceshouldproduceastrongneedfortheprotectionthatworldviewprovides and consequently provokes an especially strong positive reaction toanythingandanyonewhoupholdsthepersonalvisionofrealitydiffusedthroughcultureandastrongnegativereactiontoanythingandanyonewhoviolatesthisreality(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).Insupportofthetheory,abodyofresearchhasshownthataskingpeopletocontemplatetheirownmortalitydoesproducesuchresponses. Beliefs about the nature of reality served to alleviate the concernsofmortality.
Hawaiians’ Trauma Caused Disruption of Culture
TerrormanagementtheorycanbeusedtoexplainthetraumaoftheHawaiiansbroughtonbychangesinthesocial,religious,andeconomicstructuresofHawaiÿi.Kanahele(1986)spokeoftheyearsofdegradationfortheHawaiianssinceWesterncontact.Salzman(2001)stated,“indigenouspeoplesandtheculturesthatsupportthempsychologicallyhavebeentraumatizedbycontactwithEuropeanpeoples”(p.183).SuchwasthecaseforHawaiians,whowereforcedtogiveuptheirlanguage,traditions,myths,cosmology,religion,andrituals.OldHawaiiantraditionsdisin-tegratedwithanincreaseinWesterncontact(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).TheHawaiianpopulationalsodwindledfollowingcontact,whichledtoasurrenderofpoliticalandeconomicpower(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Kanahele,1986).
In the application of TMT, Salzman (2001) discussed the death threat NativeHawaiianshaveencounteredwith the introductionofnewdiseases,sufferingaculturally traumatic experience. The Native Hawaiians did not have immunityfromtheseWesterndiseasesanddiedbythetensofthousands,virtuallywipingoutthepopulation.
Conversely,ifonehasfaithintheculturalworldviewbuthasnotachievedthesetofstandardsforbeingandactinginthatworld,self-esteemcannotbeachieved.This results in having no cultural anxiety buffer, and anxiety goes unmanaged.Anotherreasonformaladaptiveanxietymanagementstrategiesiswhenaculturalworldviewischallenged,fragmented,andnotbelieved—whetherornotstandardsforbeingandactingareachieved,self-esteemisnotachieved,thusprovidingnoculturalanxietybufferandnomanagementofanxiety.
Empirical Support for Terror Management Theory
TheformulationofTMThadtwobasichypothesesthatwouldleadtoempiricalpredication,thedesignofstudies,andcollectionofdatatotestpredictionswithinalaboratorysetting.Thefirsthypothesiswasthatraisingone’sself-esteemwouldlead one to experience less anxiety following a threat.1 To test this hypothesis,Pyszczynski et al. (2003) told college students that they would be watching ashort video and they would be asked their reactions to it. Students were givenpersonalitytests,personalizedpsychologicalassessments,andtheRosenbergSelf-Esteem Scale. Half of the students watched a 7-minute video ofFaces of Deaththat included an actual autopsy and electrocution, which served as the anxiety-provokingsituation.Theotherhalfwatcheda7-minutevideofromthesamedocu-mentary thatwasnonthreateningandhadno references todeath.Thenall thestudentscompletedanxietytests.Itwasfoundthatthoseintheraisedself-esteemconditiondidnotreportelevatedlevelsofanxietyinresponsetographicdepictionsofdeath(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).Asecondstudywasdonetoreplicateandextendfindingsfromthefirststudy.Theresultsofthisstudysupportedthatofthefirst.2
Studieshavealsoinvestigatedtheeffectsofself-esteemondefensiveperceptionsofvulnerabilitytoillnessanddeath.Inonestudy,participantsweregivenpositiveorneutralfeedback.Halfoftheparticipantsweretoldthatemotionalityledtoashorterorlongerlife.Thoseparticipantswhoweregivenneutralfeedbackwereengagedinvulnerability-denyingdefensivedistortions.Theyreportedbeingmoreemotionalwhentheyweretoldthatemotionalityledtolongevityandbeinglessemotionalwhenemotionalitywasassociatedwithashorterlifeexpectancy.Whenself-esteemwasraisedbypositivefeedback,participantsdidnotreportdifferencesinemotionality.Raisingself-esteemreducedtheneedtoengageinvulnerability-denying defensive distortions (Pyszczynski et al., 2003). Multiple studies haveprovided support for the TMT proposition that self-esteem functions to reduceanxietyinstressfulsituations(Pyszczynskietal.,2003).
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AnotherexampleofculturaldisruptionwasthestiflingoftheHawaiianlanguagewhenWesternerscolonizedHawaiÿi.ThewrittenwordintroducedtotheHawaiiansby Westerners was a way to disseminate information quickly and a means ofachievingpower.Kane(1997)stated that thiswas“incompatiblewith thebeliefthatknowledgewassacredpower,amanifestationofmanathatmustbeguardedassacrosancttothoseworthyofit”(p.41);therefore,makinginformationreadilyaccessiblethroughthewrittenwordscouldbemisused.However,aliÿirealizedthatliteracywasthekeytounderstandingandusingthepoweroftheWesternculture.Afterthemissionariesarrivedin1820,theypublishedareaderinHawaiÿi.QueenKaÿahumanulearnedtoreadin5days,andschoolsweresetupthroughoutthekingdom.By1824,two-fifthsoftheentirepopulationhadgraduatedfromschool,andby1834,themajorityofthepopulationhadbecomeliterate.TheKingdomofHawaiÿisoonachievedthehighestliteracyrateofanynationintheworldatthattime(Kane,1997).
However,in1893HawaiianchildrenwhoattendedschoolinHawaiÿiwereprohib-itedfromusingtheirnativelanguageandwereforcedtospeakEnglish,whichwasasecondlanguagetomostNativeHawaiianstudents(NativeHawaiianEducationAct of 2001). The cultural worldview that Native Hawaiians held was that theirlanguagewasimportantfortheirveryexistenceandperpetuationoftheirculture.However, thisworldviewwasshattered,andHawaiians felt that theyneeded tospeakEnglish tobedeemed importantbysociety,and thatspeaking thenativelanguageandsubscribingtotheculturewerenotgoodenoughinthecolonizedWestern world. Hawaiians were made to feel that English was superior. Beingcomplianttocolonization,theNativeHawaiianstudentsdidnotspeakthenativelanguageinschool.Asaresult,ahighsenseofself-esteemwasnotachieved.
Asaresultoflowerself-esteem,therewasnoculturalanxietybuffer,andanxietywasnotmanaged.ThemajorityofNativeHawaiianstudentsfoundithardtoparticipatein a Westernized school setting that forced them to leave their cultural valuesathome(Kawakami,1999),andtheyoftenexhibitednonparticipatingbehaviors.Theywerelabeledasbeing“lazy”anddeemedunmotivated.Throughouttheyears,their reading achievement scores were affected, and sometimes students werelabeledas“dumb.”Thisgroupsoonbelievedandactedoutthesenegativelabels.
Bytheirownstandardsandvaluesregardingdeath,manyHawaiiansmayhavefeltthattheywereevilandhaddonesomethingeviltodeservesuchdesecration.InHawaiiantradition,theuniversewaspono(inharmony)ifthemöÿï(king)waspono(righteous),soifthedisasteroccurred,themöÿïwasnotpono(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).However,HawaiianscontinuedtodieunderKamehameha’sreign.Kamehamehacontinuedtoremainponointheeyesofthepeople.Duringhisreign,theÿäina(land) flourished, Kamehameha remained religious and continued to honorvariousakua(gods),andtherewaspeaceintheHawaiianIslands,yetpeopledied(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Therefore,questionsanddoubtssurfacedconcerningthetraditionalbeliefsintheoldakua.WhenKamehamehadied,thealiÿi nui(highchief)hadtosearchforanewsourceofmana(power).Thealiÿinuinolongerviewedthekapu system(thingsdeterminedsacredandprohibited)aspono(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).BeforetheCalvinistmissionariesarrivedin1820,Liholiho,KamehamehaIIabolishedtraditionalHawaiian‘ai kapu(inwhichmenateseparatelyfromwomenand certain foods were restricted for consumption), heiau (temple), and akua(Armitage,1996;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).ThesewerenotonlyritualsandtraditionsbutservedasaninfrastructurefortheorderofHawaiiansociety(Joesting,1972,Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Thisdisruption leftavoid inHawaiianreligion thatalsoaccountedforthefragmentationofculturalworldviews.
The Western missionaries also assisted the Hawaiians toward self-degradation,leadingthemtobelievethattheirsinfulwaysweretoblameforthedisasters.TheWesternersmadeHawaiiansfeelliketheyneededtoturnfromtheirsavagewaysandrenouncetheir“culture,”suchasthehula(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Deathfromforeigndiseases surroundingHawaiiansoftenmade it easy to convert them toChristianity for the promise of heaven and an afterlife (Kameÿeleihiwa, 1992).Overtime,theHawaiians’traditionalculturalworldviewwasfragmented,withnosetofvaluesandstandardsavailable.Itdidnotseempono.TheHawaiianswerevulnerabletoquestionthelegitimacyoftheirculturalworldview,thusshatteringtheirfaithinit.Asaresult,self-esteemcouldnotbeobtained,andstandardscouldnotbeachieved.Withself-esteemunavailabletotheHawaiianpeople,theywereleft feeling inferior to Caucasians and, thus, psychologically defenseless. TheHawaiians’ lack of psychological defense led to maladaptive anxiety-reducingbehaviors that were a quick relief but in the long term caused more grief andpain.Forexample,Liholihoandaliÿinuiindulgedinforeigngoods—foods,liquor,clothing, jewelry, guns, ships, among other things—leading to expenditure ofthousandofdollarsandexcessivedrinkingandeating(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).
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AnotherexampleofculturaldisruptionwasthestiflingoftheHawaiianlanguagewhenWesternerscolonizedHawaiÿi.ThewrittenwordintroducedtotheHawaiiansby Westerners was a way to disseminate information quickly and a means ofachievingpower.Kane(1997)stated that thiswas“incompatiblewith thebeliefthatknowledgewassacredpower,amanifestationofmanathatmustbeguardedassacrosancttothoseworthyofit”(p.41);therefore,makinginformationreadilyaccessiblethroughthewrittenwordscouldbemisused.However,aliÿirealizedthatliteracywasthekeytounderstandingandusingthepoweroftheWesternculture.Afterthemissionariesarrivedin1820,theypublishedareaderinHawaiÿi.QueenKaÿahumanulearnedtoreadin5days,andschoolsweresetupthroughoutthekingdom.By1824,two-fifthsoftheentirepopulationhadgraduatedfromschool,andby1834,themajorityofthepopulationhadbecomeliterate.TheKingdomofHawaiÿisoonachievedthehighestliteracyrateofanynationintheworldatthattime(Kane,1997).
However,in1893HawaiianchildrenwhoattendedschoolinHawaiÿiwereprohib-itedfromusingtheirnativelanguageandwereforcedtospeakEnglish,whichwasasecondlanguagetomostNativeHawaiianstudents(NativeHawaiianEducationAct of 2001). The cultural worldview that Native Hawaiians held was that theirlanguagewasimportantfortheirveryexistenceandperpetuationoftheirculture.However, thisworldviewwasshattered,andHawaiians felt that theyneeded tospeakEnglish tobedeemed importantbysociety,and thatspeaking thenativelanguageandsubscribingtotheculturewerenotgoodenoughinthecolonizedWestern world. Hawaiians were made to feel that English was superior. Beingcomplianttocolonization,theNativeHawaiianstudentsdidnotspeakthenativelanguageinschool.Asaresult,ahighsenseofself-esteemwasnotachieved.
Asaresultoflowerself-esteem,therewasnoculturalanxietybuffer,andanxietywasnotmanaged.ThemajorityofNativeHawaiianstudentsfoundithardtoparticipatein a Westernized school setting that forced them to leave their cultural valuesathome(Kawakami,1999),andtheyoftenexhibitednonparticipatingbehaviors.Theywerelabeledasbeing“lazy”anddeemedunmotivated.Throughouttheyears,their reading achievement scores were affected, and sometimes students werelabeledas“dumb.”Thisgroupsoonbelievedandactedoutthesenegativelabels.
Bytheirownstandardsandvaluesregardingdeath,manyHawaiiansmayhavefeltthattheywereevilandhaddonesomethingeviltodeservesuchdesecration.InHawaiiantradition,theuniversewaspono(inharmony)ifthemöÿï(king)waspono(righteous),soifthedisasteroccurred,themöÿïwasnotpono(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).However,HawaiianscontinuedtodieunderKamehameha’sreign.Kamehamehacontinuedtoremainponointheeyesofthepeople.Duringhisreign,theÿäina(land) flourished, Kamehameha remained religious and continued to honorvariousakua(gods),andtherewaspeaceintheHawaiianIslands,yetpeopledied(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Therefore,questionsanddoubtssurfacedconcerningthetraditionalbeliefsintheoldakua.WhenKamehamehadied,thealiÿi nui(highchief)hadtosearchforanewsourceofmana(power).Thealiÿinuinolongerviewedthekapu system(thingsdeterminedsacredandprohibited)aspono(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).BeforetheCalvinistmissionariesarrivedin1820,Liholiho,KamehamehaIIabolishedtraditionalHawaiian‘ai kapu(inwhichmenateseparatelyfromwomenand certain foods were restricted for consumption), heiau (temple), and akua(Armitage,1996;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).ThesewerenotonlyritualsandtraditionsbutservedasaninfrastructurefortheorderofHawaiiansociety(Joesting,1972,Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Thisdisruption leftavoid inHawaiianreligion thatalsoaccountedforthefragmentationofculturalworldviews.
The Western missionaries also assisted the Hawaiians toward self-degradation,leadingthemtobelievethattheirsinfulwaysweretoblameforthedisasters.TheWesternersmadeHawaiiansfeelliketheyneededtoturnfromtheirsavagewaysandrenouncetheir“culture,”suchasthehula(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Deathfromforeigndiseases surroundingHawaiiansoftenmade it easy to convert them toChristianity for the promise of heaven and an afterlife (Kameÿeleihiwa, 1992).Overtime,theHawaiians’traditionalculturalworldviewwasfragmented,withnosetofvaluesandstandardsavailable.Itdidnotseempono.TheHawaiianswerevulnerabletoquestionthelegitimacyoftheirculturalworldview,thusshatteringtheirfaithinit.Asaresult,self-esteemcouldnotbeobtained,andstandardscouldnotbeachieved.Withself-esteemunavailabletotheHawaiianpeople,theywereleft feeling inferior to Caucasians and, thus, psychologically defenseless. TheHawaiians’ lack of psychological defense led to maladaptive anxiety-reducingbehaviors that were a quick relief but in the long term caused more grief andpain.Forexample,Liholihoandaliÿinuiindulgedinforeigngoods—foods,liquor,clothing, jewelry, guns, ships, among other things—leading to expenditure ofthousandofdollarsandexcessivedrinkingandeating(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).
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2003a).InmuchoftheliteratureregardingHawaiianvalues,referencesaremadeto pre-Western and post-Western exposure. Because ancient Hawaiian societycommunicatedorally,thereisconsensusamongwritersthatsomeoftheHawaiianantiquities,manaÿo(thoughts,insights)ofpre-Westernexposure,couldhavebeendilutedormisinterpretedbyfollowinggenerations(Malo,1996).
ItisthroughunderstandingthephilosophyofHawaiianculturethatvaluescanbeidentified.However,scholarscontinuetosearchforanswersconcerningHawaiianvalues(e.g.,Kanahele,1986),askingquestionssuchas:WhatwerethevaluesofHawaiiansbeforeCook?Cantraditionalvaluesbeknown?Howhavethosevalueschangedsince,andtowhatextentare theypracticed?What is theirpresent-dayvalidity?
Pukui,Haertig, andLee (1972a, 1972b) attempted todescribeHawaiianbeliefsandcustomsapplicabletotoday.However,forthesakeofdiscussioninrelationtoTMT,thisarticlefocusesoncoreHawaiianvaluesasthemeanstoachieveculturalworldview.Kanahele(1986)polledacross-sectionofaHawaiiancommunityandaskedthemtoidentifywhattheythoughtwereHawaiianvalues.Theresultswerealistof25values(seeTable1).Whenparticipantswereaskedtorankthesevalues,aloha (love) was first, followed by haÿahaÿa (humility), hoÿomana (spirituality),lokomaikaÿi (generosity), ‘olu‘olu (graciousness), hoÿohiki (keeping promises),naÿauao(intelligence),ma‘ema‘e(cleanliness),andkökua(helpfulness).
Before 1778, Hawaiians may have placed hoÿokipa, koa (courage), and kela(excellence)highonthelist(Kanahele,1986).Kanaheleexplainedthathistoricalconditionsaccountforthesedifferences.Forexample,hoÿomanawaslistedasavalue,butinancientHawaiÿispiritualitywasnotavaluebutaguidingprincipaland was integrated throughout the culture itself (Kaÿanoÿi, 1992). Modern-dayHawaiiansmaythinkdifferentlybecauselivinginaWesternsocietyhasdilutedtheirsenseofancientHawaiianculture.
Theystrove tobecomeWesternizedbypracticingWesternculture.MostNativeHawaiians discontinued the practice of Native Hawaiian culture, resulting inculturaldegradationovergenerations,untiltheemergenceofaHawaiianrenais-sanceinthemidtolate1970s(Kanahele,1982).
Hawaiianhistoricalcontextsarefarmorecomplexandsometimescontradictorythanwhathasbeenpresentedhere.TheexamplessummarizedinthisarticleclearlydemonstratethattheculturalworldviewofHawaiianswasshatteredovergenera-tions,andthatHawaiian“ways”havealwaysbeenthreatened,seeminglyinferiortothesuperiorityofWesternways.Thismayexplainthereasonforlackofanxiety-bufferingself-esteemandtheconstantinternalstruggletoovercomegenerationalstereotypes.NainoaThompson,thefirstHawaiianincenturiestobecomeanopenoceandeep-seanavigator,themostimportantjobintheancientdaysofPolynesianvoyaging(Harden,1999),stated,“Thelossofculture,lossofbeliefs—youendupfeelingsecond-rateinyourhomeland…there’sastrongconnectionbetweenself-esteemandphysicalhealth,andsometimeswedefinethatasspirit”(p.223).Thelackofself-esteemintheconsciousnessofmanyoftheHawaiianpeoplehinderedtheirabilitytobufferagainstanxietyoverthespanofgenerations,causingthemtoexhibitmaladaptivebehavior.Anxiety-pronebehaviorsmanifestedinmany,butcertainly not in all Hawaiians, may account for Hawaiians having the greatestnumberofcitizensonwelfare,lowestpayingjobs,highestincarcerationratesinproportion to total population, ranked first for most Western diseases, highesthighschooldropoutrates,andshortestlifeexpectancyamongallpeoplesintheislands(Dudley&Agard,1993;Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).
How Do We Begin to Define a Hawaiian Cultural Worldview Today?
TherehavebeenmanyliterarycontributionsthataddressHawaiianvaluesandtheneedtounderstandandapplythem.WiththeintroductionofChristianmissionstoHawaiÿiin1820,thestudyandcomprehensionofHawaiianthoughtcametoanend(Kaÿanoÿi,1992).Anti-Hawaiiansentiment,colonialism,andinstitutionalracism permeated every aspect of Hawaiian society (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi,
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2003a).InmuchoftheliteratureregardingHawaiianvalues,referencesaremadeto pre-Western and post-Western exposure. Because ancient Hawaiian societycommunicatedorally,thereisconsensusamongwritersthatsomeoftheHawaiianantiquities,manaÿo(thoughts,insights)ofpre-Westernexposure,couldhavebeendilutedormisinterpretedbyfollowinggenerations(Malo,1996).
ItisthroughunderstandingthephilosophyofHawaiianculturethatvaluescanbeidentified.However,scholarscontinuetosearchforanswersconcerningHawaiianvalues(e.g.,Kanahele,1986),askingquestionssuchas:WhatwerethevaluesofHawaiiansbeforeCook?Cantraditionalvaluesbeknown?Howhavethosevalueschangedsince,andtowhatextentare theypracticed?What is theirpresent-dayvalidity?
Pukui,Haertig, andLee (1972a, 1972b) attempted todescribeHawaiianbeliefsandcustomsapplicabletotoday.However,forthesakeofdiscussioninrelationtoTMT,thisarticlefocusesoncoreHawaiianvaluesasthemeanstoachieveculturalworldview.Kanahele(1986)polledacross-sectionofaHawaiiancommunityandaskedthemtoidentifywhattheythoughtwereHawaiianvalues.Theresultswerealistof25values(seeTable1).Whenparticipantswereaskedtorankthesevalues,aloha (love) was first, followed by haÿahaÿa (humility), hoÿomana (spirituality),lokomaikaÿi (generosity), ‘olu‘olu (graciousness), hoÿohiki (keeping promises),naÿauao(intelligence),ma‘ema‘e(cleanliness),andkökua(helpfulness).
Before 1778, Hawaiians may have placed hoÿokipa, koa (courage), and kela(excellence)highonthelist(Kanahele,1986).Kanaheleexplainedthathistoricalconditionsaccountforthesedifferences.Forexample,hoÿomanawaslistedasavalue,butinancientHawaiÿispiritualitywasnotavaluebutaguidingprincipaland was integrated throughout the culture itself (Kaÿanoÿi, 1992). Modern-dayHawaiiansmaythinkdifferentlybecauselivinginaWesternsocietyhasdilutedtheirsenseofancientHawaiianculture.
Theystrove tobecomeWesternizedbypracticingWesternculture.MostNativeHawaiians discontinued the practice of Native Hawaiian culture, resulting inculturaldegradationovergenerations,untiltheemergenceofaHawaiianrenais-sanceinthemidtolate1970s(Kanahele,1982).
Hawaiianhistoricalcontextsarefarmorecomplexandsometimescontradictorythanwhathasbeenpresentedhere.TheexamplessummarizedinthisarticleclearlydemonstratethattheculturalworldviewofHawaiianswasshatteredovergenera-tions,andthatHawaiian“ways”havealwaysbeenthreatened,seeminglyinferiortothesuperiorityofWesternways.Thismayexplainthereasonforlackofanxiety-bufferingself-esteemandtheconstantinternalstruggletoovercomegenerationalstereotypes.NainoaThompson,thefirstHawaiianincenturiestobecomeanopenoceandeep-seanavigator,themostimportantjobintheancientdaysofPolynesianvoyaging(Harden,1999),stated,“Thelossofculture,lossofbeliefs—youendupfeelingsecond-rateinyourhomeland…there’sastrongconnectionbetweenself-esteemandphysicalhealth,andsometimeswedefinethatasspirit”(p.223).Thelackofself-esteemintheconsciousnessofmanyoftheHawaiianpeoplehinderedtheirabilitytobufferagainstanxietyoverthespanofgenerations,causingthemtoexhibitmaladaptivebehavior.Anxiety-pronebehaviorsmanifestedinmany,butcertainly not in all Hawaiians, may account for Hawaiians having the greatestnumberofcitizensonwelfare,lowestpayingjobs,highestincarcerationratesinproportion to total population, ranked first for most Western diseases, highesthighschooldropoutrates,andshortestlifeexpectancyamongallpeoplesintheislands(Dudley&Agard,1993;Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).
How Do We Begin to Define a Hawaiian Cultural Worldview Today?
TherehavebeenmanyliterarycontributionsthataddressHawaiianvaluesandtheneedtounderstandandapplythem.WiththeintroductionofChristianmissionstoHawaiÿiin1820,thestudyandcomprehensionofHawaiianthoughtcametoanend(Kaÿanoÿi,1992).Anti-Hawaiiansentiment,colonialism,andinstitutionalracism permeated every aspect of Hawaiian society (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi,
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Kaÿanoÿi(1992)gaveanotherperspectivewithregardtoHawaiianvalues.HestatedthatthesubjectiveorientationofHawaiians’understandingoftheenvironmentand relationship tonature—thatmanshouldhoÿomanamana (empower)naturerather thanoverpower nature and thatman is apart of nature andaffected bynature—is fundamental to Hawaiian culture. For example, the central conceptfor ancient Hawaiians that most clearly demonstrated the connection betweentheircosmologyandtheirvalueswasmana(Kanahele,1986).Manawasandisauniversalenergy,theforcethatanimatesalllifeandelementsoftheuniverse,adivinesupernaturalforceavailabletohumansforperfectibility(Kanahele,1986;Pukuietal.,1972a).BecauseHawaiiansbelieveinthedivineinterconnectednessofnatureandtheirculture,KaÿanoÿibelievedthatHawaiianreligiousphilosophyisthefoundationofHawaiianvalues.
Kaÿanoÿi (1992) suggested that the cornerstones of Hawaiian values are ÿohana(family), aloha, pa‘ahana (industriousness/diligence), and maikaÿi (excellence),sometimes referred to as kela. These values will help Hawaiians understandandsucceed inareasregardingfamily,health,education,nature,business,andgovernment.ÿOhanaisthefoundationofHawaiianculture;therootoforiginwasadeeplyfeltandaunifyingforce(Pukuietal.,1972a).Thecorevaluesappliedtofamilywouldbealoha,hoÿokipa,paÿahana,ho‘oponopono(settingright),andlökahi(unity).Theconceptofÿohanaencompassesasenseofunity,sharedinvolvementandresponsibility,mutualinterdependence,help,loyalty,solidarity,andcohesive-ness(Pukuietal.,1972a).
ContemporaryHawaiiansbelievethatacornerstonevalueisaloha,interpretedtomeanlove.Awarmwelcome,hug,andtouchingnosetocheekisoftenadisplayofaloha.“Alo”meaningfaceand“ha”meanstobreathe,tobreatheupontheface(Kaÿanoÿi,1992).Todefinealohaistoliveit.Alohadescribesthehighestlevelofemotional, romantic, and sexual love between husband and wife. The perpetu-ationof this love is found in their children,who in turncarryon the idealsofaloha.In thisway, love iseverlasting(Kaÿanoÿi,1992).AccordingtoPukuietal.(1972a),alohawastheneutralizerofhostility.Profoundconceptsthatpreventedhostilebehaviororattitudeswerealoha(loveandaffection),hoÿokipa,lokomaikaÿi(generosityandgoodwill),kökua(mutualhelp,cooperation),kala(mutualforgive-ness), ho‘iho‘i (returning, anger would return to the instigator), recognition ofluna ‘ike hala(conscienceorsuperego),andemphasisoninterdependence(Pukuietal.,1972b).
TAblE 1 Twenty-five identified Hawaiian values
aloha (love) haipule or hoÿomana (spirituality)
haÿahaÿa (humility) küpono (honesty)
hoÿokipa (hospitality) wiwo (obedience)
laulima (cooperativeness) maÿemaÿe (cleanliness)
ÿoluÿolu (graciousness/pleasantness/manners)
paÿahana (industriousness/diligence)
hoÿomanawanui (patience) leÿaleÿa (playfulness)
hoÿokükü (competitiveness) hoÿohiki (keeping promises)
huikala (forgiveness) naÿauao (intelligence)
kühaÿo (self-reliance) maikaÿi or kela (excellence)
koa (courage) kökua (helpfulness)
lökahi (harmony/balance/unity) hanohano (dignity)
alakaÿi (leadership) kü i ka nuÿu (achievement)
lokomaika‘i (generosity)
Note: From Kü Kanaka–Stand Tall: A Search for Hawaiian Values, by G. H. S. Kanahele, 1�86, pp. 1�–20.
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Kaÿanoÿi(1992)gaveanotherperspectivewithregardtoHawaiianvalues.HestatedthatthesubjectiveorientationofHawaiians’understandingoftheenvironmentand relationship tonature—thatmanshouldhoÿomanamana (empower)naturerather thanoverpower nature and thatman is apart of nature andaffected bynature—is fundamental to Hawaiian culture. For example, the central conceptfor ancient Hawaiians that most clearly demonstrated the connection betweentheircosmologyandtheirvalueswasmana(Kanahele,1986).Manawasandisauniversalenergy,theforcethatanimatesalllifeandelementsoftheuniverse,adivinesupernaturalforceavailabletohumansforperfectibility(Kanahele,1986;Pukuietal.,1972a).BecauseHawaiiansbelieveinthedivineinterconnectednessofnatureandtheirculture,KaÿanoÿibelievedthatHawaiianreligiousphilosophyisthefoundationofHawaiianvalues.
Kaÿanoÿi (1992) suggested that the cornerstones of Hawaiian values are ÿohana(family), aloha, pa‘ahana (industriousness/diligence), and maikaÿi (excellence),sometimes referred to as kela. These values will help Hawaiians understandandsucceed inareasregardingfamily,health,education,nature,business,andgovernment.ÿOhanaisthefoundationofHawaiianculture;therootoforiginwasadeeplyfeltandaunifyingforce(Pukuietal.,1972a).Thecorevaluesappliedtofamilywouldbealoha,hoÿokipa,paÿahana,ho‘oponopono(settingright),andlökahi(unity).Theconceptofÿohanaencompassesasenseofunity,sharedinvolvementandresponsibility,mutualinterdependence,help,loyalty,solidarity,andcohesive-ness(Pukuietal.,1972a).
ContemporaryHawaiiansbelievethatacornerstonevalueisaloha,interpretedtomeanlove.Awarmwelcome,hug,andtouchingnosetocheekisoftenadisplayofaloha.“Alo”meaningfaceand“ha”meanstobreathe,tobreatheupontheface(Kaÿanoÿi,1992).Todefinealohaistoliveit.Alohadescribesthehighestlevelofemotional, romantic, and sexual love between husband and wife. The perpetu-ationof this love is found in their children,who in turncarryon the idealsofaloha.In thisway, love iseverlasting(Kaÿanoÿi,1992).AccordingtoPukuietal.(1972a),alohawastheneutralizerofhostility.Profoundconceptsthatpreventedhostilebehaviororattitudeswerealoha(loveandaffection),hoÿokipa,lokomaikaÿi(generosityandgoodwill),kökua(mutualhelp,cooperation),kala(mutualforgive-ness), ho‘iho‘i (returning, anger would return to the instigator), recognition ofluna ‘ike hala(conscienceorsuperego),andemphasisoninterdependence(Pukuietal.,1972b).
TAblE 1 Twenty-five identified Hawaiian values
aloha (love) haipule or hoÿomana (spirituality)
haÿahaÿa (humility) küpono (honesty)
hoÿokipa (hospitality) wiwo (obedience)
laulima (cooperativeness) maÿemaÿe (cleanliness)
ÿoluÿolu (graciousness/pleasantness/manners)
paÿahana (industriousness/diligence)
hoÿomanawanui (patience) leÿaleÿa (playfulness)
hoÿokükü (competitiveness) hoÿohiki (keeping promises)
huikala (forgiveness) naÿauao (intelligence)
kühaÿo (self-reliance) maikaÿi or kela (excellence)
koa (courage) kökua (helpfulness)
lökahi (harmony/balance/unity) hanohano (dignity)
alakaÿi (leadership) kü i ka nuÿu (achievement)
lokomaika‘i (generosity)
Note: From Kü Kanaka–Stand Tall: A Search for Hawaiian Values, by G. H. S. Kanahele, 1�86, pp. 1�–20.
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ToaddressthisbiculturalismofHawaiianandWesterncultures,Kaÿanoÿi(1992)statedthatHawaiiansshouldnotbeafraidofWesterntoolsorsystemsbecauseitisthe“self”thatempowersthem,nottheotherwayaround.IfHawaiianvaluesandself-identityareintact,HawaiianswillnotbeintimidatedbyWesternidealsbutwillbeabletofilterandusethemfortheirbenefitthroughtheirvalues.Forexample, a college education is a great tool to use to kü i ka nuÿu (achieve), tobecomenaÿauao(intelligent),tobecomekühaÿo(self-reliant),andtoincreasemana,whichinturnreflectsthequalityoftheÿohanaandcommunity.ThereisaneedtofosterculturalidentityinHawaiianchildrensothattheycanbeempoweredtouseWesterntoolsandsystemsfortheirbenefitinsteadofbeingintimidatedbythem.
Biculturalism may pose a challenge to some Hawaiian youths. Surrounded bythe dominant Western culture, some youths may have subconsciously or evenconsciously marginalized their Hawaiian identity (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi,2003a).Theymaynotfeelliketheybelongtoeitherculture,havenofaithinanycultural worldviews, cannot achieve any cultural standards, and are unable toachieveanxiety-bufferingself-esteem,allleadingtomaladaptiveanxiety-bufferingactions. These Hawaiian youths could renew their cultural identity and gainaccess to its standards and values, thus being able to achieve anxiety-bufferingself-esteem.
An Attempt to Repair Fragmented Cultural Worldview
The Hawaiian renaissance (Kanahele, 1982) is an example of returning to self-appreciationandoftryingtomendafragmentedculturalworldview.Itincludesself-determinationefforts,therevivalofthelanguagethroughlanguageimmersionschools,thehula,martialarts,music,ancientvoyaging,andthereturntoindig-enous healing practices (läÿau lapaÿau [healing therapies], lomilomi [massage],and hoÿoponopono [mediation, “to correct”]). However, this effort to revitalizeHawaiianculturecannot“upstagethedebilitatingeffectsofmorethan200yearsofpolitical,social,culturalandpsychologicaltrauma”(Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2003a,p.1).
Work ethics are also important to Hawaiians. The value of work, paÿahana, ina family establishes a foundation for lökahi and is regarded as honorable andworthwhile.AccordingtoHawaiianthought,anactivitymusthavebeensociallyproductive to be deemed as work; it must have provided benefit to a group orcommunity.Related topaÿahana,Hawaiian values reflect a striving formaikaÿi,personal excellence (Kaÿanoÿi, 1992). Personal excellence increased personalmana (Kaÿanoÿi,1992), sometimes regardedasauthority, an inherentqualityofcommandandleadership,orpersonalmagnetism(Pukuietal.,1972a).Thismanainturnwouldreflectthequalityofone’sfamilyandculture.Personalexcellenceappliestoone’shealth,dress,ortalents;toaloha,asinloveandinmakinglove;tobeingafriendorfamilymember;andtoeducation,business,andgovernment.ItwasmoreimportanttoHawaiianstoincreasemanathantoreceiveanymaterialcompensation.
Malo(1996)notedthatbecauseinformationofancienttraditionswasmemorizedandorallytransmitted,thismighthavecausedinaccuracies,controversyattimes,and disagreements. Therefore, to begin to accurately define Hawaiian corevalues,itmaybenecessarytodebateperspectivesofcorevalues,bothtraditionalandcontemporary.
Implications of the Existence of the Current Mixtures of Values
TheNativeHawaiianpopulationdoubledfrom1990to2000andhasbecomemorediversethanever,accordingtoU.S.Censusdata(Malone&Corry,2004).Nearlytwoof threeNativeHawaiians reportedmultiple races (Malone&Corry,2004).Therefore,manyHawaiianstudentsarebiculturalandidentifywithbothWesternandHawaiianculture.Thereareactionsthatcanbetakenwiththesestudentstohavebiculturalcompetencewithoutsacrificingtheirculturalfoundation(Salzman,2001). It is important to help these students become skillful at identifying andachieving Hawaiian standards and values they are comfortable with to achieveanxiety-bufferingself-esteem.
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ToaddressthisbiculturalismofHawaiianandWesterncultures,Kaÿanoÿi(1992)statedthatHawaiiansshouldnotbeafraidofWesterntoolsorsystemsbecauseitisthe“self”thatempowersthem,nottheotherwayaround.IfHawaiianvaluesandself-identityareintact,HawaiianswillnotbeintimidatedbyWesternidealsbutwillbeabletofilterandusethemfortheirbenefitthroughtheirvalues.Forexample, a college education is a great tool to use to kü i ka nuÿu (achieve), tobecomenaÿauao(intelligent),tobecomekühaÿo(self-reliant),andtoincreasemana,whichinturnreflectsthequalityoftheÿohanaandcommunity.ThereisaneedtofosterculturalidentityinHawaiianchildrensothattheycanbeempoweredtouseWesterntoolsandsystemsfortheirbenefitinsteadofbeingintimidatedbythem.
Biculturalism may pose a challenge to some Hawaiian youths. Surrounded bythe dominant Western culture, some youths may have subconsciously or evenconsciously marginalized their Hawaiian identity (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi,2003a).Theymaynotfeelliketheybelongtoeitherculture,havenofaithinanycultural worldviews, cannot achieve any cultural standards, and are unable toachieveanxiety-bufferingself-esteem,allleadingtomaladaptiveanxiety-bufferingactions. These Hawaiian youths could renew their cultural identity and gainaccess to its standards and values, thus being able to achieve anxiety-bufferingself-esteem.
An Attempt to Repair Fragmented Cultural Worldview
The Hawaiian renaissance (Kanahele, 1982) is an example of returning to self-appreciationandoftryingtomendafragmentedculturalworldview.Itincludesself-determinationefforts,therevivalofthelanguagethroughlanguageimmersionschools,thehula,martialarts,music,ancientvoyaging,andthereturntoindig-enous healing practices (läÿau lapaÿau [healing therapies], lomilomi [massage],and hoÿoponopono [mediation, “to correct”]). However, this effort to revitalizeHawaiianculturecannot“upstagethedebilitatingeffectsofmorethan200yearsofpolitical,social,culturalandpsychologicaltrauma”(Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2003a,p.1).
Work ethics are also important to Hawaiians. The value of work, paÿahana, ina family establishes a foundation for lökahi and is regarded as honorable andworthwhile.AccordingtoHawaiianthought,anactivitymusthavebeensociallyproductive to be deemed as work; it must have provided benefit to a group orcommunity.Related topaÿahana,Hawaiian values reflect a striving formaikaÿi,personal excellence (Kaÿanoÿi, 1992). Personal excellence increased personalmana (Kaÿanoÿi,1992), sometimes regardedasauthority, an inherentqualityofcommandandleadership,orpersonalmagnetism(Pukuietal.,1972a).Thismanainturnwouldreflectthequalityofone’sfamilyandculture.Personalexcellenceappliestoone’shealth,dress,ortalents;toaloha,asinloveandinmakinglove;tobeingafriendorfamilymember;andtoeducation,business,andgovernment.ItwasmoreimportanttoHawaiianstoincreasemanathantoreceiveanymaterialcompensation.
Malo(1996)notedthatbecauseinformationofancienttraditionswasmemorizedandorallytransmitted,thismighthavecausedinaccuracies,controversyattimes,and disagreements. Therefore, to begin to accurately define Hawaiian corevalues,itmaybenecessarytodebateperspectivesofcorevalues,bothtraditionalandcontemporary.
Implications of the Existence of the Current Mixtures of Values
TheNativeHawaiianpopulationdoubledfrom1990to2000andhasbecomemorediversethanever,accordingtoU.S.Censusdata(Malone&Corry,2004).Nearlytwoof threeNativeHawaiians reportedmultiple races (Malone&Corry,2004).Therefore,manyHawaiianstudentsarebiculturalandidentifywithbothWesternandHawaiianculture.Thereareactionsthatcanbetakenwiththesestudentstohavebiculturalcompetencewithoutsacrificingtheirculturalfoundation(Salzman,2001). It is important to help these students become skillful at identifying andachieving Hawaiian standards and values they are comfortable with to achieveanxiety-bufferingself-esteem.
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Terror management theory supports the notion that helping raise Hawaiianstudents’self-esteemisvitaltotheirsuccessandveryexistence.Bean(1992)notedthatchildrenwithhighself-esteembehaveinwaysthatareself-satisfying,areableto accept more responsibility more comfortably, and experience more personalsatisfactionfromdoingso.Theyhavebetterinterpersonalrelationshipsandaremorelikelytobechosenforleadershiproles.Childrenwithhighself-esteemusuallyhavetheconfidencetodemonstratetheircreativeinnerprocessandexpecttobeappreciatedforwhattheyhavedone.Conversely,childrenwithlowerself-esteemmaycoverfeelingsofinadequaciesbyexhibitingbadbehavior(Bean,1992).
Cultural Opportunities for Hawaiian Youths
Today, there are examples of cultural interventions for Hawaiian children thatcouldwellpromotetherenewalofculturalidentityandanopportunitytopracticeHawaiianculturalworldview,thusprovidingameanstoachieveanxiety-bufferingself-esteem leading to adaptive behavior outcomes. Among these examples areselectedHawaiiancharterschools,whichhavebeenestablishedtobettereducateHawaiian children using culturally appropriate strategies and Hawaiian values.Hawaiiancharterschoolshavealsoprovidedopportunitiesfor innovativeeduca-tionalapproachesforNativeHawaiianyouths(Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2005).StudentshaveperformedbetteronSAT-9readingteststhanthoseinmainstreampublicschoolsandalsotendtobemoreengagedandhavehigherattendancerates(Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2005).
Kamehameha Schools also provides a learning environment that ensures thatHawaiianstudents’experiencesandlearningstylesarewelcomed.KamehamehaSchools strives to institutionalize and practice cultural perspectives throughoutthe organization, instilling a strong sense of pride, self-esteem, and identitywith culture for Native Hawaiian children (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003a).KamehamehaSchoolsaimstorebuildculturalandsocialstability forHawaiianstudents by restoring cultural literacy. Students feel most comfortable in alearningenvironmentcreatedforHawaiiansbyHawaiiansandareabletosucceedacademicallyinlearningenvironmentsthatfacilitateculturalprideandpractice.Theydonothave to fear culturallybiased classroompractices (Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2003a).
Kanahele(1986)statedthatmembersofthegenerationoftheHawaiianrenaissancehavemoreprideinbeingHawaiianthantheprecedinggeneration.Therefore,ifweallowHawaiian studentswho identifywithbeingHawaiian to reestablishaculturalworldview that theyhave faith inandhelp themachieve its standards/values,thiswillhelpthembuildanxiety-bufferingself-esteemandleadthemtoexhibit adaptive instead of maladaptive behavior. These positive behaviors mayaffect academic achievement, reduce health risk behaviors, enhance prosocialbehavior,andfacilitategreatercommunityinvolvementtoperpetuatethecultureamongbroaderglobalaudiences.
Terror Management and Implications for Healthy Hawaiian Youths
Terrormanagementtheorysuggeststhatifpeoplehavefaithinaculturalworldviewandseethemselvesasachievingitsstandardsorvalues,theywillhaveaccesstoanxiety-buffering self-esteem, thus making adaptive behavior more probable(Salzman,2001).TheTMTpsychologicaldefenseexplanatorymodelmayexplainHawaiian maladaptive behavior in society, but it can also help create solutionsfor promoting positive healthy adaptive behavior that leads to a more produc-tive lifestyle for Hawaiian children and youths. Such solutions may be socialandeducationalprograms that includecultural interventionsandopportunitiesforHawaiianyouthstoidentifywithbeingHawaiianandachievecoreHawaiianvalues,soself-esteemcanbeachievedandanxietymanaged.This inturntrans-latesintothedemonstrationofadaptivebehaviorbyHawaiianyouths.
Raisingself-esteemisimportantforthesuccessfulfunctioningofNativeHawaiianfamilies.Thosewhohaveabetterattitudetoward“self”achievemorethanthosewhohaveapoorattitudetowardself(Kawakami,Aton,Glendon,&Stewart,1999).AsurveyofHawaiianeducatorsrevealedthatsuccessfullearningexperiencesforHawaiianstudentsmust takeplace inaculturallyauthenticphysicalandsociallearning environment (Kawakami, 2003). Therefore, it is crucial for HawaiianstudentstoidentifywithandhaveopportunitiestoliveHawaiiancultureandvaluestodevelopabetterattitudetowardself,therebyraisingself-esteem,increasingthechanceofsuccess,andloweringtheriskoffailure.
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Terror management theory supports the notion that helping raise Hawaiianstudents’self-esteemisvitaltotheirsuccessandveryexistence.Bean(1992)notedthatchildrenwithhighself-esteembehaveinwaysthatareself-satisfying,areableto accept more responsibility more comfortably, and experience more personalsatisfactionfromdoingso.Theyhavebetterinterpersonalrelationshipsandaremorelikelytobechosenforleadershiproles.Childrenwithhighself-esteemusuallyhavetheconfidencetodemonstratetheircreativeinnerprocessandexpecttobeappreciatedforwhattheyhavedone.Conversely,childrenwithlowerself-esteemmaycoverfeelingsofinadequaciesbyexhibitingbadbehavior(Bean,1992).
Cultural Opportunities for Hawaiian Youths
Today, there are examples of cultural interventions for Hawaiian children thatcouldwellpromotetherenewalofculturalidentityandanopportunitytopracticeHawaiianculturalworldview,thusprovidingameanstoachieveanxiety-bufferingself-esteem leading to adaptive behavior outcomes. Among these examples areselectedHawaiiancharterschools,whichhavebeenestablishedtobettereducateHawaiian children using culturally appropriate strategies and Hawaiian values.Hawaiiancharterschoolshavealsoprovidedopportunitiesfor innovativeeduca-tionalapproachesforNativeHawaiianyouths(Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2005).StudentshaveperformedbetteronSAT-9readingteststhanthoseinmainstreampublicschoolsandalsotendtobemoreengagedandhavehigherattendancerates(Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2005).
Kamehameha Schools also provides a learning environment that ensures thatHawaiianstudents’experiencesandlearningstylesarewelcomed.KamehamehaSchools strives to institutionalize and practice cultural perspectives throughoutthe organization, instilling a strong sense of pride, self-esteem, and identitywith culture for Native Hawaiian children (Kanaÿiaupuni & Ishibashi, 2003a).KamehamehaSchoolsaimstorebuildculturalandsocialstability forHawaiianstudents by restoring cultural literacy. Students feel most comfortable in alearningenvironmentcreatedforHawaiiansbyHawaiiansandareabletosucceedacademicallyinlearningenvironmentsthatfacilitateculturalprideandpractice.Theydonothave to fear culturallybiased classroompractices (Kanaÿiaupuni&Ishibashi,2003a).
Kanahele(1986)statedthatmembersofthegenerationoftheHawaiianrenaissancehavemoreprideinbeingHawaiianthantheprecedinggeneration.Therefore,ifweallowHawaiian studentswho identifywithbeingHawaiian to reestablishaculturalworldview that theyhave faith inandhelp themachieve its standards/values,thiswillhelpthembuildanxiety-bufferingself-esteemandleadthemtoexhibit adaptive instead of maladaptive behavior. These positive behaviors mayaffect academic achievement, reduce health risk behaviors, enhance prosocialbehavior,andfacilitategreatercommunityinvolvementtoperpetuatethecultureamongbroaderglobalaudiences.
Terror Management and Implications for Healthy Hawaiian Youths
Terrormanagementtheorysuggeststhatifpeoplehavefaithinaculturalworldviewandseethemselvesasachievingitsstandardsorvalues,theywillhaveaccesstoanxiety-buffering self-esteem, thus making adaptive behavior more probable(Salzman,2001).TheTMTpsychologicaldefenseexplanatorymodelmayexplainHawaiian maladaptive behavior in society, but it can also help create solutionsfor promoting positive healthy adaptive behavior that leads to a more produc-tive lifestyle for Hawaiian children and youths. Such solutions may be socialandeducationalprograms that includecultural interventionsandopportunitiesforHawaiianyouthstoidentifywithbeingHawaiianandachievecoreHawaiianvalues,soself-esteemcanbeachievedandanxietymanaged.This inturntrans-latesintothedemonstrationofadaptivebehaviorbyHawaiianyouths.
Raisingself-esteemisimportantforthesuccessfulfunctioningofNativeHawaiianfamilies.Thosewhohaveabetterattitudetoward“self”achievemorethanthosewhohaveapoorattitudetowardself(Kawakami,Aton,Glendon,&Stewart,1999).AsurveyofHawaiianeducatorsrevealedthatsuccessfullearningexperiencesforHawaiianstudentsmust takeplace inaculturallyauthenticphysicalandsociallearning environment (Kawakami, 2003). Therefore, it is crucial for HawaiianstudentstoidentifywithandhaveopportunitiestoliveHawaiiancultureandvaluestodevelopabetterattitudetowardself,therebyraisingself-esteem,increasingthechanceofsuccess,andloweringtheriskoffailure.
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The resurgence of the Hawaiian language, music, dance, and other culturalpractices provoked Native Hawaiians to revisit their cultural values. NativeHawaiian organizations and institutions revisit Hawaiian values and culturalpractices to establish guidelines and standards that, if practiced, would helpincrease thechances forHawaiians toovercomesocioeconomicdisparitiesandtobeproductive,contributingcitizensinpresent-daysociety.Also,existingeduca-tional institutions and programs have institutionalized and embedded culturalopportunitieswithineducationalpracticestoensureacademicandsocialsuccessforHawaiianchildren.NativeHawaiianvalues,activerestorationofthosevalues,andtheestablishmentofculturalstandardssupportthenotionthatTMTcouldbeusedtoexplainmuchofthehistoricalandcurrentbehaviorsofNativeHawaiians.
Research in much of the literature addressing cultural identity and its impacton self-esteem, social behavior, education, and the health of Native Hawaiiansisindicativeofcomparisonsmadeusingempiricalresearchconductedonotherindigenousgroupsandminorities.Toenhancethisexistingbodyofresearch,itisproposedthattheempiricaltestingofTMT,inanaturalversuslaboratorysetting,beusedasaviable tool toevaluate theeffectivenessofcurrenteducationalandculturalinterventionsforHawaiianchildren.
Applying the components of TMT, future research on Hawaiian youths couldexamineifHawaiianyouthswhoidentifyorseektoidentifywith“beingHawaiian”andare assisted in achieving its core cultural values (a)willhavehigher levelsof self-esteem if they see themselves achieving cultural standards followingculturalintervention,(b)willhavelowerlevelsofanxietyfollowingintervention,and(c)will increase“adaptive”behaviorssuchasstudying,achievingacademicstandards,andmakingpositivecontributionstotheirfamiliesandcommunities.FuturestudiescouldbedesignedspecificallytoevaluatevariousNativeHawaiiancultural programs by measuring the variables of TMT, including identity andpracticeofHawaiianculturalvaluesonself-esteem,anxiety,andadaptivebehaviorofHawaiianyouths.Themethodologywould includepre-andpostmeasuresofHawaiian identity, self-esteem, anxiety, and prosocial behaviors. Data collectedfromempiricalresearchusingthetheoryofTMTappliedtoHawaiianyouthsmayprovidevalidandreliableinformationtohelpevaluateanddesigneffectiveeduca-tionalandculturalinterventions.
Programs sponsored by the Polynesian Voyaging Society and other Hawaiianagricultural programs exemplify effective ways to connect Hawaiian studentswiththeirculturalroots(Harden,1999).Participationintheseprogramsgivesthestudentsasenseofaccomplishmentthatmakesthemfeelproudoftheirheritageandboostsanxiety-bufferingself-esteem,thusleadingtoadaptiveactions.
Another example is a program introduced at University of Hawaiÿi–Hilo. TheNäÿimiloaCurriculumModel,developedbytheuniversity’sCenterforGiftedandTalentedNativeHawaiianChildren,attemptedtoimplementavalues-basedcurric-ulumthatwasdesignedtoprovideopportunitiesforNativeHawaiianstudentstodisplayandpracticevaluesthroughouttheschoolyearandeventuallyintheirdailylives(Kawakamietal.,1999).
Other existing programs that reinforce Native Hawaiian cultural identity andintegratetraditionalNativeHawaiianknowledgeandvalueshaveprovedsuccessfulinrenewingasenseofprideandconfidenceamongHawaiianyouths(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).PositiveculturalidentityisimportanttoNativeHawaiianswhostrugglewithsuchnegativeviewsofthemselves(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).ReconnectingNativeHawaiianyouthstovaluesandtraditionsthatareinherentlyapartofthemisvitaltotherestorationofpositiveculturalprideandculturalrenewalofanindig-enousculturethathasbeenfragmentedovergenerations.Someexamplesoftheseprograms are language immersion programs, placed-based learning educationprograms,andcommunityhealthprograms(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).
Conclusion: Proposal for Future Studies
Theterrormanagementtheory’sexplanationofhowhumansdefendthemselvespsychologicallyagainsttheanxietyofinevitabledeathhasbeensupportedinlitera-ture.ThetheoreticalunderpinningsofTMTdirectlycorrelatetothehistoricalplightofNativeHawaiians.Forexample,Hawaiianshistoricallydealtwithphysicalanni-hilationandsuddendeath,aswellasculturaltrauma.Therefore,TMTisdeemedasaviableexplanatorymodelforHawaiians’behavioralandsocialoutcomes.
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The resurgence of the Hawaiian language, music, dance, and other culturalpractices provoked Native Hawaiians to revisit their cultural values. NativeHawaiian organizations and institutions revisit Hawaiian values and culturalpractices to establish guidelines and standards that, if practiced, would helpincrease thechances forHawaiians toovercomesocioeconomicdisparitiesandtobeproductive,contributingcitizensinpresent-daysociety.Also,existingeduca-tional institutions and programs have institutionalized and embedded culturalopportunitieswithineducationalpracticestoensureacademicandsocialsuccessforHawaiianchildren.NativeHawaiianvalues,activerestorationofthosevalues,andtheestablishmentofculturalstandardssupportthenotionthatTMTcouldbeusedtoexplainmuchofthehistoricalandcurrentbehaviorsofNativeHawaiians.
Research in much of the literature addressing cultural identity and its impacton self-esteem, social behavior, education, and the health of Native Hawaiiansisindicativeofcomparisonsmadeusingempiricalresearchconductedonotherindigenousgroupsandminorities.Toenhancethisexistingbodyofresearch,itisproposedthattheempiricaltestingofTMT,inanaturalversuslaboratorysetting,beusedasaviable tool toevaluate theeffectivenessofcurrenteducationalandculturalinterventionsforHawaiianchildren.
Applying the components of TMT, future research on Hawaiian youths couldexamineifHawaiianyouthswhoidentifyorseektoidentifywith“beingHawaiian”andare assisted in achieving its core cultural values (a)willhavehigher levelsof self-esteem if they see themselves achieving cultural standards followingculturalintervention,(b)willhavelowerlevelsofanxietyfollowingintervention,and(c)will increase“adaptive”behaviorssuchasstudying,achievingacademicstandards,andmakingpositivecontributionstotheirfamiliesandcommunities.FuturestudiescouldbedesignedspecificallytoevaluatevariousNativeHawaiiancultural programs by measuring the variables of TMT, including identity andpracticeofHawaiianculturalvaluesonself-esteem,anxiety,andadaptivebehaviorofHawaiianyouths.Themethodologywould includepre-andpostmeasuresofHawaiian identity, self-esteem, anxiety, and prosocial behaviors. Data collectedfromempiricalresearchusingthetheoryofTMTappliedtoHawaiianyouthsmayprovidevalidandreliableinformationtohelpevaluateanddesigneffectiveeduca-tionalandculturalinterventions.
Programs sponsored by the Polynesian Voyaging Society and other Hawaiianagricultural programs exemplify effective ways to connect Hawaiian studentswiththeirculturalroots(Harden,1999).Participationintheseprogramsgivesthestudentsasenseofaccomplishmentthatmakesthemfeelproudoftheirheritageandboostsanxiety-bufferingself-esteem,thusleadingtoadaptiveactions.
Another example is a program introduced at University of Hawaiÿi–Hilo. TheNäÿimiloaCurriculumModel,developedbytheuniversity’sCenterforGiftedandTalentedNativeHawaiianChildren,attemptedtoimplementavalues-basedcurric-ulumthatwasdesignedtoprovideopportunitiesforNativeHawaiianstudentstodisplayandpracticevaluesthroughouttheschoolyearandeventuallyintheirdailylives(Kawakamietal.,1999).
Other existing programs that reinforce Native Hawaiian cultural identity andintegratetraditionalNativeHawaiianknowledgeandvalueshaveprovedsuccessfulinrenewingasenseofprideandconfidenceamongHawaiianyouths(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).PositiveculturalidentityisimportanttoNativeHawaiianswhostrugglewithsuchnegativeviewsofthemselves(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).ReconnectingNativeHawaiianyouthstovaluesandtraditionsthatareinherentlyapartofthemisvitaltotherestorationofpositiveculturalprideandculturalrenewalofanindig-enousculturethathasbeenfragmentedovergenerations.Someexamplesoftheseprograms are language immersion programs, placed-based learning educationprograms,andcommunityhealthprograms(Kana‘iaupunietal.,2005).
Conclusion: Proposal for Future Studies
Theterrormanagementtheory’sexplanationofhowhumansdefendthemselvespsychologicallyagainsttheanxietyofinevitabledeathhasbeensupportedinlitera-ture.ThetheoreticalunderpinningsofTMTdirectlycorrelatetothehistoricalplightofNativeHawaiians.Forexample,Hawaiianshistoricallydealtwithphysicalanni-hilationandsuddendeath,aswellasculturaltrauma.Therefore,TMTisdeemedasaviableexplanatorymodelforHawaiians’behavioralandsocialoutcomes.
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Kanahele,G.S.(1982).Hawaiian renaissance.Honolulu:ProjectWaiaha.
Kanahele,G.H.S.(1986).Kü kanaka—Stand tall: A search for Hawaiian values.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2003a).Educating Hawaiian children: How learning environment matters(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.03-04:7).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2003b).Left behind: The status of Hawaiian students in Hawai‘i public schools(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.02-03:13).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Hawai‘i charter schools: Initial trends and select outcomes for Native Hawaiian students(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.04-05:22).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huaka‘i: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Kane,H.K.(1997).Ancient Hawai‘i.CaptainCook,HI:KawainuiPress.
Kawakami,A.J.(1999).Senseofplace,community,andidentity:BridgingthegapbetweenhomeandschoolforHawaiianstudents.Education and Urban Society, 32(1),18–40.
Kawakami,A.J.(2003).WhereIlivetherearerainbows:Culturalidentityandsenseofplace.Amerasia Journal, 29(2),67–79.
Kawakami,A.J.,Aton,K.,Glendon,C.,&Stewart,R.(1999).Curriculum guidelines: Native Hawaiian curriculum development project.Hilo:UniversityofHawaiÿi,CenterforGiftedandTalentedNativeHawaiianChildren.
Malo,D.(1996).Ka moÿolelo Hawaiÿi; Hawaiian traditions(M.Chun,Trans.).Honolulu:FirstPeople’sProductions.(Originalworkpublished1838&1858)
Malone,N.J.,&Corry,M.(2004).Make it count: Native Hawaiian population estimates in Census 2000 and implications for other small racial groups(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.03-04:30).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
NativeHawaiianEducationActof2001,Pub.L.No.107–110,§1,PartB.
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2000).Native Hawaiian data book 2000.Honolulu:Author.
Pukui,M.K.,Haertig,E.W.,&Lee,C.A.(1972a).Nänä i ke kumu: Look to the source(Vol.1).Honolulu:QueenLiliÿuokalaniChildren’sCenter.
In conclusion, this article suggests that TMT should be considered to provideexplanations, within a social psychological reference, for maladaptive andadaptivebehaviorsofNativeHawaiianyouths.TheapplicationofTMTcouldbeused toprovideempirical evidence that evaluates componentsofbestpracticesfor culturally based programs. Data collected may inform community leadersin creating, promoting, and sustaining existing effective cultural programs,educationalpractices,andinterventionsforNativeHawaiianchildrenandyouths.It is important to note that TMT research can contribute new knowledge andperspectivestoexistingresearchaboutHawaiianidentityandwell-being.ResearchusingtheTMTframeworkcancreateanewbodyofscientificevidencethatmayprovide justification to secure future political and economic support for NativeHawaiianprograms.
References
Armitage,G.(1996).A brief history of Hawai‘i.Mililani,HI:IslanderGroup.
Bean,R.(1992).The four conditions of self-esteem: A new approach for elementary and middle schools(2nded.).SantaCruz,CA:ETRAssociates.
Dudley,M.K.,&Agard,K.K.(1993).A call for Hawaiian sovereignty.Honolulu:NäKäneOKaMaloPress.
Harden,M.J.(1999).Voices of wisdom.Kula,HI:AkaPress.
Hishinuma,E.S.,Andrade,N.N.,Johnson,R.C.,McArdle,J.J.,Miyamoto,R.,Nahulu,L.B.,etal.(2000).PsychometricpropertiesoftheHawaiianCultureScale—Adolescentversion.Psychological Assessment, 12,140–157.
Joesting,E.(1972).Hawai‘i: An uncommon history.NewYork:Norton.
Kaÿanoÿi,P.(1992).The need for Hawai‘i: A guide to Hawaiian cultural and kahuna values.JeffersonCity,MO:KaÿanoÿiProductions.
Kameÿeleihiwa,L.(1992).Native lands and foreign desires: Pehea lä e pono ai?Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
KamehamehaSchools,PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluation.(2004).Snapshot of Hawaiians in the DOE(Rep.04-05:10).Honolulu:Author.
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Kanahele,G.S.(1982).Hawaiian renaissance.Honolulu:ProjectWaiaha.
Kanahele,G.H.S.(1986).Kü kanaka—Stand tall: A search for Hawaiian values.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2003a).Educating Hawaiian children: How learning environment matters(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.03-04:7).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2003b).Left behind: The status of Hawaiian students in Hawai‘i public schools(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.02-03:13).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Hawai‘i charter schools: Initial trends and select outcomes for Native Hawaiian students(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.04-05:22).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huaka‘i: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Kane,H.K.(1997).Ancient Hawai‘i.CaptainCook,HI:KawainuiPress.
Kawakami,A.J.(1999).Senseofplace,community,andidentity:BridgingthegapbetweenhomeandschoolforHawaiianstudents.Education and Urban Society, 32(1),18–40.
Kawakami,A.J.(2003).WhereIlivetherearerainbows:Culturalidentityandsenseofplace.Amerasia Journal, 29(2),67–79.
Kawakami,A.J.,Aton,K.,Glendon,C.,&Stewart,R.(1999).Curriculum guidelines: Native Hawaiian curriculum development project.Hilo:UniversityofHawaiÿi,CenterforGiftedandTalentedNativeHawaiianChildren.
Malo,D.(1996).Ka moÿolelo Hawaiÿi; Hawaiian traditions(M.Chun,Trans.).Honolulu:FirstPeople’sProductions.(Originalworkpublished1838&1858)
Malone,N.J.,&Corry,M.(2004).Make it count: Native Hawaiian population estimates in Census 2000 and implications for other small racial groups(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.03-04:30).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
NativeHawaiianEducationActof2001,Pub.L.No.107–110,§1,PartB.
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2000).Native Hawaiian data book 2000.Honolulu:Author.
Pukui,M.K.,Haertig,E.W.,&Lee,C.A.(1972a).Nänä i ke kumu: Look to the source(Vol.1).Honolulu:QueenLiliÿuokalaniChildren’sCenter.
In conclusion, this article suggests that TMT should be considered to provideexplanations, within a social psychological reference, for maladaptive andadaptivebehaviorsofNativeHawaiianyouths.TheapplicationofTMTcouldbeused toprovideempirical evidence that evaluates componentsofbestpracticesfor culturally based programs. Data collected may inform community leadersin creating, promoting, and sustaining existing effective cultural programs,educationalpractices,andinterventionsforNativeHawaiianchildrenandyouths.It is important to note that TMT research can contribute new knowledge andperspectivestoexistingresearchaboutHawaiianidentityandwell-being.ResearchusingtheTMTframeworkcancreateanewbodyofscientificevidencethatmayprovide justification to secure future political and economic support for NativeHawaiianprograms.
References
Armitage,G.(1996).A brief history of Hawai‘i.Mililani,HI:IslanderGroup.
Bean,R.(1992).The four conditions of self-esteem: A new approach for elementary and middle schools(2nded.).SantaCruz,CA:ETRAssociates.
Dudley,M.K.,&Agard,K.K.(1993).A call for Hawaiian sovereignty.Honolulu:NäKäneOKaMaloPress.
Harden,M.J.(1999).Voices of wisdom.Kula,HI:AkaPress.
Hishinuma,E.S.,Andrade,N.N.,Johnson,R.C.,McArdle,J.J.,Miyamoto,R.,Nahulu,L.B.,etal.(2000).PsychometricpropertiesoftheHawaiianCultureScale—Adolescentversion.Psychological Assessment, 12,140–157.
Joesting,E.(1972).Hawai‘i: An uncommon history.NewYork:Norton.
Kaÿanoÿi,P.(1992).The need for Hawai‘i: A guide to Hawaiian cultural and kahuna values.JeffersonCity,MO:KaÿanoÿiProductions.
Kameÿeleihiwa,L.(1992).Native lands and foreign desires: Pehea lä e pono ai?Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
KamehamehaSchools,PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluation.(2004).Snapshot of Hawaiians in the DOE(Rep.04-05:10).Honolulu:Author.
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Notes
1 The first hypothesis concerned self-esteem as an anxiety-buffering function(Pyszczynski et al., 2003). When people believe they are valuable in a world ofmeaning,“theyshouldbeabletofunctionsecurely”(Pyszczynskietal.,2003,p.39).Pyszczynskietal.foundthattherewerehundredsofstudiesalreadyavailablethatfoundnegativecorrelationbetweenself-esteemandanxiety;highself-esteemisassociatedwithlowanxietyandlowself-esteemisassociatedwithhighanxiety.Other existing experiments examined the effects of bolstering or threateningself-esteem.
2 Thesecondstudyinvolvedstudentsina laboratorysituationwhowerephysi-callyarousedbyelectricalshocks.Physiologicaleffectssuchasskinconductance(thesmallelectriccurrent travelingbetweenaperson’sfingers)weremeasured.Greateranxietyinapersoncausesgreaterperspiration;watercausestheelectriccurrentbetweenfingerstotravelfaster.Halfofthestudentsweretoldthattheywouldreceiveelectricalshocks(threat),whereastheotherhalfwereplacedinanonthreatenedsituation,thephysicalstimulationoflightwaves.
Pukui,M.K.,Haertig,E.W.,&Lee,C.A.(1972b).Nänä i ke kumu: Look to the source(Vol.2).Honolulu:QueenLiliÿuokalaniChildren’sCenter.
Pyszczynski,T.,Solomon,S.,&Greenberg,J.(2003).In the wake of 9/11: The psychology of terror.Washington,DC:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.
Saka,S.M.,&Lai,M.(2004).Comparison of Hawaiian and non-Hawaiian public middle and high school students’ responses related to risky behaviors: Results from the 1997, 1999, and 2001 Hawaiÿi Youth Risk Behavior Survey.Retrievedfromhttp://www.ksbe.edu/pase/researchproj-ksrschcon.php
Salzman,M.B.(2001).Culturaltraumaandrecovery:Perspectivesfromtheterrormanagementtheory.Trauma, Violence & Abuse, 2,172–191.
Solomon,S.,Greenberg,J.,&Pyszczynski,T.(1991).Aterrormanagementtheoryofsocialbehavior:Thepsychologicalfunctionsofself-esteemandculturalworldviews.InM.P.Zanna(Ed.),Advances in experimental social psychology(pp.91–159).SanDiego,CA:AcademicPress.
About the Author
A. Kuÿulei Serna is an assistant professor in the College of Education at theUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa.Sheteachesundergraduateandgraduatecoursesin the areas of health education and teacher education. She researches trendsin school health programs and their impact on student health behaviors andacademic achievement. She also researches Native Hawaiian issues relating tohealth,well-being,andeducation.
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Notes
1 The first hypothesis concerned self-esteem as an anxiety-buffering function(Pyszczynski et al., 2003). When people believe they are valuable in a world ofmeaning,“theyshouldbeabletofunctionsecurely”(Pyszczynskietal.,2003,p.39).Pyszczynskietal.foundthattherewerehundredsofstudiesalreadyavailablethatfoundnegativecorrelationbetweenself-esteemandanxiety;highself-esteemisassociatedwithlowanxietyandlowself-esteemisassociatedwithhighanxiety.Other existing experiments examined the effects of bolstering or threateningself-esteem.
2 Thesecondstudyinvolvedstudentsina laboratorysituationwhowerephysi-callyarousedbyelectricalshocks.Physiologicaleffectssuchasskinconductance(thesmallelectriccurrent travelingbetweenaperson’sfingers)weremeasured.Greateranxietyinapersoncausesgreaterperspiration;watercausestheelectriccurrentbetweenfingerstotravelfaster.Halfofthestudentsweretoldthattheywouldreceiveelectricalshocks(threat),whereastheotherhalfwereplacedinanonthreatenedsituation,thephysicalstimulationoflightwaves.
Pukui,M.K.,Haertig,E.W.,&Lee,C.A.(1972b).Nänä i ke kumu: Look to the source(Vol.2).Honolulu:QueenLiliÿuokalaniChildren’sCenter.
Pyszczynski,T.,Solomon,S.,&Greenberg,J.(2003).In the wake of 9/11: The psychology of terror.Washington,DC:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.
Saka,S.M.,&Lai,M.(2004).Comparison of Hawaiian and non-Hawaiian public middle and high school students’ responses related to risky behaviors: Results from the 1997, 1999, and 2001 Hawaiÿi Youth Risk Behavior Survey.Retrievedfromhttp://www.ksbe.edu/pase/researchproj-ksrschcon.php
Salzman,M.B.(2001).Culturaltraumaandrecovery:Perspectivesfromtheterrormanagementtheory.Trauma, Violence & Abuse, 2,172–191.
Solomon,S.,Greenberg,J.,&Pyszczynski,T.(1991).Aterrormanagementtheoryofsocialbehavior:Thepsychologicalfunctionsofself-esteemandculturalworldviews.InM.P.Zanna(Ed.),Advances in experimental social psychology(pp.91–159).SanDiego,CA:AcademicPress.
About the Author
A. Kuÿulei Serna is an assistant professor in the College of Education at theUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa.Sheteachesundergraduateandgraduatecoursesin the areas of health education and teacher education. She researches trendsin school health programs and their impact on student health behaviors andacademic achievement. She also researches Native Hawaiian issues relating tohealth,well-being,andeducation.
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Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
Those who overthrew the Hawaiian monarchy understood that
banning Hawaiian as the language of public and private schooling
would exterminate the language. They also believed that replacing
Hawaiian with English was “for the interest of the Hawaiians
themselves.” This article challenges that belief by presenting five
areas of importance in academics and core values where Hawaiian-
medium education, in fact, demonstrates significant advantages over
English-medium education. The information presented here should
be useful in spreading autochthonous language medium education in
Hawaiÿi to the extent seen in New Zealand, Wales, and other areas. A
major obstacle to overcome in spreading the model is the continued
exclusion of Hawaiian-medium education from the state’s private
schools, including Kamehameha Schools.
“For the Interest of the Hawaiians Themselves”: Reclaiming the Benefits of Hawaiian-Medium Education
William H. Wilson and Kauanoe Kamanä
correspondence may be sent to: William H. Wilson, Ka Haka ÿUla O Keÿelikölani, University of Hawaiÿi–Hilo 200 West Käwili Street, Hilo, Hawaiÿi 96720 Email: [email protected]
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“ThegradualextinctionofaPolynesiandialectmayberegrettedforsentimentalreasons,butitiscertainlyfortheinterestoftheHawaiiansthemselves.”
Thusread thefirstbiennial reportof theBureauofPublic Instructionof theRepublicofHawaiÿi(1895)establishedbythosewhooverthrewtheHawaiian
monarchy.Bythenextreport,theuseofHawaiianasamediumofeducationhadbeenoutlawedinbothprivateandpublicschools.Andby1983,therewerefewerthan50childrenundertheageof18whospokeHawaiianfluently(Wilson,Kamanä,&Rawlins,2006).Thatyear,asmallgroupofHawaiian-speakingeducatorsestab-lishedtheÿAhaPünanaLeotoreestablishHawaiianlanguagemediumeducationandsaveHawaiianfromextinction.
In1986,afterathree-yearlobbyingcampaignbytheÿAhaPünanaLeo,thestateremovedthebanonschoolingthroughHawaiian.ThefoundingoftheÿAhaPünanaLeoandtheexpansionofitsprogrammingthroughhighschoolisthelocalreflec-tionofaninternationalautochthonous languagemediumeducationmovement.TherehasbeengreatprogresstowardmakingthisformofeducationthenormforstudentsinNewZealand,Wales,Greenland,andnorthernSpain(Baker&Jones,1998).AdistinctivefactorstallingandeventhreateningthecontinuedexistenceofautochthonouslanguagemediumeducationinHawaiÿiisthefactthatprivateschoolshaveallowedthebanonHawaiian-mediumeducationtoremainontheirowncampuses.
Descriptions of physical and psychological punishment for speaking Hawaiianin public schools and in the Supreme Court–controlled private KamehamehaSchoolsarecommonlyfoundinoralhistoriesoftheearlyterritorialperiod(Eyre,2004).TheforcedlossoftheHawaiianlanguageiswidelydenounced,yetthereisareluctancetoembracethelanguage,eveninHawaiianinstitutions.ThisreluctancesuggeststhatmisrepresentationsregardingtheHawaiianlanguagepromulgatedbythosewhooverthrewtheHawaiianmonarchyremainwidespreadandcontinuetohaveanegativeimpact.
Thisarticleprovidesevidence that itwasnot, andstill isnot, in the interestofHawaiians to be educated through English rather than Hawaiian. As a resultof replacing Hawaiian-medium education with English-medium education,HawaiiansandHawaiÿiasawholehavelostanumberofbenefitsthatcouldbereclaimedbyfurtherdevelopmentofcontemporaryHawaiian-mediumeducation.WefocusonfivesuchbenefitsasevidenceagainsttheclaimthatpoliciesreplacingHawaiian-mediumeducationwithEnglish-mediumeducationare“fortheinterestsoftheHawaiiansthemselves.”TheevidenceofthesuperiorityofHawaiian-mediumeducationoverEnglish-mediumeducationdiscussed in this article includes (a)assuringpersonalculturalconnections,(b)maintainingtheidentityofHawaiiansasadistinctpeople,(c)supportingacademicachievement,(d)supportingacquisi-tionofstandardEnglish,and(e)supportingthird-languagestudy.
Personal Cultural Connections
TheRepublicofHawaiÿipredictedthatbanningHawaiianintheschoolswouldresultintheextinctionofHawaiian.HawaiianisnowclearlyextinctasthefirstlanguageforthevastmajorityofcontemporaryHawaiians.BeforetheoverthrowoftheHawaiianmonarchy,allHawaiiansandmanylocallyraisednon-HawaiiansgrewupspeakingHawaiian.Itwasthenormallanguageofthehome,ofthepeergroup, of participation in government, of church, and of daily basic economicactivity. Today, there are fewer than 200 Hawaiian-speaking küpuna (elders)remaining,andwereitnotforthechildreninHawaiian-mediumeducationfromthePünanaLeothroughhighschool, therewould likelybenofluentHawaiianspeakersinafewyears(Wilson&Kamanä,2001).
Historically,HawaiianlanguagelossoccurredearliestamongstudentseducatedinboardingprogramssuchastheKamehamehaSchoolswhereuseofHawaiiancouldbeprohibitedandmonitored24hoursaday(Eyre,2004).1Withinlittlemorethan a generation of English-only education, the last children to use Hawaiianastheirnormal languageofpeer interactionhadbeenborninallcommunitiesexceptNiÿihau.HawaiÿiCreoleEnglishthenbecamethelanguageofpeergroupidentificationformostHawaiianchildreninthepublicschoolsandotherchildrenwhojoinedthemthere.2
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WiLSON | RECLAIMING HAWAIIAN-MEDIUM EDUCATION
“ThegradualextinctionofaPolynesiandialectmayberegrettedforsentimentalreasons,butitiscertainlyfortheinterestoftheHawaiiansthemselves.”
Thusread thefirstbiennial reportof theBureauofPublic Instructionof theRepublicofHawaiÿi(1895)establishedbythosewhooverthrewtheHawaiian
monarchy.Bythenextreport,theuseofHawaiianasamediumofeducationhadbeenoutlawedinbothprivateandpublicschools.Andby1983,therewerefewerthan50childrenundertheageof18whospokeHawaiianfluently(Wilson,Kamanä,&Rawlins,2006).Thatyear,asmallgroupofHawaiian-speakingeducatorsestab-lishedtheÿAhaPünanaLeotoreestablishHawaiianlanguagemediumeducationandsaveHawaiianfromextinction.
In1986,afterathree-yearlobbyingcampaignbytheÿAhaPünanaLeo,thestateremovedthebanonschoolingthroughHawaiian.ThefoundingoftheÿAhaPünanaLeoandtheexpansionofitsprogrammingthroughhighschoolisthelocalreflec-tionofaninternationalautochthonous languagemediumeducationmovement.TherehasbeengreatprogresstowardmakingthisformofeducationthenormforstudentsinNewZealand,Wales,Greenland,andnorthernSpain(Baker&Jones,1998).AdistinctivefactorstallingandeventhreateningthecontinuedexistenceofautochthonouslanguagemediumeducationinHawaiÿiisthefactthatprivateschoolshaveallowedthebanonHawaiian-mediumeducationtoremainontheirowncampuses.
Descriptions of physical and psychological punishment for speaking Hawaiianin public schools and in the Supreme Court–controlled private KamehamehaSchoolsarecommonlyfoundinoralhistoriesoftheearlyterritorialperiod(Eyre,2004).TheforcedlossoftheHawaiianlanguageiswidelydenounced,yetthereisareluctancetoembracethelanguage,eveninHawaiianinstitutions.ThisreluctancesuggeststhatmisrepresentationsregardingtheHawaiianlanguagepromulgatedbythosewhooverthrewtheHawaiianmonarchyremainwidespreadandcontinuetohaveanegativeimpact.
Thisarticleprovidesevidence that itwasnot, andstill isnot, in the interestofHawaiians to be educated through English rather than Hawaiian. As a resultof replacing Hawaiian-medium education with English-medium education,HawaiiansandHawaiÿiasawholehavelostanumberofbenefitsthatcouldbereclaimedbyfurtherdevelopmentofcontemporaryHawaiian-mediumeducation.WefocusonfivesuchbenefitsasevidenceagainsttheclaimthatpoliciesreplacingHawaiian-mediumeducationwithEnglish-mediumeducationare“fortheinterestsoftheHawaiiansthemselves.”TheevidenceofthesuperiorityofHawaiian-mediumeducationoverEnglish-mediumeducationdiscussed in this article includes (a)assuringpersonalculturalconnections,(b)maintainingtheidentityofHawaiiansasadistinctpeople,(c)supportingacademicachievement,(d)supportingacquisi-tionofstandardEnglish,and(e)supportingthird-languagestudy.
Personal Cultural Connections
TheRepublicofHawaiÿipredictedthatbanningHawaiianintheschoolswouldresultintheextinctionofHawaiian.HawaiianisnowclearlyextinctasthefirstlanguageforthevastmajorityofcontemporaryHawaiians.BeforetheoverthrowoftheHawaiianmonarchy,allHawaiiansandmanylocallyraisednon-HawaiiansgrewupspeakingHawaiian.Itwasthenormallanguageofthehome,ofthepeergroup, of participation in government, of church, and of daily basic economicactivity. Today, there are fewer than 200 Hawaiian-speaking küpuna (elders)remaining,andwereitnotforthechildreninHawaiian-mediumeducationfromthePünanaLeothroughhighschool, therewould likelybenofluentHawaiianspeakersinafewyears(Wilson&Kamanä,2001).
Historically,HawaiianlanguagelossoccurredearliestamongstudentseducatedinboardingprogramssuchastheKamehamehaSchoolswhereuseofHawaiiancouldbeprohibitedandmonitored24hoursaday(Eyre,2004).1Withinlittlemorethan a generation of English-only education, the last children to use Hawaiianastheirnormal languageofpeer interactionhadbeenborninallcommunitiesexceptNiÿihau.HawaiÿiCreoleEnglishthenbecamethelanguageofpeergroupidentificationformostHawaiianchildreninthepublicschoolsandotherchildrenwhojoinedthemthere.2
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The first generation of Hawaiian adults experiencing the ban on Hawaiianin the schools did not simply acquiesce to loss of the language. There wasconsiderableeffort tomaintainHawaiian.Incallingforamultifacetedeffort tosupportthesurvivalofHawaiian,aJanuary26,1917editorial inthenewspaperKa Puÿuhonuanoted:
I keia la, ke hepa mai nei ka oleloia ana o ka kakou olelo
makuahine. Aole keiki o ka 15 makahiki e hiki ke kamailio
pololei i ka olelo makuahine o keia aina. A no keaha ke kumu i
hiki ole ai? No ka mea, aole a’o ia i ka olelo pololei. A i ka hala
ana o na la pokole wale no o ka pau no ia…
We now find that our mother tongue is being spoken inabrokenmanner.Therearenochildrenundertheageof15whocanspeakthemothertongueofthislandproperly.Andwhy is this the case?Because, theproperuseof thelanguageisnottaught(intheschools).Andinaveryshortperiodwewillfindthatthelanguageisgone.
Theeditorialmakesnumeroussuggestionstosupport thesurvivalofHawaiian,includingsoleuseofHawaiianinthehome,inchurch,inSundayschool,andinHawaiianorganizations.Thesesuggestionswerecarriedoutbythemajorityoftheadultgeneration,buttheyprovedfutileinthefaceofEnglish-onlypoliciesinterri-torialpublicandprivateschools.OncethechildrenwenttotheEnglish-mediumschools,theystoppedspeakingHawaiianwiththeirpeersandevenansweredtheirparents’HawaiianwithEnglish.3
There is no question that the Puÿuhonua editorial was correct in stating thatHawaiianswereabouttolosetheirmothertongue.Itwasalsocorrectinfaultingthe elimination of Hawaiian-medium education. The effect of maintaining alanguageasthemediumofeducationcanbeseenthroughouttheworld.Wherealanguagehasbeenmaintainedasthemediumofeducation,itsurvives.Whereitisbannedorisjustpartiallyusedforthefirstfewgrades,itdisappears(Baker&Jones,1998).
The inability tospeakHawaiian isconsideredamajorpersonalcultural lossbymanycontemporaryHawaiians.WithoutHawaiian,muchofthewealthofuniqueknowledgeandculturethatisexpressedandrecordedinHawaiianremainsoutofreach.Withoutthelanguage,thereisnocreativityintraditionalformsofpoetry,oratory,andaspectsofotherarts.AlsolostaremoresubtlefeaturesofHawaiianthinkingandworldviewencodedinthegrammarandvocabularyofHawaiian.4
Being severed from Hawaiian has also severed Hawaiians from the family ofPolynesian-languagespeakers.AfluentspeakerofHawaiiancanunderstandbasicconversationinTahitianandMäoriandcanrecognizemanywordsandphrasesof Samoan and Tongan. The high level of similarity among these languagesprovidesauniqueconnectionwiththeseotherPolynesianpeoples.AmongotherPolynesians,Hawaiianshavecometobeknownasagroupofnonspeakersoftheirownlanguage.5
The loss of Hawaiian as a first language affects not only the relationship ofHawaiianswithotherPolynesiansbutalsotheirrelationshipswithotherpeoplesthroughouttheworld.InEuropeandAsia,attendingschoolinone’sownlanguagewhilestudyingEnglishandotherlanguagestoahighleveloffluencyisthenorm.It may be difficult for Europeans and Asians to understand why Hawaiianscannotlearntospeakatleasttwolanguagesfluently.Astheworldgrowssmaller,Hawaiians’inabilitytospeakHawaiianwillincreasinglyleadtoquestionsregardingtheirpersonalandgroupidentity.
Identity as a Distinct People
TheclaimofHawaiianstobeadistinctivecontemporarygroupratherthansimplydescendantsofsuchagroupisattheheartofcurrentdiscussionsregardingthepolitical status of Hawaiians. The claim of continued distinctiveness has beenattacked by opponents of recognition of such a political status (Conklin, 2006).In many countries, group use of a unique language is the key factor in identi-fying indigenouspeoples.Languageuse isalsorecognizedasamajorcriterionfor political recognition in the United States (Conklin, 2006). Ironically, theUnited States government long suppressed the same languages whose use itconsiderstobeacriterionforpoliticalrecognition.TheReportoftheIndianPeace
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The first generation of Hawaiian adults experiencing the ban on Hawaiianin the schools did not simply acquiesce to loss of the language. There wasconsiderableeffort tomaintainHawaiian.Incallingforamultifacetedeffort tosupportthesurvivalofHawaiian,aJanuary26,1917editorial inthenewspaperKa Puÿuhonuanoted:
I keia la, ke hepa mai nei ka oleloia ana o ka kakou olelo
makuahine. Aole keiki o ka 15 makahiki e hiki ke kamailio
pololei i ka olelo makuahine o keia aina. A no keaha ke kumu i
hiki ole ai? No ka mea, aole a’o ia i ka olelo pololei. A i ka hala
ana o na la pokole wale no o ka pau no ia…
We now find that our mother tongue is being spoken inabrokenmanner.Therearenochildrenundertheageof15whocanspeakthemothertongueofthislandproperly.Andwhy is this the case?Because, theproperuseof thelanguageisnottaught(intheschools).Andinaveryshortperiodwewillfindthatthelanguageisgone.
Theeditorialmakesnumeroussuggestionstosupport thesurvivalofHawaiian,includingsoleuseofHawaiianinthehome,inchurch,inSundayschool,andinHawaiianorganizations.Thesesuggestionswerecarriedoutbythemajorityoftheadultgeneration,buttheyprovedfutileinthefaceofEnglish-onlypoliciesinterri-torialpublicandprivateschools.OncethechildrenwenttotheEnglish-mediumschools,theystoppedspeakingHawaiianwiththeirpeersandevenansweredtheirparents’HawaiianwithEnglish.3
There is no question that the Puÿuhonua editorial was correct in stating thatHawaiianswereabouttolosetheirmothertongue.Itwasalsocorrectinfaultingthe elimination of Hawaiian-medium education. The effect of maintaining alanguageasthemediumofeducationcanbeseenthroughouttheworld.Wherealanguagehasbeenmaintainedasthemediumofeducation,itsurvives.Whereitisbannedorisjustpartiallyusedforthefirstfewgrades,itdisappears(Baker&Jones,1998).
The inability tospeakHawaiian isconsideredamajorpersonalcultural lossbymanycontemporaryHawaiians.WithoutHawaiian,muchofthewealthofuniqueknowledgeandculturethatisexpressedandrecordedinHawaiianremainsoutofreach.Withoutthelanguage,thereisnocreativityintraditionalformsofpoetry,oratory,andaspectsofotherarts.AlsolostaremoresubtlefeaturesofHawaiianthinkingandworldviewencodedinthegrammarandvocabularyofHawaiian.4
Being severed from Hawaiian has also severed Hawaiians from the family ofPolynesian-languagespeakers.AfluentspeakerofHawaiiancanunderstandbasicconversationinTahitianandMäoriandcanrecognizemanywordsandphrasesof Samoan and Tongan. The high level of similarity among these languagesprovidesauniqueconnectionwiththeseotherPolynesianpeoples.AmongotherPolynesians,Hawaiianshavecometobeknownasagroupofnonspeakersoftheirownlanguage.5
The loss of Hawaiian as a first language affects not only the relationship ofHawaiianswithotherPolynesiansbutalsotheirrelationshipswithotherpeoplesthroughouttheworld.InEuropeandAsia,attendingschoolinone’sownlanguagewhilestudyingEnglishandotherlanguagestoahighleveloffluencyisthenorm.It may be difficult for Europeans and Asians to understand why Hawaiianscannotlearntospeakatleasttwolanguagesfluently.Astheworldgrowssmaller,Hawaiians’inabilitytospeakHawaiianwillincreasinglyleadtoquestionsregardingtheirpersonalandgroupidentity.
Identity as a Distinct People
TheclaimofHawaiianstobeadistinctivecontemporarygroupratherthansimplydescendantsofsuchagroupisattheheartofcurrentdiscussionsregardingthepolitical status of Hawaiians. The claim of continued distinctiveness has beenattacked by opponents of recognition of such a political status (Conklin, 2006).In many countries, group use of a unique language is the key factor in identi-fying indigenouspeoples.Languageuse isalsorecognizedasamajorcriterionfor political recognition in the United States (Conklin, 2006). Ironically, theUnited States government long suppressed the same languages whose use itconsiderstobeacriterionforpoliticalrecognition.TheReportoftheIndianPeace
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Commissioners of 1868 included the following statement: “Schools should beestablished,whichchildrenshouldberequiredtoattend;theirbarbarousdialectshouldbeblottedoutandtheEnglishlanguagesubstituted”(Reyhner,1996,p.7).
Whenanti–American Indian languagecampaignsweregainingstrength in theUnitedStates,AmericansinHawaiÿiwereurgingthatHawaiian-mediumschoolsbe replaced with English-medium schools. Proposals relating to education hadto be evaluated by Mataio Keküanäoÿa, head of the Kingdom’s department ofeducation.6 In1864,Keküanäoÿa issueda report stronglycondemningattemptstoeliminateHawaiian-mediumschoolsandevenstatedthattheEnglish-mediumboardingschoolsturnedstudentsintoindividualswhowere“nolongerHawaiian.”The report also decried the class bias that developed with private English-mediumeducation.ItstatedthatEnglish-mediumstudentshadbeentrainedtothink of themselves as a “superior caste, having nothing, not even a language,incommonwith therest” (Reinecke,1969,p.46).Thatsameyear theKüÿokoÿanewspaper(November19,1864)publishedaneditorialopposingtheeliminationofHawaiian-mediumschooling.TheeditorialreferredtotheproposalaspartofaschemetoeliminatetheindependentgovernmentofHawaiÿiandclosedwiththefollowingstatement:
He lana ko makou manao e kipi pono ana, a e malama maikai
ana lakou i keia pono nui o na kanaka kupa o ka aina, oia hoi
ka oihana kula kamalii Hawaii. O ka naauao iloko o ka olelo
Hawaii, oia ke Kilohana Pookela o ka Lahui Hawaii.
It is our hope that they [the Hawaiian Legislature] willappropriatelyandfullyrebelagainstthis[proposaltoreplacepublic Hawaiian-medium schools with English-mediumschools] and take great care of this great “pono” [benefit,morality, righteousness] which is the Hawaiian languageeducation system. Education through the HawaiianlanguageisthemostexcellentpeakofachievementoftheHawaiianpeople.
ThestrongfeelingsthatHawaiiansintheKingdomhadformaintainingHawaiian-mediumeducationimpededtheeffortsofforeignerstocloseHawaiian-mediumeducation outright. Foreigners subsequently took the approach of working tograduallyeliminatefinancialandothersupportforHawaiian-mediumeducation.MostforeignersatthetimesimplyassumedthesuperiorityofEnglishaspartofa then-current racist thinking regarding things “native” (Reinecke, 1969). Evenafter the monarchy was overthrown and Hawaiian-medium schools were fullyshutdownbylaw,theHawaiianpresswasverycognizantoftheorganizedplantoobliterateHawaiianandpersistedinurgingthecommunitytoresist.The1917editorialfromKa Puÿuhonua,fromwhichanearlierquoteisgivenabove,beganwiththefollowingstatement:
I ikeia no ke kanaka no kekahi lahui ma kana olelo. Ina e
nalowale ana ka olelo makuahine o kekahi lahui, e nalo hia
aku ana no ia lahui.
Ahumanbeingisrecognizedasbelongingtoaparticularpeoplebythelanguageheorsheuses.Ifapeoplelosesitsmothertongue,thatpeoplewilldisappear.
ThefearexpressedbyearlyterritorialHawaiianleadersthatthelossofHawaiianwouldresultinthelossofadistinctHawaiianpeoplehasbeenrealizedinaconsid-erablepartofthepopulationoverthepast100years.ThosewhoarebiologicallyHawaiiannowoftenclaimanotherethnic identityasprimary. In the2000U.S.Census,38.8%ofthoseinHawaiÿiidentifyingthemselvesasChinesealsoclaimedtohaveHawaiianblood(Kanaÿiaupuni,Malone,&Ishibashi,2005).7 In the late1990s, Hilo High School surveyed students as to the ethnicity with which theymost identified (Hawaiÿi State Department of Education, 1999) and also askedthemtoindicatewhethertheyhadanyHawaiianblood.Ofthestudents,26.1%listedHawaiian/Part-Hawaiianastheirethnicityofidentity,but51%notedthattheyhadHawaiianblood. If after100yearsofEnglish-mediumeducation,halfofallyoungpeopleofHawaiianancestryconsidertheiridentityasprimarilynon-Hawaiian,whatwillremainofHawaiianidentityinthenext100years,muchlessthenextmillennium?
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Commissioners of 1868 included the following statement: “Schools should beestablished,whichchildrenshouldberequiredtoattend;theirbarbarousdialectshouldbeblottedoutandtheEnglishlanguagesubstituted”(Reyhner,1996,p.7).
Whenanti–American Indian languagecampaignsweregainingstrength in theUnitedStates,AmericansinHawaiÿiwereurgingthatHawaiian-mediumschoolsbe replaced with English-medium schools. Proposals relating to education hadto be evaluated by Mataio Keküanäoÿa, head of the Kingdom’s department ofeducation.6 In1864,Keküanäoÿa issueda report stronglycondemningattemptstoeliminateHawaiian-mediumschoolsandevenstatedthattheEnglish-mediumboardingschoolsturnedstudentsintoindividualswhowere“nolongerHawaiian.”The report also decried the class bias that developed with private English-mediumeducation.ItstatedthatEnglish-mediumstudentshadbeentrainedtothink of themselves as a “superior caste, having nothing, not even a language,incommonwith therest” (Reinecke,1969,p.46).Thatsameyear theKüÿokoÿanewspaper(November19,1864)publishedaneditorialopposingtheeliminationofHawaiian-mediumschooling.TheeditorialreferredtotheproposalaspartofaschemetoeliminatetheindependentgovernmentofHawaiÿiandclosedwiththefollowingstatement:
He lana ko makou manao e kipi pono ana, a e malama maikai
ana lakou i keia pono nui o na kanaka kupa o ka aina, oia hoi
ka oihana kula kamalii Hawaii. O ka naauao iloko o ka olelo
Hawaii, oia ke Kilohana Pookela o ka Lahui Hawaii.
It is our hope that they [the Hawaiian Legislature] willappropriatelyandfullyrebelagainstthis[proposaltoreplacepublic Hawaiian-medium schools with English-mediumschools] and take great care of this great “pono” [benefit,morality, righteousness] which is the Hawaiian languageeducation system. Education through the HawaiianlanguageisthemostexcellentpeakofachievementoftheHawaiianpeople.
ThestrongfeelingsthatHawaiiansintheKingdomhadformaintainingHawaiian-mediumeducationimpededtheeffortsofforeignerstocloseHawaiian-mediumeducation outright. Foreigners subsequently took the approach of working tograduallyeliminatefinancialandothersupportforHawaiian-mediumeducation.MostforeignersatthetimesimplyassumedthesuperiorityofEnglishaspartofa then-current racist thinking regarding things “native” (Reinecke, 1969). Evenafter the monarchy was overthrown and Hawaiian-medium schools were fullyshutdownbylaw,theHawaiianpresswasverycognizantoftheorganizedplantoobliterateHawaiianandpersistedinurgingthecommunitytoresist.The1917editorialfromKa Puÿuhonua,fromwhichanearlierquoteisgivenabove,beganwiththefollowingstatement:
I ikeia no ke kanaka no kekahi lahui ma kana olelo. Ina e
nalowale ana ka olelo makuahine o kekahi lahui, e nalo hia
aku ana no ia lahui.
Ahumanbeingisrecognizedasbelongingtoaparticularpeoplebythelanguageheorsheuses.Ifapeoplelosesitsmothertongue,thatpeoplewilldisappear.
ThefearexpressedbyearlyterritorialHawaiianleadersthatthelossofHawaiianwouldresultinthelossofadistinctHawaiianpeoplehasbeenrealizedinaconsid-erablepartofthepopulationoverthepast100years.ThosewhoarebiologicallyHawaiiannowoftenclaimanotherethnic identityasprimary. In the2000U.S.Census,38.8%ofthoseinHawaiÿiidentifyingthemselvesasChinesealsoclaimedtohaveHawaiianblood(Kanaÿiaupuni,Malone,&Ishibashi,2005).7 In the late1990s, Hilo High School surveyed students as to the ethnicity with which theymost identified (Hawaiÿi State Department of Education, 1999) and also askedthemtoindicatewhethertheyhadanyHawaiianblood.Ofthestudents,26.1%listedHawaiian/Part-Hawaiianastheirethnicityofidentity,but51%notedthattheyhadHawaiianblood. If after100yearsofEnglish-mediumeducation,halfofallyoungpeopleofHawaiianancestryconsidertheiridentityasprimarilynon-Hawaiian,whatwillremainofHawaiianidentityinthenext100years,muchlessthenextmillennium?
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While the widely acknowledged relationship between language and identityhas not been closely studied in Hawaiÿi, evidence certainly exists that contem-porary schooling through Hawaiian has a positive effect on identification asHawaiian.TheHiloHighSchoolsurveydescribedabovealsofoundthat96%ofNativeHawaiianstudentsenrolledinitsHawaiianimmersionprogrammarkedHawaiianastheethnicitywithwhichtheymostidentified.Onemightarguethatfamilies that chose immersion did so because they themselves already identi-fiedasHawaiian.However,insupportoftheeffectofthelanguageonstudentsarereportsfromnon-Hawaiianstudentswhofeelthatenrollingintheprogramdeveloped in thema feelingofHawaiianethnic, albeitnot racial, identity (T. I.Gionson,personalcommunication,September2006).Such increased identifica-tion,or “reductionofpsychologicaldistance,”with thegroupassociatedwithalanguageusedinimmersionprogramminghasbeennotedinstudiesinCanada(Baker&Hornberger,2001,p.101).
Advantages for Academic Achievement
AnotherfacetofthesystematiceffortbyforeignerstoeliminateHawaiian-mediumeducationduringthemonarchywaspromotionofthenotionthatHawaiianwasaprimitivelanguagethatlackedtheculturalunderstandingsandlinguisticfeaturesthatwouldenablestudentstoexpressthehigher-orderthinkingnecessaryforaneducated population. In response to this argument, Keküanäoÿa’s earlier-refer-enced1864reportstatedthatHawaiianwasfullandcomprehensiveenoughforteachinganysubject.The1864editorialcitedearlierfromtheKüÿokoÿarejectedtheclaimthatHawaiianwasinferiorasamediumofeducation,notingthatHawaiian-languageschoolshadproducedtheHawaiian-speakingministers,lawyers,judges,andpublisherspracticingatthattime.
The Küÿokoÿa editorial also noted that languages grow and adapt to their usesandstatedthatHawaiianhadadaptedwellto19th-centuryinnovations.Englishspeakerswhowere claimingHawaiian tobe tooprimitive foruse in schoolingwere ignoring the fact that English itself had at one time been claimed to betooprimitivetobeusedasavehicleofinstructionintheschoolsofEnglandbythose who favored the “superior” French and Latin languages (McCrum, Cran,&MacNeil,1993).TheKüÿokoÿaeditorialfurtherrejectededucatingallHawaiianchildrenthroughEnglishbystatingthatitwouldactuallyresultinadecreaseineducationalachievement:
Aole loa e hiki ke ao ia na kamalii Hawaii a pau ma ka olelo
Enelani e lilo ai lakou i poe akamai ma loko o ia olelo. A ina
e hoao ia kela manao, eia wale no ka hope, e naaupo ana ka
hapa nui o na keiki Hawaii.
It would be absolutely impossible to teach all Hawaiianchildren through the languageofEngland to thepointofbeinghighlyskilledinthatlanguage.Andifaneffortweremadetocarryoutthatproposal,theonlypossibleoutcomewould be that the majority of Hawaiian children wouldbecomeuneducatedandignorant.
TheHawaiianpresshadreasontobeproudoftheacademicachievementreachedthrough the Hawaiian-medium school system. Almost every young Hawaiianolderthanagefivecouldread.UponannexationtotheUnitedStates,HawaiianshadthehighestliteracyrateofanyethnicgroupintheHawaiianIslands,asshowninTable1.
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While the widely acknowledged relationship between language and identityhas not been closely studied in Hawaiÿi, evidence certainly exists that contem-porary schooling through Hawaiian has a positive effect on identification asHawaiian.TheHiloHighSchoolsurveydescribedabovealsofoundthat96%ofNativeHawaiianstudentsenrolledinitsHawaiianimmersionprogrammarkedHawaiianastheethnicitywithwhichtheymostidentified.Onemightarguethatfamilies that chose immersion did so because they themselves already identi-fiedasHawaiian.However,insupportoftheeffectofthelanguageonstudentsarereportsfromnon-Hawaiianstudentswhofeelthatenrollingintheprogramdeveloped in thema feelingofHawaiianethnic, albeitnot racial, identity (T. I.Gionson,personalcommunication,September2006).Such increased identifica-tion,or “reductionofpsychologicaldistance,”with thegroupassociatedwithalanguageusedinimmersionprogramminghasbeennotedinstudiesinCanada(Baker&Hornberger,2001,p.101).
Advantages for Academic Achievement
AnotherfacetofthesystematiceffortbyforeignerstoeliminateHawaiian-mediumeducationduringthemonarchywaspromotionofthenotionthatHawaiianwasaprimitivelanguagethatlackedtheculturalunderstandingsandlinguisticfeaturesthatwouldenablestudentstoexpressthehigher-orderthinkingnecessaryforaneducated population. In response to this argument, Keküanäoÿa’s earlier-refer-enced1864reportstatedthatHawaiianwasfullandcomprehensiveenoughforteachinganysubject.The1864editorialcitedearlierfromtheKüÿokoÿarejectedtheclaimthatHawaiianwasinferiorasamediumofeducation,notingthatHawaiian-languageschoolshadproducedtheHawaiian-speakingministers,lawyers,judges,andpublisherspracticingatthattime.
The Küÿokoÿa editorial also noted that languages grow and adapt to their usesandstatedthatHawaiianhadadaptedwellto19th-centuryinnovations.Englishspeakerswhowere claimingHawaiian tobe tooprimitive foruse in schoolingwere ignoring the fact that English itself had at one time been claimed to betooprimitivetobeusedasavehicleofinstructionintheschoolsofEnglandbythose who favored the “superior” French and Latin languages (McCrum, Cran,&MacNeil,1993).TheKüÿokoÿaeditorialfurtherrejectededucatingallHawaiianchildrenthroughEnglishbystatingthatitwouldactuallyresultinadecreaseineducationalachievement:
Aole loa e hiki ke ao ia na kamalii Hawaii a pau ma ka olelo
Enelani e lilo ai lakou i poe akamai ma loko o ia olelo. A ina
e hoao ia kela manao, eia wale no ka hope, e naaupo ana ka
hapa nui o na keiki Hawaii.
It would be absolutely impossible to teach all Hawaiianchildren through the languageofEngland to thepointofbeinghighlyskilledinthatlanguage.Andifaneffortweremadetocarryoutthatproposal,theonlypossibleoutcomewould be that the majority of Hawaiian children wouldbecomeuneducatedandignorant.
TheHawaiianpresshadreasontobeproudoftheacademicachievementreachedthrough the Hawaiian-medium school system. Almost every young Hawaiianolderthanagefivecouldread.UponannexationtotheUnitedStates,HawaiianshadthehighestliteracyrateofanyethnicgroupintheHawaiianIslands,asshowninTable1.
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SecondtotheHawaiian/Part-Hawaiianliteracyratewas“OtherCaucasian.”Thisgroup, primarily Americans and British, was disproportionately composed ofmerchants,professionals,andmanagersatthattimeinHawaiÿi’shistory.Bywayofcontrast,theHawaiian/Part-Hawaiiancategoriesincludedpeoplefromallwalksoflifeandsocialclasses.Furthermore,in1896,Hawaiianasawrittenlanguagehad been in existence less than 75 years. Many older pure Hawaiians living atthetimehadreachedmaturitybeforetheestablishmentofthecompulsorypublicschoolsystem.Others,alsoprimarilypureHawaiians,livedinisolatedareaswhereitwasdifficulttoprovideformalschooling.
Unique features of the Hawaiian language facilitated early and rapid acquisi-tion of literacy among 19th-century Hawaiians in Hawaiian-medium schools.TheHawaiianwritingsystemisveryregularinmakingtheconnectionbetweenwrittensymbolandphoneme.TheEnglishspellingsystemismuchlessregularandthereforemoredifficulttoacquire,delayingtheinitialacquisitionofliteracybychildrenandmakingitmoredifficulttobecomeaproficientreader.Thatlearningto read in Hawaiian is easier than learning to read in English is confirmed ina number of missionary accounts, such as the following from Dibble (cited inSchütz,1994):
TAblE 1 Percentage of Hawai‘i’s population ages 5 or older literate in 18�6
Group %
Hawaiian 84.0
Part-Hawaiian 91.2
Portuguese 27.8
Other Caucasian (primarily Anglo-American) 85.7
Chinese 48.5
Japanese 53.6
Note: From Hawai‘i’s People, by A. Lind, 1�80, p. �4.
Everyonewhocancombinetwolettersinasyllable,andputtwosyllablestogether,canbothreadandspellwithreadiness.Theartofreading,therefore,isveryeasilyacquired.IthinkIamsafeinsaying,thatthechildrenofHawaiilearntoreadtheirlanguageinamuchshortertimethanourchildrendotheEnglish.(p.173)
Asindicatedintheabovequotation,19th-centuryHawaiian-mediumschoolshadanotheradvantageoverEnglish-mediumschools:theuseofasyllabicmethodofteaching literacy.Compulsory education initiallybeganat age4 inHawaiÿi butwas changed to age 6 after English-medium education became more common(Alexander & Atkinson, 1888). This difference in initial age of compulsoryeducationisconsistentwithwhatpsycholinguisticexperimentshavefoundtobethenormalcognitivedevelopmentofchildren.Shortlyafterreachingage4,mostchildren can divide words syllabically, the minimum cognitive skill necessaryto begin fluent reading of Hawaiian. However, the minimum cognitive skillnecessary to begin fluent reading in English is the ability to divide words intophonemes.Thisdoesnotnormallyoccuruntilage6(O’Grady,Archibald,Aronoff,&Rees-Miller,2005).Thus,duetodifferencesinthelinguisticstructureoftheirlanguages, Hawaiian-speaking children can generally learn to read two yearsearlierthanEnglishspeakers.
AlsoaffectingtherapidreadingacquisitionamongHawaiianspeakersistheexactidentity between Hawaiian phonemes and letters that young Hawaiian readersaccess after first developing reading through two-phoneme syllables. Researchon the transferof readingskills from languageswithahighly regularalphabetwriting system (like that of Hawaiian) to reading the highly irregular EnglishwritingsystemhasshownthatthosewhoreadfirstinsuchalanguagecanoftenreadEnglishwordsfasterthannativespeakersofEnglish(Sasaki,2005).Furthersupport for the existence of unique reading strengthsof childrenwho learn toread Hawaiian first is the common observation in Hawaiian-medium schoolsofchildrenbeginningtoreadEnglishontheirownbeforeformalinstructioninEnglishisintroduced.
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SecondtotheHawaiian/Part-Hawaiianliteracyratewas“OtherCaucasian.”Thisgroup, primarily Americans and British, was disproportionately composed ofmerchants,professionals,andmanagersatthattimeinHawaiÿi’shistory.Bywayofcontrast,theHawaiian/Part-Hawaiiancategoriesincludedpeoplefromallwalksoflifeandsocialclasses.Furthermore,in1896,Hawaiianasawrittenlanguagehad been in existence less than 75 years. Many older pure Hawaiians living atthetimehadreachedmaturitybeforetheestablishmentofthecompulsorypublicschoolsystem.Others,alsoprimarilypureHawaiians,livedinisolatedareaswhereitwasdifficulttoprovideformalschooling.
Unique features of the Hawaiian language facilitated early and rapid acquisi-tion of literacy among 19th-century Hawaiians in Hawaiian-medium schools.TheHawaiianwritingsystemisveryregularinmakingtheconnectionbetweenwrittensymbolandphoneme.TheEnglishspellingsystemismuchlessregularandthereforemoredifficulttoacquire,delayingtheinitialacquisitionofliteracybychildrenandmakingitmoredifficulttobecomeaproficientreader.Thatlearningto read in Hawaiian is easier than learning to read in English is confirmed ina number of missionary accounts, such as the following from Dibble (cited inSchütz,1994):
TAblE 1 Percentage of Hawai‘i’s population ages 5 or older literate in 18�6
Group %
Hawaiian 84.0
Part-Hawaiian 91.2
Portuguese 27.8
Other Caucasian (primarily Anglo-American) 85.7
Chinese 48.5
Japanese 53.6
Note: From Hawai‘i’s People, by A. Lind, 1�80, p. �4.
Everyonewhocancombinetwolettersinasyllable,andputtwosyllablestogether,canbothreadandspellwithreadiness.Theartofreading,therefore,isveryeasilyacquired.IthinkIamsafeinsaying,thatthechildrenofHawaiilearntoreadtheirlanguageinamuchshortertimethanourchildrendotheEnglish.(p.173)
Asindicatedintheabovequotation,19th-centuryHawaiian-mediumschoolshadanotheradvantageoverEnglish-mediumschools:theuseofasyllabicmethodofteaching literacy.Compulsory education initiallybeganat age4 inHawaiÿi butwas changed to age 6 after English-medium education became more common(Alexander & Atkinson, 1888). This difference in initial age of compulsoryeducationisconsistentwithwhatpsycholinguisticexperimentshavefoundtobethenormalcognitivedevelopmentofchildren.Shortlyafterreachingage4,mostchildren can divide words syllabically, the minimum cognitive skill necessaryto begin fluent reading of Hawaiian. However, the minimum cognitive skillnecessary to begin fluent reading in English is the ability to divide words intophonemes.Thisdoesnotnormallyoccuruntilage6(O’Grady,Archibald,Aronoff,&Rees-Miller,2005).Thus,duetodifferencesinthelinguisticstructureoftheirlanguages, Hawaiian-speaking children can generally learn to read two yearsearlierthanEnglishspeakers.
AlsoaffectingtherapidreadingacquisitionamongHawaiianspeakersistheexactidentity between Hawaiian phonemes and letters that young Hawaiian readersaccess after first developing reading through two-phoneme syllables. Researchon the transferof readingskills from languageswithahighly regularalphabetwriting system (like that of Hawaiian) to reading the highly irregular EnglishwritingsystemhasshownthatthosewhoreadfirstinsuchalanguagecanoftenreadEnglishwordsfasterthannativespeakersofEnglish(Sasaki,2005).Furthersupport for the existence of unique reading strengthsof childrenwho learn toread Hawaiian first is the common observation in Hawaiian-medium schoolsofchildrenbeginningtoreadEnglishontheirownbeforeformalinstructioninEnglishisintroduced.
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The predictions of the Küÿokoÿa and Keküanäoÿa that replacement of Hawaiian-medium education with English-medium education would reduce academicachievementprovedtrue.Duringthe20thcentury,hugeadvancesweremadeintermsofcommunications,travel,andeconomicresourcingforHawaiÿi’sEnglish-mediumpublicandprivateschools.OnewouldthinkthattheseadvantageswouldfurtherincreasethealreadyhighacademicperformanceofHawaiianstudents.Inactualfact,astheEnglishpublicandprivateschoolsexterminatedtheHawaiianlanguage,literacydecreasedamongHawaiians.Statisticscollectedin1986showthatHawaiianshavebecomeoneoftheleastliterateethnicgroupsinHawaiÿiwithonly70%functionallyliterate(Berg,1989).
Bywayofcontrast,considerableacademicsuccessesarepresentlybeingrealizedatNäwahïokalaniÿöpuÿu,theP–12Hawaiian-mediumlaboratoryschoolaffiliatedwithHiloHighSchoolandthestate’sHawaiianlanguagecollege.ThisacademicsuccessisevidenceofthepotentialofcontemporaryHawaiian-mediumeducationtoreestablishhighacademicperformanceamongHawaiians.Sincethefirstgrad-uatingclassin1999,therehasbeena100%graduationrateandan80%collegeattendancerate.Näwahïgraduatesattendlocalinstitutionsofhighereducation,aswellasprominentout-of-stateuniversitiessuchasStanfordandLoyolaMarymount.OneformerstudentearnedanMAatOxfordandisnowinaPhDprogramthere.In2003,Näwahïstudentsmadeuplessthan2%oftheHiloHighSchoolseniorclassbutaccountedfor16%ofitssummacumlaudegraduates(Wilson,2003).8
A likely factor strengthening academic achievement at Näwahï is the cognitiveeffect of high bilingualism. Research on highly bilingual students has shownthemtohavehigherlevelsofconceptualdevelopmentandstrongermetalinguisticskills than monolingual students (Baker & Hornberger, 2001; Baker & Jones,1998;Khleif,1980).Researchershavecautionedthatsuchcognitiveadvantagesaregenerallyfoundamongchildrenwhoaretrulyabletocommunicatefullyintwolanguages,thatis,thosechildrenwhohavereachedwhatistermedthe“thresholdofbalancedbilingualcompetence”(Baker&Jones,1998).
Therealityforautochthonouslanguageminorityeducationisthatitismuchmoredifficulttodevelophighfluencyintheautochthonousminoritylanguagethaninthesociallydominantlanguage.High-levelfluencyinbothlanguagesisrequiredtoreachthe“threshold”necessarytoobtaincognitiveadvantages.IntheBasqueregionofSpainwhereallstudentsstudybothSpanishandtheendangeredBasque
language, therehasbeenextensive testingof thousandsof childrencomparingthreemodelsofeducation:(a)SpanishmediumwithBasquetaughtasaforeignlanguageatallgrades,(a)half-daySpanishandhalf-dayBasquemedium,and(c)full-dayBasquemediumwithSpanishtaughtasaforeignlanguage.InallthreemodelschildrenperformataboutthesamehighlevelinSpanish,butthefull-dayBasqueprogramproducesmuchsuperiorresultsinBasque(Gardner,2000).ThetrendisanincreaseinfullBasque-mediumschools.
TheBasqueprogramsexemplifyadevelopmentalprocessalsoobservableinHawaiÿi.Establishment of full immersion inspires increased language teaching throughother methods. English-medium Hawaiian charter schools and KamehamehaSchoolsaremovingtoimplementrequiredstudyofHawaiian—thebeginningsofBasquemodelAdescribedabove.KamehamehaSchoolshaslonghadthestate’slargestenrollmentsinHawaiianlanguagecoursesandwillsoonoffertheoptionofsixyearsofHawaiian.Partial immersion—BasquemodelB—isanoptionatseveralpublicintermediateandhighschools.KamehamehaSchoolshasmovedtowardpartialimmersionbyofferingtheoptionoftwocoursesandhomeroomthrough Hawaiian. Full immersion—Basque model C—is found in all PünanaLeopreschoolsandmostof thepublicelementarystreamsthatdevelopedfromPünanaLeo.Full immersionthroughhighschool,asisstandardintheBasqueregion,istheleastwidespreadbutalsothemostpromisinginproducingfullbilit-eracyinHawaiianandEnglish.
Advantages in Acquiring Standard English
Twenty years ago, predictions were made that if Hawaiian-medium educationwasreestablished,theenrolledchildrenwouldfailtospeakEnglish.NotasinglegraduatefromHawaiian-mediumeducationhasbeenunabletospeak,read,andwrite English. There is no detectable accent in their English that differentiatesthemfromothersintheircommunities.ThereisstandardizedtestevidencethatstudentsfromHawaiianlanguagemediumschoolshavethepotentialtoexceedpeers from other schools in English achievement (Wilson & Kamanä, 2001).
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The predictions of the Küÿokoÿa and Keküanäoÿa that replacement of Hawaiian-medium education with English-medium education would reduce academicachievementprovedtrue.Duringthe20thcentury,hugeadvancesweremadeintermsofcommunications,travel,andeconomicresourcingforHawaiÿi’sEnglish-mediumpublicandprivateschools.OnewouldthinkthattheseadvantageswouldfurtherincreasethealreadyhighacademicperformanceofHawaiianstudents.Inactualfact,astheEnglishpublicandprivateschoolsexterminatedtheHawaiianlanguage,literacydecreasedamongHawaiians.Statisticscollectedin1986showthatHawaiianshavebecomeoneoftheleastliterateethnicgroupsinHawaiÿiwithonly70%functionallyliterate(Berg,1989).
Bywayofcontrast,considerableacademicsuccessesarepresentlybeingrealizedatNäwahïokalaniÿöpuÿu,theP–12Hawaiian-mediumlaboratoryschoolaffiliatedwithHiloHighSchoolandthestate’sHawaiianlanguagecollege.ThisacademicsuccessisevidenceofthepotentialofcontemporaryHawaiian-mediumeducationtoreestablishhighacademicperformanceamongHawaiians.Sincethefirstgrad-uatingclassin1999,therehasbeena100%graduationrateandan80%collegeattendancerate.Näwahïgraduatesattendlocalinstitutionsofhighereducation,aswellasprominentout-of-stateuniversitiessuchasStanfordandLoyolaMarymount.OneformerstudentearnedanMAatOxfordandisnowinaPhDprogramthere.In2003,Näwahïstudentsmadeuplessthan2%oftheHiloHighSchoolseniorclassbutaccountedfor16%ofitssummacumlaudegraduates(Wilson,2003).8
A likely factor strengthening academic achievement at Näwahï is the cognitiveeffect of high bilingualism. Research on highly bilingual students has shownthemtohavehigherlevelsofconceptualdevelopmentandstrongermetalinguisticskills than monolingual students (Baker & Hornberger, 2001; Baker & Jones,1998;Khleif,1980).Researchershavecautionedthatsuchcognitiveadvantagesaregenerallyfoundamongchildrenwhoaretrulyabletocommunicatefullyintwolanguages,thatis,thosechildrenwhohavereachedwhatistermedthe“thresholdofbalancedbilingualcompetence”(Baker&Jones,1998).
Therealityforautochthonouslanguageminorityeducationisthatitismuchmoredifficulttodevelophighfluencyintheautochthonousminoritylanguagethaninthesociallydominantlanguage.High-levelfluencyinbothlanguagesisrequiredtoreachthe“threshold”necessarytoobtaincognitiveadvantages.IntheBasqueregionofSpainwhereallstudentsstudybothSpanishandtheendangeredBasque
language, therehasbeenextensive testingof thousandsof childrencomparingthreemodelsofeducation:(a)SpanishmediumwithBasquetaughtasaforeignlanguageatallgrades,(a)half-daySpanishandhalf-dayBasquemedium,and(c)full-dayBasquemediumwithSpanishtaughtasaforeignlanguage.InallthreemodelschildrenperformataboutthesamehighlevelinSpanish,butthefull-dayBasqueprogramproducesmuchsuperiorresultsinBasque(Gardner,2000).ThetrendisanincreaseinfullBasque-mediumschools.
TheBasqueprogramsexemplifyadevelopmentalprocessalsoobservableinHawaiÿi.Establishment of full immersion inspires increased language teaching throughother methods. English-medium Hawaiian charter schools and KamehamehaSchoolsaremovingtoimplementrequiredstudyofHawaiian—thebeginningsofBasquemodelAdescribedabove.KamehamehaSchoolshaslonghadthestate’slargestenrollmentsinHawaiianlanguagecoursesandwillsoonoffertheoptionofsixyearsofHawaiian.Partial immersion—BasquemodelB—isanoptionatseveralpublicintermediateandhighschools.KamehamehaSchoolshasmovedtowardpartialimmersionbyofferingtheoptionoftwocoursesandhomeroomthrough Hawaiian. Full immersion—Basque model C—is found in all PünanaLeopreschoolsandmostof thepublicelementarystreamsthatdevelopedfromPünanaLeo.Full immersionthroughhighschool,asisstandardintheBasqueregion,istheleastwidespreadbutalsothemostpromisinginproducingfullbilit-eracyinHawaiianandEnglish.
Advantages in Acquiring Standard English
Twenty years ago, predictions were made that if Hawaiian-medium educationwasreestablished,theenrolledchildrenwouldfailtospeakEnglish.NotasinglegraduatefromHawaiian-mediumeducationhasbeenunabletospeak,read,andwrite English. There is no detectable accent in their English that differentiatesthemfromothersintheircommunities.ThereisstandardizedtestevidencethatstudentsfromHawaiianlanguagemediumschoolshavethepotentialtoexceedpeers from other schools in English achievement (Wilson & Kamanä, 2001).
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ScientificresearchcorroboratestheHawaiiandata.Programsusingnondominantlanguagesasmediaofeducationhavebeenshowneffective indevelopinghigh-levelmasteryofthedominantlanguage(McCarty,2003).
CarefulscientificstudiesinCanadaofAnglophonechildreninFrenchimmersionhaveshownthat thosewhocompletedFrench immersionnotonlyreached thesamelevelofEnglishproficiencyastheirpeersinEnglish-mediumschoolsbutoftenexceededit.ThesestudiesshowedthatagapinitiallyexistedduringtheperiodbeforeanyEnglishwastaughtintheFrenchimmersionprogramsandpersistedfor a while after English was introduced. The ultimate outcome, however, wasequal,andfrequently,higherEnglishachievement(Genesee,Holobow,Lambert,&Chartrand,1989).
MereexposuretotwolanguagesdoesnotexplainthephenomenonofhighEnglishachievement in Canadian French immersion programs for Anglophones. AllAnglophoneschoolsteachFrenchasasubjectfromtheearliestgrades.Indeed,thereasonforestablishingFrenchimmersioninCanadawasthatFrenchachievementinCanadianAnglophoneschoolswasquitelowdespiteyearsofsecond-languagecoursestudy.Francophones,however,asspeakersofthesmallerofficiallanguageofCanada, found it relativelyeasy todevelopfluency inEnglishbecauseof themany opportunities Francophone students have to use English outside school.With increased legal support of both Canadian official languages—French andEnglish—Anglophones were losing jobs to Francophones with better balancedfluencyinFrenchandEnglish.
InHawaiÿiinthe1980s,thestatusofHawaiianinthecommunityhaddeterioratedtonearextinction.Hawaiÿi’shistoryhadshownthatafter-schoolprograms,suchas those developed by the Japanese in the early 1900s, and in-school bilingualprograms,suchasthosedevelopedtoservemorerecentFilipinoimmigrants,areinsufficientlystrongtomaintainnon-EnglishlanguageswithyoungergenerationsinHawaiÿi.ThestrongHawaiianlanguagemediumschoolmodeloftheHawaiianmonarchywasneededifHawaiianwastosurviveextinction.ThecontemporaryHawaiian-mediummodelwasdevelopedbycombiningknowledgegainedfromthehistoricalHawaiianmodelwith informationgained fromCanadianFrenchimmersion and even stronger autochthonous language medium models from
New Zealand and elsewhere. The model calls for a standard English languageartscoursebeginninginGrade5andthirdandfourthlanguagestobetaughtasresourcesareavailable.
The Pünana Leo movement has sought to reestablish Hawaiian as the firstlanguageofparticipatingfamiliesandincludesparenttrainingaschildrenattendtheschoolsithaspioneered.Asaresultofthiseducation,thenumberoffamiliesspeakingHawaiianinthehomehasincreased.Theprogramhascomefullcircle,withsomeofitsearliestgraduatesbecomingparentswhoareraisingtheirownchildrenthroughHawaiian.ThisdevelopmentshowsthatitispossibletoreviveHawaiianintergenerationally,aswasdonewiththeHebrewlanguage,especiallyifmoreHawaiiansparticipateinHawaiian-mediumeducation.9
ThegoalofreestablishingHawaiianasafirstlanguageinHawaiÿidoesnotmeanrejectionofhighstandardsofEnglishforHawaiian-speakingchildren.Thefactis that developing high skills in English has been an important goal, both incontemporaryHawaiian-mediumeducationandintheeducationalsystemoftheHawaiianmonarchy.Forbothperiodsthetargethasbeenhighfluencyandliteracyinbothlanguages,butwithEnglishasalanguagetobeusedwithoutsidersratherthanwith fellowHawaiians.TheweakpositionofHawaiian in thecommunitymeansthatmostchildreninHawaiian-mediumsschoolsspeakEnglishfrequentlyat home. Even those who speak only Hawaiian at home live in neighborhoodswhereEnglishisdominant,haveEnglish-speakingextendedfamilies,andusetheEnglishmedia.ThemodelofteachingEnglishsupportedbytheÿAhaPünanaLeoincludes eight full years of English language arts courses through high schoolgraduation. Those eight years exceed the research-indicated five to six years ofEnglish study to develop full English biliteracy for language minority children(McCarty,2003).
Duringthemonarchy,foreignersinthegovernmentwhofavoredtheeliminationofHawaiian-mediumeducationusedtheinterestofHawaiiansinlearningEnglishtograduallyreducesupportforHawaiian-mediumeducation.Infact,thosewhohaveclaimedthatHawaiiansthemselvesexterminatedHawaiian(Conklin,2006)have included enrollment figures for Kingdom Hawaiian-medium schools thattaughtEnglishasacoursewiththoseoftotalEnglish-mediumschools(Reinecke,1969).10Counting“Englishschools” in thiswaygivesahighlydistortedpicture.
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ScientificresearchcorroboratestheHawaiiandata.Programsusingnondominantlanguagesasmediaofeducationhavebeenshowneffective indevelopinghigh-levelmasteryofthedominantlanguage(McCarty,2003).
CarefulscientificstudiesinCanadaofAnglophonechildreninFrenchimmersionhaveshownthat thosewhocompletedFrench immersionnotonlyreached thesamelevelofEnglishproficiencyastheirpeersinEnglish-mediumschoolsbutoftenexceededit.ThesestudiesshowedthatagapinitiallyexistedduringtheperiodbeforeanyEnglishwastaughtintheFrenchimmersionprogramsandpersistedfor a while after English was introduced. The ultimate outcome, however, wasequal,andfrequently,higherEnglishachievement(Genesee,Holobow,Lambert,&Chartrand,1989).
MereexposuretotwolanguagesdoesnotexplainthephenomenonofhighEnglishachievement in Canadian French immersion programs for Anglophones. AllAnglophoneschoolsteachFrenchasasubjectfromtheearliestgrades.Indeed,thereasonforestablishingFrenchimmersioninCanadawasthatFrenchachievementinCanadianAnglophoneschoolswasquitelowdespiteyearsofsecond-languagecoursestudy.Francophones,however,asspeakersofthesmallerofficiallanguageofCanada, found it relativelyeasy todevelopfluency inEnglishbecauseof themany opportunities Francophone students have to use English outside school.With increased legal support of both Canadian official languages—French andEnglish—Anglophones were losing jobs to Francophones with better balancedfluencyinFrenchandEnglish.
InHawaiÿiinthe1980s,thestatusofHawaiianinthecommunityhaddeterioratedtonearextinction.Hawaiÿi’shistoryhadshownthatafter-schoolprograms,suchas those developed by the Japanese in the early 1900s, and in-school bilingualprograms,suchasthosedevelopedtoservemorerecentFilipinoimmigrants,areinsufficientlystrongtomaintainnon-EnglishlanguageswithyoungergenerationsinHawaiÿi.ThestrongHawaiianlanguagemediumschoolmodeloftheHawaiianmonarchywasneededifHawaiianwastosurviveextinction.ThecontemporaryHawaiian-mediummodelwasdevelopedbycombiningknowledgegainedfromthehistoricalHawaiianmodelwith informationgained fromCanadianFrenchimmersion and even stronger autochthonous language medium models from
New Zealand and elsewhere. The model calls for a standard English languageartscoursebeginninginGrade5andthirdandfourthlanguagestobetaughtasresourcesareavailable.
The Pünana Leo movement has sought to reestablish Hawaiian as the firstlanguageofparticipatingfamiliesandincludesparenttrainingaschildrenattendtheschoolsithaspioneered.Asaresultofthiseducation,thenumberoffamiliesspeakingHawaiianinthehomehasincreased.Theprogramhascomefullcircle,withsomeofitsearliestgraduatesbecomingparentswhoareraisingtheirownchildrenthroughHawaiian.ThisdevelopmentshowsthatitispossibletoreviveHawaiianintergenerationally,aswasdonewiththeHebrewlanguage,especiallyifmoreHawaiiansparticipateinHawaiian-mediumeducation.9
ThegoalofreestablishingHawaiianasafirstlanguageinHawaiÿidoesnotmeanrejectionofhighstandardsofEnglishforHawaiian-speakingchildren.Thefactis that developing high skills in English has been an important goal, both incontemporaryHawaiian-mediumeducationandintheeducationalsystemoftheHawaiianmonarchy.Forbothperiodsthetargethasbeenhighfluencyandliteracyinbothlanguages,butwithEnglishasalanguagetobeusedwithoutsidersratherthanwith fellowHawaiians.TheweakpositionofHawaiian in thecommunitymeansthatmostchildreninHawaiian-mediumsschoolsspeakEnglishfrequentlyat home. Even those who speak only Hawaiian at home live in neighborhoodswhereEnglishisdominant,haveEnglish-speakingextendedfamilies,andusetheEnglishmedia.ThemodelofteachingEnglishsupportedbytheÿAhaPünanaLeoincludes eight full years of English language arts courses through high schoolgraduation. Those eight years exceed the research-indicated five to six years ofEnglish study to develop full English biliteracy for language minority children(McCarty,2003).
Duringthemonarchy,foreignersinthegovernmentwhofavoredtheeliminationofHawaiian-mediumeducationusedtheinterestofHawaiiansinlearningEnglishtograduallyreducesupportforHawaiian-mediumeducation.Infact,thosewhohaveclaimedthatHawaiiansthemselvesexterminatedHawaiian(Conklin,2006)have included enrollment figures for Kingdom Hawaiian-medium schools thattaughtEnglishasacoursewiththoseoftotalEnglish-mediumschools(Reinecke,1969).10Counting“Englishschools” in thiswaygivesahighlydistortedpicture.
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Undersuchasystem,acountrysuchasDenmarkwouldlikelynothaveasingleDanish-mediumschool.AllDanishschoolsteachEnglish.Certainly,allcontem-poraryHawaiian-mediumschoolswouldbeclassifiedasEnglishschoolsunderthismethodofclassification.
The editorials from Hawaiian newspapers provided in this article all expressedadesiretomaintainHawaiian-mediumschooling.SupportforthecontinuationofHawaiian-mediumeducationcontinuedinthefaceofnegativepoliticalforces.TheseincludedthereductionofthesalariesofthoseteachingthroughHawaiian,theclosingofLahainalunaasaHawaiian-mediumteachertrainingcenter,andtheeliminationoffundingforHawaiian-mediumbooks.11
AneffectivemethodusedduringthemonarchyformaintainingHawaiianwhilepursuingEnglishasastrongforeignlanguagewastoconductelementaryeducationinHawaiianwithenrollmentofselectedolderstudentsforalimitedperiodinanEnglishimmersionschool.OnesuchschoolwasKeKulaOKehehena,thepublicschoolthatgrewoutofthemissionaries’RoyalSchool.WiththereestablishmentofHawaiian-mediumeducation,therearenowsomestudentsreceivingelemen-taryeducationthroughHawaiianwithhighschooleducationthroughEnglishatKamehamehaSchools.Indeed,theremaybeahigherpercentageofstudentsfromHawaiian-mediumschoolsbeingacceptedintoKamehamehaSchoolsthanfromEnglish-mediumpublicschools.12
For a number of years now, there has been a concern that Hawaiian-mediumeducation enrollments not be affected negatively through the high acceptancerateofHawaiian-mediumstudentsattheKamehamehaSchools.Unlikestudentsduring the monarchy, contemporary Hawaiian-medium school students comeprimarily from English-speaking homes. Attending a private English-mediumschooldoesnotprovide childrenwith language-learningbenefits andhas evenreduced the use of Hawaiian, contrary to the Kamehameha Schools’ StrategicPlan(KamehamehaSchools,2000).Undercurrentconditions,amoreproductivestrategyfordevelopingstrongfluencyandliteracyinbothHawaiianandEnglishwould be to provide incentives to keep students in Hawaiian-medium schoolsandcarefullycoordinatethesewiththeinitiationofnewimmersionstreamsonKamehamehacampuses.
Hawaiianstudents learningEnglishduring themonarchy typically experiencedlearning English in the same way students in non-English speaking countrieslearnEnglish:asacarefullystudiedsecondlanguage.HawaiianslearningEnglishinthe1800sfocusedonthemostcorrectEnglishgrammar,pronunciation,andvocabularypossible.While therewerestillHawaiianswhospokenoEnglishorverylittlewhentheHawaiianmonarchywasoverthrown,thosewhospokeEnglishfluentlyadheredtoahighstandardinEnglish.AftertheinitiationofthebanonHawaiianinschools,HawaiianadultswerenotonlysoundingthealarmovertheeffectoftheEnglishschoolsontheuseofHawaiianbutalsonotingadecreaseinthestandardofEnglishspokenbyHawaiians,asshowninthefollowingquotationfromaneditorialinKa Naÿi Aupuni,ofJanuary4,1906:
a ua ku maoli no hoi i ka hilahila ke hoolohe aku i na opio e hoao
ana e olelo i ka olelo kulaiwi me ka hemahema. O ka oi loa aku,
ke hoolohe aku oe ia lakou, na opio e hoao ana e olelo Beretania,
aole no i hemo pono loa ka hoopuka ana i ka olelo Beretania, a
he hooku’iku’i no ka manao, aole he mohala pono.
It’sextremelyembarrassingtohearouryoungpeopletryingtospeakHawaiiansoineptly.EvenmoreembarrassingistohearouryoungpeopletryingtospeakEnglish.TheyarenotpronouncingEnglishcorrectlyandthemeaningscontradicteachotherandarepoorlydeveloped.
ThelossofHawaiianduringtheearlyterritorialperioddidnotresultinEnglishbecomingthecommunitylanguageofHawaiians.Instead,itresultedinthebirthofanewlanguage—HawaiÿiCreoleEnglish.ParallelswithHawaiÿiCreoleEnglishcanbefoundinAfricanAmericanEnglishandAmericanIndianEnglish,whichalsogrewupunder forceduseofEnglish.Thesenonstandarddialects serve tomaintaindistinctiveidentitiesforpeopleswhoselanguagesweresubjecttoexter-mination. However, the very histories and contemporary uses of these dialectsas means of displaying resistance may also negatively affect the acquisitionof standard English. Support for this observation can be found on the NavajoReservationwhereIndianEnglishhasnowreplacedNavajoamongmostchildren.Navajo language medium schooling has produced higher English (and overall
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Undersuchasystem,acountrysuchasDenmarkwouldlikelynothaveasingleDanish-mediumschool.AllDanishschoolsteachEnglish.Certainly,allcontem-poraryHawaiian-mediumschoolswouldbeclassifiedasEnglishschoolsunderthismethodofclassification.
The editorials from Hawaiian newspapers provided in this article all expressedadesiretomaintainHawaiian-mediumschooling.SupportforthecontinuationofHawaiian-mediumeducationcontinuedinthefaceofnegativepoliticalforces.TheseincludedthereductionofthesalariesofthoseteachingthroughHawaiian,theclosingofLahainalunaasaHawaiian-mediumteachertrainingcenter,andtheeliminationoffundingforHawaiian-mediumbooks.11
AneffectivemethodusedduringthemonarchyformaintainingHawaiianwhilepursuingEnglishasastrongforeignlanguagewastoconductelementaryeducationinHawaiianwithenrollmentofselectedolderstudentsforalimitedperiodinanEnglishimmersionschool.OnesuchschoolwasKeKulaOKehehena,thepublicschoolthatgrewoutofthemissionaries’RoyalSchool.WiththereestablishmentofHawaiian-mediumeducation,therearenowsomestudentsreceivingelemen-taryeducationthroughHawaiianwithhighschooleducationthroughEnglishatKamehamehaSchools.Indeed,theremaybeahigherpercentageofstudentsfromHawaiian-mediumschoolsbeingacceptedintoKamehamehaSchoolsthanfromEnglish-mediumpublicschools.12
For a number of years now, there has been a concern that Hawaiian-mediumeducation enrollments not be affected negatively through the high acceptancerateofHawaiian-mediumstudentsattheKamehamehaSchools.Unlikestudentsduring the monarchy, contemporary Hawaiian-medium school students comeprimarily from English-speaking homes. Attending a private English-mediumschooldoesnotprovide childrenwith language-learningbenefits andhas evenreduced the use of Hawaiian, contrary to the Kamehameha Schools’ StrategicPlan(KamehamehaSchools,2000).Undercurrentconditions,amoreproductivestrategyfordevelopingstrongfluencyandliteracyinbothHawaiianandEnglishwould be to provide incentives to keep students in Hawaiian-medium schoolsandcarefullycoordinatethesewiththeinitiationofnewimmersionstreamsonKamehamehacampuses.
Hawaiianstudents learningEnglishduring themonarchy typically experiencedlearning English in the same way students in non-English speaking countrieslearnEnglish:asacarefullystudiedsecondlanguage.HawaiianslearningEnglishinthe1800sfocusedonthemostcorrectEnglishgrammar,pronunciation,andvocabularypossible.While therewerestillHawaiianswhospokenoEnglishorverylittlewhentheHawaiianmonarchywasoverthrown,thosewhospokeEnglishfluentlyadheredtoahighstandardinEnglish.AftertheinitiationofthebanonHawaiianinschools,HawaiianadultswerenotonlysoundingthealarmovertheeffectoftheEnglishschoolsontheuseofHawaiianbutalsonotingadecreaseinthestandardofEnglishspokenbyHawaiians,asshowninthefollowingquotationfromaneditorialinKa Naÿi Aupuni,ofJanuary4,1906:
a ua ku maoli no hoi i ka hilahila ke hoolohe aku i na opio e hoao
ana e olelo i ka olelo kulaiwi me ka hemahema. O ka oi loa aku,
ke hoolohe aku oe ia lakou, na opio e hoao ana e olelo Beretania,
aole no i hemo pono loa ka hoopuka ana i ka olelo Beretania, a
he hooku’iku’i no ka manao, aole he mohala pono.
It’sextremelyembarrassingtohearouryoungpeopletryingtospeakHawaiiansoineptly.EvenmoreembarrassingistohearouryoungpeopletryingtospeakEnglish.TheyarenotpronouncingEnglishcorrectlyandthemeaningscontradicteachotherandarepoorlydeveloped.
ThelossofHawaiianduringtheearlyterritorialperioddidnotresultinEnglishbecomingthecommunitylanguageofHawaiians.Instead,itresultedinthebirthofanewlanguage—HawaiÿiCreoleEnglish.ParallelswithHawaiÿiCreoleEnglishcanbefoundinAfricanAmericanEnglishandAmericanIndianEnglish,whichalsogrewupunder forceduseofEnglish.Thesenonstandarddialects serve tomaintaindistinctiveidentitiesforpeopleswhoselanguagesweresubjecttoexter-mination. However, the very histories and contemporary uses of these dialectsas means of displaying resistance may also negatively affect the acquisitionof standard English. Support for this observation can be found on the NavajoReservationwhereIndianEnglishhasnowreplacedNavajoamongmostchildren.Navajo language medium schooling has produced higher English (and overall
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academic)achievementthanEnglish-mediumschoolingthere(Johnson&Legatz,2006).TheWelsh,whoalsohaveahistoryofbeingsuppressed,havedemonstratedsimilar higher English (and overall academic) achievement for Welsh studentsfromEnglish-speakinghomesthroughWelsh-mediumschools(Khleif,1980).
WithinHawaiian-mediumschools,institutionaluseofHawaiianhighlightsandstrengthensHawaiianidentity.Insuchanenvironment,achievementinstandardEnglishlanguageartsclassesislesslikelytobeseenasthreateningtoHawaiianidentity. Certainly, in 19th-century Hawaiÿi, taking a course in English wasnot considered any more threatening to one’s identity than taking a course inEnglishisconsideredathreattoidentityintheschoolsystemsofcontemporaryforeigncountries.
Inthecontemporaryworld,itisthecountrieswithprofilessimilartothatof19th-century Hawaiÿi—small countries such as Scandinavia—that produce the beststudents ofEnglish. It is the experience at the University ofHawaiÿi–Hilo thatstudents fromScandinaviancountrieswho learnEnglishasa foreign languagein theirowncountries scorehigheronEnglishplacement tests thanHawaiianstudents who speak English natively (Karla Hayashi, personal communication,September2006).TherecordofHawaiianKingdom’sschoolsystemindicatesthatsimilarlystrongstandardEnglishlanguageresultswereproducedinmanyschoolshereinHawaiÿi.ManyHawaiiansinthelatemonarchialperiodwereliterateinbothHawaiianandEnglish,asshowninTable2.
TAblE 2 Literacy in English among Hawaiians in 18�6
Group %
Pure Hawaiian females 29.6
Pure Hawaiian males 32.6
Part-Hawaiian males 74.4
Part-Hawaiian females 78.0
Note: From Language and Dialect in Hawai‘i: A Sociologuistic History to 1935, by J. E. Reinecke, 1�6�, p. 37.
Interestingly, in 1896, when Hawaiian was still the dominant language ofHawaiians, and literacy—even in Hawaiian—was less than three generationsold,theliteracyrateinEnglishamongpart-Hawaiianswasabove70%.ThisisashighastheliteracyrateofthoseofHawaiianancestryin1986!ThoseofHawaiianancestryin1986likelyhadanoverallsmallerHawaiianbloodquantumthanthepart-Hawaiians of 1896, and certainly had much more daily access to standardEnglish.That sucha largeportionof thepopulationofHawaiians in1896wasnotonly literatebut literate in two languages isno small accomplishment andhasnotbeenequaledincontemporaryHawaiÿi,evenintheeliteEnglish-mediumprivateschools.TestimonythatitispossibleforHawaiÿi’syoungpeopletobefullyfluentintwolanguages—again—isfoundtodayinthebiliteracyinHawaiianandEnglishfoundamonggraduatesofcontemporaryHawaiian-mediumschools.
Advantages for Third-Language Study
When the ÿAha Pünana Leo began in the 1980s, many questioned the value ofinvestinginteachingHawaiiantopreschool-agechildren.Suggestionsweremadethattheinvestedtimeandeffortwouldbebetterspentteachingchildrena“usefullanguage”suchasJapanese,French,orChinese.Thereality,however,isthatfarfromrejecting the studyof languagesother thanHawaiian,Hawaiian-mediumschools often embrace such study. Näwahï laboratory school currently teachesallstudentsfourlanguages.InadditiontoHawaiianandEnglish,allelementarystudents study Japanese from Grade 1 to 6, and all 7th-, 8th-, and 9th-gradestudentsstudyLatin.Inaddition,after-schoolcoursesareavailableinMandarinChineseandJapanese.
Researchhasshownthatimmersionstudentshaveadvantagesinlearningthirdlanguages(Cenoz&Genesee,1998).FurtherdevelopmentofHawaiian-mediumeducationtoincludehigh-qualityteachingofathirdlanguagecouldalignHawaiÿimorecloselywithEuropeansystemsofeducationinwhichstudentstypicallystudythreelanguagesbeforehighschoolgraduation.
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academic)achievementthanEnglish-mediumschoolingthere(Johnson&Legatz,2006).TheWelsh,whoalsohaveahistoryofbeingsuppressed,havedemonstratedsimilar higher English (and overall academic) achievement for Welsh studentsfromEnglish-speakinghomesthroughWelsh-mediumschools(Khleif,1980).
WithinHawaiian-mediumschools,institutionaluseofHawaiianhighlightsandstrengthensHawaiianidentity.Insuchanenvironment,achievementinstandardEnglishlanguageartsclassesislesslikelytobeseenasthreateningtoHawaiianidentity. Certainly, in 19th-century Hawaiÿi, taking a course in English wasnot considered any more threatening to one’s identity than taking a course inEnglishisconsideredathreattoidentityintheschoolsystemsofcontemporaryforeigncountries.
Inthecontemporaryworld,itisthecountrieswithprofilessimilartothatof19th-century Hawaiÿi—small countries such as Scandinavia—that produce the beststudents ofEnglish. It is the experience at the University ofHawaiÿi–Hilo thatstudents fromScandinaviancountrieswho learnEnglishasa foreign languagein theirowncountries scorehigheronEnglishplacement tests thanHawaiianstudents who speak English natively (Karla Hayashi, personal communication,September2006).TherecordofHawaiianKingdom’sschoolsystemindicatesthatsimilarlystrongstandardEnglishlanguageresultswereproducedinmanyschoolshereinHawaiÿi.ManyHawaiiansinthelatemonarchialperiodwereliterateinbothHawaiianandEnglish,asshowninTable2.
TAblE 2 Literacy in English among Hawaiians in 18�6
Group %
Pure Hawaiian females 29.6
Pure Hawaiian males 32.6
Part-Hawaiian males 74.4
Part-Hawaiian females 78.0
Note: From Language and Dialect in Hawai‘i: A Sociologuistic History to 1935, by J. E. Reinecke, 1�6�, p. 37.
Interestingly, in 1896, when Hawaiian was still the dominant language ofHawaiians, and literacy—even in Hawaiian—was less than three generationsold,theliteracyrateinEnglishamongpart-Hawaiianswasabove70%.ThisisashighastheliteracyrateofthoseofHawaiianancestryin1986!ThoseofHawaiianancestryin1986likelyhadanoverallsmallerHawaiianbloodquantumthanthepart-Hawaiians of 1896, and certainly had much more daily access to standardEnglish.That sucha largeportionof thepopulationofHawaiians in1896wasnotonly literatebut literate in two languages isno small accomplishment andhasnotbeenequaledincontemporaryHawaiÿi,evenintheeliteEnglish-mediumprivateschools.TestimonythatitispossibleforHawaiÿi’syoungpeopletobefullyfluentintwolanguages—again—isfoundtodayinthebiliteracyinHawaiianandEnglishfoundamonggraduatesofcontemporaryHawaiian-mediumschools.
Advantages for Third-Language Study
When the ÿAha Pünana Leo began in the 1980s, many questioned the value ofinvestinginteachingHawaiiantopreschool-agechildren.Suggestionsweremadethattheinvestedtimeandeffortwouldbebetterspentteachingchildrena“usefullanguage”suchasJapanese,French,orChinese.Thereality,however,isthatfarfromrejecting the studyof languagesother thanHawaiian,Hawaiian-mediumschools often embrace such study. Näwahï laboratory school currently teachesallstudentsfourlanguages.InadditiontoHawaiianandEnglish,allelementarystudents study Japanese from Grade 1 to 6, and all 7th-, 8th-, and 9th-gradestudentsstudyLatin.Inaddition,after-schoolcoursesareavailableinMandarinChineseandJapanese.
Researchhasshownthatimmersionstudentshaveadvantagesinlearningthirdlanguages(Cenoz&Genesee,1998).FurtherdevelopmentofHawaiian-mediumeducationtoincludehigh-qualityteachingofathirdlanguagecouldalignHawaiÿimorecloselywithEuropeansystemsofeducationinwhichstudentstypicallystudythreelanguagesbeforehighschoolgraduation.
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TheAmericanEnglish-mediumschoolmodelusedinHawaiÿi’spublicandprivateschools teachesHawaiianasaseparateforeignlanguagestylecourse incompe-titionwithactual foreign languages.UnlikeHawaiian-mediumschoolstudents,students inEnglish-mediumschools are required to choosebetweenHawaiianandforeignlanguagesfortheir“foreignlanguage”course.ThiscompetitionwithforeignlanguagesisamajorreasonforlowenrollmentsandevenoppositionbyparentstoHawaiianlanguagecoursesinEnglish-mediumprivateschoolssuchasKamehameha.TeachingHawaiianasa foreign language ishinderingrevitaliza-tionofHawaiianamongHawaiiansthemselves.
InWaleswheretheautochthonousWelshlanguageisbeingrevived,morethan25% of all students attend Welsh-medium schools. Those students, primarilyfromfamiliesofindigenousWelshorigin,studyEnglishandFrenchasadditionallanguages.ThosefamilieswhodonotidentifyasstronglywithWelshenrolltheirchildren primarily in English-medium schools. In the English-medium system,studentsarerequired to takeWelsh in foreign languagestylecourses fora full11yearsofstudy(WelshLanguageBoard,2000).AswesawearlierwithBasque,study of an endangered autochthonous language like Welsh in a dominantlanguagemediumschoolhaslittleeffectinrevitalizingalanguageforactualuse.TestresultsshowthatWelsh-mediumschoolsproducebetterresults,notonlyinWelsh,butinEnglishandFrenchaswell(Khleif,1980).Similarly,theHawaiian-mediumeducationmodelcanproduceahigher-levelfluencyinforeignlanguagesthanstudyofforeignlanguagesinlieuofHawaiian.AndtheHawaiian-mediummodel assures a level of Hawaiian fluency that actually affects the survival ofthe language, and thus of the culture, and ultimately, of the Hawaiian peoplethemselves.SimplyrequiringforeignlanguagestylestudyofHawaiian,evenatevery level of schooling, will not revitalize Hawaiian. Only Hawaiian-mediumschoolscanrevitalizeHawaiian—andeventhenitmustbecombinedwithuseinthehomeandcommunity.
Moving Beyond Removal of the Ban
ThereisnolongerabanonHawaiian-mediumeducationinHawaiÿipublicschools.However,privateschools—includingall-HawaiianKamehameha—haveineffectallowed the ban on Hawaiian-medium education to continue. We hope privateschoolsinHawaiÿiwillremedythissituationsoon.
If the private schools implement Hawaiian-medium education, the public andprivateschoolsystemscouldworktogethertotrulyrevitalizeHawaiian.13InitialeffortshavebeenmadetobreakdownsomeofthebarriersthatformerlyprecludedKamehamehafromprovidingthesamescholarshipsupporttoPünanaLeochildrenthatKamehamehaprovided to those inEnglish-mediumpreschools.Andmostrecently,KamehamehahasprovidedfinancialsupporttoPünanaLeoprogrammingtohelpcoverpartofalossinfederalfunding.PunahouhasalsomovedforwardinsupportfortheHawaiianlanguage,includinginvitingatrilingualNäwahïstudenttojoinPunahoustudentsinaculturalexchangetoJapan.Furtherpartneringwithprivateschoolswouldfitintoabroaderpictureofcooperationonanationalandinternationallevelinindigenouslanguagemediumeducation.Therearecoopera-tiveeffortsbetweentheÿAhaPünanaLeoandAmericanIndianandAlaskaNativegroupscurrentlyunderway.14AndtheÿAhaPünanaLeohaslonghadacloserela-tionshipwiththeKöhangaReoTrustandMäorilanguagerevitalization.
TheHawaiÿieducationalestablishmenthasbecomeincreasinglyinterestedinthegainsmadebytheMäoriinNewZealand.TheMäorieducationmovementishighlyfocusedonlanguagerevitalizationandcentersaroundMäori-mediumeducationbeginninginKöhangaReopreschools.DifferentialfundingsupportfavorsthoseprogramsthatusethemostMäori languagein instruction.By1998,44%ofallMäoripreschoolstudentswereenrolled inMäori-mediumpreschools,and17%ofallMäoristudentsenrolled incompulsoryeducationwere inMäori-mediumprograms (Te Puni Kökiri, 2000). Emulating the successes of autochthonouslanguage medium education in Wales, Greenland, and northern Spain, MäorientitiescontinuesystematicplanningforevenfurtherspreadofMäori-mediumeducation(TePuniKökiri,2003).
Hawaiian-mediumeducationhasstruggledwithunstablepreschoolfundingandadhocaccommodationsmadewithinthepublicschoolsystem.Furthermore,thebest-fundedprogramsforHawaiiansinHawaiÿiareinEnglish-mediumschoolsrather than in Hawaiian-medium schools. Enrollments in Hawaiian-medium
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TheAmericanEnglish-mediumschoolmodelusedinHawaiÿi’spublicandprivateschools teachesHawaiianasaseparateforeignlanguagestylecourse incompe-titionwithactual foreign languages.UnlikeHawaiian-mediumschoolstudents,students inEnglish-mediumschools are required to choosebetweenHawaiianandforeignlanguagesfortheir“foreignlanguage”course.ThiscompetitionwithforeignlanguagesisamajorreasonforlowenrollmentsandevenoppositionbyparentstoHawaiianlanguagecoursesinEnglish-mediumprivateschoolssuchasKamehameha.TeachingHawaiianasa foreign language ishinderingrevitaliza-tionofHawaiianamongHawaiiansthemselves.
InWaleswheretheautochthonousWelshlanguageisbeingrevived,morethan25% of all students attend Welsh-medium schools. Those students, primarilyfromfamiliesofindigenousWelshorigin,studyEnglishandFrenchasadditionallanguages.ThosefamilieswhodonotidentifyasstronglywithWelshenrolltheirchildren primarily in English-medium schools. In the English-medium system,studentsarerequired to takeWelsh in foreign languagestylecourses fora full11yearsofstudy(WelshLanguageBoard,2000).AswesawearlierwithBasque,study of an endangered autochthonous language like Welsh in a dominantlanguagemediumschoolhaslittleeffectinrevitalizingalanguageforactualuse.TestresultsshowthatWelsh-mediumschoolsproducebetterresults,notonlyinWelsh,butinEnglishandFrenchaswell(Khleif,1980).Similarly,theHawaiian-mediumeducationmodelcanproduceahigher-levelfluencyinforeignlanguagesthanstudyofforeignlanguagesinlieuofHawaiian.AndtheHawaiian-mediummodel assures a level of Hawaiian fluency that actually affects the survival ofthe language, and thus of the culture, and ultimately, of the Hawaiian peoplethemselves.SimplyrequiringforeignlanguagestylestudyofHawaiian,evenatevery level of schooling, will not revitalize Hawaiian. Only Hawaiian-mediumschoolscanrevitalizeHawaiian—andeventhenitmustbecombinedwithuseinthehomeandcommunity.
Moving Beyond Removal of the Ban
ThereisnolongerabanonHawaiian-mediumeducationinHawaiÿipublicschools.However,privateschools—includingall-HawaiianKamehameha—haveineffectallowed the ban on Hawaiian-medium education to continue. We hope privateschoolsinHawaiÿiwillremedythissituationsoon.
If the private schools implement Hawaiian-medium education, the public andprivateschoolsystemscouldworktogethertotrulyrevitalizeHawaiian.13InitialeffortshavebeenmadetobreakdownsomeofthebarriersthatformerlyprecludedKamehamehafromprovidingthesamescholarshipsupporttoPünanaLeochildrenthatKamehamehaprovided to those inEnglish-mediumpreschools.Andmostrecently,KamehamehahasprovidedfinancialsupporttoPünanaLeoprogrammingtohelpcoverpartofalossinfederalfunding.PunahouhasalsomovedforwardinsupportfortheHawaiianlanguage,includinginvitingatrilingualNäwahïstudenttojoinPunahoustudentsinaculturalexchangetoJapan.Furtherpartneringwithprivateschoolswouldfitintoabroaderpictureofcooperationonanationalandinternationallevelinindigenouslanguagemediumeducation.Therearecoopera-tiveeffortsbetweentheÿAhaPünanaLeoandAmericanIndianandAlaskaNativegroupscurrentlyunderway.14AndtheÿAhaPünanaLeohaslonghadacloserela-tionshipwiththeKöhangaReoTrustandMäorilanguagerevitalization.
TheHawaiÿieducationalestablishmenthasbecomeincreasinglyinterestedinthegainsmadebytheMäoriinNewZealand.TheMäorieducationmovementishighlyfocusedonlanguagerevitalizationandcentersaroundMäori-mediumeducationbeginninginKöhangaReopreschools.DifferentialfundingsupportfavorsthoseprogramsthatusethemostMäori languagein instruction.By1998,44%ofallMäoripreschoolstudentswereenrolled inMäori-mediumpreschools,and17%ofallMäoristudentsenrolled incompulsoryeducationwere inMäori-mediumprograms (Te Puni Kökiri, 2000). Emulating the successes of autochthonouslanguage medium education in Wales, Greenland, and northern Spain, MäorientitiescontinuesystematicplanningforevenfurtherspreadofMäori-mediumeducation(TePuniKökiri,2003).
Hawaiian-mediumeducationhasstruggledwithunstablepreschoolfundingandadhocaccommodationsmadewithinthepublicschoolsystem.Furthermore,thebest-fundedprogramsforHawaiiansinHawaiÿiareinEnglish-mediumschoolsrather than in Hawaiian-medium schools. Enrollments in Hawaiian-medium
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education are also much smaller than those of Mäori-medium education. Lessthan3%ofallNativeHawaiianchildrenofpreschoolageareenrolledinHawaiian-mediumPünanaLeo.AsimilarpercentageofstudentsfromkindergartenthroughGrade12areenrolled inHawaiian-mediumschools. (Kanaÿiaupunietal.,2005;NämakaRawlins,personalcommunication,September2006.)
Inspiteofsmallnumbers,Hawaiian-mediumeducationhasreceivedinternationalattention, including commendations from leaders of Mäori-medium education.Someof the successesof totalHawaiian-mediumeducationhavebeenused tosupportfurthergrowthofMäori-mediumeducation(TïmotiKäretu,formerNewZealandgovernmentMäoriLanguageCommissioner,personal communication,October2006).
Hawaiians themselves are increasingly seeing the value of Hawaiian languagerevitalization.AlthoughfewmaybeawareoftheacademicbenefitsofarevitalizedHawaiianlanguage,manyHawaiiansrealizetheimportanceofHawaiianlanguagein maintaining the Hawaiian culture and traditional values key to holdingfamiliesandcommunitiestogether.AHawaiianCommunitySurveytakenbytheKamehamehaSchoolsin2003showedthat78%ofHawaiianssurveyedbelievedittobefairlyorveryimportantto“liveandpractice”Hawaiiancultureonadailybasis,and80.3%believed thatuniversalHawaiian language instructiontokeiki(children)wouldimproveNativeHawaiianprideandself-respect (Kanaÿiaupunietal.,2005).
In the1980sand1990s, assumptions thatHawaiian languagewas inferiorandirrelevant for contemporary times—as well as upheavals in the KamehamehaSchools—hindered Hawaiians from reaching levels of autochthonous languagemediumeducationcomparablewiththosefoundinNewZealand.Falseassump-tions remain a major reason why contemporary Hawaiian-medium educationencountersmanyofthesamechallengesofresources,structuralsupport,andlowsocioeconomicclassidentificationfacedbyHawaiian-mediumeducationwhenitwasundermajorexternalattackattheendofthemonarchy.WhilemanyHawaiianswanttheHawaiianlanguagefortheirchildren,thelonghistoryofrepressionofHawaiianhasmanyworriedaboutfollowingtheautochthonouslanguagemediumeducationmodel.Yetthisistheverymodelthathasshownthemostsuccessforindigenouspeoplesonanationalandinternationallevel.
It isoursincerehopethattheinformationcollectedhereregardingthepositiveeffectsofHawaiian-mediumeducationwillbeusefulincounteringmisinformationandpressuresthathaveworkedagainstHawaiÿi’sinstitutionsfullycommittingtoHawaiian-mediumeducation.WeespeciallycallonparentstousetheinformationprovidedheretostrengthenthemselvestojoinfamilieslikeoursinenrollingtheirchildreninHawaiÿi’sproudheritageofHawaiian-mediumeducation.Aslongasthere are families who insist on enrolling their children in Hawaiian-mediumschools,thefollowingclaimoftheRepublicofHawaiÿi(1895)initsbiennialreportcanneverbemadeagain:
Schools taught in the Hawaiian language have virtuallyceased to exist and will probably never appear again in aGovernment report. Hawaiian parents without exceptionpreferthattheirchildrenshouldbeeducatedintheEnglishlanguage. The gradual extinction of a Polynesian dialectmayberegrettedforsentimentalreasons,butitiscertainlyfortheinterestoftheHawaiiansthemselves.
References
ÿAhaPünanaLeo.(inpress).(Ke) Kumu Honua Mauli Ola.Hilo,HI:Author.
Alexander,W.D.,&Atkinson,A.T.(1888).A historical sketch of education in the Hawaiian Islands.Honolulu:BoardofEducationoftheHawaiianKingdom.
Baker,C.,&Hornberger,N.H.(Eds.).(2001).An introductory reader to the writings of Jim Cummins.Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Baker,C.,&Jones,S.P.(Eds.).(1998).Encyclopedia of bilingualism and bilingual education.Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Berg,S.(1989,March).Bridges to literacy: Today’s plan for tomorrow’s Hawai‘i—Report prepared by the Governor’s Office of Children and Youth: The Governor’s Council for Literacy.Honolulu:Author.
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education are also much smaller than those of Mäori-medium education. Lessthan3%ofallNativeHawaiianchildrenofpreschoolageareenrolledinHawaiian-mediumPünanaLeo.AsimilarpercentageofstudentsfromkindergartenthroughGrade12areenrolled inHawaiian-mediumschools. (Kanaÿiaupunietal.,2005;NämakaRawlins,personalcommunication,September2006.)
Inspiteofsmallnumbers,Hawaiian-mediumeducationhasreceivedinternationalattention, including commendations from leaders of Mäori-medium education.Someof the successesof totalHawaiian-mediumeducationhavebeenused tosupportfurthergrowthofMäori-mediumeducation(TïmotiKäretu,formerNewZealandgovernmentMäoriLanguageCommissioner,personal communication,October2006).
Hawaiians themselves are increasingly seeing the value of Hawaiian languagerevitalization.AlthoughfewmaybeawareoftheacademicbenefitsofarevitalizedHawaiianlanguage,manyHawaiiansrealizetheimportanceofHawaiianlanguagein maintaining the Hawaiian culture and traditional values key to holdingfamiliesandcommunitiestogether.AHawaiianCommunitySurveytakenbytheKamehamehaSchoolsin2003showedthat78%ofHawaiianssurveyedbelievedittobefairlyorveryimportantto“liveandpractice”Hawaiiancultureonadailybasis,and80.3%believed thatuniversalHawaiian language instructiontokeiki(children)wouldimproveNativeHawaiianprideandself-respect (Kanaÿiaupunietal.,2005).
In the1980sand1990s, assumptions thatHawaiian languagewas inferiorandirrelevant for contemporary times—as well as upheavals in the KamehamehaSchools—hindered Hawaiians from reaching levels of autochthonous languagemediumeducationcomparablewiththosefoundinNewZealand.Falseassump-tions remain a major reason why contemporary Hawaiian-medium educationencountersmanyofthesamechallengesofresources,structuralsupport,andlowsocioeconomicclassidentificationfacedbyHawaiian-mediumeducationwhenitwasundermajorexternalattackattheendofthemonarchy.WhilemanyHawaiianswanttheHawaiianlanguagefortheirchildren,thelonghistoryofrepressionofHawaiianhasmanyworriedaboutfollowingtheautochthonouslanguagemediumeducationmodel.Yetthisistheverymodelthathasshownthemostsuccessforindigenouspeoplesonanationalandinternationallevel.
It isoursincerehopethattheinformationcollectedhereregardingthepositiveeffectsofHawaiian-mediumeducationwillbeusefulincounteringmisinformationandpressuresthathaveworkedagainstHawaiÿi’sinstitutionsfullycommittingtoHawaiian-mediumeducation.WeespeciallycallonparentstousetheinformationprovidedheretostrengthenthemselvestojoinfamilieslikeoursinenrollingtheirchildreninHawaiÿi’sproudheritageofHawaiian-mediumeducation.Aslongasthere are families who insist on enrolling their children in Hawaiian-mediumschools,thefollowingclaimoftheRepublicofHawaiÿi(1895)initsbiennialreportcanneverbemadeagain:
Schools taught in the Hawaiian language have virtuallyceased to exist and will probably never appear again in aGovernment report. Hawaiian parents without exceptionpreferthattheirchildrenshouldbeeducatedintheEnglishlanguage. The gradual extinction of a Polynesian dialectmayberegrettedforsentimentalreasons,butitiscertainlyfortheinterestoftheHawaiiansthemselves.
References
ÿAhaPünanaLeo.(inpress).(Ke) Kumu Honua Mauli Ola.Hilo,HI:Author.
Alexander,W.D.,&Atkinson,A.T.(1888).A historical sketch of education in the Hawaiian Islands.Honolulu:BoardofEducationoftheHawaiianKingdom.
Baker,C.,&Hornberger,N.H.(Eds.).(2001).An introductory reader to the writings of Jim Cummins.Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Baker,C.,&Jones,S.P.(Eds.).(1998).Encyclopedia of bilingualism and bilingual education.Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Berg,S.(1989,March).Bridges to literacy: Today’s plan for tomorrow’s Hawai‘i—Report prepared by the Governor’s Office of Children and Youth: The Governor’s Council for Literacy.Honolulu:Author.
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Cenoz,J.,&Genesee,F.(Eds.).(1998).Beyond bilingualism: Multilingualism and multilingual education.Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Conklin,K.(2006).Was Hawaiian language illegal?RetrievedAugust15,2006fromhttp://www.angelfire.com/hi2/hawaiiansovereignty/hawlangillegal.html
Eyre,D.(2004,January).The suppression of Hawaiian culture at Kamehameha Schools.SpeechdeliveredataretreatofHuiHoÿohawaiÿi,Honolulu,HI.
Gardner,N.(2000).Basque in education in the Basque autonomous community.Donostia,Spain:EuskoJaurlaritzarenArgitalpenZerbitzuNagusia.
Genessee,F.,Holobow,N.E.,Lambert,W.E.,&Chartrand,L.(1989).Threeelementaryschoolalternativesforlearningthroughasecondlanguage.The Modern Language Journal, 73,iii.
Grenoble,L.A.,&Whaley,L.J.(1998).Endangered languages.Cambridge,England:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Hawai‘iStateDepartmentofEducation,Hawai‘iDistrict.(1999).Focus on learning: A self study 1998–1999 Hilo High School.Hilo,HI:Author.
Hinton,L.,&Hale,K.(Eds.).(2001).The green book of language revitalization in practice.SanDiego,CA:AcademicPress.
Johnson,F.T.,&Legatz,J.(2006).TséhootsooíDinéBi’olta’.Journal of American Indian Education, 45(2),26–33.
Kamanä,K.(1987).Languagelanguish:TimetoinjectnewrespectforHawaiian.InYear of the Hawaiian(p.12).Alto,NM:C.F.BoonPublishing(fortheHonolulu Star-Bulletin).
KamehamehaSchools.(2000).Kamehameha Schools strategic plan 2000–2015.Honolulu:Author.
KamehamehaSchools.(2005).Petition for rehearing en banc JohnDoev.KamehamehaSchools/BernicePauahiBishopEstate.FiledintheUnitedStatesCourtofAppealsfortheNinthCircuit,August23,2005.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huakaÿi: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Ka Na‘i Aupuni.(1906,January4).[Untitlednewspapereditorial].Honolulu:Author.
Ka Nupepa Kü‘oko‘a.(1864,November19).[Untitlednewspapereditorial].Honolulu:Author.
Ka Pu‘uhonua.(1917,January26).Olelo Hawaii[Newspapereditorial].Honolulu:Author.
Khleif,B.B.(1980).Language, ethnicity, and education in Wales.TheHague,theNetherlands:Mouton.
Kimura,L.L.(1983).TheHawaiianlanguage.InNative Hawaiians Study Commission: Vol. I. Report on the culture, needs, and concerns of Native Hawaiians, pursuant to Public Law 96-565, Title III(pp.173–224&623–631).Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.
Lind,A.(1980).Hawai‘i’s people.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
McCrum,R.,Cran,W.,&MacNeil,R.(1993).The story of English.NewYork:PenguinBooks.
McCarty,T.(2003).Revitalizingindigenouslanguagesinhomogenizingtimes.Comparative Education,39,147–163.
NoChildLeftBehindActof2001,Pub.L.107-110(January8,2002).
O’Grady,W.,Archibald,J.,Aronoff,M.,&Rees-Miller,J.(2005).Contemporary linguistics: An introduction.Boston:Bedford/St.Martin’s.
RepublicofHawai‘i.(1895).Biennial report of the Bureau of Public Instruction, 1894–1895.Honolulu:Author.
Reinecke,J.E.(1969).Language and dialect in Hawai‘i: A sociologuistic history to 1935.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Reyhner,J.(1996).Rationaleandneedsforstabilizingindigenouslanguages.InG.Cantoni(Ed.),Stabilizing indigenous languages: A Center for Excellence in Education monograph(pp.3–15).Flagstaff:NorthernArizonaUniversity.
Sasaki,M.(2005).TheeffectofL1readingprocessesonL2:AcrosslinguisticcomparisonofItalianandJapaneseusersofEnglish.InV.Cook&B.Bassetti(Eds.),Second language writing systems(pp.289–308).Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Schütz,A.(1994).The voices of Eden: A history of Hawaiian language studies.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
TePuniKökiri–MinistryofMäoriDevelopment,MonitoringandEvaluationBranch.(2000).Fact sheet 8: The Mäori language and education.Wellington,NewZealand:Author.
TePuniKökiri–MinistryofMäoriDevelopment.(2003).He Reo E Körerotia Ana-He Reo Ka Ora: A shared vision for the future of Te Reo Mäori.Wellington,NewZealand:Author
WelshLanguageBoard.(2000).The Welsh language fact file.Cardiff,Wales:Author.
Wilson,W.H.(1999).ThesociopoliticalcontextofestablishingHawaiianmediumeducation.InS.May(Ed.),Indigenous community-based education(pp.95–108).Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
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Cenoz,J.,&Genesee,F.(Eds.).(1998).Beyond bilingualism: Multilingualism and multilingual education.Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Conklin,K.(2006).Was Hawaiian language illegal?RetrievedAugust15,2006fromhttp://www.angelfire.com/hi2/hawaiiansovereignty/hawlangillegal.html
Eyre,D.(2004,January).The suppression of Hawaiian culture at Kamehameha Schools.SpeechdeliveredataretreatofHuiHoÿohawaiÿi,Honolulu,HI.
Gardner,N.(2000).Basque in education in the Basque autonomous community.Donostia,Spain:EuskoJaurlaritzarenArgitalpenZerbitzuNagusia.
Genessee,F.,Holobow,N.E.,Lambert,W.E.,&Chartrand,L.(1989).Threeelementaryschoolalternativesforlearningthroughasecondlanguage.The Modern Language Journal, 73,iii.
Grenoble,L.A.,&Whaley,L.J.(1998).Endangered languages.Cambridge,England:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Hawai‘iStateDepartmentofEducation,Hawai‘iDistrict.(1999).Focus on learning: A self study 1998–1999 Hilo High School.Hilo,HI:Author.
Hinton,L.,&Hale,K.(Eds.).(2001).The green book of language revitalization in practice.SanDiego,CA:AcademicPress.
Johnson,F.T.,&Legatz,J.(2006).TséhootsooíDinéBi’olta’.Journal of American Indian Education, 45(2),26–33.
Kamanä,K.(1987).Languagelanguish:TimetoinjectnewrespectforHawaiian.InYear of the Hawaiian(p.12).Alto,NM:C.F.BoonPublishing(fortheHonolulu Star-Bulletin).
KamehamehaSchools.(2000).Kamehameha Schools strategic plan 2000–2015.Honolulu:Author.
KamehamehaSchools.(2005).Petition for rehearing en banc JohnDoev.KamehamehaSchools/BernicePauahiBishopEstate.FiledintheUnitedStatesCourtofAppealsfortheNinthCircuit,August23,2005.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huakaÿi: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Ka Na‘i Aupuni.(1906,January4).[Untitlednewspapereditorial].Honolulu:Author.
Ka Nupepa Kü‘oko‘a.(1864,November19).[Untitlednewspapereditorial].Honolulu:Author.
Ka Pu‘uhonua.(1917,January26).Olelo Hawaii[Newspapereditorial].Honolulu:Author.
Khleif,B.B.(1980).Language, ethnicity, and education in Wales.TheHague,theNetherlands:Mouton.
Kimura,L.L.(1983).TheHawaiianlanguage.InNative Hawaiians Study Commission: Vol. I. Report on the culture, needs, and concerns of Native Hawaiians, pursuant to Public Law 96-565, Title III(pp.173–224&623–631).Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.
Lind,A.(1980).Hawai‘i’s people.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
McCrum,R.,Cran,W.,&MacNeil,R.(1993).The story of English.NewYork:PenguinBooks.
McCarty,T.(2003).Revitalizingindigenouslanguagesinhomogenizingtimes.Comparative Education,39,147–163.
NoChildLeftBehindActof2001,Pub.L.107-110(January8,2002).
O’Grady,W.,Archibald,J.,Aronoff,M.,&Rees-Miller,J.(2005).Contemporary linguistics: An introduction.Boston:Bedford/St.Martin’s.
RepublicofHawai‘i.(1895).Biennial report of the Bureau of Public Instruction, 1894–1895.Honolulu:Author.
Reinecke,J.E.(1969).Language and dialect in Hawai‘i: A sociologuistic history to 1935.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Reyhner,J.(1996).Rationaleandneedsforstabilizingindigenouslanguages.InG.Cantoni(Ed.),Stabilizing indigenous languages: A Center for Excellence in Education monograph(pp.3–15).Flagstaff:NorthernArizonaUniversity.
Sasaki,M.(2005).TheeffectofL1readingprocessesonL2:AcrosslinguisticcomparisonofItalianandJapaneseusersofEnglish.InV.Cook&B.Bassetti(Eds.),Second language writing systems(pp.289–308).Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
Schütz,A.(1994).The voices of Eden: A history of Hawaiian language studies.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
TePuniKökiri–MinistryofMäoriDevelopment,MonitoringandEvaluationBranch.(2000).Fact sheet 8: The Mäori language and education.Wellington,NewZealand:Author.
TePuniKökiri–MinistryofMäoriDevelopment.(2003).He Reo E Körerotia Ana-He Reo Ka Ora: A shared vision for the future of Te Reo Mäori.Wellington,NewZealand:Author
WelshLanguageBoard.(2000).The Welsh language fact file.Cardiff,Wales:Author.
Wilson,W.H.(1999).ThesociopoliticalcontextofestablishingHawaiianmediumeducation.InS.May(Ed.),Indigenous community-based education(pp.95–108).Clevedon,England:MultilingualMatters.
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Wilson,W.H.(2003,November2).Hawaiian-immersioneducationresoundingsuccess.Honolulu Advertiser,p.B-3.
Wilson,W.H.,&Kamanä,K.(2001).“MaiLokoMaiOKaÿIÿini:Proceedingfromadream”:TheÿAhaPünanaLeoconnectioninHawaiianlanguagerevitalization.InL.Hinton&K.Hale(Eds.),The green book of language revitalization in practice(pp.147–176).SanDiego,CA:AcademicPress.
Wilson,W.H.,Kamanä,K.,&Rawlins,N.(2006).NäwahïHawaiianLaboratorySchool.Journal of American Indian Education, 45(2),42–44.
About the Authors
William H. Wilson and Kauanoe Kamanä are parents of graduates ofNäwahïokalaniÿöpuÿuSchoolandfoundingmembersoftheÿAhaPünanaLeo,Inc.TheyarefacultyatKaHakaÿUlaOKeÿelikölani(CollegeofHawaiianLanguage)attheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Hilo.
Notes
1 KamehamehaSchools(2005)mightstrengthenitsclaimsofbeingalignedwithfederallegislationbyacknowledgingitspastroleasanagentofthegovernmentinthesuppressionofHawaiianandbyadoptingtheHawaiianlanguagesupportivepoliciesoftheNativeHawaiianEducationActof1988(seeNoChildLeftBehindAct of 2001). These policies include access to Hawaiian-medium education inall schooling that theActprovidesandpriority support toeducationconductedthroughthelanguage.
2 HawaiiansurvivedonNiÿihauintothe1990sbecauseofisolationandapracticeofusingHawaiianinNiÿihauschooldespitethegovernmentban(Wilson,1999).Hawaiÿi Creole English is now replacing Hawaiian as the peer group languageof Niÿihau children (Haunani Seward, principal of Ke Kula Niÿihau O Kekaha,
personal communication, January 2006). The language shift is primarily duetothemigrationoftheNiÿihaupopulationbetweenNiÿihauandKauaÿiandtwogenerationsofenrollmentinEnglish-mediumschoolsonKauaÿi.
3 ChildrenleavingthePünanaLeopreschoolsorearlyelementaryKulaKaiapuniHawaiÿi for English-medium schools, including Kamahemaha Schools, alsotypicallyloseHawaiian,evenwhenurgedbyparentstokeepspeakingit.
4 To learn more about the role of the language—especially the Hawaiianlanguage—inculturalcontinuity,seeKimura(1983),Kamanä(1987),ÿAhaPünanaLeo(inpress),andGrenobleandWhaley(1998).
5 AnexampleoftheattitudesoftraditionallanguagespeakingPolynesianstowardnon-HawaiianspeakingHawaiianswasareprimandgivenin1991byaRarotongaeldertoKamehamehaSchoolsConcertGleeClubstudents.TheeldersaidhedidnotconsiderthestudentsHawaiiansbecausetheydidnotuseHawaiianastheirmain informal languageamong themselves.This reprimandanda similaronethefollowingyearinRaÿiätearesultedinseveralKamehamehastudentsbecomingactiveleadersintheHawaiian-mediumeducationmovement(MarcusKalaÿiOntaiandHiapoPerreira,personalcommunication,September2006).
6 The opinions of Keküanäoÿa are of particular interest in considering futureparticipation of the Kamehameha Schools in Hawaiian-medium education.Keküanäoÿawasthekahu hänai(ritualizedraisingparent)ofKeAliÿiPauahi,andthushadasmuchinfluenceonherthinkingasherbiologicalfather.Keküanäoÿawas also father of Kamehameha IV, Kamehameha V, and Ruth Keÿelikölani.Keÿelikölani, the source of the majority of Pauahi’s lands, was a very strongadvocate of sole use of Hawaiian by Hawaiians with other Hawaiians. Shewouldsurelyhavebeendistressedtoknowthatwithintwodecadesofherdeath,funds from her lands were to be used to exterminate Hawaiian (Eyre, 2004).Keküanäoÿa’s (and arguably Pauahi’s) goal of developing Hawaiians with highsecond-language fluency in English can only be reached today through strongsupportofHawaiian-mediumeducation.
7 It is likely that part-Hawaiians who identified as Chinese were primarilyChineseinbloodandEnglishinlanguage.Ever-increasingnumbersofHawaiiansareofracialmixturesinwhichnon-Hawaiianelementspredominate.ThereforethetendencyofEnglish-speakingpart-Hawaiianstoidentifyethnicallywithothergroups is likely to increase. In the United States, for English speakers, one’s
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Wilson,W.H.(2003,November2).Hawaiian-immersioneducationresoundingsuccess.Honolulu Advertiser,p.B-3.
Wilson,W.H.,&Kamanä,K.(2001).“MaiLokoMaiOKaÿIÿini:Proceedingfromadream”:TheÿAhaPünanaLeoconnectioninHawaiianlanguagerevitalization.InL.Hinton&K.Hale(Eds.),The green book of language revitalization in practice(pp.147–176).SanDiego,CA:AcademicPress.
Wilson,W.H.,Kamanä,K.,&Rawlins,N.(2006).NäwahïHawaiianLaboratorySchool.Journal of American Indian Education, 45(2),42–44.
About the Authors
William H. Wilson and Kauanoe Kamanä are parents of graduates ofNäwahïokalaniÿöpuÿuSchoolandfoundingmembersoftheÿAhaPünanaLeo,Inc.TheyarefacultyatKaHakaÿUlaOKeÿelikölani(CollegeofHawaiianLanguage)attheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Hilo.
Notes
1 KamehamehaSchools(2005)mightstrengthenitsclaimsofbeingalignedwithfederallegislationbyacknowledgingitspastroleasanagentofthegovernmentinthesuppressionofHawaiianandbyadoptingtheHawaiianlanguagesupportivepoliciesoftheNativeHawaiianEducationActof1988(seeNoChildLeftBehindAct of 2001). These policies include access to Hawaiian-medium education inall schooling that theActprovidesandpriority support toeducationconductedthroughthelanguage.
2 HawaiiansurvivedonNiÿihauintothe1990sbecauseofisolationandapracticeofusingHawaiianinNiÿihauschooldespitethegovernmentban(Wilson,1999).Hawaiÿi Creole English is now replacing Hawaiian as the peer group languageof Niÿihau children (Haunani Seward, principal of Ke Kula Niÿihau O Kekaha,
personal communication, January 2006). The language shift is primarily duetothemigrationoftheNiÿihaupopulationbetweenNiÿihauandKauaÿiandtwogenerationsofenrollmentinEnglish-mediumschoolsonKauaÿi.
3 ChildrenleavingthePünanaLeopreschoolsorearlyelementaryKulaKaiapuniHawaiÿi for English-medium schools, including Kamahemaha Schools, alsotypicallyloseHawaiian,evenwhenurgedbyparentstokeepspeakingit.
4 To learn more about the role of the language—especially the Hawaiianlanguage—inculturalcontinuity,seeKimura(1983),Kamanä(1987),ÿAhaPünanaLeo(inpress),andGrenobleandWhaley(1998).
5 AnexampleoftheattitudesoftraditionallanguagespeakingPolynesianstowardnon-HawaiianspeakingHawaiianswasareprimandgivenin1991byaRarotongaeldertoKamehamehaSchoolsConcertGleeClubstudents.TheeldersaidhedidnotconsiderthestudentsHawaiiansbecausetheydidnotuseHawaiianastheirmain informal languageamong themselves.This reprimandanda similaronethefollowingyearinRaÿiätearesultedinseveralKamehamehastudentsbecomingactiveleadersintheHawaiian-mediumeducationmovement(MarcusKalaÿiOntaiandHiapoPerreira,personalcommunication,September2006).
6 The opinions of Keküanäoÿa are of particular interest in considering futureparticipation of the Kamehameha Schools in Hawaiian-medium education.Keküanäoÿawasthekahu hänai(ritualizedraisingparent)ofKeAliÿiPauahi,andthushadasmuchinfluenceonherthinkingasherbiologicalfather.Keküanäoÿawas also father of Kamehameha IV, Kamehameha V, and Ruth Keÿelikölani.Keÿelikölani, the source of the majority of Pauahi’s lands, was a very strongadvocate of sole use of Hawaiian by Hawaiians with other Hawaiians. Shewouldsurelyhavebeendistressedtoknowthatwithintwodecadesofherdeath,funds from her lands were to be used to exterminate Hawaiian (Eyre, 2004).Keküanäoÿa’s (and arguably Pauahi’s) goal of developing Hawaiians with highsecond-language fluency in English can only be reached today through strongsupportofHawaiian-mediumeducation.
7 It is likely that part-Hawaiians who identified as Chinese were primarilyChineseinbloodandEnglishinlanguage.Ever-increasingnumbersofHawaiiansareofracialmixturesinwhichnon-Hawaiianelementspredominate.ThereforethetendencyofEnglish-speakingpart-Hawaiianstoidentifyethnicallywithothergroups is likely to increase. In the United States, for English speakers, one’s
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predominantbloodusuallydeterminesethnicidentity.Fornon-Englishspeakers,however,bloodisseenas less important thanlanguage.Notethecensus’snewlanguage-based—butrace-neutral—category“Hispanic.”
8 SeeWilsonandKamanä (2001)andWilson (2003) formore informationonacademic achievement. Näwahï is participating in a national study of NativeAmerican language medium education to record its academic successes anddetermine appropriate methods of measuring student achievement in suchprogramsbeforeEnglishliteracyisfullydeveloped.TheprojectisledbyDr.WilliamDemmert of Western Washington University and supported by, among others,Educational Testing Services of Princeton, the Rand Corporation, and theCenterforResearchonEducation,DiversityandExcellenceat theUniversityofCalifornia–Berkeley.
9 FormoreinformationontherevitalizationofHebrewandlanguagerevitalizationingeneral,seeBakerandJones(1998,pp.186–203).
10On his Web site, Conklin (2006) also made claims regarding the 1896 lawbanning Hawaiian that have no source of support in the historical record, forexample,that“Many,perhaps,mostHawaiianparentswentsofarastodemandthattheirchildrenspeakonlyEnglishathomeaswellasatschool,”and“Itturnsout that laws favoring English were probably targeted primarily to assimilatetheAmerican-bornchildren(U.S.citizens) [sic]ofJapanesePlantationworkers.”ThereisamplehistoricalevidencethatHawaiianwasthelanguagemostHawaiianparentsusedwiththeirchildrenwhenthelawwasenacted.Furthermore,in1896,Japanese children (then not U.S., but Hawaiian citizens) made up only 2.1%of enrollments in Hawaiÿi schools. Conklin also failed to acknowledge that theRepublicofHawaiÿi(1895)itselfspecificallynotedtheHawaiianlanguagewasthelanguageaffectedbyitsschoollanguagelaw.
11Hawaiian-mediumeducationcontinuestobeattacked.Contrarytofederallaw,Hawaiian-mediumprogramsaredeniedaccesstofundsfornon-Englishspeakingstudents.Inspiteofspecificrecognitionofauniquetestingstatusinfederallaw,administrators have applied English-medium school testing rules to Hawaiian-mediumschoolswithhighlyprejudicialresults.
12In2006,studentswithHawaiianimmersionbackgroundswereacceptedintoGrade 9 at Kamehameha’s Keaÿau campus at a level twice their representationinthepopulation.EvenmoredramaticistherecordonMolokaÿi,wherefortwostraightyears,two-thirdsofstudentsacceptedtoKamehamehacamefromthesmallHawaiianimmersionprogramthere(NämakaRawlins,personalcommunication,September2006).
13Atthesuggestionofanonymousreviewers,thisarticlewasmodifiedtoincludea discussion of the potential role for the Kamehameha Schools in Hawaiian-medium education. Establishing Hawaiian-medium education at KamehamehawouldbeconsistentwithKamehameha’sclaimsincourt(KamehamehaSchools,2005,pp.17–18)relativetoits“missionofremedyingtheneardestructionofNativeHawaiian culture and producing graduates who will carry on that remediation”and Kamehameha’s assertion of the value to its graduates of “immersion in aNativeHawaiiancultureeducationingradesK–12.”
14HawaiÿiisthecurrentleaderintheUnitedStatesinarapidlygrowingNativeAmericanlanguagemediummovement(Hinton&Hale,2001).InitiationofK–12HawaiianimmersionwithinKamehamehaSchoolsincooperationwithexistingHawaiian-mediumprogramswouldmoveHawaiian-mediumeducationtoanewlevelofinternationalleadership.ItwouldalsobenaturalwithinthehistoryofamovementledandcoordinatedinlargepartbyKamehamehagraduates.
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predominantbloodusuallydeterminesethnicidentity.Fornon-Englishspeakers,however,bloodisseenas less important thanlanguage.Notethecensus’snewlanguage-based—butrace-neutral—category“Hispanic.”
8 SeeWilsonandKamanä (2001)andWilson (2003) formore informationonacademic achievement. Näwahï is participating in a national study of NativeAmerican language medium education to record its academic successes anddetermine appropriate methods of measuring student achievement in suchprogramsbeforeEnglishliteracyisfullydeveloped.TheprojectisledbyDr.WilliamDemmert of Western Washington University and supported by, among others,Educational Testing Services of Princeton, the Rand Corporation, and theCenterforResearchonEducation,DiversityandExcellenceat theUniversityofCalifornia–Berkeley.
9 FormoreinformationontherevitalizationofHebrewandlanguagerevitalizationingeneral,seeBakerandJones(1998,pp.186–203).
10On his Web site, Conklin (2006) also made claims regarding the 1896 lawbanning Hawaiian that have no source of support in the historical record, forexample,that“Many,perhaps,mostHawaiianparentswentsofarastodemandthattheirchildrenspeakonlyEnglishathomeaswellasatschool,”and“Itturnsout that laws favoring English were probably targeted primarily to assimilatetheAmerican-bornchildren(U.S.citizens) [sic]ofJapanesePlantationworkers.”ThereisamplehistoricalevidencethatHawaiianwasthelanguagemostHawaiianparentsusedwiththeirchildrenwhenthelawwasenacted.Furthermore,in1896,Japanese children (then not U.S., but Hawaiian citizens) made up only 2.1%of enrollments in Hawaiÿi schools. Conklin also failed to acknowledge that theRepublicofHawaiÿi(1895)itselfspecificallynotedtheHawaiianlanguagewasthelanguageaffectedbyitsschoollanguagelaw.
11Hawaiian-mediumeducationcontinuestobeattacked.Contrarytofederallaw,Hawaiian-mediumprogramsaredeniedaccesstofundsfornon-Englishspeakingstudents.Inspiteofspecificrecognitionofauniquetestingstatusinfederallaw,administrators have applied English-medium school testing rules to Hawaiian-mediumschoolswithhighlyprejudicialresults.
12In2006,studentswithHawaiianimmersionbackgroundswereacceptedintoGrade 9 at Kamehameha’s Keaÿau campus at a level twice their representationinthepopulation.EvenmoredramaticistherecordonMolokaÿi,wherefortwostraightyears,two-thirdsofstudentsacceptedtoKamehamehacamefromthesmallHawaiianimmersionprogramthere(NämakaRawlins,personalcommunication,September2006).
13Atthesuggestionofanonymousreviewers,thisarticlewasmodifiedtoincludea discussion of the potential role for the Kamehameha Schools in Hawaiian-medium education. Establishing Hawaiian-medium education at KamehamehawouldbeconsistentwithKamehameha’sclaimsincourt(KamehamehaSchools,2005,pp.17–18)relativetoits“missionofremedyingtheneardestructionofNativeHawaiian culture and producing graduates who will carry on that remediation”and Kamehameha’s assertion of the value to its graduates of “immersion in aNativeHawaiiancultureeducationingradesK–12.”
14HawaiÿiisthecurrentleaderintheUnitedStatesinarapidlygrowingNativeAmericanlanguagemediummovement(Hinton&Hale,2001).InitiationofK–12HawaiianimmersionwithinKamehamehaSchoolsincooperationwithexistingHawaiian-mediumprogramswouldmoveHawaiian-mediumeducationtoanewlevelofinternationalleadership.ItwouldalsobenaturalwithinthehistoryofamovementledandcoordinatedinlargepartbyKamehamehagraduates.
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Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
While the inclusion of multicultural literature, including Hawaiian
literature, is common in the modern American literature classroom,
traditionally the starting point for discussion and analysis of any piece
is from a Western theoretical perspective. The premise of this article
challenges this Western/universal frame of reference by introducing
the Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiian) concept of makawalu (having
eight eyes), which establishes an indigenous foundation for studying
literature. Makawalu emphasizes that indigenous students can
use “native eyes” and a native paradigm to access and analyze
literature; it empowers students by acknowledging and validating the
indigenous voice.
Makawalu: Standards, Curriculum, and Assessment for Literature through an Indigenous Perspective
Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi and Walter Kahumoku III
correspondence may be sent to: Monica A. Kaÿimipono Kaiwi, English department, Kamehameha Schools 210 Konia Circle, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi 96817 Email: [email protected]
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Western Education on Native Hawaiian Children
TheworksofDavidAdams(1988,1995),JohnOgbu(1978,1987,1990,1991,1992),Vine Deloria (1970, 1979, 1985; Deloria & Wildcat, 2001), and Linda TuhiwaiSmith(1999)expoundonthetragicresultsofeducationalsystemsthatsoughttoassimilate,attimesforcibly,minorityandnativepopulationssothattheywouldadoptamoreEurocentriccultureandlanguage.Theseauthorsandotherworks(Benham & Heck, 1998; Kahumoku, 2005; Kanaÿiaupuni, Malone, & Ishibashi,2005; NeSmith, 2005; Silva, 2004) have chronicled the decline and decimationofnativecommunities, thelackofclarity intheresearchofnativepeoples,andthehorrific aftermathof educationalpolicy that sought to supplant indigenouslanguage and culture with that of Western culture and the English vernacular.As a result, many have laid strong legal, sociocultural, linguistic, political, andeconomicgroundsforreparationsintheformofincreasedfiscalandinfrastruc-tionalassistancetoindigenouspeoples.Supportforindigenouseducationwouldarguablybeoneaspectofsuchreparations.
Yet,accordingtoDeloriaandWildcat(2001),themainstreamhascontinuedtodenynativeself-determinationintermsofeducationand,consequently,hasallocatedminimaltangibleresourcestonativeschools.Moreover,theWesternperspectiveof knowledge and the understanding of that knowledge are so constricted andspecializedthatnativestudentshavedifficultyconnectingsuchfactsandconceptstotheirlives.DeloriaandWildcatpostulatedthatAmericacontinuestopropagateacomputerizedsearch-enginemodelofeducation:Thoughefficientatprocessingdataandperformingquantitativeanalysis,computerscannevertelluswhatthedatamean.Likewise, if thecurrent, traditionaleducationalparadigmrefuses toincludenativeeducationalpractice,place,andposition,indigenouschildrenwillcontinuetostagnate,andeducatorswillnotbeabletoexplainwhy.
Furthermore,researchershave longarticulated thatstrongcultural identityandunderstanding of heritage help build pride and confidence in native children.D’Amato (1988) concluded that Hawaiian children’s acting-out behavior—chal-lenging teacher authority and disrupting classroom atmosphere—representedwaysinwhichtheydealtwithpeerandadultrelationships.D’Amatorecognizedthatschool-imposedcriteria“appeartobenomoreandnolessimportantthantherisks,dramas,andsheer funavailable to themthroughparticipating in instruc-tionalgamesconsistentwiththeirowngamesofidentity”(p.543).Accordingly,
InabrainstormingsessiononNativeHawaiianeducation,aprominentKanaka
Maoli (NativeHawaiian),AuntyPualaniKanakaÿoleKanahele, introduced theHawaiianconceptofmakawalu,or“havingeighteyes,” toagroupofeducators.According to Aunty Pua, makawalu represented a broader conceptualization ofwhatitmeanstoeducateNativeHawaiianyouthsthanthestandard,WesternfareprescribedbymostschoolsinHawaiÿi.WhenappliedtotheteachingofEnglish,forexample, thisculturallyrelevantmodelencouragesteachersandstudentstoventurebeyondfactual,historical,chronological,andoftendisconnected,disjointedapproachestotheanalysisofliterature.Instead,thestudyofliteraturethroughamakawalulensisnolongerconcretizedincanonicalstandardsofWesterntheorybutacknowledges—andmoreimportantlyvalidates—KanakaMaoliepistemology,axiology,andontology.
Westerneducationalpracticehasdonelittletoembracenativechildren.AsTyackandCuban(1995)recognized,theU.S.nationalschoolsystemhasbeendominatedby a few influential policymakers who have advocated for and promulgated aWhite, Anglo-Saxon systemization of educating America’s children. Restrictedby this Western philosophical template for teaching and learning, indigenousgroupssuchasKänakaMaolihavelongsufferedunderthecombinedweightofAmericanization and colonization (Benham & Heck, 1998; Kahumoku, 2005).Today’seducators,scholars,communityleaders,andparentshavechallengedandresistedthecontinuationoftraditionalAmericancurriculumandpedagogy;theyarguethatindigenousperspectivesandpracticehaveaplaceinthemoderneduca-tionallandscape(Benham&Cooper,2000;Meyer,2005).
ThisarticleaddressesthedevelopmentofstandardsthatreflectbothWesternandindigenousapproachestoliteraturecurriculumdevelopmentandadvocatesfortheinfusionofNativeHawaiianandAmerican-EurocentricapproachestothestudyofAmericanliterature.Includedinthisarticleisan(AmericanLiterature)Englishproject,administered tohighschool juniors,which illustrateshowamakawaluparadigm reflects both Kanaka Maoli and Western thought in the teaching ofa high school composition and literature course to Native Hawaiian students.Beforeproceedingtotheactuallessonandstandardsdiscussion,weoutlinesomejustificationsfortheadoptionofamakawaluperspectivewheneducatingNativeHawaiianchildren.
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Western Education on Native Hawaiian Children
TheworksofDavidAdams(1988,1995),JohnOgbu(1978,1987,1990,1991,1992),Vine Deloria (1970, 1979, 1985; Deloria & Wildcat, 2001), and Linda TuhiwaiSmith(1999)expoundonthetragicresultsofeducationalsystemsthatsoughttoassimilate,attimesforcibly,minorityandnativepopulationssothattheywouldadoptamoreEurocentriccultureandlanguage.Theseauthorsandotherworks(Benham & Heck, 1998; Kahumoku, 2005; Kanaÿiaupuni, Malone, & Ishibashi,2005; NeSmith, 2005; Silva, 2004) have chronicled the decline and decimationofnativecommunities, thelackofclarity intheresearchofnativepeoples,andthehorrific aftermathof educationalpolicy that sought to supplant indigenouslanguage and culture with that of Western culture and the English vernacular.As a result, many have laid strong legal, sociocultural, linguistic, political, andeconomicgroundsforreparationsintheformofincreasedfiscalandinfrastruc-tionalassistancetoindigenouspeoples.Supportforindigenouseducationwouldarguablybeoneaspectofsuchreparations.
Yet,accordingtoDeloriaandWildcat(2001),themainstreamhascontinuedtodenynativeself-determinationintermsofeducationand,consequently,hasallocatedminimaltangibleresourcestonativeschools.Moreover,theWesternperspectiveof knowledge and the understanding of that knowledge are so constricted andspecializedthatnativestudentshavedifficultyconnectingsuchfactsandconceptstotheirlives.DeloriaandWildcatpostulatedthatAmericacontinuestopropagateacomputerizedsearch-enginemodelofeducation:Thoughefficientatprocessingdataandperformingquantitativeanalysis,computerscannevertelluswhatthedatamean.Likewise, if thecurrent, traditionaleducationalparadigmrefuses toincludenativeeducationalpractice,place,andposition,indigenouschildrenwillcontinuetostagnate,andeducatorswillnotbeabletoexplainwhy.
Furthermore,researchershave longarticulated thatstrongcultural identityandunderstanding of heritage help build pride and confidence in native children.D’Amato (1988) concluded that Hawaiian children’s acting-out behavior—chal-lenging teacher authority and disrupting classroom atmosphere—representedwaysinwhichtheydealtwithpeerandadultrelationships.D’Amatorecognizedthatschool-imposedcriteria“appeartobenomoreandnolessimportantthantherisks,dramas,andsheer funavailable to themthroughparticipating in instruc-tionalgamesconsistentwiththeirowngamesofidentity”(p.543).Accordingly,
InabrainstormingsessiononNativeHawaiianeducation,aprominentKanaka
Maoli (NativeHawaiian),AuntyPualaniKanakaÿoleKanahele, introduced theHawaiianconceptofmakawalu,or“havingeighteyes,” toagroupofeducators.According to Aunty Pua, makawalu represented a broader conceptualization ofwhatitmeanstoeducateNativeHawaiianyouthsthanthestandard,WesternfareprescribedbymostschoolsinHawaiÿi.WhenappliedtotheteachingofEnglish,forexample, thisculturallyrelevantmodelencouragesteachersandstudentstoventurebeyondfactual,historical,chronological,andoftendisconnected,disjointedapproachestotheanalysisofliterature.Instead,thestudyofliteraturethroughamakawalulensisnolongerconcretizedincanonicalstandardsofWesterntheorybutacknowledges—andmoreimportantlyvalidates—KanakaMaoliepistemology,axiology,andontology.
Westerneducationalpracticehasdonelittletoembracenativechildren.AsTyackandCuban(1995)recognized,theU.S.nationalschoolsystemhasbeendominatedby a few influential policymakers who have advocated for and promulgated aWhite, Anglo-Saxon systemization of educating America’s children. Restrictedby this Western philosophical template for teaching and learning, indigenousgroupssuchasKänakaMaolihavelongsufferedunderthecombinedweightofAmericanization and colonization (Benham & Heck, 1998; Kahumoku, 2005).Today’seducators,scholars,communityleaders,andparentshavechallengedandresistedthecontinuationoftraditionalAmericancurriculumandpedagogy;theyarguethatindigenousperspectivesandpracticehaveaplaceinthemoderneduca-tionallandscape(Benham&Cooper,2000;Meyer,2005).
ThisarticleaddressesthedevelopmentofstandardsthatreflectbothWesternandindigenousapproachestoliteraturecurriculumdevelopmentandadvocatesfortheinfusionofNativeHawaiianandAmerican-EurocentricapproachestothestudyofAmericanliterature.Includedinthisarticleisan(AmericanLiterature)Englishproject,administered tohighschool juniors,which illustrateshowamakawaluparadigm reflects both Kanaka Maoli and Western thought in the teaching ofa high school composition and literature course to Native Hawaiian students.Beforeproceedingtotheactuallessonandstandardsdiscussion,weoutlinesomejustificationsfortheadoptionofamakawaluperspectivewheneducatingNativeHawaiianchildren.
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The Standards/Accountability Movement
Carnoy and Loeb (2002) illustrated the politics surrounding the move towardschoolaccountabilityviastandardsandassessment.Theseauthorsconcludedthatthereisagrowingdependencyonstandardsachievementtogaugethesuccessofaschool.Unfortunately, suchstandardized testshavebeenbasedonAmerican-Eurocentricvaluesandknowledgetothepointofexcludingotherculturallydrivenaxiology,ontology,andepistemology.
Oneexampleof thisdichotomizingpositioningofWesternversusnativeeduca-tional approaches comes in the form of the content standards generated bythe International ReadingAssociation and theNationalCouncil of TeachersofEnglish(IRA/NCTE,1996).WhileitmustbeacknowledgedthatthesestandardsreflectonlytheteachingofEnglishlanguageandliterature,andthatitwouldbeerroneoustosuggestthateducatorsofEnglishshouldalsobelinguisticallyandculturallyversedinthemyriadofstudentethnicitiesthatexistintheirclassrooms,thereareanumberofkeyissuesthatarisewhenoneexaminestherelationshipbetweenthesestandardsandthewayNativeHawaiianstudentsaretaught.
Table1illustratestheillusorypositioningofNativeHawaiiansbytheIRA/NCTEstandards.Forinstance,3ofthe12IRA/NCTEstandardsmakereferencestotheconceptofculture.AlthoughStandards1,9,and10acknowledgetheexistenceofethnicculturesotherthanAmerican-European-Western,theunderlyingpremiseisthattheEnglishlanguageandWesterncultureandknowledgebecometheorigi-natingpointforexploringallliterature,includingthatofothercultures.However,indigenouseducatorsrecognizedthatsuchaforeignorigindisconnectsKanakaMaolistudentsfromthematerialtheyarereading.Furthermore,NativeHawaiianstudentsareoften frustratedwith the lackofconnectionbetween the literatureandtheirownexperience.TothenaskthesestudentstodevelopanunderstandingandrespectforliteratureotherthanwhatiswrittenbyAmericanandEuropeanwritersbecomesproblematic,ifnotfutile.Withoutafirmgraspofliteraryanalysistoolsthat,inmanyways,areconcretelygroundedintheirindigenousexperience,NativeHawaiianstudentsfindEnglishcoursesdifficultandoftentrytojustgetbyinthem.Forinstance,manyofourKanakaMaolistudents,wellintotheirhighschoolcareerandonacollege-boundtrack,claimthataHawaiianepicornovelisthefirstbooktheyactuallyread.
ethnicHawaiianchildrendonotpossessstrongstructuralrationalesforacceptingschoolrulesandteacherauthorityandwillreadilyconfrontandresistthestructureofschoolunless the teacherdemonstrates that thereareculturallybasedvalida-tionsforacceptingnormativeschemaofformaleducation.
YamauchiandTharp(1995)legitimizedthiskindofethnocentric,culturallylinkedpedagogyforeducatingNativeAmericanstudentswhentheyarguedthatsilencein theclassroomisculturallybounded.“Classroomlearning isenhancedwhenthestructureischangedsothattheyaremorecompatiblewiththehomeculturesofthesechildren”(p.352).Whenpedagogyis“consistentwithalanguage-basededucationalmodel thatfocuseson [groupandindividual]meaningmakingandthe interdependenceof social,oral andwrittenskills [ofanethniccommunity]”(p.353),educationbecomesculturallycompatible.
Substantial research has documented the importance of acknowledging andutilizing the Känaka Maoli’s interconnection between place, space, spirit, andothers to enhance learning. In interviews conducted with 20 noted Hawaiianküpuna(elders,leaders),Dr.ManuAluliMeyer(2003)concludedthatifeducationistoamelioratepastpoliticalandeducationalinjusticesagainstNativeHawaiianswhilealsolegitimizingaHawaiianworldview,itmustbegroundedinanaboriginalphilosophicalframework.KamanäandWilson(1996)assertedthattherevitaliza-tionofNativeHawaiiancultureandlanguageistiedtocurriculumthatisindig-enousatitscore.Kaomea(2005),inherexaminationofKula Kaiapuni(Hawaiianlanguageimmersionschools),foundthatHawaiianhistoryandcultureoughttobeinterwovenwithindigenousschematobeeffective.Kawakami(2004)assertedthatqualityeducationfornativechildrenmustbesituatedinaKanakaMaolicontext.
While countless researchers and scholars continue to demonstrate the needfor a more indigenous curricular and pedagogical approach for the schoolingof native children, the formidable pillars of standard, Western/Americanschoolingremainfirmlyentrenched.Infact,withthegrowingmovementtowardstandards and assessment-driven school accountability, the inclusion of othereducationalperspectiveslikeNativeHawaiianepistemologyandvaluesbecomesmoreproblematic.
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The Standards/Accountability Movement
Carnoy and Loeb (2002) illustrated the politics surrounding the move towardschoolaccountabilityviastandardsandassessment.Theseauthorsconcludedthatthereisagrowingdependencyonstandardsachievementtogaugethesuccessofaschool.Unfortunately, suchstandardized testshavebeenbasedonAmerican-Eurocentricvaluesandknowledgetothepointofexcludingotherculturallydrivenaxiology,ontology,andepistemology.
Oneexampleof thisdichotomizingpositioningofWesternversusnativeeduca-tional approaches comes in the form of the content standards generated bythe International ReadingAssociation and theNationalCouncil of TeachersofEnglish(IRA/NCTE,1996).WhileitmustbeacknowledgedthatthesestandardsreflectonlytheteachingofEnglishlanguageandliterature,andthatitwouldbeerroneoustosuggestthateducatorsofEnglishshouldalsobelinguisticallyandculturallyversedinthemyriadofstudentethnicitiesthatexistintheirclassrooms,thereareanumberofkeyissuesthatarisewhenoneexaminestherelationshipbetweenthesestandardsandthewayNativeHawaiianstudentsaretaught.
Table1illustratestheillusorypositioningofNativeHawaiiansbytheIRA/NCTEstandards.Forinstance,3ofthe12IRA/NCTEstandardsmakereferencestotheconceptofculture.AlthoughStandards1,9,and10acknowledgetheexistenceofethnicculturesotherthanAmerican-European-Western,theunderlyingpremiseisthattheEnglishlanguageandWesterncultureandknowledgebecometheorigi-natingpointforexploringallliterature,includingthatofothercultures.However,indigenouseducatorsrecognizedthatsuchaforeignorigindisconnectsKanakaMaolistudentsfromthematerialtheyarereading.Furthermore,NativeHawaiianstudentsareoften frustratedwith the lackofconnectionbetween the literatureandtheirownexperience.TothenaskthesestudentstodevelopanunderstandingandrespectforliteratureotherthanwhatiswrittenbyAmericanandEuropeanwritersbecomesproblematic,ifnotfutile.Withoutafirmgraspofliteraryanalysistoolsthat,inmanyways,areconcretelygroundedintheirindigenousexperience,NativeHawaiianstudentsfindEnglishcoursesdifficultandoftentrytojustgetbyinthem.Forinstance,manyofourKanakaMaolistudents,wellintotheirhighschoolcareerandonacollege-boundtrack,claimthataHawaiianepicornovelisthefirstbooktheyactuallyread.
ethnicHawaiianchildrendonotpossessstrongstructuralrationalesforacceptingschoolrulesandteacherauthorityandwillreadilyconfrontandresistthestructureofschoolunless the teacherdemonstrates that thereareculturallybasedvalida-tionsforacceptingnormativeschemaofformaleducation.
YamauchiandTharp(1995)legitimizedthiskindofethnocentric,culturallylinkedpedagogyforeducatingNativeAmericanstudentswhentheyarguedthatsilencein theclassroomisculturallybounded.“Classroomlearning isenhancedwhenthestructureischangedsothattheyaremorecompatiblewiththehomeculturesofthesechildren”(p.352).Whenpedagogyis“consistentwithalanguage-basededucationalmodel thatfocuseson [groupandindividual]meaningmakingandthe interdependenceof social,oral andwrittenskills [ofanethniccommunity]”(p.353),educationbecomesculturallycompatible.
Substantial research has documented the importance of acknowledging andutilizing the Känaka Maoli’s interconnection between place, space, spirit, andothers to enhance learning. In interviews conducted with 20 noted Hawaiianküpuna(elders,leaders),Dr.ManuAluliMeyer(2003)concludedthatifeducationistoamelioratepastpoliticalandeducationalinjusticesagainstNativeHawaiianswhilealsolegitimizingaHawaiianworldview,itmustbegroundedinanaboriginalphilosophicalframework.KamanäandWilson(1996)assertedthattherevitaliza-tionofNativeHawaiiancultureandlanguageistiedtocurriculumthatisindig-enousatitscore.Kaomea(2005),inherexaminationofKula Kaiapuni(Hawaiianlanguageimmersionschools),foundthatHawaiianhistoryandcultureoughttobeinterwovenwithindigenousschematobeeffective.Kawakami(2004)assertedthatqualityeducationfornativechildrenmustbesituatedinaKanakaMaolicontext.
While countless researchers and scholars continue to demonstrate the needfor a more indigenous curricular and pedagogical approach for the schoolingof native children, the formidable pillars of standard, Western/Americanschoolingremainfirmlyentrenched.Infact,withthegrowingmovementtowardstandards and assessment-driven school accountability, the inclusion of othereducationalperspectiveslikeNativeHawaiianepistemologyandvaluesbecomesmoreproblematic.
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as“backwards,”“sentimental,”or“naive”(Kaiwi,2001,p.90).Inmanyinstances,NativeHawaiianontologicalandepistemologicalconceptsaresimplyincongruentwithWesternaxioms.Itispreciselythisvariancethatwarrantstheneedforcultur-allyrelevantstandardsforliteraryanalysisandcomposition.
Understandably,IRA/NCTEstandardswerewrittenforeducatorsofEnglishliter-atureandcompositionandnotforhistorians,socialscientists,nativecommunityactivists,orforeignlanguagespeakers.However,webelievethat infusingindig-enous forms of knowledge, pedagogy, and content standards can truly assistwith the fundamental progress of each Native Hawaiian student. To this end,wenextpresentaproject that isculturallygrounded inNativeHawaiianepiste-mologyandontologywhileupholdingtheaxiologicalconventionsoftheclassicalEnglishcanon.
The Moÿolelo Project: The Best of Both Worlds
AsanindigenouseducatorwhoteachesAmericanliteraturetoNativeHawaiianstudents, coauthor Kaiwi faced the philosophical question: “How will I get mystudentstoconnectwithacurriculumbasedpredominantlyontheworksof‘deadWhitemales’wholived100or200yearsagoinplacesnearly5,000milesawayfromourislandhome?”TofulfilltheexpectationsofherdepartmentandKamehamehaSchools’college-prepcurriculum,sheknewsheneededto“straddlethepoliticalfence”bycreatingprojectsthatupheldtraditionalformsofliteraryanalysisandcomposition yet included a Kanaka Maoli starting point for her Kanaka Maolistudents. She needed to keep one foot in each world—Native Hawaiian andWestern. To do this, she chose to teach American literature from a makawaluperspectivebyimplementingathematicapproachtoAmericanliteratureaswellasatraditionalchronologicalpresentation.
Also, while there is a strong indication that the IRA/NCTE standards reflect a“wide range of strategies” and “respect for diversity,” the emphasis remains onEnglishlanguageartscompetency.Englishlanguagestructures,conventions,andgenretakepriorityoverindigenouspatternsofspeech,structure,andsyntax.Wearguethatfortheindigenouschild,bothnativeandWesternlanguagestructure,usage,andwordchoiceareimportant,particularlywhenthatchildisaccustomedto thinking,acting,andreactingwith feetplanted in theirnativeaswellas themodern,English-drivenworlds.
Finally,thereisnoclearindicationofKanakaMaolioranyotherethnicculture’sepistemological, ontological, and axiological standpoints in the IRA/NCTEstandards.Granted,theintentionofthesestandardsistobeinclusivegiventhatthenatureofastandardisoneofbroadness.Whatoftenoccursintheanalysisofnativeliterature,however,isconflictbetweenindigenousworldviewsandvaluesandthoseofWesterncultures.Forexample,whereasNativeHawaiiansandothernative peoples acknowledge the intermingling of literal and spiritual worlds,Western ideology rejects what cannot be validated or tangibly proven throughscientificandliteraryresearchanddatacollection(Deloria&Wildcat,2001).Asa result, indigenous epistemology is often interpreted by Western perspectives
TAblE 1 Standards for the English language arts
(1) Students read a wide range of print and nonprint texts to build an understanding of texts, of themselves, and of the cultures of the United States and the world; to acquire new information; to respond to the needs and demands of society and the workplace; and for personal fulfillment. Among these texts are fiction and nonfiction, classic and contemporary works.
(9) Students develop an understanding of and respect for diversity in language use, patterns, and dialects across cultures, ethnic groups, geographic regions, and social roles.
(10) Students whose first language is not English make use of their first language to develop competency in the English language arts and to develop understanding of content across the curriculum.
Note: From Standards for the English Language Arts by the International Reading Association and National Council of Teachers of English, 1��6.
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as“backwards,”“sentimental,”or“naive”(Kaiwi,2001,p.90).Inmanyinstances,NativeHawaiianontologicalandepistemologicalconceptsaresimplyincongruentwithWesternaxioms.Itispreciselythisvariancethatwarrantstheneedforcultur-allyrelevantstandardsforliteraryanalysisandcomposition.
Understandably,IRA/NCTEstandardswerewrittenforeducatorsofEnglishliter-atureandcompositionandnotforhistorians,socialscientists,nativecommunityactivists,orforeignlanguagespeakers.However,webelievethat infusingindig-enous forms of knowledge, pedagogy, and content standards can truly assistwith the fundamental progress of each Native Hawaiian student. To this end,wenextpresentaproject that isculturallygrounded inNativeHawaiianepiste-mologyandontologywhileupholdingtheaxiologicalconventionsoftheclassicalEnglishcanon.
The Moÿolelo Project: The Best of Both Worlds
AsanindigenouseducatorwhoteachesAmericanliteraturetoNativeHawaiianstudents, coauthor Kaiwi faced the philosophical question: “How will I get mystudentstoconnectwithacurriculumbasedpredominantlyontheworksof‘deadWhitemales’wholived100or200yearsagoinplacesnearly5,000milesawayfromourislandhome?”TofulfilltheexpectationsofherdepartmentandKamehamehaSchools’college-prepcurriculum,sheknewsheneededto“straddlethepoliticalfence”bycreatingprojectsthatupheldtraditionalformsofliteraryanalysisandcomposition yet included a Kanaka Maoli starting point for her Kanaka Maolistudents. She needed to keep one foot in each world—Native Hawaiian andWestern. To do this, she chose to teach American literature from a makawaluperspectivebyimplementingathematicapproachtoAmericanliteratureaswellasatraditionalchronologicalpresentation.
Also, while there is a strong indication that the IRA/NCTE standards reflect a“wide range of strategies” and “respect for diversity,” the emphasis remains onEnglishlanguageartscompetency.Englishlanguagestructures,conventions,andgenretakepriorityoverindigenouspatternsofspeech,structure,andsyntax.Wearguethatfortheindigenouschild,bothnativeandWesternlanguagestructure,usage,andwordchoiceareimportant,particularlywhenthatchildisaccustomedto thinking,acting,andreactingwith feetplanted in theirnativeaswellas themodern,English-drivenworlds.
Finally,thereisnoclearindicationofKanakaMaolioranyotherethnicculture’sepistemological, ontological, and axiological standpoints in the IRA/NCTEstandards.Granted,theintentionofthesestandardsistobeinclusivegiventhatthenatureofastandardisoneofbroadness.Whatoftenoccursintheanalysisofnativeliterature,however,isconflictbetweenindigenousworldviewsandvaluesandthoseofWesterncultures.Forexample,whereasNativeHawaiiansandothernative peoples acknowledge the intermingling of literal and spiritual worlds,Western ideology rejects what cannot be validated or tangibly proven throughscientificandliteraryresearchanddatacollection(Deloria&Wildcat,2001).Asa result, indigenous epistemology is often interpreted by Western perspectives
TAblE 1 Standards for the English language arts
(1) Students read a wide range of print and nonprint texts to build an understanding of texts, of themselves, and of the cultures of the United States and the world; to acquire new information; to respond to the needs and demands of society and the workplace; and for personal fulfillment. Among these texts are fiction and nonfiction, classic and contemporary works.
(9) Students develop an understanding of and respect for diversity in language use, patterns, and dialects across cultures, ethnic groups, geographic regions, and social roles.
(10) Students whose first language is not English make use of their first language to develop competency in the English language arts and to develop understanding of content across the curriculum.
Note: From Standards for the English Language Arts by the International Reading Association and National Council of Teachers of English, 1��6.
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The following segment includes the Moÿolelo Project guidelines and studenttestimonies that describe their experiences while undertaking and completingthisproject.
Moÿolelo Project
Asdiscussedon thefirstdayofschool, thisyearyouwill readmoÿolelowrittenbyindividualswhoareorbecameAmericansandwhomayhavewrittenorlivedbeforeyouwereborn.AsanAmericancitizen,youtoohaveastorytotellaboutyourselfandyourÿohana(family).Forthisprojectyouwillsearchforthemoÿolelothatmakesyouwhoyouareasanindividualandasamemberofyourÿohana.
Yourresearchwillincludeeveryaspectofthemoÿo(lizard,figuratively,aswellasinthesenseofgenealogicallineage):you,as ÿöpio(children)—thehead—willwriteaboutyourself,whatyoufeel,think,andobserveaboutyourselfasyoulearnmoreabout the moÿolelo of your ‘ohana. You will write about your mäkua (parents),thosewhohaveestablishedthestabilityandfoundationofyourbeing.Andfinally,youwillwriteaboutyourküpuna,thosewhoarelivingandthosewhohavegonebefore,whomakeupthetail,yourbalance,whichstretchesfar into thepast toAkua,orGod(Willis&Lee,2001).
AsIhavetoldyoubefore,youdonotstandalone.Yourdailydecisionsandactionsreflectyourmäkua,küpuna, ÿaumäkua (ancestralgods),andAkua.ThisprojectisaimedathelpingyoutodiscoverwhoyouareandwhereyoucomefromasaHawaiianandasadescendentofallofyourethnicities.
For people of an oral tradition, a moÿolelo is intended to be shared. Therefore,youwillhavetheopportunitytoshareyourproject,personalmoÿolelo,withyourmäkuaandyourclassmates.Aswithallyourefforts,youwillwanttodoyourverybestwork.
NAME MO‘OlElO.IncludeasmuchofthemoÿolelosurroundingyourFULLnameasyoucandiscoverorhaveexperienced.Howwasyourinoa(name)given?Whogaveit?Whatdoesitmean?Howhasyourinoatranslatedintowhoyouare?
WhenusingathematicapproachtoAmericanliterature,sheneededtobeginat“home”—togroundherstudentsinwhatwasfamiliarandtogivethemaframeofreferencefromwhichtoexamineandcomparethe“unfamiliar”literature.Fromthisevolvedfourthemesthatguidedhercurriculumoverfourquarters:
• WhatisanAmerican?
• Thebuildingofanation
• Aphilosophyoflife
• Lookingtothefuture
The theme of the first quarter focused on those who make up America—bothindigenous and immigrant. Because all of her students have one commonancestry—Kanaka Maoli—she started at home with a moÿolelo (story) of ourancestorswhocametoHawaiÿimorethan2,000yearsago.Thenshefocusedonthepeoplewhocomprisedthe1900splantationerainHawaiÿibeforemovingontostudy theNativeAmericanson thecontinentalUnitedStatesand thosewhoarrivedatPlymouthRockandEllisIsland.
Intermsofchronology,shefollowedthetraditionalorganizationofmanyAmericanliterature anthologies; the first quarter included the Puritans, the next quarterfocused on the Deists, followed in the third quarter by the Transcendentalists,Realists,andGothicwriters,beforemovingtomorecontemporaryliteratureinthefourthquarter.ThepresentationofAmericanliteraturedidnotstrayfromthetradi-tionalcanonicalapproach;however,byincorporatinganindigenousperspective,sheplacedthecanonicalliteraturewithinanindigenousparadigmthatcomparedmoÿoleloofMoÿikehäwithrecordsofthePuritans.Throughamakawaluapproach,shewasabletostartwiththeindigenousselfasabridgetothestudyofAmericanandEuropeanliterature.
ThustheMo‘oleloProjectbeganthestudyofliteraturefromanindigenousstand-pointthroughthemajorelementsofindigenousidentity:language,epistemology,and text. It used ÿölelo Hawaiÿi (Hawaiian language), Native Hawaiian episte-mology,andtranslatedoraturetogroundstudentsinawayofthinkingaboutandanalyzingliterature.OncethisKanakaMaoliliteraryperspectivewasestablished,thestudentswerethenabletocompareitwithother,moretraditionalapproachesandtext.
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The following segment includes the Moÿolelo Project guidelines and studenttestimonies that describe their experiences while undertaking and completingthisproject.
Moÿolelo Project
Asdiscussedon thefirstdayofschool, thisyearyouwill readmoÿolelowrittenbyindividualswhoareorbecameAmericansandwhomayhavewrittenorlivedbeforeyouwereborn.AsanAmericancitizen,youtoohaveastorytotellaboutyourselfandyourÿohana(family).Forthisprojectyouwillsearchforthemoÿolelothatmakesyouwhoyouareasanindividualandasamemberofyourÿohana.
Yourresearchwillincludeeveryaspectofthemoÿo(lizard,figuratively,aswellasinthesenseofgenealogicallineage):you,as ÿöpio(children)—thehead—willwriteaboutyourself,whatyoufeel,think,andobserveaboutyourselfasyoulearnmoreabout the moÿolelo of your ‘ohana. You will write about your mäkua (parents),thosewhohaveestablishedthestabilityandfoundationofyourbeing.Andfinally,youwillwriteaboutyourküpuna,thosewhoarelivingandthosewhohavegonebefore,whomakeupthetail,yourbalance,whichstretchesfar into thepast toAkua,orGod(Willis&Lee,2001).
AsIhavetoldyoubefore,youdonotstandalone.Yourdailydecisionsandactionsreflectyourmäkua,küpuna, ÿaumäkua (ancestralgods),andAkua.ThisprojectisaimedathelpingyoutodiscoverwhoyouareandwhereyoucomefromasaHawaiianandasadescendentofallofyourethnicities.
For people of an oral tradition, a moÿolelo is intended to be shared. Therefore,youwillhavetheopportunitytoshareyourproject,personalmoÿolelo,withyourmäkuaandyourclassmates.Aswithallyourefforts,youwillwanttodoyourverybestwork.
NAME MO‘OlElO.IncludeasmuchofthemoÿolelosurroundingyourFULLnameasyoucandiscoverorhaveexperienced.Howwasyourinoa(name)given?Whogaveit?Whatdoesitmean?Howhasyourinoatranslatedintowhoyouare?
WhenusingathematicapproachtoAmericanliterature,sheneededtobeginat“home”—togroundherstudentsinwhatwasfamiliarandtogivethemaframeofreferencefromwhichtoexamineandcomparethe“unfamiliar”literature.Fromthisevolvedfourthemesthatguidedhercurriculumoverfourquarters:
• WhatisanAmerican?
• Thebuildingofanation
• Aphilosophyoflife
• Lookingtothefuture
The theme of the first quarter focused on those who make up America—bothindigenous and immigrant. Because all of her students have one commonancestry—Kanaka Maoli—she started at home with a moÿolelo (story) of ourancestorswhocametoHawaiÿimorethan2,000yearsago.Thenshefocusedonthepeoplewhocomprisedthe1900splantationerainHawaiÿibeforemovingontostudy theNativeAmericanson thecontinentalUnitedStatesand thosewhoarrivedatPlymouthRockandEllisIsland.
Intermsofchronology,shefollowedthetraditionalorganizationofmanyAmericanliterature anthologies; the first quarter included the Puritans, the next quarterfocused on the Deists, followed in the third quarter by the Transcendentalists,Realists,andGothicwriters,beforemovingtomorecontemporaryliteratureinthefourthquarter.ThepresentationofAmericanliteraturedidnotstrayfromthetradi-tionalcanonicalapproach;however,byincorporatinganindigenousperspective,sheplacedthecanonicalliteraturewithinanindigenousparadigmthatcomparedmoÿoleloofMoÿikehäwithrecordsofthePuritans.Throughamakawaluapproach,shewasabletostartwiththeindigenousselfasabridgetothestudyofAmericanandEuropeanliterature.
ThustheMo‘oleloProjectbeganthestudyofliteraturefromanindigenousstand-pointthroughthemajorelementsofindigenousidentity:language,epistemology,and text. It used ÿölelo Hawaiÿi (Hawaiian language), Native Hawaiian episte-mology,andtranslatedoraturetogroundstudentsinawayofthinkingaboutandanalyzingliterature.OncethisKanakaMaoliliteraryperspectivewasestablished,thestudentswerethenabletocompareitwithother,moretraditionalapproachesandtext.
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THREE CREATIVE original wRITTEN REflECTIONS ON yOuR pERSONAl MO‘OlElO.Thesecanbeintheformofamoÿolelo,oli,prose,and/orpoetry,whichevergenreseemstobestreflectyourfeelings.(Note:Atleastoneofthethreepiecesshouldbeanoliorpoem.)
Hereiswhereyourpersonalmoÿolelotakesshape;youridentitybecomesmoredefined.Youcanuseallthatyouhavefeltandlearnedtocreateamoÿolelo—proseform—which reflects and records the interviewora family story thathasbeentoldinyourÿohanaforgenerations.Thiscouldalsobeaplacewhereyouimaginewhatlifewaslikeforyourküpunaorancestorswhentheywereyounger.Forthoseofyouwhoenjoywritingoliorpoetry,hereisyouropportunitytoexploreandtoexpressyouremotions,bothpositiveandnegative.
NäNä I kE kuMu (lOOk TO THE SOuRCE).Includeonewrittendialogue,conversation,orinterviewwithsomeonewhowillgiveyouinsightintoyourethnicheritageorÿohanabysharingtheirknowledgeaboutthesubjectyouhavechosentoresearchorinsightsregardingyourÿohana.Thispersoncanbeyourmäkua,küpuna,neighbor,kumu(teacher),oranyoneyouknoworcanmeetwhohasknowledgeandiswillingtosharewithyou,addingtoyourunderstandingofyourpersonalmoÿolelo.
Asyourdailyactionsreflectonyourÿohana,thisaspectoftheprojectalsoreflectsonyourkumu.Therefore,youmustconductyourinterviewwithrespectandwithinatimelyfashion.Thismeanswayinadvanceofyourprojectduedate!Below,properprotocolhasbeendefinedthatwillmakeyourinterviewingexperiencebeneficialforeveryoneinvolved.
wHAT IS AN AMERICAN?Includethefirstdraftofanessaydefiningan“American.”Includeyouropinionof the traits, values,beliefs, lifestyle, etc.of anAmerican.Thisessaywillbereturnedforrewrite1weekbeforethefinalprojectisdue.Youwillbeexpectedtorewriteyourreflections,incorporatingwhatyouhavelearnedaboutAmericansthroughyourreadings.
MO‘Okü‘AuHAu (GENEAlOGy). Include as much information about yourmoÿoküÿauhauthatyouandyourÿohanacanprovide.Rewriteyourmoÿoküÿauhauinacreativeorwell-presentedfashion.Youmayusetheoli(chant)formatprovided.
ETHNICITy CHART wITH MO‘OlElO.IncludeadetailedlistofALLofyourethnicitiesORatleastallofwhichyouandyourÿohanaareaware.Indicatetheparentfromwhomyougaineachethnicityandprovidethemoÿoleloofeachthatyouandyourÿohanaknow/remember.
RESEARCH Of TwO ETHNICITIES. Include two pages or more for each ethnicity,describing the information found on the two different ethnic cultures youhave chosen to research. You will cite your research sources by using properMLA (Modern Language Association) parenthetical citations. Your researchfocus may be on a place/country, cultural practice, religion, or historical eventthat affectsor affectedyouor your ÿohana.Throughout your research, youwillincludeyourpersonalcommentaryregardingwhatyouhavelearnedaboutyourethnicity—how does the knowledge relate to and affect your understanding ofyourpersonalmoÿolelo?
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THREE CREATIVE original wRITTEN REflECTIONS ON yOuR pERSONAl MO‘OlElO.Thesecanbeintheformofamoÿolelo,oli,prose,and/orpoetry,whichevergenreseemstobestreflectyourfeelings.(Note:Atleastoneofthethreepiecesshouldbeanoliorpoem.)
Hereiswhereyourpersonalmoÿolelotakesshape;youridentitybecomesmoredefined.Youcanuseallthatyouhavefeltandlearnedtocreateamoÿolelo—proseform—which reflects and records the interviewora family story thathasbeentoldinyourÿohanaforgenerations.Thiscouldalsobeaplacewhereyouimaginewhatlifewaslikeforyourküpunaorancestorswhentheywereyounger.Forthoseofyouwhoenjoywritingoliorpoetry,hereisyouropportunitytoexploreandtoexpressyouremotions,bothpositiveandnegative.
NäNä I kE kuMu (lOOk TO THE SOuRCE).Includeonewrittendialogue,conversation,orinterviewwithsomeonewhowillgiveyouinsightintoyourethnicheritageorÿohanabysharingtheirknowledgeaboutthesubjectyouhavechosentoresearchorinsightsregardingyourÿohana.Thispersoncanbeyourmäkua,küpuna,neighbor,kumu(teacher),oranyoneyouknoworcanmeetwhohasknowledgeandiswillingtosharewithyou,addingtoyourunderstandingofyourpersonalmoÿolelo.
Asyourdailyactionsreflectonyourÿohana,thisaspectoftheprojectalsoreflectsonyourkumu.Therefore,youmustconductyourinterviewwithrespectandwithinatimelyfashion.Thismeanswayinadvanceofyourprojectduedate!Below,properprotocolhasbeendefinedthatwillmakeyourinterviewingexperiencebeneficialforeveryoneinvolved.
wHAT IS AN AMERICAN?Includethefirstdraftofanessaydefiningan“American.”Includeyouropinionof the traits, values,beliefs, lifestyle, etc.of anAmerican.Thisessaywillbereturnedforrewrite1weekbeforethefinalprojectisdue.Youwillbeexpectedtorewriteyourreflections,incorporatingwhatyouhavelearnedaboutAmericansthroughyourreadings.
MO‘Okü‘AuHAu (GENEAlOGy). Include as much information about yourmoÿoküÿauhauthatyouandyourÿohanacanprovide.Rewriteyourmoÿoküÿauhauinacreativeorwell-presentedfashion.Youmayusetheoli(chant)formatprovided.
ETHNICITy CHART wITH MO‘OlElO.IncludeadetailedlistofALLofyourethnicitiesORatleastallofwhichyouandyourÿohanaareaware.Indicatetheparentfromwhomyougaineachethnicityandprovidethemoÿoleloofeachthatyouandyourÿohanaknow/remember.
RESEARCH Of TwO ETHNICITIES. Include two pages or more for each ethnicity,describing the information found on the two different ethnic cultures youhave chosen to research. You will cite your research sources by using properMLA (Modern Language Association) parenthetical citations. Your researchfocus may be on a place/country, cultural practice, religion, or historical eventthat affectsor affectedyouor your ÿohana.Throughout your research, youwillincludeyourpersonalcommentaryregardingwhatyouhavelearnedaboutyourethnicity—how does the knowledge relate to and affect your understanding ofyourpersonalmoÿolelo?
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fINAl DRAfT Of “wHAT IS AN ‘AMERICAN?’ ESSAy” Include a revised copy of theoriginal draft you turned in at the beginning of the school year. After readingand discussing the moÿolelo of fellow Americans past and present as well asresearchingyourownmoÿolelo,hasyourdefinitionofan“American”changed?Ifso,reflectonthechangesinyourfinaldraft.Ifnot,reviseyourdraftforclarityandcompletion.Allgoodwritersreviseandreviseandreviseagain.
pERSONAl REflECTION.Includeaone-totwo-pageresponsetotheentireprojectandprocess.Whathaveyoulearnedaboutyourÿohana,aboutyourself,andhowyoufitintothemoÿoleloofpeoplewhomakeupAmerica?
The Presentation of the Project
THE COVER. The cover will include an illustration, a creative title, your name,and your class period. Choose an illustration that reflects your interpretation/expression/feelings about your personal moÿolelo and complements your title,invitingyourreadertoreadyourmoÿolelo.Yourcovershouldreflectthetimeandeffortyouhavegiven,andyourtitleshouldbecreative,capturingtheprocessofsearchingforyourpersonalmoÿolelo.Youwillwantit tobeunique,expressingyourproject.
TypED lETTER Of INTRODuCTION.Includeahalf-pageintroductiontoprepareyourreaderforthemoÿolelothatwillfollow.
TypED TAblE Of CONTENTS.Includeapagethatreflectstheorderofthepresentation.OnceyousetyourorderbyyourTableofContents,yourprojectmustremainintheorderestablished.
Your finalproject will be permanently bound.
Preinterview Protocol:
a. Politely ask the person you have chosen if they would be willing to spend onehourormorewithyoutohelpyouwithyourproject.
b. Set a time that is convenient for your guest. You are the one who must be flexible.Bepoliteandconsiderate.
c. You may want to ask permission to tape the conversation. Make sure your intervieweeiscomfortablewithataperecorderbeforeyoubringittotheinterview.
d.Writeaminimumof10questionsthatyouwouldlikeanswered.Youmayget throughallofyourpreparedquestionsoryoumayfindthattheconversation carries itself. You don’t want to be silent, waiting for the interviewee to say something;therefore,youneedtocomepreparedtotheinterview.
e. Yourquestionsmayvary.Youcanbeginwith:“WhatwasHawaiÿi likewhen youwereyoung?Isthereatraditionthatwepracticeinourÿohanathatreflects ourethnicheritage?”“Describeasignificanteventoreventsthataffectedyour lifeorourÿohana.”“Shareanÿohanastorythatyoufeelisimportantformeto know.”“Whatisyourfavoritetraditionthatourfamilypractices?”“Howdidour ÿohanacometoHawaiÿi?”Thisisyouropportunitytolearnthereasonwhyyour küpunaormäkuadothethingstheydoorviewtheworldthewaytheydoorare thewaytheyare.Taketimetoreallythinkaboutwhatyouwanttolearn.
Postinterview Protocol:
f. When you have finished your interview, make certain that you thank the individualwithwhomyouhavehadyour interviewand lethimorherknow howgratefulyouarefortheirtime.Writing a thank you note as a follow-up would
be most appropriate.
g. Whenyouhavewrittenyour interviewwrite-upand/orpoemorstory,make certainthatyousharewhatyouhavewrittenwithyourinterviewee,checkingfor accuracy.You never want to misrepresent the person you interview.
Hopefully, theseguidelineswillmakeyourexperiencememorableforbothyouandtheonewithwhomyouinterview.
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fINAl DRAfT Of “wHAT IS AN ‘AMERICAN?’ ESSAy” Include a revised copy of theoriginal draft you turned in at the beginning of the school year. After readingand discussing the moÿolelo of fellow Americans past and present as well asresearchingyourownmoÿolelo,hasyourdefinitionofan“American”changed?Ifso,reflectonthechangesinyourfinaldraft.Ifnot,reviseyourdraftforclarityandcompletion.Allgoodwritersreviseandreviseandreviseagain.
pERSONAl REflECTION.Includeaone-totwo-pageresponsetotheentireprojectandprocess.Whathaveyoulearnedaboutyourÿohana,aboutyourself,andhowyoufitintothemoÿoleloofpeoplewhomakeupAmerica?
The Presentation of the Project
THE COVER. The cover will include an illustration, a creative title, your name,and your class period. Choose an illustration that reflects your interpretation/expression/feelings about your personal moÿolelo and complements your title,invitingyourreadertoreadyourmoÿolelo.Yourcovershouldreflectthetimeandeffortyouhavegiven,andyourtitleshouldbecreative,capturingtheprocessofsearchingforyourpersonalmoÿolelo.Youwillwantit tobeunique,expressingyourproject.
TypED lETTER Of INTRODuCTION.Includeahalf-pageintroductiontoprepareyourreaderforthemoÿolelothatwillfollow.
TypED TAblE Of CONTENTS.Includeapagethatreflectstheorderofthepresentation.OnceyousetyourorderbyyourTableofContents,yourprojectmustremainintheorderestablished.
Your finalproject will be permanently bound.
Preinterview Protocol:
a. Politely ask the person you have chosen if they would be willing to spend onehourormorewithyoutohelpyouwithyourproject.
b. Set a time that is convenient for your guest. You are the one who must be flexible.Bepoliteandconsiderate.
c. You may want to ask permission to tape the conversation. Make sure your intervieweeiscomfortablewithataperecorderbeforeyoubringittotheinterview.
d.Writeaminimumof10questionsthatyouwouldlikeanswered.Youmayget throughallofyourpreparedquestionsoryoumayfindthattheconversation carries itself. You don’t want to be silent, waiting for the interviewee to say something;therefore,youneedtocomepreparedtotheinterview.
e. Yourquestionsmayvary.Youcanbeginwith:“WhatwasHawaiÿi likewhen youwereyoung?Isthereatraditionthatwepracticeinourÿohanathatreflects ourethnicheritage?”“Describeasignificanteventoreventsthataffectedyour lifeorourÿohana.”“Shareanÿohanastorythatyoufeelisimportantformeto know.”“Whatisyourfavoritetraditionthatourfamilypractices?”“Howdidour ÿohanacometoHawaiÿi?”Thisisyouropportunitytolearnthereasonwhyyour küpunaormäkuadothethingstheydoorviewtheworldthewaytheydoorare thewaytheyare.Taketimetoreallythinkaboutwhatyouwanttolearn.
Postinterview Protocol:
f. When you have finished your interview, make certain that you thank the individualwithwhomyouhavehadyour interviewand lethimorherknow howgratefulyouarefortheirtime.Writing a thank you note as a follow-up would
be most appropriate.
g. Whenyouhavewrittenyour interviewwrite-upand/orpoemorstory,make certainthatyousharewhatyouhavewrittenwithyourinterviewee,checkingfor accuracy.You never want to misrepresent the person you interview.
Hopefully, theseguidelineswillmakeyourexperiencememorableforbothyouandtheonewithwhomyouinterview.
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Myancestorshavepavedthewayformeandhavemademylifethegreatoneitistoday.
—Girl
Appreciation for Ancestors
Asecondthemethatsurfacedfromtheseevaluationsisanappreciationforthosewho have gone before. Not until these students began uncovering the manymoÿolelooftheirparents,grandparents,andotherrelativesdidtheybegintoseeandunderstandhowlifewasfortheirancestors.Moreimportant,werecognizethat few contemporary teenagers have an appreciation for the struggles andsacrificesoftheirancestors.Throughtheliteraturereadanddiscussed,studentsbegantoimagineandhaveanadmirationfortheconditionsandlifestyleoftheirpredecessors:
Ihavecompletelytakenanewstanceonmyfamilyorigins.I feelanoverwhelmingsenseofrespectformyancestors.Theyhavetrulyset thestandardofwhatIhaveto liveuptoasaperson.Theywereperseverant,determined,strong,andallaroundgoodpeople.
—Boy
Appreciation for Küpuna
Athirdoutcomegeneratedfromtheexaminationoftheevaluationsisthegrowingconnectionbetweenstudentsandtheoldermembersoftheirfamilies,includinggrandparents.Countlessstudentcommentssuggestedthattheinterviewprocesswasinstrumentalinreconnectingthegenerations.
Ididn’trealizeit,butshe[grandma]isareallydeepperson…Ialways thought thatshewas justacruisegrandmawhohadnoworries,butshedoes,andshelooksatlotsofthingsfrom different perspectives…I never really got down andtalkedtoherlikehowIdidthatday…therewillbemoreofthesetalksessions.
—Boy
Although students are encouraged to explore all their ethnic identities, theMoÿoleloProjectreflectsamakawaluparadigminthatithonorstheirHawaiianheritagewhilealsomeetingWesternexpectationsofresearchandreflection.Thisparticularprojectisalignedwithourphilosophyofteaching:topresenteachunitorproject from the startingpointofour sharedKanakaMaoli experience. It isfromthisindigenousgroundingthatwewritecurriculum,linkingourHawaiianculturalperspective to theestablishedstandardsandexpectationsofourdepart-mentandinstitution.Mostimportant,wehaveseenourKanakaMaolistudentsmakegreaterconnectionsbetweentheirownexperiencesandthoseexpressedinstandardAmericancurriculum.Forexample, inbiology, thefloraand faunaofHawaiÿibecome thepointof referencewhenexamininga cactus in theSaharadesert;andwithinthesocialsciences,thepoliticalstrategiesofouraliÿi(leaders)areusedtomeasureandanalyzedemocracy,communism,andglobalpolitics.
Thefollowingsections—whichincludequotationsfromstudents’evaluationsoftheMoÿoleloProject—illustratethepowerofusingmakawaluinteachingKanakaMaoli students. Organized thematically according to sound qualitative practice(Merriam,1998),thetestimoniesrepresentthemostcommon,recurringresponsesfromprojectreflectionsgeneratedbystudents.Eachsectionbeginswithashortexplanationofthethemeandisthenfollowedbyoneortwoquotationsthatbestrepresentthetheme.
Connection to Ancestors
WithinourHawaiianculture,wehaveacommonunderstandingthatthosewhohavepassedarestillwithusandstandbehind,beside,above,andbelowus.Wereflectallofthosewhohavecomebefore,andreciprocally,ouractionsreflectbackonourancestors.ManyofourNativeHawaiianstudentslosesightofthisconceptand,inmostinstances,donotrecognizetowhomtheyareaccountable.Throughthis project, however, students seem to regain a connection between past andpresentaswellasphysicalandspiritualplanesofexistence:
ThestoriesI’vebeentoldfrommymomaboutmyancestorsand her life changed the way I view my ancestors andparents.IforgetthattheywereoncegoingthroughsomeofthethingsIam,andthatthereissomuchIcanlearnfromthemifIonlyask.
—Boy
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Myancestorshavepavedthewayformeandhavemademylifethegreatoneitistoday.
—Girl
Appreciation for Ancestors
Asecondthemethatsurfacedfromtheseevaluationsisanappreciationforthosewho have gone before. Not until these students began uncovering the manymoÿolelooftheirparents,grandparents,andotherrelativesdidtheybegintoseeandunderstandhowlifewasfortheirancestors.Moreimportant,werecognizethat few contemporary teenagers have an appreciation for the struggles andsacrificesoftheirancestors.Throughtheliteraturereadanddiscussed,studentsbegantoimagineandhaveanadmirationfortheconditionsandlifestyleoftheirpredecessors:
Ihavecompletelytakenanewstanceonmyfamilyorigins.I feelanoverwhelmingsenseofrespectformyancestors.Theyhavetrulyset thestandardofwhatIhaveto liveuptoasaperson.Theywereperseverant,determined,strong,andallaroundgoodpeople.
—Boy
Appreciation for Küpuna
Athirdoutcomegeneratedfromtheexaminationoftheevaluationsisthegrowingconnectionbetweenstudentsandtheoldermembersoftheirfamilies,includinggrandparents.Countlessstudentcommentssuggestedthattheinterviewprocesswasinstrumentalinreconnectingthegenerations.
Ididn’trealizeit,butshe[grandma]isareallydeepperson…Ialways thought thatshewas justacruisegrandmawhohadnoworries,butshedoes,andshelooksatlotsofthingsfrom different perspectives…I never really got down andtalkedtoherlikehowIdidthatday…therewillbemoreofthesetalksessions.
—Boy
Although students are encouraged to explore all their ethnic identities, theMoÿoleloProjectreflectsamakawaluparadigminthatithonorstheirHawaiianheritagewhilealsomeetingWesternexpectationsofresearchandreflection.Thisparticularprojectisalignedwithourphilosophyofteaching:topresenteachunitorproject from the startingpointofour sharedKanakaMaoli experience. It isfromthisindigenousgroundingthatwewritecurriculum,linkingourHawaiianculturalperspective to theestablishedstandardsandexpectationsofourdepart-mentandinstitution.Mostimportant,wehaveseenourKanakaMaolistudentsmakegreaterconnectionsbetweentheirownexperiencesandthoseexpressedinstandardAmericancurriculum.Forexample, inbiology, thefloraand faunaofHawaiÿibecome thepointof referencewhenexamininga cactus in theSaharadesert;andwithinthesocialsciences,thepoliticalstrategiesofouraliÿi(leaders)areusedtomeasureandanalyzedemocracy,communism,andglobalpolitics.
Thefollowingsections—whichincludequotationsfromstudents’evaluationsoftheMoÿoleloProject—illustratethepowerofusingmakawaluinteachingKanakaMaoli students. Organized thematically according to sound qualitative practice(Merriam,1998),thetestimoniesrepresentthemostcommon,recurringresponsesfromprojectreflectionsgeneratedbystudents.Eachsectionbeginswithashortexplanationofthethemeandisthenfollowedbyoneortwoquotationsthatbestrepresentthetheme.
Connection to Ancestors
WithinourHawaiianculture,wehaveacommonunderstandingthatthosewhohavepassedarestillwithusandstandbehind,beside,above,andbelowus.Wereflectallofthosewhohavecomebefore,andreciprocally,ouractionsreflectbackonourancestors.ManyofourNativeHawaiianstudentslosesightofthisconceptand,inmostinstances,donotrecognizetowhomtheyareaccountable.Throughthis project, however, students seem to regain a connection between past andpresentaswellasphysicalandspiritualplanesofexistence:
ThestoriesI’vebeentoldfrommymomaboutmyancestorsand her life changed the way I view my ancestors andparents.IforgetthattheywereoncegoingthroughsomeofthethingsIam,andthatthereissomuchIcanlearnfromthemifIonlyask.
—Boy
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Fromreadingtheevaluationsovertheyears,onequotationstandsasperhapsthemostmoving.Thisyoungman’smotivationtoseeknewknowledgewasstrongerthananygivengradeorcomment:
I feel stronger now that I know more backgroundinformationaboutmyfamily…Ibecamehookedonaskingmygrandmaabouthermomandgrandma.EverylittlebitofinformationIcouldabsorbIdid…IlearnedthatIamacuriousboy.Mygrandpakept tryingtowalkawayduringmyinterview…Ikeptaskingquestionsabouthislife.
—Boy
A Sense of Kuleana (Responsibility)
Asixthoutcomeofthisprojectcentersontheabilityofstudentstounderstandtheirresponsibilitiestothephysical,emotional,andspiritualworldsaroundthem.AsNativeHawaiians,wearetaughtthatwehaveakuleanatoourküpuna(past),ourfamilyandcommunity(present),andthegenerationstofollow(future).Throughnewknowledgegainedfromthisexperience,somestudentsbegintocomprehendandaccepttheirkuleanaasKänakaMaoli.
IrealizethatImakeadifferencetomyancestors,andtomyfuturedescendents.Withoutme,myancestorswillneverliveon.
—Girl
Traditional versus Indigenous
AsevenththemethataroseillustratesthetensionstudentsexperiencewhentheyarefirstintroducedtotheMoÿoleloProject.Manystudentshaveaverytraditionalnotionof anEnglish class: reading,writing, and vocabulary.Even the slightestmoveawayfromthenormeliciteddiscomfortandsometimesconsternation.TheapplicationofaHawaiianliteraryanalysistechniquetothestudyofallliteraturecauses great concern for some learners. Students often think that this project
Appreciation for Mäkua
Mostofthesestudentsareoftheagewhentheyfindlittleconnectiontoorvaluein their parents. In fact, countless mäkua over the years have expressed theirgratitudeforarequirementthatexpectstheirchildtounderstandhowlifeisfroma parent’s perspective. While there are no specific criteria for making childrenunderstandtheirparents,studentsareencouragedtotalkstorywithandinterviewtheirparents,andsuchinteractionhasopenedthedoorforbothtolearnsomethingabouttheother.Throughtheseconversations,manystudentsexperiencearevela-tionandthefourththematicoutcome:Theylearntheyaremoreliketheirparentsthantheymaywanttoadmit.
Asateenager,IthinkIliveaharshlife,butIlearnedfromthisprojectthatmylifeisnothingcomparedtomyancestors.Myparentsandtheirparentsbothlivedharsherlivesasayouth.Therefore,Ihavelittletocomplainabout.
—Girl
Myfamilywashappywhentheysawthecompletedprojectbecause they said it was a good opportunity for me toconnect to my ancestors and learn about my roots. MyHawaiiangrandmotherwasthemosthappy…IamgladthattheyenjoyedtheprojectasmuchasIdid.
—Boy
Increased Desire to Learn
Educatorscreateopportunities;however, it is thestudent’schoiceandresponsi-bilitytotakethejourney.Oneofthemostexhilaratingfeelingsforateacheroccurswhenstudentschoosetofantheirflamefor learningandignitetheirdesireforknowledge.
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Fromreadingtheevaluationsovertheyears,onequotationstandsasperhapsthemostmoving.Thisyoungman’smotivationtoseeknewknowledgewasstrongerthananygivengradeorcomment:
I feel stronger now that I know more backgroundinformationaboutmyfamily…Ibecamehookedonaskingmygrandmaabouthermomandgrandma.EverylittlebitofinformationIcouldabsorbIdid…IlearnedthatIamacuriousboy.Mygrandpakept tryingtowalkawayduringmyinterview…Ikeptaskingquestionsabouthislife.
—Boy
A Sense of Kuleana (Responsibility)
Asixthoutcomeofthisprojectcentersontheabilityofstudentstounderstandtheirresponsibilitiestothephysical,emotional,andspiritualworldsaroundthem.AsNativeHawaiians,wearetaughtthatwehaveakuleanatoourküpuna(past),ourfamilyandcommunity(present),andthegenerationstofollow(future).Throughnewknowledgegainedfromthisexperience,somestudentsbegintocomprehendandaccepttheirkuleanaasKänakaMaoli.
IrealizethatImakeadifferencetomyancestors,andtomyfuturedescendents.Withoutme,myancestorswillneverliveon.
—Girl
Traditional versus Indigenous
AsevenththemethataroseillustratesthetensionstudentsexperiencewhentheyarefirstintroducedtotheMoÿoleloProject.Manystudentshaveaverytraditionalnotionof anEnglish class: reading,writing, and vocabulary.Even the slightestmoveawayfromthenormeliciteddiscomfortandsometimesconsternation.TheapplicationofaHawaiianliteraryanalysistechniquetothestudyofallliteraturecauses great concern for some learners. Students often think that this project
Appreciation for Mäkua
Mostofthesestudentsareoftheagewhentheyfindlittleconnectiontoorvaluein their parents. In fact, countless mäkua over the years have expressed theirgratitudeforarequirementthatexpectstheirchildtounderstandhowlifeisfroma parent’s perspective. While there are no specific criteria for making childrenunderstandtheirparents,studentsareencouragedtotalkstorywithandinterviewtheirparents,andsuchinteractionhasopenedthedoorforbothtolearnsomethingabouttheother.Throughtheseconversations,manystudentsexperiencearevela-tionandthefourththematicoutcome:Theylearntheyaremoreliketheirparentsthantheymaywanttoadmit.
Asateenager,IthinkIliveaharshlife,butIlearnedfromthisprojectthatmylifeisnothingcomparedtomyancestors.Myparentsandtheirparentsbothlivedharsherlivesasayouth.Therefore,Ihavelittletocomplainabout.
—Girl
Myfamilywashappywhentheysawthecompletedprojectbecause they said it was a good opportunity for me toconnect to my ancestors and learn about my roots. MyHawaiiangrandmotherwasthemosthappy…IamgladthattheyenjoyedtheprojectasmuchasIdid.
—Boy
Increased Desire to Learn
Educatorscreateopportunities;however, it is thestudent’schoiceandresponsi-bilitytotakethejourney.Oneofthemostexhilaratingfeelingsforateacheroccurswhenstudentschoosetofantheirflamefor learningandignitetheirdesireforknowledge.
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Conclusion
WhenapplyingaconceptlikemakawalutotheteachingofAmericanliteratureorliteratureingeneral,wearechangingtheperspectivefromwhichliteratureshouldbeexamined.Traditionally,WesternliterarytheoryandliteraturecurriculumworkfromtheperspectiveofelevatingEuro-Americanliteraturewhiledevaluingindig-enousand“ethnic”literature.
Notonlydoesmakawalustartfromanindigenousgrounding,specificallythatofNativeHawaiians,butitalsousessuchafoundationasaspringboardforfurtherliteraryexplorationandthereportingofit.WhilethesupplementalinclusionofmulticulturalliteratureisacommonplacestrategyutilizedinthemodernAmericanliteratureclassroom,itisouropinionthattheconceptofstartingfromacommonindigenousbaseand thenmovingout toother “cultural” literature indigenizessuch a Western discipline and equalizes the literary playing field. Rather thanexaminingunfamiliarliteraturethrough“Westerneyes,”studentsbeginassessingandanalyzingliteraturethrough“nativeeyes”anda“nativeparadigm.”
Tothisend,wesuggestthatinadditiontothecontentstandardsestablishedbytheIRA/NCTE, (a)schools thathave theresponsibility for teaching indigenousstudentsshouldadoptastandardthatrecognizesandrespectsnativeperspectivesand(b)teachersofnativestudentsshouldstartwithanindigenouscontexttoteachtheircurriculum.Asanexample,inthe2002publicationNä Honua Mauli Ola,thefirstandprobablymostimportantstandardforNativeHawaiianeducationisto
Incorporateculturaltraditions,language,history,andvaluesinmeaningfulholisticprocessestonourishtheemotional,physical,mental/intellectual,socialandspiritualwell-beingof the learning community that promote healthy mauli[spirit] and mana [power/life force]. (Kawaiÿaeÿa, 2002,p.17)
shouldbeassignedtoanadvancedratherthanaregularEnglishclass.However,onceintoit,studentsbegintorecognizethevalueofanindigenousapproachtolearningAmericanliterature.
SomeofmyfriendsthinkthatIspendtoomuchtimeonEnglishbecauseofthemanypartsoftheprojectthathadtobecompletedallduringthefirstquarter.Theysaidthattheprojectisn’tevenEnglishrelated.Thisiswherethey’dbe wrong. Not only does writing and composing essays,conductinganinterview,andwritingoriginalpoetryhavetodowithEnglish,buttheentireessayingeneral…thisprojecthas really helped me grow and appreciate my differentculturesandethnicities.
—Boy
Creativity and Freedom of Expression
Thefinalthemerelatestotheopennessandfreedomstudentshaveforcreatingthe final product. Students are known to write better when they choose topicsthat have personal meaning; therefore, creating assignments that foster suchfreedomofexpressioniscrucialand,asthisyoungmanexpresses,thepotentialforgenuineoriginality is limitless.Studentshave yet to create aproject that isidenticaltoanother.
Ialsolikedthefreedomweweregivenwiththisproject.Weweregiventhebarenecessitiesandfromtherewecouldputinourownflavor…I think this isgoing toresult insomeverycreativeandoriginalideas…itmadelearningintoareallifeexample,thusmakingitfun.
—Boy
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Conclusion
WhenapplyingaconceptlikemakawalutotheteachingofAmericanliteratureorliteratureingeneral,wearechangingtheperspectivefromwhichliteratureshouldbeexamined.Traditionally,WesternliterarytheoryandliteraturecurriculumworkfromtheperspectiveofelevatingEuro-Americanliteraturewhiledevaluingindig-enousand“ethnic”literature.
Notonlydoesmakawalustartfromanindigenousgrounding,specificallythatofNativeHawaiians,butitalsousessuchafoundationasaspringboardforfurtherliteraryexplorationandthereportingofit.WhilethesupplementalinclusionofmulticulturalliteratureisacommonplacestrategyutilizedinthemodernAmericanliteratureclassroom,itisouropinionthattheconceptofstartingfromacommonindigenousbaseand thenmovingout toother “cultural” literature indigenizessuch a Western discipline and equalizes the literary playing field. Rather thanexaminingunfamiliarliteraturethrough“Westerneyes,”studentsbeginassessingandanalyzingliteraturethrough“nativeeyes”anda“nativeparadigm.”
Tothisend,wesuggestthatinadditiontothecontentstandardsestablishedbytheIRA/NCTE, (a)schools thathave theresponsibility for teaching indigenousstudentsshouldadoptastandardthatrecognizesandrespectsnativeperspectivesand(b)teachersofnativestudentsshouldstartwithanindigenouscontexttoteachtheircurriculum.Asanexample,inthe2002publicationNä Honua Mauli Ola,thefirstandprobablymostimportantstandardforNativeHawaiianeducationisto
Incorporateculturaltraditions,language,history,andvaluesinmeaningfulholisticprocessestonourishtheemotional,physical,mental/intellectual,socialandspiritualwell-beingof the learning community that promote healthy mauli[spirit] and mana [power/life force]. (Kawaiÿaeÿa, 2002,p.17)
shouldbeassignedtoanadvancedratherthanaregularEnglishclass.However,onceintoit,studentsbegintorecognizethevalueofanindigenousapproachtolearningAmericanliterature.
SomeofmyfriendsthinkthatIspendtoomuchtimeonEnglishbecauseofthemanypartsoftheprojectthathadtobecompletedallduringthefirstquarter.Theysaidthattheprojectisn’tevenEnglishrelated.Thisiswherethey’dbe wrong. Not only does writing and composing essays,conductinganinterview,andwritingoriginalpoetryhavetodowithEnglish,buttheentireessayingeneral…thisprojecthas really helped me grow and appreciate my differentculturesandethnicities.
—Boy
Creativity and Freedom of Expression
Thefinalthemerelatestotheopennessandfreedomstudentshaveforcreatingthe final product. Students are known to write better when they choose topicsthat have personal meaning; therefore, creating assignments that foster suchfreedomofexpressioniscrucialand,asthisyoungmanexpresses,thepotentialforgenuineoriginality is limitless.Studentshave yet to create aproject that isidenticaltoanother.
Ialsolikedthefreedomweweregivenwiththisproject.Weweregiventhebarenecessitiesandfromtherewecouldputinourownflavor…I think this isgoing toresult insomeverycreativeandoriginalideas…itmadelearningintoareallifeexample,thusmakingitfun.
—Boy
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Kaiwi,M.A.K.(2001).I ulu no ka lala i ke kumu: An epistemological examination of Native Hawaiian literature.Unpublishedmaster’sthesis,UniversityofAuckland,Auckland,NewZealand.
Kamanä,K.,&Wilson,W.(1996).Hawaiianlanguageprogramsrevisited.National Association for Bilingual Education (NABE) News, 13,42.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huaka‘i: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Kaomea,J.(2005).Indigenousstudiesintheelementarycurriculum:AcautionaryHawaiianexample.Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 3,24–42.
Kawaiÿaeÿa,K.(Ed.).(2002).Nä honua mauli ola: Hawai‘i guidelines for culturally healthy and responsive learning environments.Hilo,HI:KaHakaUlaOKeÿelikölaniandNativeHawaiianEducationCouncil.
Kawakami,A.J.(2004).IssuescentraltotheinclusionofHawaiiancultureinK–12education.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,111–130.
Merriam,S.B.(1998).Qualitative research and case study applications in education.SanFrancisco:Jossey-Bass.
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Meyer,M.A.(2005).Theroleofhistory,intention,andfunction:MorethoughtsonHawaiianepistemology.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,32–34.
NeSmith,K.(2005).Tütü’sHawaiianandtheemergenceofaneo-Hawaiianlanguage.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,68–76.
Ogbu,J.(1978).Minority education and caste: The American system in cross-cultural perspective.NewYork:AcademicPress.
Ogbu,J.(1987).Variabilityinminorityschoolperformance.Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 18,312–333.
Ogbu,J.(1990).Minoritystatusandliteracyincomparativeperspective.Daedalus, 119,141–168.
Ogbu,J.(1991).Immigrantandinvoluntaryminoritiesincomparativeperspective.InM.A.Gibson&J.U.Ogbu(Eds.),Minority status and schooling(pp.3–33).NewYork:Garland.
Ogbu,J.(1992).Understandingculturaldiversityandlearning.Educational Researcher, 8,5–14,20.
Silva,N.(2004).Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.
Clearly, there is need for a follow-up essay that further defines the makawaluparadigm.However,intheinterim,ifthesestepsareactuated,students,especiallyournative students,willunderstandhow to live in this complexworldwithoutlosingthemselvestoit.
References
Adams,D.W.(1988).Fundamentalconsiderations:ThedeepmeaningofNativeAmericanschool,1880–1900.Harvard Educational Review, 58,1–27.
Adams,D.W.(1995).Education for extinction: American Indians and the boarding school experience, 1875 to 1928.Wichita:UniversityofKansasPress.
Benham,M.K.P.,&Cooper,J.E.(Eds.).(2000).Indigenous educational models for contemporary practice: In our mother’s voice.Mahwah,NJ:Erlbaum.
Benham,M.K.P.,&Heck,R.H.(1998).Culture and educational policy in Hawai‘i: The silencing of native voices.Mahwah,NJ:Erlbaum.
Carnoy,M.,&Loeb,S.(2002).Doesexternalaccountabilityaffectstudentoutcomes?Across-stateanalysis.Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 24,305–332.
D’Amato,J.D.(1988).“Acting”:Hawaiianchildren’sresistancetoteachers.The Elementary School Journal, 885,529–544.
Deloria,V.(1970).We talk, you listen: New tribes, new turf.NewYork:MacMillan.
Deloria,V.(1979).The metaphysics of modern existence.NewYork:Harper&Row.
Deloria,V.(1985).TheevolutionoffederalIndianpolicymaking.InV.Deloria(Ed.),American Indian policy in the twentieth century(pp.239–256).Norman:UniversityofOklahomaPress.
Deloria,V.,&Wildcat,D.(2001).Power and place: Indian education in America.Golden,CO:FulcrumResources.
InternationalReadingAssociationandNationalCouncilofTeachersofEnglish.(1996).Standard for the English language art.Urbana,IL:Author.
Kahumoku,W.,III.(2005).Atragicindigenousmoÿolelo:ThedeclineofKanakaMaolilinguisticidentity.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,160–167.
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Kaiwi,M.A.K.(2001).I ulu no ka lala i ke kumu: An epistemological examination of Native Hawaiian literature.Unpublishedmaster’sthesis,UniversityofAuckland,Auckland,NewZealand.
Kamanä,K.,&Wilson,W.(1996).Hawaiianlanguageprogramsrevisited.National Association for Bilingual Education (NABE) News, 13,42.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huaka‘i: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Kaomea,J.(2005).Indigenousstudiesintheelementarycurriculum:AcautionaryHawaiianexample.Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 3,24–42.
Kawaiÿaeÿa,K.(Ed.).(2002).Nä honua mauli ola: Hawai‘i guidelines for culturally healthy and responsive learning environments.Hilo,HI:KaHakaUlaOKeÿelikölaniandNativeHawaiianEducationCouncil.
Kawakami,A.J.(2004).IssuescentraltotheinclusionofHawaiiancultureinK–12education.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,111–130.
Merriam,S.B.(1998).Qualitative research and case study applications in education.SanFrancisco:Jossey-Bass.
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Meyer,M.A.(2005).Theroleofhistory,intention,andfunction:MorethoughtsonHawaiianepistemology.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,32–34.
NeSmith,K.(2005).Tütü’sHawaiianandtheemergenceofaneo-Hawaiianlanguage.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,68–76.
Ogbu,J.(1978).Minority education and caste: The American system in cross-cultural perspective.NewYork:AcademicPress.
Ogbu,J.(1987).Variabilityinminorityschoolperformance.Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 18,312–333.
Ogbu,J.(1990).Minoritystatusandliteracyincomparativeperspective.Daedalus, 119,141–168.
Ogbu,J.(1991).Immigrantandinvoluntaryminoritiesincomparativeperspective.InM.A.Gibson&J.U.Ogbu(Eds.),Minority status and schooling(pp.3–33).NewYork:Garland.
Ogbu,J.(1992).Understandingculturaldiversityandlearning.Educational Researcher, 8,5–14,20.
Silva,N.(2004).Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.
Clearly, there is need for a follow-up essay that further defines the makawaluparadigm.However,intheinterim,ifthesestepsareactuated,students,especiallyournative students,willunderstandhow to live in this complexworldwithoutlosingthemselvestoit.
References
Adams,D.W.(1988).Fundamentalconsiderations:ThedeepmeaningofNativeAmericanschool,1880–1900.Harvard Educational Review, 58,1–27.
Adams,D.W.(1995).Education for extinction: American Indians and the boarding school experience, 1875 to 1928.Wichita:UniversityofKansasPress.
Benham,M.K.P.,&Cooper,J.E.(Eds.).(2000).Indigenous educational models for contemporary practice: In our mother’s voice.Mahwah,NJ:Erlbaum.
Benham,M.K.P.,&Heck,R.H.(1998).Culture and educational policy in Hawai‘i: The silencing of native voices.Mahwah,NJ:Erlbaum.
Carnoy,M.,&Loeb,S.(2002).Doesexternalaccountabilityaffectstudentoutcomes?Across-stateanalysis.Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 24,305–332.
D’Amato,J.D.(1988).“Acting”:Hawaiianchildren’sresistancetoteachers.The Elementary School Journal, 885,529–544.
Deloria,V.(1970).We talk, you listen: New tribes, new turf.NewYork:MacMillan.
Deloria,V.(1979).The metaphysics of modern existence.NewYork:Harper&Row.
Deloria,V.(1985).TheevolutionoffederalIndianpolicymaking.InV.Deloria(Ed.),American Indian policy in the twentieth century(pp.239–256).Norman:UniversityofOklahomaPress.
Deloria,V.,&Wildcat,D.(2001).Power and place: Indian education in America.Golden,CO:FulcrumResources.
InternationalReadingAssociationandNationalCouncilofTeachersofEnglish.(1996).Standard for the English language art.Urbana,IL:Author.
Kahumoku,W.,III.(2005).Atragicindigenousmoÿolelo:ThedeclineofKanakaMaolilinguisticidentity.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,160–167.
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Appendix A Works Used with Moÿolelo Project (Listedintheorderofpresentation)
INTRODuCTION Of MOÿOlElO pROJECT
Willis,K.,&Lee,P.J.(2001).Tales from the night rainbow.Honolulu:NightRainbowPublishing.[Hawaiian]
NATIVE HAwAIIAN/plANTATION ERA—INDIGENOuS AND IMMIGRANT
Henry,T.,andothers.(1995).Voyaging chiefs of Hawaiÿi.Honolulu:KalamaküPress.[Oceania—Moÿikehä,Hiro,Tafaÿi,Paÿao]
Takaki,R.(1983).Pau hana: Plantation life and labor in Hawai‘i 1835–1920.Honolulu:UniversityofHawai‘iPress.[Japanese,Chinese,Korean,Filipino,Portuguese]
CONTINENTAl AMERICA—INDIGENOuS AND IMMIGRANT
Iroquois.(2000).Theworldontheturtle’sback.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[NativeAmerican]
Momaday,S.N.(2000).ThewaytoRainyMountain.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[NativeAmerican]
Edwards,J.(2000).SinnersinthehandsofanangryGod.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[Puritans—European]
Equiano,O.(2000).TheinterestingnarrativesofthelifeofOlaudahEquiano.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[Slaves—African-American]
Gordon,M.(1993,September).Morethanjustashrine:PayinghomagetothehostsofEllisIsland.InLiterary Cavalcade.NewYork:NewYorkTimes.
Miller,A.(1982).The crucible.NewYork:PenguinBooks.[Puritan—American]
MODEl fOR NäNä I kE kuMu fORMAT
Harden,M.J.(1999).Voices of wisdom: Hawaiian elders speak.Kula,HI:AkaPress.[Hawaiian]
Smith,L.T.(1999).Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples.NewYork:St.Martin’sPress.
Tyack,D.,&Cuban,L.(1995).Tinkering toward utopia: A century of public school reform.Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress.
Willis,K.,&Lee,P.J.(2001).Tales from the night rainbow.Honolulu:NightRainbow.
Yamauchi,L.,&Tharp,R.G.(1995).EffectiveinstructionalconversationinNativeAmericanclassrooms.Linguistics and Education, 7,349–367.
About the Authors
MonicaA.KaÿimiponoKaiwi,a22-yearveteranteacher,currentlyservesasheadof theEnglishdepartmentatKamehamehaSchoolsKapälamaHighSchool. In1983,sheearnedherBAinEnglishfromBiolaUniversity,andin2001sheearnedherMAinEnglishfromtheUniversityofAuckland,NewZealand.AsafoundingmemberoftheNativeHawaiianEducationAssociation,shesatontheboardfor5years.Presently,shesitsontheboardofKuleana‘ÖiwiPress,whichpublishes
‘Öiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal.WalterKahumokuIII,PhD,isthedepartmentheadforspeechatKamehamehaSchoolsKapälamaHighSchool.Healsolecturesin thegraduatedivisionofEducationalFoundationsandAdministration in theCollegeofEducationattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa.
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Appendix A Works Used with Moÿolelo Project (Listedintheorderofpresentation)
INTRODuCTION Of MOÿOlElO pROJECT
Willis,K.,&Lee,P.J.(2001).Tales from the night rainbow.Honolulu:NightRainbowPublishing.[Hawaiian]
NATIVE HAwAIIAN/plANTATION ERA—INDIGENOuS AND IMMIGRANT
Henry,T.,andothers.(1995).Voyaging chiefs of Hawaiÿi.Honolulu:KalamaküPress.[Oceania—Moÿikehä,Hiro,Tafaÿi,Paÿao]
Takaki,R.(1983).Pau hana: Plantation life and labor in Hawai‘i 1835–1920.Honolulu:UniversityofHawai‘iPress.[Japanese,Chinese,Korean,Filipino,Portuguese]
CONTINENTAl AMERICA—INDIGENOuS AND IMMIGRANT
Iroquois.(2000).Theworldontheturtle’sback.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[NativeAmerican]
Momaday,S.N.(2000).ThewaytoRainyMountain.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[NativeAmerican]
Edwards,J.(2000).SinnersinthehandsofanangryGod.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[Puritans—European]
Equiano,O.(2000).TheinterestingnarrativesofthelifeofOlaudahEquiano.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[Slaves—African-American]
Gordon,M.(1993,September).Morethanjustashrine:PayinghomagetothehostsofEllisIsland.InLiterary Cavalcade.NewYork:NewYorkTimes.
Miller,A.(1982).The crucible.NewYork:PenguinBooks.[Puritan—American]
MODEl fOR NäNä I kE kuMu fORMAT
Harden,M.J.(1999).Voices of wisdom: Hawaiian elders speak.Kula,HI:AkaPress.[Hawaiian]
Smith,L.T.(1999).Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples.NewYork:St.Martin’sPress.
Tyack,D.,&Cuban,L.(1995).Tinkering toward utopia: A century of public school reform.Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress.
Willis,K.,&Lee,P.J.(2001).Tales from the night rainbow.Honolulu:NightRainbow.
Yamauchi,L.,&Tharp,R.G.(1995).EffectiveinstructionalconversationinNativeAmericanclassrooms.Linguistics and Education, 7,349–367.
About the Authors
MonicaA.KaÿimiponoKaiwi,a22-yearveteranteacher,currentlyservesasheadof theEnglishdepartmentatKamehamehaSchoolsKapälamaHighSchool. In1983,sheearnedherBAinEnglishfromBiolaUniversity,andin2001sheearnedherMAinEnglishfromtheUniversityofAuckland,NewZealand.AsafoundingmemberoftheNativeHawaiianEducationAssociation,shesatontheboardfor5years.Presently,shesitsontheboardofKuleana‘ÖiwiPress,whichpublishes
‘Öiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal.WalterKahumokuIII,PhD,isthedepartmentheadforspeechatKamehamehaSchoolsKapälamaHighSchool.Healsolecturesin thegraduatedivisionofEducationalFoundationsandAdministration in theCollegeofEducationattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa.
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MODElS fOR CREATIVE pOETRy/pROSE fORMAT
Poetry
Burgess,P.(1989).Choosingmyname.InJ.P.Balaz(Ed.),Hoÿomänoa: An anthology of contemporary Hawaiian literature.Honolulu:Küpaÿa.[Hawaiian]
Lindo,C.K.(1989).Buriedthoughtsemerge.InInJ.P.Balaz(Ed.),Hoÿomänoa: An anthology of contemporary Hawaiian literature.Honolulu:Küpaÿa.[Hawaiian]
Kahai,S.(1985).Untitledpoem.InD.N.Hall(Ed.),Mälama: Hawaiian land and water.Honolulu:BambooRidgePress.[Hawaiian]
Kenolio,A.(1985).Untitledpoem.InD.N.Hall(Ed.),Mälama: Hawaiian land and water.Honolulu:BambooRidgePress.[Hawaiian]
Whitman,W.(1989).IhearAmericasinging.InR.Anderson(Ed.),Elements of literature, fifth course: Literature of the United States.NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston.[Euro-American]
McKay,C.(1989).America.InR.Anderson(Ed.),Elements of literature, fifth course: Literature of the United States.NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston.[Scottish-American]
Hughes,L.(1989).I,too.InR.Anderson(Ed.),Elements of literature, fifth course: Literature of the United States.NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston.[African-American]
Jeffers,R.(1989).Shine,perishingrepublic.InR.Anderson(Ed.),Elements of literature, fifth course: Literature of the United States.NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston.[Euro-American]
Alvarez,J.(1989).HowIlearnedtosweep.InR.Anderson(Ed.),Elements of literature, fifth course: Literature of the United States.NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston.[Hispanic-American]
Ginsberg,A.(1989).Homework.InR.Anderson(Ed.),Elements of literature, fifth course: Literature of the United States.NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston.[German-American]
Prose
Kingston,M.H.(1989).Thegirlwhowouldn’ttalk.InR.Anderson(Ed.),Elements of literature, fifth course: Literature of the United States.NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston.[Chinese-American]
Momaday,S.N.(2000).ThewaytoRainyMountain.InA.N.Applebee(Ed.),The language of literature: American literature.Boston:McDougalLittell.[NativeAmerican]
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Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
To date, little pedagogical criticism has explored the intrinsic
ethnocentrism within the American creative writing curriculum,
which is rooted in the New Criticism movement of the 1�20s and
privileges Western aesthetics. Using personal narrative and data
collected from archives and published reports, the author examines
the impact of this curriculum on the Native Hawaiian student and
proposes a distinctly Native Hawaiian creative writing model based
on both cultural values and cultural memory. The model recognizes
the role that colonization has played within education and the field
of Native Hawaiian literature, as well as the historical role of Native
Hawaiian writing and resistance.
Mälama nä Leo a Kuÿua nä ÿÖlelo: Hänai-ing a Native Hawaiian Creative Writing Curriculum
Brandy Nälani McDougall
correspondence may be sent to: Brandy Nälani Mcdougall, department of English, University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa Kuykendall 402, 1733 donaghho Road, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi 96822 Email: [email protected]
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20�
MCdOUGALL | MÄLAMA NÄ LEO A KU‘UA NÄ ‘ÖLELO
ThisarticleassertsthattheseworkshopresponsesaredirectlyrelatedtothecolonialcontextofHawaiÿi—andhoweverunconsciously,thegenuinediscomfortorthreatposedbymy indigeneity—whichwaspromoted through the ideological founda-tionoftheAmericancreativewritingcurriculumIexperienced.Toillustratethis,I analyze the practices of the creative writing classroom and the historical rolewritinghasplayedinHawaiÿi.Ithenexaminehowanewcreativewritingcurric-ulum based on Native Hawaiian values and beliefs and composition-rhetoricalstrategiesofinventionandcollaborativelearning—exclusivelyforNativeHawaiianwritersandoutsideoftheuniversity—maytranscendtheideologicalapparatusofthestate,andbehänai-ed(adopted)andrepurposedtodevelopliteraryproductiontowardsocialandpoliticalmovement.Ialsolookatpossibleassignmentsforthisculturallybasedcurriculum.
The American Creative Writing Curriculum: New Criticism, Western Aesthetics, and the Problems Therein
The structure of creative writing workshops in the United States has roots intheNewCriticismmovementofthe1920s.AsoneoftheoriginatorsoftheNewCriticismmovementinliterarystudies,T.S.Eliot(1932)wrotein“TraditionandtheIndividualTalent”that
No poet, no artist of any art, has his complete meaningalone.Hissignificance,hisappreciationistheappreciationofhisrelationtothedeadpoetsandartists.Youcannotvaluehimalone;youmustsethimforcontrastandcomparison,amongthedead…Thenecessitythatheshallconform,thatheshallcohereissomethingthathappenssimultaneouslytoalltheworksofartwhichprecededit.(pp.476–477)
ÿAÿohe pau ka ÿike i ka hälau hoÿokahi.Notallknowledgeistaughtinthesameschool.
—ÿÖlelo Noÿeau
IfirstbecameacutelyawareofthetremendousneedforaNativeHawaiianCreativeWritingCurriculumwhileworkingtowardmyMFAinpoetryattheUniversity
ofOregon, aprogram that initially attractedmebecauseofhow it prides itselfontheculturaldiversityofitsstudentsandmodelsitselfaftertherigorousIowaWriting Workshop, now the pillar of creative writing instruction in the UnitedStates.Oursmallprogramconsistedofjust10graduatestudentsinpoetry(fictionstudentshadaseparatecurriculum)fromvariedculturalbackgrounds,includingArmenian, Salvadorean, Ecuadorean, Jewish, White, and Korean. However, allidentifiedas“American.”
AstheonlyNativeHawaiianwriterintheprogram,Iwasalsotheonlyindigenouswriter.Myhighlypoliticized identity fueledand informedbothmypoeticsandscholarship,whichoftenfocusedonthecolonialdetrimenttotheÿohana(family)and theNativeHawaiiancommunity,American imperialism,Hawaiianhistory,Hawaiiansovereigntyissues,aswellasadistinctlyintimateconnectiontothelandthroughgenealogy.Asaresult,agreatdealofmyworkwasthreatening,oratthevery least, unsettling to many of my peers and instructors, who often read theHawaiiansovereigntymovementasmerely“separatist”andprecontactHawaiianhistoryas“nostalgic.”Claimstoanintimate,genealogicalconnectiontotheÿäina(land)wereoftenseenas“romanticized,”andcharacterizationsorindictmentsofAmerican imperialismwereofteneither ignoredor treatedasanevil force thatmanifestedonlyinconservativefigureslikeGeorgeW.BushorhistoricalfiguresliketheRepublicofHawaiÿi,whichwasformedbyAmericanmissionarydescen-dantstoreplacetheHawaiianmonarchialgovernment.
AlthoughIunderstood that these responseswere reflectiveof thepredominantideological constructions of history that privilege a largely White, Westernperspective,theygreatlyaffectedmyself-confidenceandmyapproachtowriting,andinturn,mywritingitself,whichIthencomposedtobemoredidacticattheexpenseofitsmorepoeticreferences.Thedismissivenatureoftheresponsesandthecollectiveviewthatmyworkwasnaiveandnotcomplicatedenoughwere,ofcourse,discouragingandsilencing.Igainedverylittleconstructivecriticismofmywork,andconsequently,Icametodreadeveryworkshop.
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ThisarticleassertsthattheseworkshopresponsesaredirectlyrelatedtothecolonialcontextofHawaiÿi—andhoweverunconsciously,thegenuinediscomfortorthreatposedbymy indigeneity—whichwaspromoted through the ideological founda-tionoftheAmericancreativewritingcurriculumIexperienced.Toillustratethis,I analyze the practices of the creative writing classroom and the historical rolewritinghasplayedinHawaiÿi.Ithenexaminehowanewcreativewritingcurric-ulum based on Native Hawaiian values and beliefs and composition-rhetoricalstrategiesofinventionandcollaborativelearning—exclusivelyforNativeHawaiianwritersandoutsideoftheuniversity—maytranscendtheideologicalapparatusofthestate,andbehänai-ed(adopted)andrepurposedtodevelopliteraryproductiontowardsocialandpoliticalmovement.Ialsolookatpossibleassignmentsforthisculturallybasedcurriculum.
The American Creative Writing Curriculum: New Criticism, Western Aesthetics, and the Problems Therein
The structure of creative writing workshops in the United States has roots intheNewCriticismmovementofthe1920s.AsoneoftheoriginatorsoftheNewCriticismmovementinliterarystudies,T.S.Eliot(1932)wrotein“TraditionandtheIndividualTalent”that
No poet, no artist of any art, has his complete meaningalone.Hissignificance,hisappreciationistheappreciationofhisrelationtothedeadpoetsandartists.Youcannotvaluehimalone;youmustsethimforcontrastandcomparison,amongthedead…Thenecessitythatheshallconform,thatheshallcohereissomethingthathappenssimultaneouslytoalltheworksofartwhichprecededit.(pp.476–477)
ÿAÿohe pau ka ÿike i ka hälau hoÿokahi.Notallknowledgeistaughtinthesameschool.
—ÿÖlelo Noÿeau
IfirstbecameacutelyawareofthetremendousneedforaNativeHawaiianCreativeWritingCurriculumwhileworkingtowardmyMFAinpoetryattheUniversity
ofOregon, aprogram that initially attractedmebecauseofhow it prides itselfontheculturaldiversityofitsstudentsandmodelsitselfaftertherigorousIowaWriting Workshop, now the pillar of creative writing instruction in the UnitedStates.Oursmallprogramconsistedofjust10graduatestudentsinpoetry(fictionstudentshadaseparatecurriculum)fromvariedculturalbackgrounds,includingArmenian, Salvadorean, Ecuadorean, Jewish, White, and Korean. However, allidentifiedas“American.”
AstheonlyNativeHawaiianwriterintheprogram,Iwasalsotheonlyindigenouswriter.Myhighlypoliticized identity fueledand informedbothmypoeticsandscholarship,whichoftenfocusedonthecolonialdetrimenttotheÿohana(family)and theNativeHawaiiancommunity,American imperialism,Hawaiianhistory,Hawaiiansovereigntyissues,aswellasadistinctlyintimateconnectiontothelandthroughgenealogy.Asaresult,agreatdealofmyworkwasthreatening,oratthevery least, unsettling to many of my peers and instructors, who often read theHawaiiansovereigntymovementasmerely“separatist”andprecontactHawaiianhistoryas“nostalgic.”Claimstoanintimate,genealogicalconnectiontotheÿäina(land)wereoftenseenas“romanticized,”andcharacterizationsorindictmentsofAmerican imperialismwereofteneither ignoredor treatedasanevil force thatmanifestedonlyinconservativefigureslikeGeorgeW.BushorhistoricalfiguresliketheRepublicofHawaiÿi,whichwasformedbyAmericanmissionarydescen-dantstoreplacetheHawaiianmonarchialgovernment.
AlthoughIunderstood that these responseswere reflectiveof thepredominantideological constructions of history that privilege a largely White, Westernperspective,theygreatlyaffectedmyself-confidenceandmyapproachtowriting,andinturn,mywritingitself,whichIthencomposedtobemoredidacticattheexpenseofitsmorepoeticreferences.Thedismissivenatureoftheresponsesandthecollectiveviewthatmyworkwasnaiveandnotcomplicatedenoughwere,ofcourse,discouragingandsilencing.Igainedverylittleconstructivecriticismofmywork,andconsequently,Icametodreadeveryworkshop.
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Itisoftencitedthatawriter’snaturaldefensivenessabouthisorherworkistheprimary reason for this rule of silence. Steve Kowit (1995), a seasoned poetryinstructor,warnedthat
people with fragile egos or low self-esteem about theirwriting, or who for some reason or another find suchsituations annoying, threatening or distracting might bebetteroffavoidingsuchworkshops…[T]hosewhoareintentuponmakingrapidprogress,andwhoareabletotolerateanunindulgentandcriticalenvironment,arelikelytofind[formal poetry-writing workshops] a wonderful tool forlearning.(p.247)
However,theexpectationofthewriter’sdefensivenessseemssmallwhencomparedwiththedetrimentalconsequencesoferasingorignoringthewriter,especiallythemarginalizedorunderrepresentedwriter, from theclassroomentirely. It is thenatureofwriting todwell in thepersonal,andnecessarilyso, regardlessof theformorgenrethewritingtakes.
ItisclearthattheAmericancreativewritinginstructionmodel—anditsinsistenceonusingaNewCriticismapproachbasedontheahistorcismofthetextanditsdivorcefromthewriter—needsrevision,asitfailstoaddressandevenexacerbatesissuesofsilencingrelatedtomarginalizedaspiringwriterswhoareintheprocessofempowering theirvoices. In“LiteraryLegaciesandCriticalTransformations:TeachingCreativeWritinginthePublicUrbanUniversity,”NicoleCooley(2003)impliedthatAmericanNewCriticism’sinfluenceonthecreativewritingclassroomto read authored texts as ahistorical, with no relation to the author, limits theunderrepresentedormarginalizedstudent.Cooley (2003)asserteda revision tothecreativewritingcurricularapproachisneededbecause
Emphasizinghowthisisa“principleofaesthetic,notmerelyhistoricalcriticism”(Eliot,1932,p.476),heassertedthatthewriteralwaysexistswithinaframeworkof tradition (which Eliot defined as being the “European tradition”) to whichthewritermustconform.Hefurtherarguedthatbecausethewritersharesthistraditionwithhiscountry’saudience,itisnecessaryto“divertinterestfromthepoet…foritwouldconducetoajusterestimationofactualpoetry,goodandbad”(p.482).
This concept manifests within the typical American creative writing classroommostclearlythroughtheerasingorsilencingoftheauthor.Thoughoftenidealizedasacommunityofwriterswhosegoalsaretofosterandencouragetheemergingwriter,atypicalAmericancreativewritingclassroomisaspaceofcontentionatbest,andabuseatworst,inpartbecauseofthewayworkshopsarestructured.IntheMFAprogramattheUniversityofOregon,workshopswereconductedverysimilarlytomostAmericanwritingworkshops,inwhichthewriteristoremainsilentas thegroupdiscussesthemerits,shortfalls,strategies,andintentionsofhisorhercreativework.Ifthewriterfeelsatanytimethatthegroup’sdiscussionisoff-baseordoesnotofferconstructivehelporismisreadinghisorherwork,itisgenerallyconsideredtobethefaultofthewriter.Thus,theworkissupposedtostandonitsown,withverylittleintroductionandabsolutelynointerferenceduringworkshop discussion (as if to emphasize this, it is also a rule to never directlyaddress the writer during a workshop). Only after the writer’s work is deemedtobesufficientlydiscussedbytheinstructordoesthewriterhavethechancetoaddressanyconcernsortoposequestionstothegroup,thoughthistimeisforcedtobebrief.Anyperiodoftimelongerthan5minutesforthewriter’sownwordsafteraworkshopisgenerallyviewedasdefensiveandself-indulgent,asthereareothernewlycreatedtextstobediscussedintheworkshop.
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Itisoftencitedthatawriter’snaturaldefensivenessabouthisorherworkistheprimary reason for this rule of silence. Steve Kowit (1995), a seasoned poetryinstructor,warnedthat
people with fragile egos or low self-esteem about theirwriting, or who for some reason or another find suchsituations annoying, threatening or distracting might bebetteroffavoidingsuchworkshops…[T]hosewhoareintentuponmakingrapidprogress,andwhoareabletotolerateanunindulgentandcriticalenvironment,arelikelytofind[formal poetry-writing workshops] a wonderful tool forlearning.(p.247)
However,theexpectationofthewriter’sdefensivenessseemssmallwhencomparedwiththedetrimentalconsequencesoferasingorignoringthewriter,especiallythemarginalizedorunderrepresentedwriter, from theclassroomentirely. It is thenatureofwriting todwell in thepersonal,andnecessarilyso, regardlessof theformorgenrethewritingtakes.
ItisclearthattheAmericancreativewritinginstructionmodel—anditsinsistenceonusingaNewCriticismapproachbasedontheahistorcismofthetextanditsdivorcefromthewriter—needsrevision,asitfailstoaddressandevenexacerbatesissuesofsilencingrelatedtomarginalizedaspiringwriterswhoareintheprocessofempowering theirvoices. In“LiteraryLegaciesandCriticalTransformations:TeachingCreativeWritinginthePublicUrbanUniversity,”NicoleCooley(2003)impliedthatAmericanNewCriticism’sinfluenceonthecreativewritingclassroomto read authored texts as ahistorical, with no relation to the author, limits theunderrepresentedormarginalizedstudent.Cooley (2003)asserteda revision tothecreativewritingcurricularapproachisneededbecause
Emphasizinghowthisisa“principleofaesthetic,notmerelyhistoricalcriticism”(Eliot,1932,p.476),heassertedthatthewriteralwaysexistswithinaframeworkof tradition (which Eliot defined as being the “European tradition”) to whichthewritermustconform.Hefurtherarguedthatbecausethewritersharesthistraditionwithhiscountry’saudience,itisnecessaryto“divertinterestfromthepoet…foritwouldconducetoajusterestimationofactualpoetry,goodandbad”(p.482).
This concept manifests within the typical American creative writing classroommostclearlythroughtheerasingorsilencingoftheauthor.Thoughoftenidealizedasacommunityofwriterswhosegoalsaretofosterandencouragetheemergingwriter,atypicalAmericancreativewritingclassroomisaspaceofcontentionatbest,andabuseatworst,inpartbecauseofthewayworkshopsarestructured.IntheMFAprogramattheUniversityofOregon,workshopswereconductedverysimilarlytomostAmericanwritingworkshops,inwhichthewriteristoremainsilentas thegroupdiscussesthemerits,shortfalls,strategies,andintentionsofhisorhercreativework.Ifthewriterfeelsatanytimethatthegroup’sdiscussionisoff-baseordoesnotofferconstructivehelporismisreadinghisorherwork,itisgenerallyconsideredtobethefaultofthewriter.Thus,theworkissupposedtostandonitsown,withverylittleintroductionandabsolutelynointerferenceduringworkshop discussion (as if to emphasize this, it is also a rule to never directlyaddress the writer during a workshop). Only after the writer’s work is deemedtobesufficientlydiscussedbytheinstructordoesthewriterhavethechancetoaddressanyconcernsortoposequestionstothegroup,thoughthistimeisforcedtobebrief.Anyperiodoftimelongerthan5minutesforthewriter’sownwordsafteraworkshopisgenerallyviewedasdefensiveandself-indulgent,asthereareothernewlycreatedtextstobediscussedintheworkshop.
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Bartholomae’s view that writers must conform to what the institution upholdsas its aesthetic standards by imagining themselves as “insiders” with “specialright[s] to speak” is complicated, however, by the colonial process of silencingthe indigenous writer, as well as the student who resists assimilating into thistradition, who sees him- or herself as peripheral because he or she belongs toanon-European tradition.Forwhat isgenerallyupheld tobeofaestheticmeritandrewardedassuchintheuniversityiswritingthatadherestocertainascribedtraits and rules determined by the dominant power. Thus, the creative writingstudentmustadopttheseformsandadheretotheserulestoreceiveaccoladesandgoodgrades.Accordingly,thosewritingstudentswhoseworkresiststhoserulesbecome failures, outsiders to the “writing tradition.” Though both groups mayhavethedrivetopursuetheirwritingcareersfollowingtheMFA,thosestudentswhoreceiveencouragementduringtheircreativewritingeducationtendtodosomorethanthosewhodonot.
Literaryaestheticsarealwayspolitical,whetherornotthisisrecognized.Aspartofthe“ideologicalhegemony”conceptualizedbyAntonioGramsci(1978),beautyisdeterminedbythedominantpower,whichusestheaestheticasa“socialtech-nology”toprivilegethatwhichservesorismostcloselyalignedtothedominantpoweranditsvaluesandaims:
The ‘normal’ exercise of hegemony on the now classicalterrainoftheparliamentaryregimeischaracterizedbythecombinationofforceandconsent,whichbalanceeachotherreciprocally,without forcepredominatingexcessivelyoverconsent.Indeed,theattemptisalwaysmadetoensurethatforcewillappeartobebasedontheconsentofthemajority.(p.80,fn)
Asapromotingforceofcolonizingefforts,educationisdeterminedbythedomi-natingpowertoupholdcertainaestheticcriteriathecolonizedmustmeet.Invariably,theaestheticasasocialtechnologyishiddentoappearnormative,whichthencanbeacceptedasabsolutetruth,asreality,bythecolonized/oppressed.
the creative writing class is a site of individual identityproduction; thus we need to think about how certainstrategies for teaching creative writing may enforce anormativeidentity….Itisessentialthatwereflectonhowtheworkshopprocesscanmakestudentsproducetextsthatdenytheirvoices….Weneedtointerrogatetheinextricablelink between language and power, a connection not fullyinvestigatedbyNewCriticalreadings.(pp.101–102)
In approaching the creative writing classroom as a “site of individual identityproduction,”CooleyemphasizedthattheNewCriticismapproachinthecreativewriting workshop does little to help students, especially those who experiencesilencingandmarginalizationonalarger,moreprofoundlevel;rather,theprocess
“enforce[s]anormativeidentity.”
ThenormativeidentitycharacterizedbyCooleydrawsdirectlyfromEliot’sviewofthewriterbeingsituatedwithinadistinctly“European”traditionagainstwhichallreadingsofawriter’sworkmustoccur.TheAmericancreativewritingcurriculumaccordingly adopts the European (a term fraught with political implications initself)traditionasitsownand,indoingso,dictatesthattheworkofall“American”writers,colonizedorotherwisemarginalized,mustbereadwithinthattradition.Thus, as David Bartholomae (2003) asserted in “Inventing the University,”students
have to appropriate (or be appropriated by) a specializeddiscourse, and they have to do this as though they wereeasily or comfortably one with their audience…[andthey] must imagine for themselves the privilege of being‘insiders’—thatis,ofbeingbothinsideanestablishedandpowerfuldiscourse,andofbeinggrantedaspecialrighttospeak.(pp.406–408)
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Bartholomae’s view that writers must conform to what the institution upholdsas its aesthetic standards by imagining themselves as “insiders” with “specialright[s] to speak” is complicated, however, by the colonial process of silencingthe indigenous writer, as well as the student who resists assimilating into thistradition, who sees him- or herself as peripheral because he or she belongs toanon-European tradition.Forwhat isgenerallyupheld tobeofaestheticmeritandrewardedassuchintheuniversityiswritingthatadherestocertainascribedtraits and rules determined by the dominant power. Thus, the creative writingstudentmustadopttheseformsandadheretotheserulestoreceiveaccoladesandgoodgrades.Accordingly,thosewritingstudentswhoseworkresiststhoserulesbecome failures, outsiders to the “writing tradition.” Though both groups mayhavethedrivetopursuetheirwritingcareersfollowingtheMFA,thosestudentswhoreceiveencouragementduringtheircreativewritingeducationtendtodosomorethanthosewhodonot.
Literaryaestheticsarealwayspolitical,whetherornotthisisrecognized.Aspartofthe“ideologicalhegemony”conceptualizedbyAntonioGramsci(1978),beautyisdeterminedbythedominantpower,whichusestheaestheticasa“socialtech-nology”toprivilegethatwhichservesorismostcloselyalignedtothedominantpoweranditsvaluesandaims:
The ‘normal’ exercise of hegemony on the now classicalterrainoftheparliamentaryregimeischaracterizedbythecombinationofforceandconsent,whichbalanceeachotherreciprocally,without forcepredominatingexcessivelyoverconsent.Indeed,theattemptisalwaysmadetoensurethatforcewillappeartobebasedontheconsentofthemajority.(p.80,fn)
Asapromotingforceofcolonizingefforts,educationisdeterminedbythedomi-natingpowertoupholdcertainaestheticcriteriathecolonizedmustmeet.Invariably,theaestheticasasocialtechnologyishiddentoappearnormative,whichthencanbeacceptedasabsolutetruth,asreality,bythecolonized/oppressed.
the creative writing class is a site of individual identityproduction; thus we need to think about how certainstrategies for teaching creative writing may enforce anormativeidentity….Itisessentialthatwereflectonhowtheworkshopprocesscanmakestudentsproducetextsthatdenytheirvoices….Weneedtointerrogatetheinextricablelink between language and power, a connection not fullyinvestigatedbyNewCriticalreadings.(pp.101–102)
In approaching the creative writing classroom as a “site of individual identityproduction,”CooleyemphasizedthattheNewCriticismapproachinthecreativewriting workshop does little to help students, especially those who experiencesilencingandmarginalizationonalarger,moreprofoundlevel;rather,theprocess
“enforce[s]anormativeidentity.”
ThenormativeidentitycharacterizedbyCooleydrawsdirectlyfromEliot’sviewofthewriterbeingsituatedwithinadistinctly“European”traditionagainstwhichallreadingsofawriter’sworkmustoccur.TheAmericancreativewritingcurriculumaccordingly adopts the European (a term fraught with political implications initself)traditionasitsownand,indoingso,dictatesthattheworkofall“American”writers,colonizedorotherwisemarginalized,mustbereadwithinthattradition.Thus, as David Bartholomae (2003) asserted in “Inventing the University,”students
have to appropriate (or be appropriated by) a specializeddiscourse, and they have to do this as though they wereeasily or comfortably one with their audience…[andthey] must imagine for themselves the privilege of being‘insiders’—thatis,ofbeingbothinsideanestablishedandpowerfuldiscourse,andofbeinggrantedaspecialrighttospeak.(pp.406–408)
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By 1832, 40% of the population were in schools startedby missionary influence with missionary texts. Thesestudentsweremostlyadultsandtheteachersweremostlytheir Hawaiian peers. By 1832, 900 schools were setup to teach 53,000 Hawaiians how to read and write. By1846, over 80% of the Hawaiian population were literate.(Meyer,2003,p.24)
Fromamissionarystandpoint,theintroductionoftheprintedwordwastheonlymeansbywhichtheWordoftheirGodcouldbesharedtoconvertindigenouspopu-lationstoChristianityandthus,“civilization.”However,forourküpuna(elders),thewrittenwordwasembracedforopeningup“thefloodgatesforawholenewwayofcommunicatingandsharinginworldlyexperiences”(Meyer,2003,p.25).LikeotherhaoleintroductionsduringthisearlyperiodofWesterncontact,writingwasrepurposedbyourküpunatosuittheirownneedsandpriorities,includingculturalpreservation,historiography,genealogy,aswellasthedisseminationofinformationofpoliticalandnationalimportance.
ThefirstnewspapersinÿÖleloHawaiÿiwerepublishedbythemissionsbeginningin1834to“supplythemeansofusefulknowledge…[and]topointoutexistingevils,theircharacter,seat,extentandconsequences”(Silva,2004,p.130),andtheywereessentially a vehicleof conversionandcolonization.ThefirstNativeHawaiian–controllednewspaper,Ka Hoku o ka Pakipika(StarofthePacific),wascreatedin1861topublishNativeHawaiianmoÿolelo(stories),whichmissionarynewspapershad censored because the stories were often deemed “obscene.” Several moreNativeHawaiian–controllednewspapers followed toshareuncensoredmoÿolelo,genealogies,oli(chants),mele(songs),andpoliticalnews.
In addition,manyNativeHawaiian scholars andaliÿi, likeKingDavidLaÿameaKaläkaua, used writing in an effort both to resist Cabinet members, who wereAmericanmissionarydescendantswhohadforcedhimtosigntheharmfulBayonetConstitution(so-calledbecausehewasforcedtosignbygunpoint),andtopreservetheculture,moÿolelo,andmanaÿo(thoughts,ideas)ofNativeHawaiians,whowerecommonly perceived to be a “dying race.” The motto during Kaläkaua’s reign,
“Hoÿoulu,”ortoincrease,wasnotonlyaresponsetothemassivedepopulationthat
Thus,EnlightenmentphilosopherssuchasDavidHumeandImmanuelKant(whoare continuously invoked as chief authorities of Western aestheticism) “implic-itlyaestheticizewhiteness”(Roelofs,2005,p.85)—Humedefiningaestheticsasa “model of ‘taste’… a civilizing force” (Roelofs, 2005, p. 86), and Kant, addingtoHume’sdefinition,seeingaestheticsasthatwhichisaboveoroutsideofanyculturalconditions,onlyachievablebyWhitepeople(ashegivesmanyracializedexamplesofotherswhocannotseparatethemselvesfromculture;Roelofs,2005,pp. 94–96). In doing so, Kant conceals Western/White culture as “an invisibledatum,anunmarkedgiven….Thesphereofnormativecultureisthuswhitened”(Roelofs,2005,p.96).
In turn, this ideologicalhegemony isperpetuatedwithin theAmericancreativewriting classroom, which must invariably privilege its own literature, as wellas Western literature (the tradition within which American literature situatesitself).Consequently,theAmericancreativewritingclassroomisnotconducivetofosteringapopulationofwriters,likeNativeHawaiianwriters,whoalreadydistrusttheinstitutionasrepresentativeandagentof thestateandexperiencesilencingonamuchlarger,moreprofoundscale.Itisalsonotconducivetoensuringandnurturinga futuregenerationofwriterswhocancontribute toandempowerasocialmovementthroughcounterhegemonicliterature.
The Historical Role of Native Hawaiian Writing and Resistance
That the written literary space should be seen as a threat within Hawaiÿi is, ofcourse,nosurprise.WritinghasplayedalargerolewithinNativeHawaiiancultureandasameansofresistancesinceitwasfirstintroducedbyWesternmissionariesinthe1820s.Bythe1830sand1840s,literacyratesinÿÖlelo Hawaiÿi(Hawaiian)inHawaiÿiwereamongthehighestintheworld,andwritingsbyNativeHawaiianswerebeingpublishedinnumerousislandnewspapersandscholarlybooks.Thenewtechnologyofwritingandprintingthatthehaole(White,Caucasian)missionariesintroducedwaswidelyembracedandstronglyencouragedbythealiÿi(royalty):
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By 1832, 40% of the population were in schools startedby missionary influence with missionary texts. Thesestudentsweremostlyadultsandtheteachersweremostlytheir Hawaiian peers. By 1832, 900 schools were setup to teach 53,000 Hawaiians how to read and write. By1846, over 80% of the Hawaiian population were literate.(Meyer,2003,p.24)
Fromamissionarystandpoint,theintroductionoftheprintedwordwastheonlymeansbywhichtheWordoftheirGodcouldbesharedtoconvertindigenouspopu-lationstoChristianityandthus,“civilization.”However,forourküpuna(elders),thewrittenwordwasembracedforopeningup“thefloodgatesforawholenewwayofcommunicatingandsharinginworldlyexperiences”(Meyer,2003,p.25).LikeotherhaoleintroductionsduringthisearlyperiodofWesterncontact,writingwasrepurposedbyourküpunatosuittheirownneedsandpriorities,includingculturalpreservation,historiography,genealogy,aswellasthedisseminationofinformationofpoliticalandnationalimportance.
ThefirstnewspapersinÿÖleloHawaiÿiwerepublishedbythemissionsbeginningin1834to“supplythemeansofusefulknowledge…[and]topointoutexistingevils,theircharacter,seat,extentandconsequences”(Silva,2004,p.130),andtheywereessentially a vehicleof conversionandcolonization.ThefirstNativeHawaiian–controllednewspaper,Ka Hoku o ka Pakipika(StarofthePacific),wascreatedin1861topublishNativeHawaiianmoÿolelo(stories),whichmissionarynewspapershad censored because the stories were often deemed “obscene.” Several moreNativeHawaiian–controllednewspapers followed toshareuncensoredmoÿolelo,genealogies,oli(chants),mele(songs),andpoliticalnews.
In addition,manyNativeHawaiian scholars andaliÿi, likeKingDavidLaÿameaKaläkaua, used writing in an effort both to resist Cabinet members, who wereAmericanmissionarydescendantswhohadforcedhimtosigntheharmfulBayonetConstitution(so-calledbecausehewasforcedtosignbygunpoint),andtopreservetheculture,moÿolelo,andmanaÿo(thoughts,ideas)ofNativeHawaiians,whowerecommonly perceived to be a “dying race.” The motto during Kaläkaua’s reign,
“Hoÿoulu,”ortoincrease,wasnotonlyaresponsetothemassivedepopulationthat
Thus,EnlightenmentphilosopherssuchasDavidHumeandImmanuelKant(whoare continuously invoked as chief authorities of Western aestheticism) “implic-itlyaestheticizewhiteness”(Roelofs,2005,p.85)—Humedefiningaestheticsasa “model of ‘taste’… a civilizing force” (Roelofs, 2005, p. 86), and Kant, addingtoHume’sdefinition,seeingaestheticsasthatwhichisaboveoroutsideofanyculturalconditions,onlyachievablebyWhitepeople(ashegivesmanyracializedexamplesofotherswhocannotseparatethemselvesfromculture;Roelofs,2005,pp. 94–96). In doing so, Kant conceals Western/White culture as “an invisibledatum,anunmarkedgiven….Thesphereofnormativecultureisthuswhitened”(Roelofs,2005,p.96).
In turn, this ideologicalhegemony isperpetuatedwithin theAmericancreativewriting classroom, which must invariably privilege its own literature, as wellas Western literature (the tradition within which American literature situatesitself).Consequently,theAmericancreativewritingclassroomisnotconducivetofosteringapopulationofwriters,likeNativeHawaiianwriters,whoalreadydistrusttheinstitutionasrepresentativeandagentof thestateandexperiencesilencingonamuchlarger,moreprofoundscale.Itisalsonotconducivetoensuringandnurturinga futuregenerationofwriterswhocancontribute toandempowerasocialmovementthroughcounterhegemonicliterature.
The Historical Role of Native Hawaiian Writing and Resistance
That the written literary space should be seen as a threat within Hawaiÿi is, ofcourse,nosurprise.WritinghasplayedalargerolewithinNativeHawaiiancultureandasameansofresistancesinceitwasfirstintroducedbyWesternmissionariesinthe1820s.Bythe1830sand1840s,literacyratesinÿÖlelo Hawaiÿi(Hawaiian)inHawaiÿiwereamongthehighestintheworld,andwritingsbyNativeHawaiianswerebeingpublishedinnumerousislandnewspapersandscholarlybooks.Thenewtechnologyofwritingandprintingthatthehaole(White,Caucasian)missionariesintroducedwaswidelyembracedandstronglyencouragedbythealiÿi(royalty):
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Indirectresponsetothiscamethe“closingofallHawaiianlanguageschoolsandtheelevationofEnglishastheonlyofficiallanguagein1896.OncetheRepublicofHawaiÿideclareditselfonJuly4,1894,the‘Americanization’ofHawaiÿiwassealedlikeacoffin” (Trask,1999a,p.21).Seenas themostsilencingofallactsperpe-trated by colonial powers, the banning of indigenous languages almost alwaysaccompanies“thedestructionorthedeliberateundervaluingofapeople’sculture,theirart,dances,religions,history,geography,education,oratureandliterature,andtheconsciouselevationofthelanguageofthecolonizer”(Thiongÿo,1981,p.16).Because“languagecarriesculture,andculturecarries,particularly throughorature and literature, the entire body of values by which we come to perceiveourselvesandourplaceintheworld”(Thiongÿo,1981,p.16),thiseffortalsodoesmore than silence the colonized; it inarguably seeks to “domin[ate] the mentaluniverseofthecolonized”(Thiongÿo,1981,p.17).
Thus,immediatelyfollowingthebanofÿÖleloHawaiÿi,Hawaiian-languagenews-papersandprotestthroughwritten,oral,andperformativeartsdeclineddrastically,asanentiregeneration(mygreat-grandparents)receivedcorporalpunishmentinEnglish-onlyschoolsforspeakingÿÖleloHawaiÿi.Toprotecttheirchildrenfromasimilarfate,theyraisedmygrandparents’generationtospeakonlyEnglish.
TheresultingabsenceofwidelypublishedwrittenandartisticexpressionbyNativeHawaiiansover thepastcenturyengendered thebelief thatHawaiians lackedaliteraryandartisticheritage.Whileother cultures living inHawaiÿiduring thistimeflourishedintheseregards,NativeHawaiianculturecontinuedtobenegatedand silenced. Even as more traditional forms of Native Hawaiian culture wererevived in the1970s,with theexceptionofDanaNaoneHall,WayneWestlake,ÿÏmaikalaniKalähele,JohnDominisHolt,andMähealaniKamauÿu,theabsenceofalargerliteraryvoicesupportedthehegemonicstereotypeofNativeHawaiiansasanilliteratepeoplewhodidnotvalueliterature.
StatisticsgatheredbytheStateofHawaiÿiDepartmentofEducationin1998onlyseemtosupportthisstereotype.AcrossGrades3,6,8,and10,thenationalnormpercentile rank of the mean Hawaiian total reading score was at only the 30thpercentile,whereas thestateaveragewasat the40thpercentile, andCaucasianandJapanesestudentswereat the60thpercentile. Inaddition,moreHawaiian
occurred during the 100 years following Western contact but also reflected hisintentiontoliftthemissionarybanonthehulaandothertraditionalartformsand,thus,strengthentheprideofhispeople.Kaläkaua’sLegends and Myths of Hawaiÿi,writteninEnglishin1888,targetedahaoleaudience,ashebelievedthatNativeHawaiianswouldinevitablykeep
decreasinginnumbersandgraduallylosingtheirholduponthe fair land of their fathers. Within a century they havedwindledfromfourhundredthousandhealthyandhappychildrenofnature,withoutcareandwithoutwant,toalittlemore than a tenth of that number of landless, hopelessvictimstothegreedandvicesofcivilization….Yearbyyeartheirfootstepswillgrowmoredimalongthesandsoftheirreef-sheltered shores, and fainter and fainter will cometheir simple songs from the shadows of the palms, untilfinally theirvoicesareheardnomore forever. (Kaläkaua,1888,Introduction)
Here,theAmericanhaoleaudiencewasindirectlyimplicatedthroughKaläkaua’sattributionof the “vicesof civilizationandgreed” as the cause for themassivedepopulationhecitedandthe“landless[ness]”ofhispeople.
FollowingtheoverthrowoftheHawaiianKingdomandannexationtotheUnitedStates,EmmaNäwahï’snationalistnewspaperKe Aloha ÿÄinabecameaprimarypublication to fight for Hawaiian sovereignty, to organize resistance strategies(such as the petition comprising 90% of the Native Hawaiian population) andmeetings,andtoofferwordsofsupporttoanoccupied,oppressedpeople.ThoughitwasbannedbytheProvisionalGovernment,asmostNativeHawaiian–controllednewspaperswereatthetime,itcontinuedtobeproducedanddisseminatedcovertlytospreadnewsof thestepsbeing takenbyQueenLiliÿuokalani (whoalsousedwritingtoorganizeapetitionthateffectivelydefeatedthebilltoannexHawaiÿiintheAmericanSenate).
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Indirectresponsetothiscamethe“closingofallHawaiianlanguageschoolsandtheelevationofEnglishastheonlyofficiallanguagein1896.OncetheRepublicofHawaiÿideclareditselfonJuly4,1894,the‘Americanization’ofHawaiÿiwassealedlikeacoffin” (Trask,1999a,p.21).Seenas themostsilencingofallactsperpe-trated by colonial powers, the banning of indigenous languages almost alwaysaccompanies“thedestructionorthedeliberateundervaluingofapeople’sculture,theirart,dances,religions,history,geography,education,oratureandliterature,andtheconsciouselevationofthelanguageofthecolonizer”(Thiongÿo,1981,p.16).Because“languagecarriesculture,andculturecarries,particularly throughorature and literature, the entire body of values by which we come to perceiveourselvesandourplaceintheworld”(Thiongÿo,1981,p.16),thiseffortalsodoesmore than silence the colonized; it inarguably seeks to “domin[ate] the mentaluniverseofthecolonized”(Thiongÿo,1981,p.17).
Thus,immediatelyfollowingthebanofÿÖleloHawaiÿi,Hawaiian-languagenews-papersandprotestthroughwritten,oral,andperformativeartsdeclineddrastically,asanentiregeneration(mygreat-grandparents)receivedcorporalpunishmentinEnglish-onlyschoolsforspeakingÿÖleloHawaiÿi.Toprotecttheirchildrenfromasimilarfate,theyraisedmygrandparents’generationtospeakonlyEnglish.
TheresultingabsenceofwidelypublishedwrittenandartisticexpressionbyNativeHawaiiansover thepastcenturyengendered thebelief thatHawaiians lackedaliteraryandartisticheritage.Whileother cultures living inHawaiÿiduring thistimeflourishedintheseregards,NativeHawaiianculturecontinuedtobenegatedand silenced. Even as more traditional forms of Native Hawaiian culture wererevived in the1970s,with theexceptionofDanaNaoneHall,WayneWestlake,ÿÏmaikalaniKalähele,JohnDominisHolt,andMähealaniKamauÿu,theabsenceofalargerliteraryvoicesupportedthehegemonicstereotypeofNativeHawaiiansasanilliteratepeoplewhodidnotvalueliterature.
StatisticsgatheredbytheStateofHawaiÿiDepartmentofEducationin1998onlyseemtosupportthisstereotype.AcrossGrades3,6,8,and10,thenationalnormpercentile rank of the mean Hawaiian total reading score was at only the 30thpercentile,whereas thestateaveragewasat the40thpercentile, andCaucasianandJapanesestudentswereat the60thpercentile. Inaddition,moreHawaiian
occurred during the 100 years following Western contact but also reflected hisintentiontoliftthemissionarybanonthehulaandothertraditionalartformsand,thus,strengthentheprideofhispeople.Kaläkaua’sLegends and Myths of Hawaiÿi,writteninEnglishin1888,targetedahaoleaudience,ashebelievedthatNativeHawaiianswouldinevitablykeep
decreasinginnumbersandgraduallylosingtheirholduponthe fair land of their fathers. Within a century they havedwindledfromfourhundredthousandhealthyandhappychildrenofnature,withoutcareandwithoutwant,toalittlemore than a tenth of that number of landless, hopelessvictimstothegreedandvicesofcivilization….Yearbyyeartheirfootstepswillgrowmoredimalongthesandsoftheirreef-sheltered shores, and fainter and fainter will cometheir simple songs from the shadows of the palms, untilfinally theirvoicesareheardnomore forever. (Kaläkaua,1888,Introduction)
Here,theAmericanhaoleaudiencewasindirectlyimplicatedthroughKaläkaua’sattributionof the “vicesof civilizationandgreed” as the cause for themassivedepopulationhecitedandthe“landless[ness]”ofhispeople.
FollowingtheoverthrowoftheHawaiianKingdomandannexationtotheUnitedStates,EmmaNäwahï’snationalistnewspaperKe Aloha ÿÄinabecameaprimarypublication to fight for Hawaiian sovereignty, to organize resistance strategies(such as the petition comprising 90% of the Native Hawaiian population) andmeetings,andtoofferwordsofsupporttoanoccupied,oppressedpeople.ThoughitwasbannedbytheProvisionalGovernment,asmostNativeHawaiian–controllednewspaperswereatthetime,itcontinuedtobeproducedanddisseminatedcovertlytospreadnewsof thestepsbeing takenbyQueenLiliÿuokalani (whoalsousedwritingtoorganizeapetitionthateffectivelydefeatedthebilltoannexHawaiÿiintheAmericanSenate).
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Critical Pedagogy and the Unmasking of Hegemony
Much critical pedagogy theory has focused on power dynamics both withinandthroughtheclassroombetweenteacherandstudent,asseenthroughPeterElbow’sexpressivistcallforcurriculatobestudentcenteredtodeemphasizetheauthorityoftheteacherandMinaShaughnessy’surgingteacherstoexamine“thesocialandpoliticalroleinstudents’unpreparedness”(Mutnick,2001,p.185).Thislineoftheoryhasalsofocusedonpowerdynamicsbetweentheteacher/studentandtheinstitution,asseenthroughDonaldBartholomae’s(2003)“InventingtheUniversity”discussedearlier.Also,mostnotably,theworksofPauloFreire,HenryGiroux,IraShor,andJonathonKozolexaminehowteacher/student/institutionisshapedandcontrolledbythestate.ContributingtomanyoftheideasexpressedbyFreireinPedagogy of the Oppressed(Freire,1970)andA Pedagogy of Liberation(Freire&Shor,1987),HenryGirouxandIraShorexploredwhattheyreferredtoasthe“‘hiddencurriculum,’[and]thesubtle,butpowerfulwaysschoolsconstructstudents’andteachers’knowledgeandbehavior”tocomeclosertoculturalproduc-tionand, thus, social transformation (George,2001,p.96).Similarly, JonathonKozol’s work examined how “cultural institutions function to reproduce theideologyandpowerofdominantgroups”(George,2001,p.95).
BruceHerzberg(1991)addedtothiscriticalpedagogicaldialoguebyexaminingthecurriculumas“ideology”ofthestatein“CompositionandthePoliticsoftheCurriculum”:
Thecurriculumrepresentsacommitmenttoasetofvaluesconcerningtheusesofcultureandtheusesofpeople.Thecurriculumdeclareswhatshouldbepassedontothefutureand what students should become. These are ideologicalissues,politicalcommitments….Thecurriculum,moreoverisnotanindependententitywithintheschool,andavailableknowledge is neither the only nor even the primarydeterminantofthecurriculum.(p.97)
students’ total readingachievementscores fell in thebelow-average range thaninnationalnorms,andfewerthan10%ofHawaiiansscoredintheabove-averagerange,whereasCaucasiansandJapaneseshowacontrastingpattern,scoring40%intheabove-averagerange.Inlightofthesenumbers,itisnosurprisethatillit-eracyratesarehighforNativeHawaiianadults.Literacyskillassessmentsrevealthatabout30%ofNativeHawaiianadultsarefunctionallyilliterate(readingbelowthe4th-gradelevel).GiventhatilliteracywasvirtuallyunknownduringthetimeoftheNativeHawaiianmonarchy,thesestatisticsareparticularlydisturbing(Meyer,2003,p.24).
Thus,thehistoryofresistanceinNativeHawaiianwriting,whetherasameansofcultural and languagepreservation, testimony,orpoliticalorganization, furtheremphasizesthecomplexityofthepoliticalcontextwithinwhichaNativeHawaiianwriterinanAmericancreativewritingclassroomwouldbesituated.Thisresistancealso continues through the creation of Native Hawaiian–controlled publishers,suchasÿAiPöhakuandKuleanaÿÖiwiPress,whichnowofferpublishingopportu-nitiesforNativeHawaiians.IndicativeofhowcolonialsilencingcontinuedthroughtheHawaiianRenaissanceofthe1970sandlastedthroughmuchofthe1990s,inaHonolulu Weekly articleon the launchof the third volumeof ÿÖiwi: A Native
Hawaiian Journal,ChiefEditorKuÿualohaHoÿomanawanuisharedthatMähealaniDudoit,anaward-winningpoetwhohadbeenpublished“allovertheUnitedStatesinesteemedjournals…founditdifficulttobepublishedinHawaiÿiinsomeofourlocaljournals”(Griffith,2005).Moreover,UniversityofHawaiÿiprofessorandnowrenownedpoet,Haunani-KayTrask,founditdifficulttopublishherfirstbookofpoetry,Light in the Crevice Never Seen(1994),inHawaiÿi.SheapproachedboththeUniversityofHawaiÿiPressandBambooRidgePress,thelatterreplyingthathermanuscriptwasnot“oftheaestheticqualitytheyusuallypublish”(Trask,personalcommunication, November 2005). However, she had no difficulties when sheapproachedCalyxBooks(apublisherinOregon)topublishherbookin1994(witharevisededitionin1998);herbookisnowbeingtaughtincoursesthroughouttheUnitedStatesandPolynesia.TheseexamplesinparticularhighlighthowcolonialanxietyisamplifiedwithinHawaiÿi.Typicalpublishingvenuesfor“local”Hawaiÿiwriterswere rarely anoption for contemporaryNativeHawaiianwritersbeforeNativeHawaiian–controlledpresseswerecreated.
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Critical Pedagogy and the Unmasking of Hegemony
Much critical pedagogy theory has focused on power dynamics both withinandthroughtheclassroombetweenteacherandstudent,asseenthroughPeterElbow’sexpressivistcallforcurriculatobestudentcenteredtodeemphasizetheauthorityoftheteacherandMinaShaughnessy’surgingteacherstoexamine“thesocialandpoliticalroleinstudents’unpreparedness”(Mutnick,2001,p.185).Thislineoftheoryhasalsofocusedonpowerdynamicsbetweentheteacher/studentandtheinstitution,asseenthroughDonaldBartholomae’s(2003)“InventingtheUniversity”discussedearlier.Also,mostnotably,theworksofPauloFreire,HenryGiroux,IraShor,andJonathonKozolexaminehowteacher/student/institutionisshapedandcontrolledbythestate.ContributingtomanyoftheideasexpressedbyFreireinPedagogy of the Oppressed(Freire,1970)andA Pedagogy of Liberation(Freire&Shor,1987),HenryGirouxandIraShorexploredwhattheyreferredtoasthe“‘hiddencurriculum,’[and]thesubtle,butpowerfulwaysschoolsconstructstudents’andteachers’knowledgeandbehavior”tocomeclosertoculturalproduc-tionand, thus, social transformation (George,2001,p.96).Similarly, JonathonKozol’s work examined how “cultural institutions function to reproduce theideologyandpowerofdominantgroups”(George,2001,p.95).
BruceHerzberg(1991)addedtothiscriticalpedagogicaldialoguebyexaminingthecurriculumas“ideology”ofthestatein“CompositionandthePoliticsoftheCurriculum”:
Thecurriculumrepresentsacommitmenttoasetofvaluesconcerningtheusesofcultureandtheusesofpeople.Thecurriculumdeclareswhatshouldbepassedontothefutureand what students should become. These are ideologicalissues,politicalcommitments….Thecurriculum,moreoverisnotanindependententitywithintheschool,andavailableknowledge is neither the only nor even the primarydeterminantofthecurriculum.(p.97)
students’ total readingachievementscores fell in thebelow-average range thaninnationalnorms,andfewerthan10%ofHawaiiansscoredintheabove-averagerange,whereasCaucasiansandJapaneseshowacontrastingpattern,scoring40%intheabove-averagerange.Inlightofthesenumbers,itisnosurprisethatillit-eracyratesarehighforNativeHawaiianadults.Literacyskillassessmentsrevealthatabout30%ofNativeHawaiianadultsarefunctionallyilliterate(readingbelowthe4th-gradelevel).GiventhatilliteracywasvirtuallyunknownduringthetimeoftheNativeHawaiianmonarchy,thesestatisticsareparticularlydisturbing(Meyer,2003,p.24).
Thus,thehistoryofresistanceinNativeHawaiianwriting,whetherasameansofcultural and languagepreservation, testimony,orpoliticalorganization, furtheremphasizesthecomplexityofthepoliticalcontextwithinwhichaNativeHawaiianwriterinanAmericancreativewritingclassroomwouldbesituated.Thisresistancealso continues through the creation of Native Hawaiian–controlled publishers,suchasÿAiPöhakuandKuleanaÿÖiwiPress,whichnowofferpublishingopportu-nitiesforNativeHawaiians.IndicativeofhowcolonialsilencingcontinuedthroughtheHawaiianRenaissanceofthe1970sandlastedthroughmuchofthe1990s,inaHonolulu Weekly articleon the launchof the third volumeof ÿÖiwi: A Native
Hawaiian Journal,ChiefEditorKuÿualohaHoÿomanawanuisharedthatMähealaniDudoit,anaward-winningpoetwhohadbeenpublished“allovertheUnitedStatesinesteemedjournals…founditdifficulttobepublishedinHawaiÿiinsomeofourlocaljournals”(Griffith,2005).Moreover,UniversityofHawaiÿiprofessorandnowrenownedpoet,Haunani-KayTrask,founditdifficulttopublishherfirstbookofpoetry,Light in the Crevice Never Seen(1994),inHawaiÿi.SheapproachedboththeUniversityofHawaiÿiPressandBambooRidgePress,thelatterreplyingthathermanuscriptwasnot“oftheaestheticqualitytheyusuallypublish”(Trask,personalcommunication, November 2005). However, she had no difficulties when sheapproachedCalyxBooks(apublisherinOregon)topublishherbookin1994(witharevisededitionin1998);herbookisnowbeingtaughtincoursesthroughouttheUnitedStatesandPolynesia.TheseexamplesinparticularhighlighthowcolonialanxietyisamplifiedwithinHawaiÿi.Typicalpublishingvenuesfor“local”Hawaiÿiwriterswere rarely anoption for contemporaryNativeHawaiianwritersbeforeNativeHawaiian–controlledpresseswerecreated.
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Inaneffort tooverturnthehegemonicprocessesatplay inpubliceducationinHawaiÿi,theNativeHawaiianCharterSchoolmovementalsoseekstoteachNativeHawaiianstudents“truthsabouttheirownhistories”(p.96),tooverturndamagingimpressionsandstereotypes,andtoteach“culturaltraditionsandvalues,includingtheirnativelanguage,inaculturallyappropriateenvironment”(Kahakalau,2003,p.146).HälauKüMäna,forexample,buildsitscurriculumarounda“PlaceandProject-Based Learning” model, “integrat[ing] all core content areas (LanguageArts,Math,Science,andMoÿolelo,orSocialStudies),ola kino(health),technology,values,environmentalstewardshipandrealworldskills”(www.halaukumana.org).Projectsareculturallybasedandinclude“KoKulaKai,”whichfocusesoncoralreefsasecologicalcommunities;“Löÿi,”orthestudyofNativeHawaiianlandandresource management; and “Kanehunamoku,” which studies noninstrumentalnavigationandcanoesailing(www.halaukumana.org).
Hänai-ing a Native Hawaiian Creative Writing Curriculum
Reflective of the extent to which Native Hawaiian identity and language arepoliticized,thetermhänairecentlybecameatermofcontentionintheHawaiÿiState Court system as evidenced in Mohica-Cummings v. Kamehameha Schools.KalenaSantos,ahaolemother,claimedthatherson,BradenMohica-Cummings,whoiswithoutHawaiiankoko(blood),isNativeHawaiianandeligibletoattendKamehameha Schools because he was “hänai-ed” by Native Hawaiians who,thoughunrelatedtohim,considerthemselvestobehisgrandparents.
ThisdefinitionofhänaiwaschallengedbytheKamehamehaSchoolsandseveralotherNativeHawaiiangroups,whoemphasizedthathänai,whichliterallymeans
“tofeed”or“tonurture,”wasneversynonymouswithgenealogicalinheritanceorlineage,asrequiredbyKamehamehaSchools’NativeHawaiianpreferencepolicyforadmissions.Despitethis,DavidEzra,theU.S.DistrictCourtjudgeatthehelmofthesecourthearings,decidedinfavorofMohica-Cummingsandtooktheoppor-tunitytoreeducateNativeHawaiiansaboutwhathänaimeanthistorically.
Consequently,asaconstructoftheAmericanstate,thecreativewritingcurriculumwithinmostAmericanuniversitiesperpetuatesideologicalhegemonytoservethecolonialefforttocontinueitsoccupationanddomination.
Thoughitgoeswithoutsaying that issuesofpowerwithinAmericaneducationwarrantstudyandexaminationthroughcriticalpedagogy,thisveinoftheoryofferslittlepracticalsuggestiontowardresolutionortranscendence.Rather,itonlyhigh-lightstheinescapabilityfromthesepowerdynamics,howeverfreeingitmaybetonameoridentifycontextswithinwhichoppressionrearsitsuglyhead.
Theinabilityofcriticalpedagogytheoriststoescapetheconfinesoftheinstitutionanditsenslavingideologyhasnotdiscouragedpracticalsolutionsthathavebeenposed and implemented by Native Hawaiian grassroots educators. In January2000,inaneffortto“initiateanativedesignedandcontrolledsystemofHawaiianeducation” (Kahakalau, 2003,p. 147),NäLeiNaÿauaoNativeHawaiianCharterSchool Alliance was formed. Inspired by the work of Paulo Freire, the K–12modelis
framedfromaNativeHawaiianperspectivedesignedbyandfortheNativeHawaiiancommunity…[T]hismodelpresentsnotnecessarilyanalternativetothepresentWestern-basedpubliceducationsysteminHawai‘i,butratherapreferredway of practicing education…[that is] community-based,culturally-driven, and incorporating a high degree ofacademicrigor.(Kahakalau,2003,p.148)
Kahakalau’s description of how the educational model is “designed by and for”NativeHawaiiansissignificantinthatitemphasizestheroleoftrustineducation.ItalsohighlightshowNativeHawaiianeducationalcontroliscommonlyseenasawaythroughwhichourÿöpio,oryoungpeople,canavoidthedetrimentcausedbytheirWesterneducation,which“hasbeenusedtopreservethedominantpositionofthecolonizer…[and]includesmanymyths,factualinaccuracies,andomissions”(Kaulukukui&Silva,2003,p.94).
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Inaneffort tooverturnthehegemonicprocessesatplay inpubliceducationinHawaiÿi,theNativeHawaiianCharterSchoolmovementalsoseekstoteachNativeHawaiianstudents“truthsabouttheirownhistories”(p.96),tooverturndamagingimpressionsandstereotypes,andtoteach“culturaltraditionsandvalues,includingtheirnativelanguage,inaculturallyappropriateenvironment”(Kahakalau,2003,p.146).HälauKüMäna,forexample,buildsitscurriculumarounda“PlaceandProject-Based Learning” model, “integrat[ing] all core content areas (LanguageArts,Math,Science,andMoÿolelo,orSocialStudies),ola kino(health),technology,values,environmentalstewardshipandrealworldskills”(www.halaukumana.org).Projectsareculturallybasedandinclude“KoKulaKai,”whichfocusesoncoralreefsasecologicalcommunities;“Löÿi,”orthestudyofNativeHawaiianlandandresource management; and “Kanehunamoku,” which studies noninstrumentalnavigationandcanoesailing(www.halaukumana.org).
Hänai-ing a Native Hawaiian Creative Writing Curriculum
Reflective of the extent to which Native Hawaiian identity and language arepoliticized,thetermhänairecentlybecameatermofcontentionintheHawaiÿiState Court system as evidenced in Mohica-Cummings v. Kamehameha Schools.KalenaSantos,ahaolemother,claimedthatherson,BradenMohica-Cummings,whoiswithoutHawaiiankoko(blood),isNativeHawaiianandeligibletoattendKamehameha Schools because he was “hänai-ed” by Native Hawaiians who,thoughunrelatedtohim,considerthemselvestobehisgrandparents.
ThisdefinitionofhänaiwaschallengedbytheKamehamehaSchoolsandseveralotherNativeHawaiiangroups,whoemphasizedthathänai,whichliterallymeans
“tofeed”or“tonurture,”wasneversynonymouswithgenealogicalinheritanceorlineage,asrequiredbyKamehamehaSchools’NativeHawaiianpreferencepolicyforadmissions.Despitethis,DavidEzra,theU.S.DistrictCourtjudgeatthehelmofthesecourthearings,decidedinfavorofMohica-Cummingsandtooktheoppor-tunitytoreeducateNativeHawaiiansaboutwhathänaimeanthistorically.
Consequently,asaconstructoftheAmericanstate,thecreativewritingcurriculumwithinmostAmericanuniversitiesperpetuatesideologicalhegemonytoservethecolonialefforttocontinueitsoccupationanddomination.
Thoughitgoeswithoutsaying that issuesofpowerwithinAmericaneducationwarrantstudyandexaminationthroughcriticalpedagogy,thisveinoftheoryofferslittlepracticalsuggestiontowardresolutionortranscendence.Rather,itonlyhigh-lightstheinescapabilityfromthesepowerdynamics,howeverfreeingitmaybetonameoridentifycontextswithinwhichoppressionrearsitsuglyhead.
Theinabilityofcriticalpedagogytheoriststoescapetheconfinesoftheinstitutionanditsenslavingideologyhasnotdiscouragedpracticalsolutionsthathavebeenposed and implemented by Native Hawaiian grassroots educators. In January2000,inaneffortto“initiateanativedesignedandcontrolledsystemofHawaiianeducation” (Kahakalau, 2003,p. 147),NäLeiNaÿauaoNativeHawaiianCharterSchool Alliance was formed. Inspired by the work of Paulo Freire, the K–12modelis
framedfromaNativeHawaiianperspectivedesignedbyandfortheNativeHawaiiancommunity…[T]hismodelpresentsnotnecessarilyanalternativetothepresentWestern-basedpubliceducationsysteminHawai‘i,butratherapreferredway of practicing education…[that is] community-based,culturally-driven, and incorporating a high degree ofacademicrigor.(Kahakalau,2003,p.148)
Kahakalau’s description of how the educational model is “designed by and for”NativeHawaiiansissignificantinthatitemphasizestheroleoftrustineducation.ItalsohighlightshowNativeHawaiianeducationalcontroliscommonlyseenasawaythroughwhichourÿöpio,oryoungpeople,canavoidthedetrimentcausedbytheirWesterneducation,which“hasbeenusedtopreservethedominantpositionofthecolonizer…[and]includesmanymyths,factualinaccuracies,andomissions”(Kaulukukui&Silva,2003,p.94).
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Context
That said, I offer the following curricular approach as a theoretical sketch, inwhichIenvisionacreativewritingclassoutsideoftheuniversityandanyotherpublic or private institution (for reasons, in part, examined earlier), consistingofakumu (teacher)and10self-identifyingNativeHawaiianwritingstudentsofvariouswritingexperience,ages16to60yearsold.ThatthiscurriculumbeofferedexclusivelytoNativeHawaiiansiskeybecauseofthehistoryofsilencingandcolo-nization.Trustineducationanda“safe,”culturallyappropriateenvironmentarecrucialtothecurriculum’ssuccess.
The students, or participants, represent various socioeconomic backgrounds,educationlevels,andcommunitiesthroughoutHawaiÿiandthecontinentalUnitedStates.About30%arestudyingorhavestudiedÿÖleloHawaiÿiinaschoolsettingandhaveatleastconversationalproficiency,whichtheyplantouseintheirvariouswritingexercisesandassignmentsthroughoutthe10-weekworkshop.
Creating Self-Definition
BecauseAmericanimperialismis“asystematizednegationoftheother,afrenzieddeterminationtodenytheotheranyattributeofhumanity[that]colonialismforcesthecolonizedtoconstantlyaskthequestion:‘WhoamIinreality?’”(Fanon,1963,p.182), thefirstdiscussions in theNativeHawaiiancreativewritingclassroomshould focus on self-defining the Native Hawaiian text itself. Self-definition isemphasized here as a response largely to prescribed stereotypes and imposedcultural identities thathavemarkedtheNativeHawaiianpresencewithin litera-turewrittenbyoutsiders,generallyaspartofacolonialenterprise.Becauseofthepervasivenessofthecolonial“doubleconsciousness,”tousethewordsofW.E.B.Dubois,theclassmustalsodiscusswaysinwhichwe,aswriters,haveadutytohelp“clearlydefinethepeople,thesubjectof[our]creation…[as]itisnotenoughto reunite with the people in a past where they no longer exist” (Fanon, 1963,p.163).Thus,self-definingwillentailhistoricaldefinitionsofHawaiianidentity,bothimposedandself-created,aswellasmorecontemporarydefinitionsandhowthosehavebeenshaped.
Quotingfroma1958stateSupremeCourtdecisionthatinturninvoked“kingdomlaw,”JudgeEzracitedtwokindsofHawaiianadoption,whichhecalleda“sacredrelationship”:keiki hänai (adoptedchildor fosterchild)andkeiki hoÿokama (theadoptionofachildonelovesbutforwhomonemaynothaveexclusivecare).Bothwereineffectwhentheschools’benefactor,PrincessBernicePauahiBishop,wrotethewillthatprovidesfundingfortheschool,Ezrasaid.“Thiswasthelawofthekingdom,”hesaid,repeatedlytappinghisbenchwithhisfinger.“ThiswasthelawofHawai‘iatthetimeBernicePauahiBishopmadeherwill.Shewasabrilliantwoman.Sheunderstoodthelaw”(Viotti&Gordon,2003).
I include this excerpt in which Judge Ezra defined hänai within the context ofKamehameha Schools’ Native Hawaiian preference policy (a) to highlight thethreatposedbyNativeHawaiianexclusivity;(b)todemonstratetheextenttowhichNativeHawaiianidentityandself-definitionarepoliticizedandchallengedbynon-Hawaiians;(c)toillustratetheauthorityclaimedbynon-HawaiianslikeEzraandSantosindefiningHawaiian-nessandNativeHawaiiantraditionsandvalues;and(d) tounderscore the severity thatour identity, values, and traditionsasNativeHawaiiansareatstake.Theveryideathatanynon-Hawaiian,albeitonewithlegalauthority and agency, would feel empowered to instruct all Native HawaiiansaboutourculturalvalueswithoutconsultingNativeHawaiianleadersandculturalexperts and practitioners, and then to use superficial research to rule againstKamehamehaSchoolsasaNativeHawaiianinstitution,issituatedwithinacolonialframework.WithoutaNativeHawaiianTribunal,orsomeotherlegalorofficialmeansofself-representationorself-definition,wearevulnerabletobeingrepre-sentedordefinedbyotherswithnorecourse.Theramificationsofthissituationgobeyond thiscaseor future legaldecisions; theyaffectusonapersonal level,mentally,emotionally,andcreatively,whichisalwaysapartofcolonialintention.Native Hawaiian writing presents an outlet to challenge and overturn imposeddefinitions of who we are. Thus, fostering the production and proliferation ofNativeHawaiianwritingbyhänai-inganexclusivelyNativeHawaiiancurriculum,ingeneral,isastrongpoliticalact.However,tohänaiaNativeHawaiiancreativewritingcurriculumthataimstocreateasafewritingenvironment,tounmaskandoverturn thepervading ideologicalhegemony that silencesanddevaluesNativeHawaiianmanaÿoanddeniesNativeHawaiianliteraryinheritance,andtoregaincontrolofself-definitionandself-determinationisliberatingly dangerous.
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Context
That said, I offer the following curricular approach as a theoretical sketch, inwhichIenvisionacreativewritingclassoutsideoftheuniversityandanyotherpublic or private institution (for reasons, in part, examined earlier), consistingofakumu (teacher)and10self-identifyingNativeHawaiianwritingstudentsofvariouswritingexperience,ages16to60yearsold.ThatthiscurriculumbeofferedexclusivelytoNativeHawaiiansiskeybecauseofthehistoryofsilencingandcolo-nization.Trustineducationanda“safe,”culturallyappropriateenvironmentarecrucialtothecurriculum’ssuccess.
The students, or participants, represent various socioeconomic backgrounds,educationlevels,andcommunitiesthroughoutHawaiÿiandthecontinentalUnitedStates.About30%arestudyingorhavestudiedÿÖleloHawaiÿiinaschoolsettingandhaveatleastconversationalproficiency,whichtheyplantouseintheirvariouswritingexercisesandassignmentsthroughoutthe10-weekworkshop.
Creating Self-Definition
BecauseAmericanimperialismis“asystematizednegationoftheother,afrenzieddeterminationtodenytheotheranyattributeofhumanity[that]colonialismforcesthecolonizedtoconstantlyaskthequestion:‘WhoamIinreality?’”(Fanon,1963,p.182), thefirstdiscussions in theNativeHawaiiancreativewritingclassroomshould focus on self-defining the Native Hawaiian text itself. Self-definition isemphasized here as a response largely to prescribed stereotypes and imposedcultural identities thathavemarkedtheNativeHawaiianpresencewithin litera-turewrittenbyoutsiders,generallyaspartofacolonialenterprise.Becauseofthepervasivenessofthecolonial“doubleconsciousness,”tousethewordsofW.E.B.Dubois,theclassmustalsodiscusswaysinwhichwe,aswriters,haveadutytohelp“clearlydefinethepeople,thesubjectof[our]creation…[as]itisnotenoughto reunite with the people in a past where they no longer exist” (Fanon, 1963,p.163).Thus,self-definingwillentailhistoricaldefinitionsofHawaiianidentity,bothimposedandself-created,aswellasmorecontemporarydefinitionsandhowthosehavebeenshaped.
Quotingfroma1958stateSupremeCourtdecisionthatinturninvoked“kingdomlaw,”JudgeEzracitedtwokindsofHawaiianadoption,whichhecalleda“sacredrelationship”:keiki hänai (adoptedchildor fosterchild)andkeiki hoÿokama (theadoptionofachildonelovesbutforwhomonemaynothaveexclusivecare).Bothwereineffectwhentheschools’benefactor,PrincessBernicePauahiBishop,wrotethewillthatprovidesfundingfortheschool,Ezrasaid.“Thiswasthelawofthekingdom,”hesaid,repeatedlytappinghisbenchwithhisfinger.“ThiswasthelawofHawai‘iatthetimeBernicePauahiBishopmadeherwill.Shewasabrilliantwoman.Sheunderstoodthelaw”(Viotti&Gordon,2003).
I include this excerpt in which Judge Ezra defined hänai within the context ofKamehameha Schools’ Native Hawaiian preference policy (a) to highlight thethreatposedbyNativeHawaiianexclusivity;(b)todemonstratetheextenttowhichNativeHawaiianidentityandself-definitionarepoliticizedandchallengedbynon-Hawaiians;(c)toillustratetheauthorityclaimedbynon-HawaiianslikeEzraandSantosindefiningHawaiian-nessandNativeHawaiiantraditionsandvalues;and(d) tounderscore the severity thatour identity, values, and traditionsasNativeHawaiiansareatstake.Theveryideathatanynon-Hawaiian,albeitonewithlegalauthority and agency, would feel empowered to instruct all Native HawaiiansaboutourculturalvalueswithoutconsultingNativeHawaiianleadersandculturalexperts and practitioners, and then to use superficial research to rule againstKamehamehaSchoolsasaNativeHawaiianinstitution,issituatedwithinacolonialframework.WithoutaNativeHawaiianTribunal,orsomeotherlegalorofficialmeansofself-representationorself-definition,wearevulnerabletobeingrepre-sentedordefinedbyotherswithnorecourse.Theramificationsofthissituationgobeyond thiscaseor future legaldecisions; theyaffectusonapersonal level,mentally,emotionally,andcreatively,whichisalwaysapartofcolonialintention.Native Hawaiian writing presents an outlet to challenge and overturn imposeddefinitions of who we are. Thus, fostering the production and proliferation ofNativeHawaiianwritingbyhänai-inganexclusivelyNativeHawaiiancurriculum,ingeneral,isastrongpoliticalact.However,tohänaiaNativeHawaiiancreativewritingcurriculumthataimstocreateasafewritingenvironment,tounmaskandoverturn thepervading ideologicalhegemony that silencesanddevaluesNativeHawaiianmanaÿoanddeniesNativeHawaiianliteraryinheritance,andtoregaincontrolofself-definitionandself-determinationisliberatingly dangerous.
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Ratherthancreativewritingassignments,closereadingsofworkbycontemporaryNativeHawaiianwritersandspoken-wordartists(slampoetsandhip-hopartists),aswellastraditionalartformschosenbyboththekumuandthestudents,willbereadcloselyandanalyzedasmasterfulexamplesofNativeHawaiiancreativewritingtohelptheworkshopformulateideasabouthowNativeHawaiianaestheticsdifferfromWesternconceptsofbeauty.Thesereadingswillalsoenabletheworkshoptoupholdsomeaesthetictropesasidealstoincorporateinstudentworkandwillbeusedincritiquesofallwritingcompletedfortheworkshop.
Purpose of/through Writing
Within the Native Hawaiian culture, all work must have purpose or function,because “[f]or Hawaiians, knowledge for knowledge sake was a waste of time”(Meyer,2003,p.57).Ofcourse,creativewritingisnodifferent.Thus,anintegralpart of aNativeHawaiian creativewriting curriculumwouldbe to consistentlyaddressnotonlythepurposesservedbywritingingeneralbutalsothespecificpurpose for the individual creative piece (a story, poem, or memoir) and thewriter’spurposeasheorsheseesitforhisorherworkingeneral.Consequently,itwillalsobeofutmostimportancetodeterminethepurposeorfunctionofthecreativewritingworkshoporclassroom.Thesefunctionsorpurposesareexpectedtochangeovertime,asgoalsorcontextschange,butastheychangeorshift,thischange will need to be identified and discussed with the group. Students willalsoneedtonegotiateandformulateforthemselvesthenatureandscopeoftheircreative works’ purposes, as well as the individual roles each student will takeonwithintheworkshopasreaders,constructivecritics,cheerleaders,andsoon.Studentswillbeaskedthroughoutthecoursetokeepajournaltoreflectontheirpurposeaswritersandthepurposeorfunctionofwritingingeneral.Classtimewillbedevotedtofreewritinginjournalsandgroupworkonthistopic.
Likewise, the workshop students will also need to collectively define NativeHawaiianliteratureanddeterminewhetherornotadefinitionbykoko,orNativeHawaiian blood or ancestry of the writer, or by moÿoküÿauhau, by genealogy,alone,willbeadequateorevenappropriate,thoughcertainlythesearefactorsindeterminingNativeHawaiian identity.Thiswill inevitablyalso lead toadiscus-sion to distinguish local writing, travel writing, colonial writing, and Hawaiianwriting,aswellasdiscussingascribedstereotypescreatedbynon-Hawaiiantextsandthecolonialenterprisewithinwhichtheyexist.This topic isespeciallyrichandimportantwithintheNativeHawaiianliterarycontext,asithelpstolaythegroundworkfortheparticipatingwriter’sprojecttowarddecolonizationandresis-tance.ExamplesofNativeHawaiianhistoriography,historicalliterature,translatedHawaiiannewspaperexcerpts(ornot—thismayleadtoanotherrichdiscussiononwhether translations should be used to read the ÿÖlelo Hawaiÿi text), and local,travel,andcolonial literaturewillberead,discussed,andrespondedtothroughcreativewriting.
Native Hawaiian Aesthetics
CreatinganddefiningaNativeHawaiianaestheticforwritingwillalsobecriticaland,Ibelieve, liberatingtotheclass,becauseaestheticsmustbeexaminedasapoliticalandculturalconstruction.InreadingpublicationslikeÿÖiwithatchallengetheWesternconstructionoftheaestheticasacolonizingtoolthatinvariablydeemsindigenous/colonizedartformstobeofinferiorqualityormerit,aswellasmeleandolicomposedbyourküpuna,studentsmayseethecontinuityofthemes,suchasgenealogicalconnectiontolandandnature,spirituality,ÿohana,aswellascultur-allydistinctdepictionsofhumanemotionandaesthetic tropes, like kaona (theuseofcomplex,multilayered,hiddenmetaphors),repetition,dedicationtogodsandaliÿi,andpoeticrhythmsinNativeHawaiianliterature.In“CarvingaNativeHawaiianAesthetic,”MähealaniDudoit(1998)describedtheaestheticasholdingwithin it a means by which Native Hawaiians may also assert nationalism. ByemphasizinghowbeautyiscreatedthroughartandperceivedbyNativeHawaiianstandards, as well as how it changes with Native Hawaiian culture over time,Westernaestheticism’scolonizingforcewillweakenandhuli(reverse,change).
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Ratherthancreativewritingassignments,closereadingsofworkbycontemporaryNativeHawaiianwritersandspoken-wordartists(slampoetsandhip-hopartists),aswellastraditionalartformschosenbyboththekumuandthestudents,willbereadcloselyandanalyzedasmasterfulexamplesofNativeHawaiiancreativewritingtohelptheworkshopformulateideasabouthowNativeHawaiianaestheticsdifferfromWesternconceptsofbeauty.Thesereadingswillalsoenabletheworkshoptoupholdsomeaesthetictropesasidealstoincorporateinstudentworkandwillbeusedincritiquesofallwritingcompletedfortheworkshop.
Purpose of/through Writing
Within the Native Hawaiian culture, all work must have purpose or function,because “[f]or Hawaiians, knowledge for knowledge sake was a waste of time”(Meyer,2003,p.57).Ofcourse,creativewritingisnodifferent.Thus,anintegralpart of aNativeHawaiian creativewriting curriculumwouldbe to consistentlyaddressnotonlythepurposesservedbywritingingeneralbutalsothespecificpurpose for the individual creative piece (a story, poem, or memoir) and thewriter’spurposeasheorsheseesitforhisorherworkingeneral.Consequently,itwillalsobeofutmostimportancetodeterminethepurposeorfunctionofthecreativewritingworkshoporclassroom.Thesefunctionsorpurposesareexpectedtochangeovertime,asgoalsorcontextschange,butastheychangeorshift,thischange will need to be identified and discussed with the group. Students willalsoneedtonegotiateandformulateforthemselvesthenatureandscopeoftheircreative works’ purposes, as well as the individual roles each student will takeonwithintheworkshopasreaders,constructivecritics,cheerleaders,andsoon.Studentswillbeaskedthroughoutthecoursetokeepajournaltoreflectontheirpurposeaswritersandthepurposeorfunctionofwritingingeneral.Classtimewillbedevotedtofreewritinginjournalsandgroupworkonthistopic.
Likewise, the workshop students will also need to collectively define NativeHawaiianliteratureanddeterminewhetherornotadefinitionbykoko,orNativeHawaiian blood or ancestry of the writer, or by moÿoküÿauhau, by genealogy,alone,willbeadequateorevenappropriate,thoughcertainlythesearefactorsindeterminingNativeHawaiian identity.Thiswill inevitablyalso lead toadiscus-sion to distinguish local writing, travel writing, colonial writing, and Hawaiianwriting,aswellasdiscussingascribedstereotypescreatedbynon-Hawaiiantextsandthecolonialenterprisewithinwhichtheyexist.This topic isespeciallyrichandimportantwithintheNativeHawaiianliterarycontext,asithelpstolaythegroundworkfortheparticipatingwriter’sprojecttowarddecolonizationandresis-tance.ExamplesofNativeHawaiianhistoriography,historicalliterature,translatedHawaiiannewspaperexcerpts(ornot—thismayleadtoanotherrichdiscussiononwhether translations should be used to read the ÿÖlelo Hawaiÿi text), and local,travel,andcolonial literaturewillberead,discussed,andrespondedtothroughcreativewriting.
Native Hawaiian Aesthetics
CreatinganddefiningaNativeHawaiianaestheticforwritingwillalsobecriticaland,Ibelieve, liberatingtotheclass,becauseaestheticsmustbeexaminedasapoliticalandculturalconstruction.InreadingpublicationslikeÿÖiwithatchallengetheWesternconstructionoftheaestheticasacolonizingtoolthatinvariablydeemsindigenous/colonizedartformstobeofinferiorqualityormerit,aswellasmeleandolicomposedbyourküpuna,studentsmayseethecontinuityofthemes,suchasgenealogicalconnectiontolandandnature,spirituality,ÿohana,aswellascultur-allydistinctdepictionsofhumanemotionandaesthetic tropes, like kaona (theuseofcomplex,multilayered,hiddenmetaphors),repetition,dedicationtogodsandaliÿi,andpoeticrhythmsinNativeHawaiianliterature.In“CarvingaNativeHawaiianAesthetic,”MähealaniDudoit(1998)describedtheaestheticasholdingwithin it a means by which Native Hawaiians may also assert nationalism. ByemphasizinghowbeautyiscreatedthroughartandperceivedbyNativeHawaiianstandards, as well as how it changes with Native Hawaiian culture over time,Westernaestheticism’scolonizingforcewillweakenandhuli(reverse,change).
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Thesevaluescanthenbereinforcedthroughaccompanyingwrittenassignmentsor exercises asking participants to interview family and community members,especially küpuna, which would then be used as the basis of a creative piece(emphasizing ÿohana); togiveacloseobservationofsomeaspectof thenaturalworldtowhichtheyfeelconnected(aspartofmälamaÿäinaandalohaÿäina);andtousetheirwritingtoexemplifyhowcolonialdefinitionsofidentity,suchasbloodquantum,aredamagingandinherentlyracist.
Construction of Workshop Protocol
Keytothefoundationofthecreativewritingcurriculumwillbetheinstructor’sparticipation in the writing workshop with his or her students, which willemphasize the collaborative aspect of writing and learning/teaching as well ashow thecommunitywill setuprulesorprotocol for thewritingworkshopandclassroom.Ratherthanpredeterminethisprotocol,Ibelieveitwouldgivemoreagencytothewriterstocollectivelydescribetheactivitiesandhow,asaclass,alltheparticipantswillcreatetherulesforthewritingcommunityworkshopandhowtherolesofcommunitymembers,aesthetics,purpose,andspiritualitywillbedecidedandaddressed.Althoughthispracticemayrepresentadeparturefromthetradi-tionaleducationalmodelofourküpuna,Ibelievethatgivingthestudentsoftheworkshopameasureofcontrolinshapingtheirwritingenvironmentanditsruleswillhelpthemtofeelsafeandthereforemoreempoweredandfreercreatively.
AsPeterElbow(2000)advocatedinEveryone Can Write,theinstructorshouldbeamodelwhenevera“difficultorpotentiallythreateningprocedure”isintroduced:
I make sure I freewrite with students or workshopparticipants; I introduce reading out loud by readingsomething of mine first; I introduce feedback by firstoffering something of my own for response; and I soonmodeltheprocessofgivingfeedback.(p.393)
Native Hawaiian Culture as Curriculum
InHoÿoulu,ManulaniAluliMeyer(2003)assertedthatareversalofthecolonizer’scontrolofthecurriculumbasedontheideologyofthestatecanoccurthroughtheapplicationofNativeHawaiiancultureincurriculum:
Culture as content: the things that get taught, learned,broughthome.Itisherethatcultureaddsprofounddepthto any course experience…. Hawaiian values offer a wayof contextualizing what is being learned…. Although justwords,valuescansetthecontextforwhatagroupholdsup,honorsandactsupon.(p.37)
NativeHawaiiancharterschoolshavelaidmuchofthegroundworkfordesigningcurriculabasedonNativeHawaiianideology.HälauKüMäna,forexample,usesanddefinestheNativeHawaiianvaluesofküpono,makawalu,mälama,andalohaasitsguidingprinciplesincurriculumdevelopment,lessonplanning,anddiscus-sionoftheconductofallmembersofthelearningcommunity.(SeetheAppendixforanexplanationoftheseterms.)
In thecreativewritingclassroom, theNativeHawaiianvalues that thestudentsmoststronglyidentifywithwillprovideacompassbywhichtheparticipantsmaynavigate through several class discussions and workshops. Once the guidingvaluesarearticulatedby theclass,everyonewillcollectivelybrainstormways inwhichtheycanusethosevaluesinwritingassignments,theirbehaviortowardoneanother,theirapproachtowritingandtheclass,andthe“rules”or“protocol”forthewritingworkshop.Byworkingtoincorporatethesevaluesintotheframeworkforacreativewritingcurriculum,participantswillhavethechancetodevelopandexplore their identityasNativeHawaiians,aswellashow theirspiritualityandpersonalhistoriesintersectwiththeirwritingandthecreativeprocess.
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Thesevaluescanthenbereinforcedthroughaccompanyingwrittenassignmentsor exercises asking participants to interview family and community members,especially küpuna, which would then be used as the basis of a creative piece(emphasizing ÿohana); togiveacloseobservationofsomeaspectof thenaturalworldtowhichtheyfeelconnected(aspartofmälamaÿäinaandalohaÿäina);andtousetheirwritingtoexemplifyhowcolonialdefinitionsofidentity,suchasbloodquantum,aredamagingandinherentlyracist.
Construction of Workshop Protocol
Keytothefoundationofthecreativewritingcurriculumwillbetheinstructor’sparticipation in the writing workshop with his or her students, which willemphasize the collaborative aspect of writing and learning/teaching as well ashow thecommunitywill setuprulesorprotocol for thewritingworkshopandclassroom.Ratherthanpredeterminethisprotocol,Ibelieveitwouldgivemoreagencytothewriterstocollectivelydescribetheactivitiesandhow,asaclass,alltheparticipantswillcreatetherulesforthewritingcommunityworkshopandhowtherolesofcommunitymembers,aesthetics,purpose,andspiritualitywillbedecidedandaddressed.Althoughthispracticemayrepresentadeparturefromthetradi-tionaleducationalmodelofourküpuna,Ibelievethatgivingthestudentsoftheworkshopameasureofcontrolinshapingtheirwritingenvironmentanditsruleswillhelpthemtofeelsafeandthereforemoreempoweredandfreercreatively.
AsPeterElbow(2000)advocatedinEveryone Can Write,theinstructorshouldbeamodelwhenevera“difficultorpotentiallythreateningprocedure”isintroduced:
I make sure I freewrite with students or workshopparticipants; I introduce reading out loud by readingsomething of mine first; I introduce feedback by firstoffering something of my own for response; and I soonmodeltheprocessofgivingfeedback.(p.393)
Native Hawaiian Culture as Curriculum
InHoÿoulu,ManulaniAluliMeyer(2003)assertedthatareversalofthecolonizer’scontrolofthecurriculumbasedontheideologyofthestatecanoccurthroughtheapplicationofNativeHawaiiancultureincurriculum:
Culture as content: the things that get taught, learned,broughthome.Itisherethatcultureaddsprofounddepthto any course experience…. Hawaiian values offer a wayof contextualizing what is being learned…. Although justwords,valuescansetthecontextforwhatagroupholdsup,honorsandactsupon.(p.37)
NativeHawaiiancharterschoolshavelaidmuchofthegroundworkfordesigningcurriculabasedonNativeHawaiianideology.HälauKüMäna,forexample,usesanddefinestheNativeHawaiianvaluesofküpono,makawalu,mälama,andalohaasitsguidingprinciplesincurriculumdevelopment,lessonplanning,anddiscus-sionoftheconductofallmembersofthelearningcommunity.(SeetheAppendixforanexplanationoftheseterms.)
In thecreativewritingclassroom, theNativeHawaiianvalues that thestudentsmoststronglyidentifywithwillprovideacompassbywhichtheparticipantsmaynavigate through several class discussions and workshops. Once the guidingvaluesarearticulatedby theclass,everyonewillcollectivelybrainstormways inwhichtheycanusethosevaluesinwritingassignments,theirbehaviortowardoneanother,theirapproachtowritingandtheclass,andthe“rules”or“protocol”forthewritingworkshop.Byworkingtoincorporatethesevaluesintotheframeworkforacreativewritingcurriculum,participantswillhavethechancetodevelopandexplore their identityasNativeHawaiians,aswellashow theirspiritualityandpersonalhistoriesintersectwiththeirwritingandthecreativeprocess.
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Conclusion
Justasliteratureandwritinghavebeenusedintheserviceofcolonization,sotoocan literature and writing articulate the colonial situation from the perspectiveof the colonized. As described by Fanon (1963), in the hands of the colonized,literaturehasthepowerto“calluponawholepeopletojoininthestrugglefortheexistenceofthenation…itinformsthenationalconsciousness,givesitshapeandcontours,andopensupnew,unlimitedhorizons”(p.173).Asourküpunarecog-nized,writinginvariousgenres,especiallywhendistributed,isapowerfultech-nologythatmaybeusedtoourowndevices.Throughhistoriography,testimony,andclaimstogenealogy,land,andindigenousidentity,writingcanbeusedasa
TAblE 1 Comparing the proposed Native Hawaiian curriculum with the American creative writing curriculum
Native Hawaiian creative writing curriculum
American creative writing curriculum (based on New Criticism)
Self-definition of Native Hawaiian identity Normative identity
Emphasis on defining and adhering to a Native Hawaiian aesthetic
Emphasis on adhering to a Western aesthetic
Writing to self-represent and empower Writing to succeed academically and within American literary circles
Native Hawaiian culture as curriculum Western culture as curriculum
Workshop protocol is determined as a community
Workshop protocol is imposed by the teacher and informed by an ahistorical approach to the text
Teacher actively participates in workshop; shares unrevised work with students
Teacher does not participate in workshop; does not share unrevised work with students
Publication/readings: Planned and coordinated as a community
Publication/readings: Largely self-directed
Accordingly, as the writing workshop will have writing at its center, throughvariousfreewritingandautomaticwritingexercisesintendedtoaidinvention,theinstructorwillbeaparticipantintheseactivitiesalongsidethestudentsandmodeleach of these activities. (See Table 1 for a comparison of the proposed NativeHawaiiancurriculumwiththeAmericancreativewritingcurriculum.)
Culmination of the Workshop and Community Reading/Publication
BecauseofthehistoryofsilencingthathaspervadedNativeHawaiianliterature,Ialsofeelstronglythatthecurriculumshouldculminatewithaliteraryreadingthat isplannedandcoordinatedasacommunityand thatspotlights thepartici-pantsoftheworkshopasapublicshowingofthecreativityresultingfromasafe,NativeHawaiian–controlledspaceforliteraryfreedom.Inturn,allwriterswillalsobeencouragedtosubmittheirworkforpublicationinÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian
Journal,oriffundingcanbesecured,theirworkwouldcompriseaprofessionalcollectioncommemoratingtheworkshopitself,whichcanbedistributedthroughKuleanaÿÖiwiPressandNäMeaHawai‘i,theNativeHawaiianbookstoreatWardWarehouseonO‘ahu.Studentswillalsobetaughthowtosubmittheirworkforpublicationtoother literary journalsorpublishersshouldtheychooseto inthefuture.
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Conclusion
Justasliteratureandwritinghavebeenusedintheserviceofcolonization,sotoocan literature and writing articulate the colonial situation from the perspectiveof the colonized. As described by Fanon (1963), in the hands of the colonized,literaturehasthepowerto“calluponawholepeopletojoininthestrugglefortheexistenceofthenation…itinformsthenationalconsciousness,givesitshapeandcontours,andopensupnew,unlimitedhorizons”(p.173).Asourküpunarecog-nized,writinginvariousgenres,especiallywhendistributed,isapowerfultech-nologythatmaybeusedtoourowndevices.Throughhistoriography,testimony,andclaimstogenealogy,land,andindigenousidentity,writingcanbeusedasa
TAblE 1 Comparing the proposed Native Hawaiian curriculum with the American creative writing curriculum
Native Hawaiian creative writing curriculum
American creative writing curriculum (based on New Criticism)
Self-definition of Native Hawaiian identity Normative identity
Emphasis on defining and adhering to a Native Hawaiian aesthetic
Emphasis on adhering to a Western aesthetic
Writing to self-represent and empower Writing to succeed academically and within American literary circles
Native Hawaiian culture as curriculum Western culture as curriculum
Workshop protocol is determined as a community
Workshop protocol is imposed by the teacher and informed by an ahistorical approach to the text
Teacher actively participates in workshop; shares unrevised work with students
Teacher does not participate in workshop; does not share unrevised work with students
Publication/readings: Planned and coordinated as a community
Publication/readings: Largely self-directed
Accordingly, as the writing workshop will have writing at its center, throughvariousfreewritingandautomaticwritingexercisesintendedtoaidinvention,theinstructorwillbeaparticipantintheseactivitiesalongsidethestudentsandmodeleach of these activities. (See Table 1 for a comparison of the proposed NativeHawaiiancurriculumwiththeAmericancreativewritingcurriculum.)
Culmination of the Workshop and Community Reading/Publication
BecauseofthehistoryofsilencingthathaspervadedNativeHawaiianliterature,Ialsofeelstronglythatthecurriculumshouldculminatewithaliteraryreadingthat isplannedandcoordinatedasacommunityand thatspotlights thepartici-pantsoftheworkshopasapublicshowingofthecreativityresultingfromasafe,NativeHawaiian–controlledspaceforliteraryfreedom.Inturn,allwriterswillalsobeencouragedtosubmittheirworkforpublicationinÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian
Journal,oriffundingcanbesecured,theirworkwouldcompriseaprofessionalcollectioncommemoratingtheworkshopitself,whichcanbedistributedthroughKuleanaÿÖiwiPressandNäMeaHawai‘i,theNativeHawaiianbookstoreatWardWarehouseonO‘ahu.Studentswillalsobetaughthowtosubmittheirworkforpublicationtoother literary journalsorpublishersshouldtheychooseto inthefuture.
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References
Bartholomae,D.(2003).Inventingtheuniversity.InC.Glenn,M.A.Goldthwaite,&R.Conners(Eds.),The St. Martin’s guide to teaching writing(5thed.,pp.403–417).NewYork:Bedford/St.Martin’s.
Cooley,N.(2003).Literarylegaciesandcriticaltransformations:Teachingcreativewritinginthepublicurbanuniversity.Pedagogy: Critical Approaches to Teaching Literature, Language, Composition, and Culture, 3(1).
Dudoit,M.(1998).CarvingaNativeHawaiianaesthetic.‘Öiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 1,20–26.
Elbow,P.(2000).Everyone can write: Essays toward a hopeful theory of writing and teaching writing.NewYork:OxfordUniversity.
Eliot,T.S.(1932).Traditionandtheindividualtalent.InThe sacred wood: Essays on poetry and criticism.London:Methuen.
Fanon,F.(1963).The wretched of the earth(R.Philcox,Trans.).NewYork:GrovePress.
Freire,P.(1970).Pedagogyoftheoppressed.NewYork:Continuum.
Freire,P.,&Shor,I.(1987).A pedagogy of liberation: Dialogues on transforming education.SouthHadley,MA:Begin&Garvey.
George,A.(2001).Criticalpedagogy:Dreamingofdemocracy.InG.Tate,A.Rupiper,&K.Schick(Eds.),Guide to composition pedagogies(pp.92–112).NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.
Gramsci,A.(1978).Selections from the prison notebooks(Q.Hoare&G.NowellSmith,Eds.&Trans.).London:Lawrence&Wishart.
Griffith,L.(2005,April27).AHawaiianvoice.Honolulu Weekly.Retrievedfromhttp://www.honoluluweekly.com/cover/detail.php?id=89
Herzberg,B.(1991)Compositionandthepoliticsofthecurriculum.InR.Bullock&J.Trimbur(Eds.),The politics of writing instruction: Postsecondary(pp.97–118).Portsmouth,NH:Boynton/Cook.
Kahakalau,K.(2003).TowardsnativecontrolofHawaiianeducation.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,146–147.
Kaläkaua,K.D.(1888).The legends and myths of Hawai‘i.NewYork:CharlesL.Webster.
Kaulukukui,G.,&Silva,N.(2003).Decolonizingtheclassroom.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,94–96.
Kowit,S.(1995).In the palm of your hand.NewYork:TillburyHouse.
meanstoemphasizeandcontinuelanguagerevitalizationefforts,toeducatetheoutsideronNativeHawaiianissues,torefutefalseclaimsandstereotypesmadebycolonialwriters,andtoemphasizeadistinctlyindigenousaesthetic.Theseareempoweringaimsthatareallinherentlyresistantofcolonialism.
ExamplesofhowNativeHawaiiansareusingwritingtowardtheseendscanbeseeninthecreativeworksofHaunani-KayTrask,JoeBalaz,ÿÏmaikalaniKalähele,andMähealaniKamauÿu,tonameafew;inthescholarshipofNativeHawaiianintellectuals like Noenoe Silva, Haunani-Kay Trask, Manulani Aluli Meyer,Jonathan Osorio, Lilikalä Kameÿeleihiwa, and Kuÿualoha Hoÿomanawanui; inpublications like ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, a self-defined collection ofNativeHawaiian literature, testimony,andart; in thedevelopmentof textbooks,such as He Hawaiÿi Au: Hawaiian History, A Hawaiian Perspective, a collabora-tionbetweenNativeHawaiianeducators,PuananiWilhelm(StateDepartmentofEducation),ÿAnuenueSchoolteachers,andJulieKaomea(UniversityofHawaiÿiCollegeofEducation);andinÿÖleloHawaiÿiinstruction“huli”bookswrittenbyseniorhighschoolstudentsintheNativeHawaiiancharterschoolsforusebytheiryoungercounterparts.
Thus, inmanywaysthepresentmomentisripeforaNativeHawaiiancreativewritingcurriculumtooccur.Morethanever,thereis“acontinuingrefusaltobesilent,tojointhosegroupsofindigenouspeoplewhohavedisappeared….Hawaiiansarestillhere,wearestillcreating,stillresisting”(Trask,1999b,p.20).Thereisalsothehope,withthisandeverysuccessivegeneration,thatwe,asNativeHawaiians,comeclosertoreclaimingourselvesandthetruthofourHawaiian-ness.
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References
Bartholomae,D.(2003).Inventingtheuniversity.InC.Glenn,M.A.Goldthwaite,&R.Conners(Eds.),The St. Martin’s guide to teaching writing(5thed.,pp.403–417).NewYork:Bedford/St.Martin’s.
Cooley,N.(2003).Literarylegaciesandcriticaltransformations:Teachingcreativewritinginthepublicurbanuniversity.Pedagogy: Critical Approaches to Teaching Literature, Language, Composition, and Culture, 3(1).
Dudoit,M.(1998).CarvingaNativeHawaiianaesthetic.‘Öiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 1,20–26.
Elbow,P.(2000).Everyone can write: Essays toward a hopeful theory of writing and teaching writing.NewYork:OxfordUniversity.
Eliot,T.S.(1932).Traditionandtheindividualtalent.InThe sacred wood: Essays on poetry and criticism.London:Methuen.
Fanon,F.(1963).The wretched of the earth(R.Philcox,Trans.).NewYork:GrovePress.
Freire,P.(1970).Pedagogyoftheoppressed.NewYork:Continuum.
Freire,P.,&Shor,I.(1987).A pedagogy of liberation: Dialogues on transforming education.SouthHadley,MA:Begin&Garvey.
George,A.(2001).Criticalpedagogy:Dreamingofdemocracy.InG.Tate,A.Rupiper,&K.Schick(Eds.),Guide to composition pedagogies(pp.92–112).NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.
Gramsci,A.(1978).Selections from the prison notebooks(Q.Hoare&G.NowellSmith,Eds.&Trans.).London:Lawrence&Wishart.
Griffith,L.(2005,April27).AHawaiianvoice.Honolulu Weekly.Retrievedfromhttp://www.honoluluweekly.com/cover/detail.php?id=89
Herzberg,B.(1991)Compositionandthepoliticsofthecurriculum.InR.Bullock&J.Trimbur(Eds.),The politics of writing instruction: Postsecondary(pp.97–118).Portsmouth,NH:Boynton/Cook.
Kahakalau,K.(2003).TowardsnativecontrolofHawaiianeducation.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,146–147.
Kaläkaua,K.D.(1888).The legends and myths of Hawai‘i.NewYork:CharlesL.Webster.
Kaulukukui,G.,&Silva,N.(2003).Decolonizingtheclassroom.ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, 3,94–96.
Kowit,S.(1995).In the palm of your hand.NewYork:TillburyHouse.
meanstoemphasizeandcontinuelanguagerevitalizationefforts,toeducatetheoutsideronNativeHawaiianissues,torefutefalseclaimsandstereotypesmadebycolonialwriters,andtoemphasizeadistinctlyindigenousaesthetic.Theseareempoweringaimsthatareallinherentlyresistantofcolonialism.
ExamplesofhowNativeHawaiiansareusingwritingtowardtheseendscanbeseeninthecreativeworksofHaunani-KayTrask,JoeBalaz,ÿÏmaikalaniKalähele,andMähealaniKamauÿu,tonameafew;inthescholarshipofNativeHawaiianintellectuals like Noenoe Silva, Haunani-Kay Trask, Manulani Aluli Meyer,Jonathan Osorio, Lilikalä Kameÿeleihiwa, and Kuÿualoha Hoÿomanawanui; inpublications like ÿÖiwi: A Native Hawaiian Journal, a self-defined collection ofNativeHawaiian literature, testimony,andart; in thedevelopmentof textbooks,such as He Hawaiÿi Au: Hawaiian History, A Hawaiian Perspective, a collabora-tionbetweenNativeHawaiianeducators,PuananiWilhelm(StateDepartmentofEducation),ÿAnuenueSchoolteachers,andJulieKaomea(UniversityofHawaiÿiCollegeofEducation);andinÿÖleloHawaiÿiinstruction“huli”bookswrittenbyseniorhighschoolstudentsintheNativeHawaiiancharterschoolsforusebytheiryoungercounterparts.
Thus, inmanywaysthepresentmomentisripeforaNativeHawaiiancreativewritingcurriculumtooccur.Morethanever,thereis“acontinuingrefusaltobesilent,tojointhosegroupsofindigenouspeoplewhohavedisappeared….Hawaiiansarestillhere,wearestillcreating,stillresisting”(Trask,1999b,p.20).Thereisalsothehope,withthisandeverysuccessivegeneration,thatwe,asNativeHawaiians,comeclosertoreclaimingourselvesandthetruthofourHawaiian-ness.
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Appendix
NativeHawaiiancharterschoolshavelaidmuchofthegroundworkfordesigningcurriculabasedonNativeHawaiianideology.Oneoftheschools,HälauKüMäna,forexample,usesthefollowingNativeHawaiianvaluesasitsguidingeducationalprinciples:
AlOHA.Love,compassion,and“theintelligenceforhowlifecanbeexperienced.”Alohainvolvesbeingineachother’spresence,oralo,andsharingha,whichcanbedescribedasbreath,energy,voice,andalltheideas,mana,love,andsupportcontainedwithin.
MAkAwAlu. “Eight eyes”; there are many truths and perspectives. Rather thanperceivingtwo-dimensional,black-and-whitedichotomies,onecanexplorethingsfrommanyangleswithanopenmindanddevelopawell-rounded,colorfulunder-standingoftheworldthatfitswellwithone’s“truth.”
MälAMA.Areciprocalrelationshipwiththelandandallitsinhabitants.Tocarefor,cherish,respect,preserve,andperpetuate.
küpONO.Strivingtoalwaysbeinastateofpono(balance,harmony,fairness).Tostand,walk,think,talk,andactinawaythatfeelspono.
Thesevaluesguideallmembersoftheschoolinteachingandlearningbehaviorsandapproaches,real-worldproblemsolvingin“authenticassignments”(e.g.,navi-gationandkalofarming),aswellashowtolivewithinthenaturalenvironment,thehomeenvironment,andintheschoolenvironment.(www.halaukumana.org/corevalues)
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Mutnick,D.(2001).Ontheacademicmargins:Basicwritingpedagogy.InG.Tate,A.Rupiper,&K.Schick(Eds.),Guide to composition pedagogies(pp.183–202).NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.
Roelofs,M.(2005).Racializationasaestheticproduction:Whatdoestheaestheticdoforwhitenessandblacknessandviceversa?InG.Yancy(Ed.),White on white/Black on black(pp.83–124).Lanham,MD:Rowman&Littlefield.
Silva,N.(2004).Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.
Thiongÿo,N.(1981).Decolonising the mind: The politics of language in African literature.London:JamesCurry.
Trask,H.-K.(1994).Light in the crevice never seen.Corvallis,OR:CalyxBooks.
Trask,H.-K.(1999a).From a native daughter: Colonialism and sovereignty in Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Trask,H.-K.(1999b).Writingincaptivity:Poetryinatimeofdecolonization.InV.Hereniko&R.Wilson(Eds.),Inside out: Literature, cultural politics, and identity in the New Pacific(pp.17–26).NewYork:Rowman&Littlefield.
Viotti,V.,&Gordon,M.(December5,2003).Judge’sdecisionpromptsanger.Honolulu Advertiser.
About the Author
FromUpcountryMaui,BrandyNälaniMcDougallisa1994KamehamehaSchoolsgraduatewhocompletedherMFAinpoetryfromtheUniversityofOregonin2001andaFulbrightStudyAward(Aotearoa/NewZealand)in2002.Anaward-winningpoet,shehasbeenpublishedinjournalsandanthologiesthroughoutHawaiÿi,thecontinentalUnitedStates,andthePacific.Herfirstcollectionwillbereleasedin2007.SheisanassistanteditorforKuleanaÿÖiwiPress,thepublisherofÿÖiwi: A
Native Hawaiian Journal,andthe2006–07recipientoftheGraceK.J.AbernethyFellowshipinpublishing,awardedbytheinternationaljournalMänoa.CurrentlypursuingaPhDinEnglishfromtheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa,shehastaughtclassesincreativewriting,ethnicstudies,andcomposition.
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Appendix
NativeHawaiiancharterschoolshavelaidmuchofthegroundworkfordesigningcurriculabasedonNativeHawaiianideology.Oneoftheschools,HälauKüMäna,forexample,usesthefollowingNativeHawaiianvaluesasitsguidingeducationalprinciples:
AlOHA.Love,compassion,and“theintelligenceforhowlifecanbeexperienced.”Alohainvolvesbeingineachother’spresence,oralo,andsharingha,whichcanbedescribedasbreath,energy,voice,andalltheideas,mana,love,andsupportcontainedwithin.
MAkAwAlu. “Eight eyes”; there are many truths and perspectives. Rather thanperceivingtwo-dimensional,black-and-whitedichotomies,onecanexplorethingsfrommanyangleswithanopenmindanddevelopawell-rounded,colorfulunder-standingoftheworldthatfitswellwithone’s“truth.”
MälAMA.Areciprocalrelationshipwiththelandandallitsinhabitants.Tocarefor,cherish,respect,preserve,andperpetuate.
küpONO.Strivingtoalwaysbeinastateofpono(balance,harmony,fairness).Tostand,walk,think,talk,andactinawaythatfeelspono.
Thesevaluesguideallmembersoftheschoolinteachingandlearningbehaviorsandapproaches,real-worldproblemsolvingin“authenticassignments”(e.g.,navi-gationandkalofarming),aswellashowtolivewithinthenaturalenvironment,thehomeenvironment,andintheschoolenvironment.(www.halaukumana.org/corevalues)
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Mutnick,D.(2001).Ontheacademicmargins:Basicwritingpedagogy.InG.Tate,A.Rupiper,&K.Schick(Eds.),Guide to composition pedagogies(pp.183–202).NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.
Roelofs,M.(2005).Racializationasaestheticproduction:Whatdoestheaestheticdoforwhitenessandblacknessandviceversa?InG.Yancy(Ed.),White on white/Black on black(pp.83–124).Lanham,MD:Rowman&Littlefield.
Silva,N.(2004).Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.
Thiongÿo,N.(1981).Decolonising the mind: The politics of language in African literature.London:JamesCurry.
Trask,H.-K.(1994).Light in the crevice never seen.Corvallis,OR:CalyxBooks.
Trask,H.-K.(1999a).From a native daughter: Colonialism and sovereignty in Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Trask,H.-K.(1999b).Writingincaptivity:Poetryinatimeofdecolonization.InV.Hereniko&R.Wilson(Eds.),Inside out: Literature, cultural politics, and identity in the New Pacific(pp.17–26).NewYork:Rowman&Littlefield.
Viotti,V.,&Gordon,M.(December5,2003).Judge’sdecisionpromptsanger.Honolulu Advertiser.
About the Author
FromUpcountryMaui,BrandyNälaniMcDougallisa1994KamehamehaSchoolsgraduatewhocompletedherMFAinpoetryfromtheUniversityofOregonin2001andaFulbrightStudyAward(Aotearoa/NewZealand)in2002.Anaward-winningpoet,shehasbeenpublishedinjournalsandanthologiesthroughoutHawaiÿi,thecontinentalUnitedStates,andthePacific.Herfirstcollectionwillbereleasedin2007.SheisanassistanteditorforKuleanaÿÖiwiPress,thepublisherofÿÖiwi: A
Native Hawaiian Journal,andthe2006–07recipientoftheGraceK.J.AbernethyFellowshipinpublishing,awardedbytheinternationaljournalMänoa.CurrentlypursuingaPhDinEnglishfromtheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Mänoa,shehastaughtclassesincreativewriting,ethnicstudies,andcomposition.
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Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
Since the time of contact with Western cultures, the expression of
social roles for Kanaka Maoli men has undergone radical changes.
Native Hawaiian men now occupy the most distressing health and
social status descriptors, and many traditional ways for promoting
spiritual and physical health have been lost. These losses constitute
a condition of cultural trauma. This article outlines a theoretical
structure of cultural trauma and how it relates to Hawaiian men. It
also introduces a process of cultural healing that may counter the
downward spiral of morbidity and mortality among contemporary
Kanaka Maoli men. A restoration of culturally centered values,
enacted through cultural education and deep practice, is needed to
restore Hawaiian men—and their families—to a fuller expression of
culturally authentic self.
Ka Loina Käne: Changes in Station, Changes in Health
Bud Pomaikaÿipuÿuwaihämama Cook and Lucia Tarallo-Jensen
correspondence may be sent to: Bud Pomaikaÿipuÿuwaihämama Cook, Ka Maluhia Learning Center 1266 Kamehameha Avenue Suite C, Hilo, Hawaiÿi 96729 Email: [email protected]
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COOK | KA LOINA KÄNE: CHANGES IN STATION, CHANGES IN HEALTH
This was a great people at the beginning. It filled theHawaiiangroup.Apeoplewithcleanbody,large-limbedandstrong,alittlelessthanthelioninstrength,long-livedontheearth.Alovablepeople,amiable,kindhearted,hospitabletostrangers….SuchisthecharacteroftheHawaiianpeople.—Keauokalani(1974,p.74)
In1778,whenEuropeanexplorersfirstarrivedontheshoresofKa Pae ÿÄina,theprecontacttermformodern-dayHawaiÿi,theyfoundavigoroussocietyand
a healthy indigenous population (Stannard, 1989). In their physical well-beingthe Känaka Maoli1 living in the islands embodied almost an Aristotelian idealofphysiologicalhealthandbeauty.Thevibrancyoftheirphysicalconditionwasechoed by the elevated state of development of their intellectual and materialproperty.Drawingsandeyewitnesstextfromthesefirstexpeditionsshowavibrantpeople, living in beautiful communities, bounded by agricultural and fishingindustries supporting a large population (Handy & Handy, 1972; Hiroa, 1964;Stannard,1989).
Injustover100yearsofcontactbetweencultures,changesmoredevastatingthancouldbeimaginedweretotakeanimmeasurabletollontheKänakaMaoli:90%ofthepopulationdie;thereligiousstructurethathassustainedthecommunityforhundredsofgenerationsiserasedbyalocaleliteandreplacedbyaforeignsystemofbeliefs;theapproachtogovernmentusedforthousandsofyearsisreplacedbyanalienformofgovernmentputinplaceatthepointofagunheldbythehandsofamajorworldpower;andtheindigenousformsofeconomythathavebroughtsustainablebutequitableprosperitytothecommunityarewipedaway,allwithinthespanofasinglecentury.Isithardtoimaginethatthesurvivorsofatraumaeventofthismagnitudewouldberockedtotheircoreandwouldshoweffectsfromthisinsultforgenerationstocome?
Kanaka Maoli Men’s Health
TheseIndians,ingeneral,areabovethemiddlesize,strong,andwellmade,andofdarkcoppercolour,andare,onthewhole,afinehandsomesetofpeople.
—Beaglehole(1999,p.1158)
The descendants of the Känaka Maoli, modern-day Native Hawaiians cannotmakeclaimstohealthstatuslikethatdescribedbyBeagleholeandhispeers.Mostespecially,thehealthstatusindicatorsforNativeHawaiianmentodayareadirerecitation of poor health statistics and social failure. Native Hawaiian men aredisproportionatelyrepresentedinalmostallareasofriskforincreasedmorbidityand early mortality (Office of Hawaiian Affairs, 2006b). Although census dataindicatethatNativeHawaiiansareagrowingsegmentofthepopulation(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs,2006a),whatisnotshownisjusthowmuchthosesamepeoplesuffer from the aftermath of cultural trauma events that echo from the arrivalofCookin1778tothepresenttime.ForNativeHawaiianmales,thisburdenoftraumahasbeenespeciallyexacting.Thestatistical“bottomline”forhealthmaybe found in how long a person is expected to live, and in this instance NativeHawaiianmales are the clear losers.Onaverage, aNativeHawaiianwilldie atanaverageageof74years,6yearsearlier thantheaverageforallotherpopula-tions(Hawai‘iHealthInformationCorporation,n.d.).SomeestimatesoftheearlymortalityfacedbyNativeHawaiiansplacethisnumberfaryounger—68.2years(EconomicMomentumCorporation,n.d.).
MakinginformedacademicinterpretationsaboutthesubstanceandmeaningofKanakaMaoli culturalhistory is an important responsibility. In this article,weintroduce research from a community development perspective to expand andrefinecurrentinformationavailableonHawaiianwell-being.ThisarticleoutlinesatheoreticalstructureofculturaltraumaandhowitrelatestoHawaiianmen.WealsointroduceaprocessofculturalhealingthatmaycounterthedownwardspiralofmorbidityandmortalityamongcontemporaryKanakaMaolimen.
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COOK | KA LOINA KÄNE: CHANGES IN STATION, CHANGES IN HEALTH
This was a great people at the beginning. It filled theHawaiiangroup.Apeoplewithcleanbody,large-limbedandstrong,alittlelessthanthelioninstrength,long-livedontheearth.Alovablepeople,amiable,kindhearted,hospitabletostrangers….SuchisthecharacteroftheHawaiianpeople.—Keauokalani(1974,p.74)
In1778,whenEuropeanexplorersfirstarrivedontheshoresofKa Pae ÿÄina,theprecontacttermformodern-dayHawaiÿi,theyfoundavigoroussocietyand
a healthy indigenous population (Stannard, 1989). In their physical well-beingthe Känaka Maoli1 living in the islands embodied almost an Aristotelian idealofphysiologicalhealthandbeauty.Thevibrancyoftheirphysicalconditionwasechoed by the elevated state of development of their intellectual and materialproperty.Drawingsandeyewitnesstextfromthesefirstexpeditionsshowavibrantpeople, living in beautiful communities, bounded by agricultural and fishingindustries supporting a large population (Handy & Handy, 1972; Hiroa, 1964;Stannard,1989).
Injustover100yearsofcontactbetweencultures,changesmoredevastatingthancouldbeimaginedweretotakeanimmeasurabletollontheKänakaMaoli:90%ofthepopulationdie;thereligiousstructurethathassustainedthecommunityforhundredsofgenerationsiserasedbyalocaleliteandreplacedbyaforeignsystemofbeliefs;theapproachtogovernmentusedforthousandsofyearsisreplacedbyanalienformofgovernmentputinplaceatthepointofagunheldbythehandsofamajorworldpower;andtheindigenousformsofeconomythathavebroughtsustainablebutequitableprosperitytothecommunityarewipedaway,allwithinthespanofasinglecentury.Isithardtoimaginethatthesurvivorsofatraumaeventofthismagnitudewouldberockedtotheircoreandwouldshoweffectsfromthisinsultforgenerationstocome?
Kanaka Maoli Men’s Health
TheseIndians,ingeneral,areabovethemiddlesize,strong,andwellmade,andofdarkcoppercolour,andare,onthewhole,afinehandsomesetofpeople.
—Beaglehole(1999,p.1158)
The descendants of the Känaka Maoli, modern-day Native Hawaiians cannotmakeclaimstohealthstatuslikethatdescribedbyBeagleholeandhispeers.Mostespecially,thehealthstatusindicatorsforNativeHawaiianmentodayareadirerecitation of poor health statistics and social failure. Native Hawaiian men aredisproportionatelyrepresentedinalmostallareasofriskforincreasedmorbidityand early mortality (Office of Hawaiian Affairs, 2006b). Although census dataindicatethatNativeHawaiiansareagrowingsegmentofthepopulation(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs,2006a),whatisnotshownisjusthowmuchthosesamepeoplesuffer from the aftermath of cultural trauma events that echo from the arrivalofCookin1778tothepresenttime.ForNativeHawaiianmales,thisburdenoftraumahasbeenespeciallyexacting.Thestatistical“bottomline”forhealthmaybe found in how long a person is expected to live, and in this instance NativeHawaiianmales are the clear losers.Onaverage, aNativeHawaiianwilldie atanaverageageof74years,6yearsearlier thantheaverageforallotherpopula-tions(Hawai‘iHealthInformationCorporation,n.d.).SomeestimatesoftheearlymortalityfacedbyNativeHawaiiansplacethisnumberfaryounger—68.2years(EconomicMomentumCorporation,n.d.).
MakinginformedacademicinterpretationsaboutthesubstanceandmeaningofKanakaMaoli culturalhistory is an important responsibility. In this article,weintroduce research from a community development perspective to expand andrefinecurrentinformationavailableonHawaiianwell-being.ThisarticleoutlinesatheoreticalstructureofculturaltraumaandhowitrelatestoHawaiianmen.WealsointroduceaprocessofculturalhealingthatmaycounterthedownwardspiralofmorbidityandmortalityamongcontemporaryKanakaMaolimen.
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COOK | KA LOINA KÄNE: CHANGES IN STATION, CHANGES IN HEALTH
Cultural Trauma Syndrome
TomorefullyunderstandthechallengesfacedbymodernNativeHawaiians,oneneedstocomparetheircircumstancewiththestateofaffairsfacedbyotherculturesaffectedbysocialandculturalaggression.Sadly,nomattertheirracialoriginsorplaceofresidence,thehealthstatisticsfordisenfranchisedculturalpopulationsarecomparableacrosstheUnitedStates(NationalHeart,Lung,andBloodInstitute,n.d.). Similarities in negative health status indicators may support an assump-tionthatneitherenvironmentnorgeneticsarethelikelysingularfactorsdrivingthesedeclinesinwell-being(BraveHeart,2001).Themovefromageneralnamingof the ideaof insultsbasedintheperceptionofcultural traumatotheformula-tion of a hypothesis that would assist in the identification of this psychosocialdynamicbeganinthe1990s,withformulationslikeBraveHeart’s(2001)“histor-icaltrauma,”Duran’s(2006)“soulwounding,”andLeary’s(2005)“posttraumaticslavesyndrome”(seealsoHicks-Ray,2004).Searchingforadditionalperspectivesto explain these circumstances, Cook, Withy, Tarallo-Jensen, and Berry (2005)proposedaculturallydrivenmodelfordescribingthedevelopmentofpoorhealthinthesepopulations—cultural trauma syndrome.Thisconditionisrecognizedbyaninterdependentsetofsocialandculturalpatterns.Asanoperantsocialchangetheory,itaccountsforpeoplebornintoparticularculturalgroupingsandothers,thoughtheymaynotshareageneticlinktothehistoryofaculturalfaction,whosepersonalidentityisinextricablytiedtothespecifiedgroup.Thishypothesisaddsdefiningtexturetothediscourseoncultureandhealthinanattempttoclarifythegroundforfutureresearchefforts.Thefollowingarefivedefiningcharacteristicsbywhichculturaltraumasyndromemayberecognized(Cooketal.,2005):
1. Thissocioculturalinjuryisaprocessofculturalgenocide,targetingcosmology,epistemology,pedagogy,andsocialstructuresforrepression.
2. Continuousattacksonindigenoussocialnormsbringbreakdownsinlong-establishedculturalsocialstructures;lackofsocialcontinuityresultsinmisunderstandingsofprecontactsocialnormsandslowspostmodernculturalrenewal.
3. Trauma-relatedeventsandperceptionsoftheirimportanceandintensitydonotnecessarilyhavetemporalcontinuityacrossthegenerationsofaculturalcommunity.
4. Inthelaterstagesoftraumatization,sourcesforculturalinjurymaycomefromwithinaswellasfromoutsidetheboundariesofadefinedculturalgroup.
5. Incidentsoftraumatizationhaveintergenerationaltransferenceandaregivenrenewedvigorbypostmodernexpressionsofculturalwounding.
Culturaltraumasyndromecanberecognizedbyapatternofcircumstancesevidentintheculturalgroup.Becausethisisaculturaldisorder,individual,family,andcommunitypatternsofdysfunctionmaybepresent(seeAppendix).
Culturaltraumasyndromemanifestsitselfinavarietyofways.Smallbutdistinctdifferencesareevidentforculturesshowingvariationsinsocialhistory.Thewayspeopleareremovedfromtheirculturalidentity,practices,andvalueshaveimplica-tionsforhowtheircourseofrecoveryneedstoproceed.Whilenotanall-inclusivedescriptionforhowallpeoplefromanyoneculturalgrouparetiedtotheirculturalhistory in theUnitedStates, the followingaresixkeycultural traumavariationcategoriesguidingourstudy:
1. Populationsthatweretakentoaforeignlandasslavesandwerestrippedofallassociationwiththeirrootculture(i.e.,AfricanAmerican)
2. High-contextculturalpopulationsthatwereconqueredandremovedfromtheirancestrallands(i.e.,NativeAmericans)
3. High-contextculturalpopulationsthatwereconqueredbutallowedtoremainonornearancestrallands,butwithnotraditionalrightstoaccess,ownership,orcontrol(i.e.,NativeHawaiians,NativeAlaskans)
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COOK | KA LOINA KÄNE: CHANGES IN STATION, CHANGES IN HEALTH
Cultural Trauma Syndrome
TomorefullyunderstandthechallengesfacedbymodernNativeHawaiians,oneneedstocomparetheircircumstancewiththestateofaffairsfacedbyotherculturesaffectedbysocialandculturalaggression.Sadly,nomattertheirracialoriginsorplaceofresidence,thehealthstatisticsfordisenfranchisedculturalpopulationsarecomparableacrosstheUnitedStates(NationalHeart,Lung,andBloodInstitute,n.d.). Similarities in negative health status indicators may support an assump-tionthatneitherenvironmentnorgeneticsarethelikelysingularfactorsdrivingthesedeclinesinwell-being(BraveHeart,2001).Themovefromageneralnamingof the ideaof insultsbasedintheperceptionofcultural traumatotheformula-tion of a hypothesis that would assist in the identification of this psychosocialdynamicbeganinthe1990s,withformulationslikeBraveHeart’s(2001)“histor-icaltrauma,”Duran’s(2006)“soulwounding,”andLeary’s(2005)“posttraumaticslavesyndrome”(seealsoHicks-Ray,2004).Searchingforadditionalperspectivesto explain these circumstances, Cook, Withy, Tarallo-Jensen, and Berry (2005)proposedaculturallydrivenmodelfordescribingthedevelopmentofpoorhealthinthesepopulations—cultural trauma syndrome.Thisconditionisrecognizedbyaninterdependentsetofsocialandculturalpatterns.Asanoperantsocialchangetheory,itaccountsforpeoplebornintoparticularculturalgroupingsandothers,thoughtheymaynotshareageneticlinktothehistoryofaculturalfaction,whosepersonalidentityisinextricablytiedtothespecifiedgroup.Thishypothesisaddsdefiningtexturetothediscourseoncultureandhealthinanattempttoclarifythegroundforfutureresearchefforts.Thefollowingarefivedefiningcharacteristicsbywhichculturaltraumasyndromemayberecognized(Cooketal.,2005):
1. Thissocioculturalinjuryisaprocessofculturalgenocide,targetingcosmology,epistemology,pedagogy,andsocialstructuresforrepression.
2. Continuousattacksonindigenoussocialnormsbringbreakdownsinlong-establishedculturalsocialstructures;lackofsocialcontinuityresultsinmisunderstandingsofprecontactsocialnormsandslowspostmodernculturalrenewal.
3. Trauma-relatedeventsandperceptionsoftheirimportanceandintensitydonotnecessarilyhavetemporalcontinuityacrossthegenerationsofaculturalcommunity.
4. Inthelaterstagesoftraumatization,sourcesforculturalinjurymaycomefromwithinaswellasfromoutsidetheboundariesofadefinedculturalgroup.
5. Incidentsoftraumatizationhaveintergenerationaltransferenceandaregivenrenewedvigorbypostmodernexpressionsofculturalwounding.
Culturaltraumasyndromecanberecognizedbyapatternofcircumstancesevidentintheculturalgroup.Becausethisisaculturaldisorder,individual,family,andcommunitypatternsofdysfunctionmaybepresent(seeAppendix).
Culturaltraumasyndromemanifestsitselfinavarietyofways.Smallbutdistinctdifferencesareevidentforculturesshowingvariationsinsocialhistory.Thewayspeopleareremovedfromtheirculturalidentity,practices,andvalueshaveimplica-tionsforhowtheircourseofrecoveryneedstoproceed.Whilenotanall-inclusivedescriptionforhowallpeoplefromanyoneculturalgrouparetiedtotheirculturalhistory in theUnitedStates, the followingaresixkeycultural traumavariationcategoriesguidingourstudy:
1. Populationsthatweretakentoaforeignlandasslavesandwerestrippedofallassociationwiththeirrootculture(i.e.,AfricanAmerican)
2. High-contextculturalpopulationsthatwereconqueredandremovedfromtheirancestrallands(i.e.,NativeAmericans)
3. High-contextculturalpopulationsthatwereconqueredbutallowedtoremainonornearancestrallands,butwithnotraditionalrightstoaccess,ownership,orcontrol(i.e.,NativeHawaiians,NativeAlaskans)
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4. Populationsthatimmigratedtoanothercountry,voluntarilyorotherwise,andwerepressuredtoassimilatewiththenewdominantculture(i.e.,EuropeanAmericans)
5. Populationsthatimmigratedtoanothercountrybutwereallowedtomaintainenclavesofculturalassociationswithothersfromtheirhomeculture,eveninthefaceofotherdisenfranchisingforcesfromthedominanthostculture(i.e.,IrishAmericans,ChineseAmericans,JapaneseAmericans,PolishAmericans,Muslims,Latinos,etc.)
6. Populationsfromgovernmentsunderthefinancial,political,ormilitaryprotectionoftheUnitedStates,whilesovereign,thatarelargelydependentonfinancialassistanceofferedthemforsustainability(i.e.,PuertoRicans,MicronesianIslanders,AmericanSämoans,etc.)
Addressingthechallengeofculturaltraumaisacomplexmatter.Anypersonorgroupofpeopleidentifyingwiththesocialandculturalhistoryofadisenfranchisedcultureisatriskforbeingaffectedbytheabuseofferedtothegenerationsofthatculture.Evenmorepoorlyunderstoodishowpeopleofmixedculturaloriginsareinfluencedbythecomplexofsocialhistoriestheybringtogetherintheirdiverseheritage.ForNativeHawaiianmenofmixedculturalheritage,itmaybedifficulttodetermineexactlythelevelofinfluenceeachoftheseculturesbringstotheirlifestyleandhealthchoices.WhatisunderstoodisthattheresolutionofthehealthandsocialimpactsofculturaltraumaforHawaiianmenwillcallforthecombinedeffortsofpeoplefrombothinsideandoutsidetheculture,allundertheleadershipofmembersoftheaffectedcommunity.Whengenderisfactoredintothedescrip-tiveillustrationofculturalharm,newdynamicsandshadingsoftheproblemandthecourseforeventualresolutionmaybecomemoreapparent.
Kuleana—The Realm of Men’s Responsibility
Tomore fully comprehend thechallenges facingNativeHawaiianandHawaiÿi
Maoli2meninthismodernage,itisnecessarytohaveanunderstandingoftheirprecontact realm of responsibility. Linguistic rendition testifies to the fact that,beforetheabolishmentoftheindigenousreligiousstructurein1819,theprimaryissueforaKanakaMaolimaleseekingtomaintainhisstatusasanuprightpersonwould have been the cultivation and protection of his ÿano, the seed of moralintegrity (Andrews, 2003;Handy, 1971).This essencewas the sparkofdivinityresidingwithinanymaoli(true)person.Acelestialcharacteristicisinherenttotheindigenousself-identityheldbyallmaolipeopleofthePacificregion.TheÿanowasaqualitythatprecontactKänakaMaoli,bothwomenandmen,fosteredthroughreligiousritualsandproperandfittingbehavioratalltimes.
Thewaytorealizationforone’sÿanowasthroughstrictobservanceoftheÿIhi Kapu,thesystemofsacredstatutes.Thissystemofconsecratedlawsenabledapeopletoliveinharmonywithoneanother,withnature,andwiththespiritualrealmoftheirancestors(Valeri,1985).Livinginaccordwiththissystemoflawswaswhatdefinedapersonasmaoli—astrueandgenuine.TheKanakaMaolimalesheldapositionofsocialandreligiousleadershipforspecificresponsibilitiesoftheÿIhiKapu.Fromconductingmajorstateritualstosmalldailyobservancesfordeitiesunderhiscare,theKanakaMaolimale’ssocialrolewascentraltomaintenanceofthekapu(marked)aspectsofthesociety(Handy,1971).Ifone’ssacredresponsi-bilitytothekapubecamepolluted,theindividualwouldbecome,ineffect,spiritu-allyblind.Thekapuwasacentralcontroloverhygiene,environmentalpolicy,landtenure,familyconcerns,almosteveryaspectofhealthysocialandpersonalfunc-tioning.Bothgenderscarriedspecial responsibilities. Itwas themale’skuleana(honoredresponsibility)toserveasashieldbetweenthecommunityandharm—temporalandspiritual.AlmosteveryareaofexclusivesocialresponsibilitytiedtoKanakaMaolimenwaslostinthecolonialperiod.3InourencounterswithNativeHawaiianmen,wehavebecomefamiliarwiththemanywaysthesemenfeeltheirlossoftraditionalsocialresponsibilities.Thisloss,aswellastheaccompanyingculturalconfusion,hasdisorientedthemandappearstocontributetoadeclineinpersonalidentityasaHawaiian,andspecificallyasaHawaiianmale.Thisculturalwoundingappearstohaveleftmanyadriftfromthehealthyculturalwaysoflivingthatwouldfosterwell-beingintheirminds,bodies,andspirits(Kamakau,1968;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).
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4. Populationsthatimmigratedtoanothercountry,voluntarilyorotherwise,andwerepressuredtoassimilatewiththenewdominantculture(i.e.,EuropeanAmericans)
5. Populationsthatimmigratedtoanothercountrybutwereallowedtomaintainenclavesofculturalassociationswithothersfromtheirhomeculture,eveninthefaceofotherdisenfranchisingforcesfromthedominanthostculture(i.e.,IrishAmericans,ChineseAmericans,JapaneseAmericans,PolishAmericans,Muslims,Latinos,etc.)
6. Populationsfromgovernmentsunderthefinancial,political,ormilitaryprotectionoftheUnitedStates,whilesovereign,thatarelargelydependentonfinancialassistanceofferedthemforsustainability(i.e.,PuertoRicans,MicronesianIslanders,AmericanSämoans,etc.)
Addressingthechallengeofculturaltraumaisacomplexmatter.Anypersonorgroupofpeopleidentifyingwiththesocialandculturalhistoryofadisenfranchisedcultureisatriskforbeingaffectedbytheabuseofferedtothegenerationsofthatculture.Evenmorepoorlyunderstoodishowpeopleofmixedculturaloriginsareinfluencedbythecomplexofsocialhistoriestheybringtogetherintheirdiverseheritage.ForNativeHawaiianmenofmixedculturalheritage,itmaybedifficulttodetermineexactlythelevelofinfluenceeachoftheseculturesbringstotheirlifestyleandhealthchoices.WhatisunderstoodisthattheresolutionofthehealthandsocialimpactsofculturaltraumaforHawaiianmenwillcallforthecombinedeffortsofpeoplefrombothinsideandoutsidetheculture,allundertheleadershipofmembersoftheaffectedcommunity.Whengenderisfactoredintothedescrip-tiveillustrationofculturalharm,newdynamicsandshadingsoftheproblemandthecourseforeventualresolutionmaybecomemoreapparent.
Kuleana—The Realm of Men’s Responsibility
Tomore fully comprehend thechallenges facingNativeHawaiianandHawaiÿi
Maoli2meninthismodernage,itisnecessarytohaveanunderstandingoftheirprecontact realm of responsibility. Linguistic rendition testifies to the fact that,beforetheabolishmentoftheindigenousreligiousstructurein1819,theprimaryissueforaKanakaMaolimaleseekingtomaintainhisstatusasanuprightpersonwould have been the cultivation and protection of his ÿano, the seed of moralintegrity (Andrews, 2003;Handy, 1971).This essencewas the sparkofdivinityresidingwithinanymaoli(true)person.Acelestialcharacteristicisinherenttotheindigenousself-identityheldbyallmaolipeopleofthePacificregion.TheÿanowasaqualitythatprecontactKänakaMaoli,bothwomenandmen,fosteredthroughreligiousritualsandproperandfittingbehavioratalltimes.
Thewaytorealizationforone’sÿanowasthroughstrictobservanceoftheÿIhi Kapu,thesystemofsacredstatutes.Thissystemofconsecratedlawsenabledapeopletoliveinharmonywithoneanother,withnature,andwiththespiritualrealmoftheirancestors(Valeri,1985).Livinginaccordwiththissystemoflawswaswhatdefinedapersonasmaoli—astrueandgenuine.TheKanakaMaolimalesheldapositionofsocialandreligiousleadershipforspecificresponsibilitiesoftheÿIhiKapu.Fromconductingmajorstateritualstosmalldailyobservancesfordeitiesunderhiscare,theKanakaMaolimale’ssocialrolewascentraltomaintenanceofthekapu(marked)aspectsofthesociety(Handy,1971).Ifone’ssacredresponsi-bilitytothekapubecamepolluted,theindividualwouldbecome,ineffect,spiritu-allyblind.Thekapuwasacentralcontroloverhygiene,environmentalpolicy,landtenure,familyconcerns,almosteveryaspectofhealthysocialandpersonalfunc-tioning.Bothgenderscarriedspecial responsibilities. Itwas themale’skuleana(honoredresponsibility)toserveasashieldbetweenthecommunityandharm—temporalandspiritual.AlmosteveryareaofexclusivesocialresponsibilitytiedtoKanakaMaolimenwaslostinthecolonialperiod.3InourencounterswithNativeHawaiianmen,wehavebecomefamiliarwiththemanywaysthesemenfeeltheirlossoftraditionalsocialresponsibilities.Thisloss,aswellastheaccompanyingculturalconfusion,hasdisorientedthemandappearstocontributetoadeclineinpersonalidentityasaHawaiian,andspecificallyasaHawaiianmale.Thisculturalwoundingappearstohaveleftmanyadriftfromthehealthyculturalwaysoflivingthatwouldfosterwell-beingintheirminds,bodies,andspirits(Kamakau,1968;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).
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Religion and Government
Until1819andtheabrogationofthetraditionalsystemofreligionbyasmallrulingeliteandthearrivalofCalvinistmissionariesin1820,KanakaMaolimencarriedthebulkoftheresponsibilityforreligiousandsecularleadershipintheirsociety(Dudley,1990).Religiousleadershipwasintertwinedwithothersocialresponsibili-tiesinvolvedwitheconomy,diplomacy,andtheruleofgovernment.KanakaMaolisocietydidnotfitthestrictdefinitionofatheocracy;theruleofgovernmentwasnotheldbyanelitegroupofpriests.Itwas,however,clearlyareligion-centeredsystemofgovernmentwherebythealiÿi nui, theprincipalleaders,mediatedtheinterchange between the celestial and terrestrial realms, the mundane and thedivineworlds,allorchestratedbythekahuna nui,theprimarypriest(Malo,1971;Valeri,1985).ThekahunanuiwassetinplacetomakesurethatthousandsofyearsofsacredlawswereupheldandthatthealiÿiundertheirchargefollowedthecodeofbehaviorrequiredbytheÿIhiKapu.Properobservationofanannualscheduleofreligiousritualandresponsibilitieswasintegraltothefunctioningofthesociety.Someobservationswerelessgrand;eachdayintheHale Mua,themen’seatinghouse,asmallimageofLonowithagourdattachedwaskeptwhereanofferingof foodwasdeposited (Valeri,1985).Themenshared theirdailymealwith theElementalAspectofLono.Bybeinggiventheceremonialfirstbiteor“firstfruits”oftheday,Lonowasmademanifestinthephysicalrealm.Theannualprogressofsocialandcommunityeventswasboundedbyaseriesoflocalandstateritualsdesignedtokeepthesocietyonapropercourseofdevelopment.Temporalandspiritualauthorityworkedincooperationtobringabouthealthyandprosperousconditionsinthisandthemetaphysicalworlds(Handy,1971).
The political mandate of the colonial European and American movement wasaccompaniedbyacorrespondingcommandforreligiousdominanceinthenewlyclaimed territories. The competition between Protestant and Catholic religio-political forceswasplayedout inHawaiÿias itwas inotherpartsof thePacificregion.DespitethefactthatthefirstrecordedbaptismofaNativeHawaiianwasin1819byaCatholicpriest(Feher,1969;Grant&Bennett,2000),itwastheProtestantsectsthatwerethemostinfluentialinearlyeffortstoconverttheislandpopulationtoChristianity.In1820,severalmonthsafterordersdeclaringtheheiau(temples)be torndown,Calvinistmissionaries landedon the islandofHawaiÿiandweregrantedpermissiontopreachandproselytize.Acceptanceofthereligiousmessage
of thesefirstmissionarieswas assuredwide acceptancewhenkey aliÿi tookuptheircause(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Theneedforareligiousbaseinaculturethathadalwayspairedreligiousandsecularpowerwasacriticalgapleftbytheabro-gationofthenativereligion.ThecoincidentalarrivalofProtestantmissionariesfilledthiscriticalgapfortherulingeliteandtheiragendaforconsolidatingrule.Unfortunately, certain aspects of Protestant philosophy and dogma led KanakaMaolimenfurtherfromtheirtraditionalplaceofpersonalmana(spiritualenable-ment),onegroundedinobservingproperrelationshipswiththeirancestors.
ThefirstProtestantwavebreakingontheshoresofHawaiÿiwasledbymembersof New England Calvinist missionary sects. Calvinism is set up on three basicprinciples(Bowker,1997),thefirsttwoofwhichresonatedwiththeKanakaMaolivisionofcreationwhilethethirdprovidedacrashingblowtotheemergingNativeHawaiianimageofself:
1. Supremacy of scripture as the sole rule of faith and practice.TheKänakaMaoliheldtotheirreligioustraditionsaspasseddownthrougharigidandprecisetraditionoforaltransmission.TheseoraltraditionswerewatchedoverbyHaleNauä,asocialinstitutionfoundedbytheMauiIslandAliÿiNuiHahointhe11thcenturytocontainthegenealogies,history,andprotocolsofthenation(Malo,1971).ShiftingfromthisrigidoraltraditiontotheclarityandprecisionofferedbyprintedtextisanintellectualshifttheKänakaMaolimadewithspeedandease.
2. An authority confirmed by the inward witness of the Holy Spirit.TheKänakaMaoliaffirmedtheauthenticityofthisinwardwitnessbynotingitscorrespondencewiththeirwailua—thesoulcluster;the‘uhane—theconscioussoulthatspeaks;the
‘unihipili—thesubconscioussoulthatclings;andthe‘aumakua—thesuperconsciousparentthathovers(Handy,1971).Thewailua,seeninpragmaticeffects,wasaffirmedbytheoutcomesitbroughtintotheworld.
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Religion and Government
Until1819andtheabrogationofthetraditionalsystemofreligionbyasmallrulingeliteandthearrivalofCalvinistmissionariesin1820,KanakaMaolimencarriedthebulkoftheresponsibilityforreligiousandsecularleadershipintheirsociety(Dudley,1990).Religiousleadershipwasintertwinedwithothersocialresponsibili-tiesinvolvedwitheconomy,diplomacy,andtheruleofgovernment.KanakaMaolisocietydidnotfitthestrictdefinitionofatheocracy;theruleofgovernmentwasnotheldbyanelitegroupofpriests.Itwas,however,clearlyareligion-centeredsystemofgovernmentwherebythealiÿi nui, theprincipalleaders,mediatedtheinterchange between the celestial and terrestrial realms, the mundane and thedivineworlds,allorchestratedbythekahuna nui,theprimarypriest(Malo,1971;Valeri,1985).ThekahunanuiwassetinplacetomakesurethatthousandsofyearsofsacredlawswereupheldandthatthealiÿiundertheirchargefollowedthecodeofbehaviorrequiredbytheÿIhiKapu.Properobservationofanannualscheduleofreligiousritualandresponsibilitieswasintegraltothefunctioningofthesociety.Someobservationswerelessgrand;eachdayintheHale Mua,themen’seatinghouse,asmallimageofLonowithagourdattachedwaskeptwhereanofferingof foodwasdeposited (Valeri,1985).Themenshared theirdailymealwith theElementalAspectofLono.Bybeinggiventheceremonialfirstbiteor“firstfruits”oftheday,Lonowasmademanifestinthephysicalrealm.Theannualprogressofsocialandcommunityeventswasboundedbyaseriesoflocalandstateritualsdesignedtokeepthesocietyonapropercourseofdevelopment.Temporalandspiritualauthorityworkedincooperationtobringabouthealthyandprosperousconditionsinthisandthemetaphysicalworlds(Handy,1971).
The political mandate of the colonial European and American movement wasaccompaniedbyacorrespondingcommandforreligiousdominanceinthenewlyclaimed territories. The competition between Protestant and Catholic religio-political forceswasplayedout inHawaiÿias itwas inotherpartsof thePacificregion.DespitethefactthatthefirstrecordedbaptismofaNativeHawaiianwasin1819byaCatholicpriest(Feher,1969;Grant&Bennett,2000),itwastheProtestantsectsthatwerethemostinfluentialinearlyeffortstoconverttheislandpopulationtoChristianity.In1820,severalmonthsafterordersdeclaringtheheiau(temples)be torndown,Calvinistmissionaries landedon the islandofHawaiÿiandweregrantedpermissiontopreachandproselytize.Acceptanceofthereligiousmessage
of thesefirstmissionarieswas assuredwide acceptancewhenkey aliÿi tookuptheircause(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).Theneedforareligiousbaseinaculturethathadalwayspairedreligiousandsecularpowerwasacriticalgapleftbytheabro-gationofthenativereligion.ThecoincidentalarrivalofProtestantmissionariesfilledthiscriticalgapfortherulingeliteandtheiragendaforconsolidatingrule.Unfortunately, certain aspects of Protestant philosophy and dogma led KanakaMaolimenfurtherfromtheirtraditionalplaceofpersonalmana(spiritualenable-ment),onegroundedinobservingproperrelationshipswiththeirancestors.
ThefirstProtestantwavebreakingontheshoresofHawaiÿiwasledbymembersof New England Calvinist missionary sects. Calvinism is set up on three basicprinciples(Bowker,1997),thefirsttwoofwhichresonatedwiththeKanakaMaolivisionofcreationwhilethethirdprovidedacrashingblowtotheemergingNativeHawaiianimageofself:
1. Supremacy of scripture as the sole rule of faith and practice.TheKänakaMaoliheldtotheirreligioustraditionsaspasseddownthrougharigidandprecisetraditionoforaltransmission.TheseoraltraditionswerewatchedoverbyHaleNauä,asocialinstitutionfoundedbytheMauiIslandAliÿiNuiHahointhe11thcenturytocontainthegenealogies,history,andprotocolsofthenation(Malo,1971).ShiftingfromthisrigidoraltraditiontotheclarityandprecisionofferedbyprintedtextisanintellectualshifttheKänakaMaolimadewithspeedandease.
2. An authority confirmed by the inward witness of the Holy Spirit.TheKänakaMaoliaffirmedtheauthenticityofthisinwardwitnessbynotingitscorrespondencewiththeirwailua—thesoulcluster;the‘uhane—theconscioussoulthatspeaks;the
‘unihipili—thesubconscioussoulthatclings;andthe‘aumakua—thesuperconsciousparentthathovers(Handy,1971).Thewailua,seeninpragmaticeffects,wasaffirmedbytheoutcomesitbroughtintotheworld.
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3.Men and women were inherently sinful, lost in iniquity, and could only
be delivered by the Bible’s message.KanakaMaolicosmologyhasnoconceptthatparalleledtheChristianideaof“originalsin.”Theproposalthatachildwasbornhewa,profanedbysinfrombirth,wasanewandsadrealitytoaccept.BecausetheKänakaMaolidid,however,believeinredemptionthroughacts,thepresenceoftheBibleasameansforreleasefromsinwasapowerfultoolwieldedbythemissionariesforcontrollingthebehaviorofthelocals,keepingthe“savage”soulandselfinlinewithsocialidealstheyendorsed.
Warfare
It is a sad fact that, throughout world history, there has been close alignmentbetween theaimsofpolitical forcesandreligion.Thecommonoutcomeof thedesireforpowerandauthorityintheserealmshasledtoalonghistoryofwarsbeingconductedinthenameofreligion.Religionalsoservestobringsolaceandpurpose to thecombatantswhoundertakewhat isclearlyanabhorrent taskonbehalfofthesociety.Warandtheroleofwarrioraremostusuallyassignedtothemenofanyparticularculture.Theintersectionbetweenreligiousandwarrespon-sibilitiesisvitaltounderstand,forthisisasettingwherethevaluesofacultureareeasilydiscerned.
Althoughdesignedandinitiatedbythem,menwerenotalwaysthesolepurveyorsof war; Kanaka Maoli women did sometimes accompany their men into battle,sometimesinacombatsupportrole,andattimesascombatantswiththeirowntraditionsofwar-fighting.As is true formostsocieties,however,KanakaMaolimencarriedthelion’sshareofresponsibilityforenteringtheprofaningrealmofbloodshed.UntiltheeraoffinalconquestbyKamehamehaPaiÿeainthelate-18thcentury,war-makinginHawaiÿiwasahighlyritualizedaffair.Realizingearlyontheimpactthetakingoflifebroughttotheevolutionofthewailua,greatcarewastakentocontainthestainofviolenceunleashedbybattle(Kamakau,1968).Asidefrom the care of the wailua, noncombatants, food-growing areas, and religioussiteswerenotedandcaredforinprebattlenegotiations(Kamakau,1968).Itwasimportantnotonlytobevictoriousinbattlebutalsotobepono—principledandmoral.Because allKanakaMaoli activities took onboth temporal and spiritualresponsibilities,itwouldbepossibletowintheearthlybattleandlosethemoralwar.Forexample,attheendofhismassivecampaignofinterislandwar,KamehamehaPaiÿeatookupaseriesofcivilengineeringprojects,buildingtemples,fishponds,
andagriculturalfields.Theseprojectsandtheritualsthataccompaniedthemweredesigned,inpart,toexpiatetheburdenofspiritualcontaminationbuiltupduringhiscampaignofconquest(Kamakau,1968).
Moreimportantthanrestoringthemoremundaneaspectsofeverydaylifeaftertheravagesofwar,themaleKanakaMaolisocietyengagedinmeticulouspracticesbefore and during wartime through specific ceremonial practices that wouldsafeguard them from spiritual pollution. In these rituals the elemental portionofthewailua,calledÿuhane,wassuspendedandplacedinsafekeepinginritualsenactedattheheiauluakinipoÿokanaka,whereritualsnotonlyopenedtheseasonofkau wela(summer,hotseason)ofKünuiäkeabutalsoconsecratedthewareffort(Handy,1971;Valeri,1985).Afterbattle,intheHaleOPapa,thewomen’sshrinededicatedtothedivinefemaleprinciple,Haumea(Papa),KahunaMoÿoKü,ofthefollowersof the elementalprinciple,Künuiäkea,would conduct a ceremonybywhichthewarriorswouldberituallyrebornthroughthewomenoftheÿöiwiorclan(Valeri,1985).Safeguardedfromthestainofconflict,thisceremonyreclaimedthewarrior’sÿuhanefromitsrespite.WhilethemalepriestsoftheMoÿoKüorches-tratedthiselegantceremony,itwasthroughthesacredfemalethatKanakaMaoliwarriorswerereborn to theircivilearthlyself. If thebelief isassumedthat theÿunihipiliandtheÿuhanecomposethewailua,aftertheritualtheÿunihipiliwouldhavethenbeenreunitedwiththeÿuhane,givenanewlife,afreshstart,repeatingthewarrior’sfirstbirth,Kä i mua,intothephysicalworld.
Once the indigenous religion was removed in 1819, the spiritual maintenancethatallowedmentoredeemthemselvesfromtransgressionsagainsttheÿIhiKapu,and those lawsdesigned to containwartimedefilements, vanished frompublicview.Nolongerdidthewarriorshaveaplacetogotomakethemselvessafeintheconductoftheirvocation.Ritualsthatunitedspirittosoulweredoneawaywithandthepuÿuhonua,sanctuariesandplacesofrefugethatallowedtheKänakaMaolitoexpiatethetransgressionsofthekapu,wereleftwithouttherequisitespiritualfoundationtobeeffectiveforthepeople.KanakaMaolimennowhadnofounda-tionoftraditionalculturalsupportstodealwiththestainofwarandtheemotionsofangerandviolencethatmightwellupinthem.ThelossofconstraintprovidedbytheÿIhiKapumeantthatallformsofpublicanddomesticviolencenowcouldonlyberesolvedthroughcorporalorsocialpunishment.Oncetheindigenousreligionwasdismantled,goneforeverwere the traditionalsystemsofhealingeducationthatrequiredmenengagedinviolence,whetherwarordomestic,toshowthroughtheformalproceduresoftheirprecontactancestorsthattheycouldbetrustedto
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3.Men and women were inherently sinful, lost in iniquity, and could only
be delivered by the Bible’s message.KanakaMaolicosmologyhasnoconceptthatparalleledtheChristianideaof“originalsin.”Theproposalthatachildwasbornhewa,profanedbysinfrombirth,wasanewandsadrealitytoaccept.BecausetheKänakaMaolidid,however,believeinredemptionthroughacts,thepresenceoftheBibleasameansforreleasefromsinwasapowerfultoolwieldedbythemissionariesforcontrollingthebehaviorofthelocals,keepingthe“savage”soulandselfinlinewithsocialidealstheyendorsed.
Warfare
It is a sad fact that, throughout world history, there has been close alignmentbetween theaimsofpolitical forcesandreligion.Thecommonoutcomeof thedesireforpowerandauthorityintheserealmshasledtoalonghistoryofwarsbeingconductedinthenameofreligion.Religionalsoservestobringsolaceandpurpose to thecombatantswhoundertakewhat isclearlyanabhorrent taskonbehalfofthesociety.Warandtheroleofwarrioraremostusuallyassignedtothemenofanyparticularculture.Theintersectionbetweenreligiousandwarrespon-sibilitiesisvitaltounderstand,forthisisasettingwherethevaluesofacultureareeasilydiscerned.
Althoughdesignedandinitiatedbythem,menwerenotalwaysthesolepurveyorsof war; Kanaka Maoli women did sometimes accompany their men into battle,sometimesinacombatsupportrole,andattimesascombatantswiththeirowntraditionsofwar-fighting.As is true formostsocieties,however,KanakaMaolimencarriedthelion’sshareofresponsibilityforenteringtheprofaningrealmofbloodshed.UntiltheeraoffinalconquestbyKamehamehaPaiÿeainthelate-18thcentury,war-makinginHawaiÿiwasahighlyritualizedaffair.Realizingearlyontheimpactthetakingoflifebroughttotheevolutionofthewailua,greatcarewastakentocontainthestainofviolenceunleashedbybattle(Kamakau,1968).Asidefrom the care of the wailua, noncombatants, food-growing areas, and religioussiteswerenotedandcaredforinprebattlenegotiations(Kamakau,1968).Itwasimportantnotonlytobevictoriousinbattlebutalsotobepono—principledandmoral.Because allKanakaMaoli activities took onboth temporal and spiritualresponsibilities,itwouldbepossibletowintheearthlybattleandlosethemoralwar.Forexample,attheendofhismassivecampaignofinterislandwar,KamehamehaPaiÿeatookupaseriesofcivilengineeringprojects,buildingtemples,fishponds,
andagriculturalfields.Theseprojectsandtheritualsthataccompaniedthemweredesigned,inpart,toexpiatetheburdenofspiritualcontaminationbuiltupduringhiscampaignofconquest(Kamakau,1968).
Moreimportantthanrestoringthemoremundaneaspectsofeverydaylifeaftertheravagesofwar,themaleKanakaMaolisocietyengagedinmeticulouspracticesbefore and during wartime through specific ceremonial practices that wouldsafeguard them from spiritual pollution. In these rituals the elemental portionofthewailua,calledÿuhane,wassuspendedandplacedinsafekeepinginritualsenactedattheheiauluakinipoÿokanaka,whereritualsnotonlyopenedtheseasonofkau wela(summer,hotseason)ofKünuiäkeabutalsoconsecratedthewareffort(Handy,1971;Valeri,1985).Afterbattle,intheHaleOPapa,thewomen’sshrinededicatedtothedivinefemaleprinciple,Haumea(Papa),KahunaMoÿoKü,ofthefollowersof the elementalprinciple,Künuiäkea,would conduct a ceremonybywhichthewarriorswouldberituallyrebornthroughthewomenoftheÿöiwiorclan(Valeri,1985).Safeguardedfromthestainofconflict,thisceremonyreclaimedthewarrior’sÿuhanefromitsrespite.WhilethemalepriestsoftheMoÿoKüorches-tratedthiselegantceremony,itwasthroughthesacredfemalethatKanakaMaoliwarriorswerereborn to theircivilearthlyself. If thebelief isassumedthat theÿunihipiliandtheÿuhanecomposethewailua,aftertheritualtheÿunihipiliwouldhavethenbeenreunitedwiththeÿuhane,givenanewlife,afreshstart,repeatingthewarrior’sfirstbirth,Kä i mua,intothephysicalworld.
Once the indigenous religion was removed in 1819, the spiritual maintenancethatallowedmentoredeemthemselvesfromtransgressionsagainsttheÿIhiKapu,and those lawsdesigned to containwartimedefilements, vanished frompublicview.Nolongerdidthewarriorshaveaplacetogotomakethemselvessafeintheconductoftheirvocation.Ritualsthatunitedspirittosoulweredoneawaywithandthepuÿuhonua,sanctuariesandplacesofrefugethatallowedtheKänakaMaolitoexpiatethetransgressionsofthekapu,wereleftwithouttherequisitespiritualfoundationtobeeffectiveforthepeople.KanakaMaolimennowhadnofounda-tionoftraditionalculturalsupportstodealwiththestainofwarandtheemotionsofangerandviolencethatmightwellupinthem.ThelossofconstraintprovidedbytheÿIhiKapumeantthatallformsofpublicanddomesticviolencenowcouldonlyberesolvedthroughcorporalorsocialpunishment.Oncetheindigenousreligionwasdismantled,goneforeverwere the traditionalsystemsofhealingeducationthatrequiredmenengagedinviolence,whetherwarordomestic,toshowthroughtheformalproceduresoftheirprecontactancestorsthattheycouldbetrustedto
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onceagainentercivilsociety.Allthatwaslefttoaddressmaleviolencewerejailsand even more death—a legacy of judgment that continues today with NativeHawaiianmenbeingoverrepresentedinprisonpopulations(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs,2006c).
Other Social Losses
InadditiontothelossofthesupportingstructureoftheÿIhiKapu,almosteveryotherformationrequiredforhealthyidentitywasalsochangedintraumaticwaysfor theKanakaMaoli community. In less than100years, anestimated90%oftheprecontactNativeHawaiianpopulationdied.TheKanakaMaoliapproachtoeducation based on oral transmission between a master of knowledge, kahuna,and a selected disciple was supplanted by Western text-based knowledge. ThecustomsofKanakaMaolimating ritualsof careful alignmentsof sacredgenea-logicalrelationshipsbecamemarriagesofeconomicconvenience.SomeWesterntraders married Hawaiian women for the social benefits they might provide.Thesebenefitsincludedtheopportunitytobecomecitizensofthekingdom,whichthenallowedtheseimmigrantstopurchaseandselllands.Thecollaborationsoffamiliesarisingfromsharedsocialandgenetichistorieswerereplacedbyarrange-mentsofeconomicadvantage.OncetheFederalHawaiianHomesCommissionActwasmadeintolawinthe1920s,manyofthedescendentsoftheseunionswerelegallydisenfranchisedfromtheiridentityasNativeHawaiians,becausetheydidnotmeettheregulatoryrequirementthattheybeof50%NativeHawaiianbloodquantum.Marriagesthatatonetimeweresoughtbecausetheyprovideddistincteconomicadvantagesnowservedtodistancepeopleofinsufficientbloodquantumfromtheirisland-basedculturalheritage.TheKanakaMaoliapproachtocommunalwealth,asystemthattiedreligiousandsocialdevelopmenttotheproductionofsharedprosperity,wassupplantedbyWesterncapitalism,asystemthatreducedeconomicbenefitprimarilytotheshareholdersofthecorporateentity.Finally,inthissameshortspanofhistory,NativeHawaiianswereaskedtoadapttheirsenseofcommunityleadershipfromarulingaliÿibornwithadivinemandatetocareforthelandsandpeopletoaconstitutionalrepublicfoundedondemocraticprin-ciples that“allmenwerecreatedequal.”Unfortunately,as thehistoricalrecordclearlydemonstrates,onceAmericanandEuropeaninterestsforciblytookoverthegovernmentoftheislandsin1893,NativeHawaiiansandtheirindigenousculturewereconsistentlytreatedaslessthanequalinalmosteverysocialarena(Cooper&Daws,1990;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Wood,1999).
Fewmodernsocietieshaveexperiencedshifts insocialstructureasdramaticasthose forced upon the Hawaiian society starting with the arrival of Europeanexplorersin1778.Similartotheexperiencesofotherdisenfranchisedpopulations,the list of tortuous changes to local social support structures cast many NativeHawaiianmenadriftandleftthemwithnoclearsocialroletofulfillinsustainingtheir families throughthechangerequiredbyWesterncolonialismas itspreadthrough their island’s culturalmilieu (Duran&Duran,1995).With the lossoftheirnativereligionandthemassivechangestoalmosteverysocialsphere,fromgovernmenttoeconomicpractice,theelaboratecomplexofculturalandspiritualsupportsrequiredtoaffordapersontheskillsneededtoformaclearandcoherentexpressionofsocialculturewasunavailabletomanyNativeHawaiianmenandremainedunavailableforseveralgenerations.
Accommodatingfor lossesandchangesduetotheinfluxofcolonialpowerwasnot something thealiÿi took intoaccountwhenadoptingnew technologiesandculturalvaluesofferedbytheWest.Theseleaderswerenotaloneintheirnaiveté;theprocessofcommunitygrieving forchanges to long-heldsocialandculturaltraditionsisnotwellunderstoodevenintoday’sworld.HowpeoplecometosomelevelofaccommodationtonewformsofsocialstandardsandpracticeswasnotaconcernforNativeHawaiianorWesternleadersastheyinstitutedmassivechangesinthesocialnormsinthe19thand20thcenturies.Themanywaysthesechangesinfluencedtheisland’ssocietyprobablycouldnothavebeenforeseen.PerspectiveonhowtheKanakaMaoliworldviewwaschangedandthedemandsthesealtera-tionsmadeontheresidentpopulationissomethingmoderncommunityactivistscantakeintoaccountintheirculturalrestorationendeavors.
Cultural Healing
The last230yearshavebeensomeof thedarkest times in recordedhistory forthe Känaka Maoli (Stannard, 1989), a period of social and cultural darknessfor these people (Kanahele, 1986). Another way to look at this period of socialchange,however,isthatithasalsobeenatimeforthetruestrengthoftheKanakaMaolicharactertoshowitsusefulnessinthecontextoftheworldculturalsetting.Historically,theKänakaMaolihavealwaysadapted,changingtheirworldlycircum-stanceasneededtoassuretheirsurvivalandprosperityasapeopleandasaculture
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onceagainentercivilsociety.Allthatwaslefttoaddressmaleviolencewerejailsand even more death—a legacy of judgment that continues today with NativeHawaiianmenbeingoverrepresentedinprisonpopulations(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs,2006c).
Other Social Losses
InadditiontothelossofthesupportingstructureoftheÿIhiKapu,almosteveryotherformationrequiredforhealthyidentitywasalsochangedintraumaticwaysfor theKanakaMaoli community. In less than100years, anestimated90%oftheprecontactNativeHawaiianpopulationdied.TheKanakaMaoliapproachtoeducation based on oral transmission between a master of knowledge, kahuna,and a selected disciple was supplanted by Western text-based knowledge. ThecustomsofKanakaMaolimating ritualsof careful alignmentsof sacredgenea-logicalrelationshipsbecamemarriagesofeconomicconvenience.SomeWesterntraders married Hawaiian women for the social benefits they might provide.Thesebenefitsincludedtheopportunitytobecomecitizensofthekingdom,whichthenallowedtheseimmigrantstopurchaseandselllands.Thecollaborationsoffamiliesarisingfromsharedsocialandgenetichistorieswerereplacedbyarrange-mentsofeconomicadvantage.OncetheFederalHawaiianHomesCommissionActwasmadeintolawinthe1920s,manyofthedescendentsoftheseunionswerelegallydisenfranchisedfromtheiridentityasNativeHawaiians,becausetheydidnotmeettheregulatoryrequirementthattheybeof50%NativeHawaiianbloodquantum.Marriagesthatatonetimeweresoughtbecausetheyprovideddistincteconomicadvantagesnowservedtodistancepeopleofinsufficientbloodquantumfromtheirisland-basedculturalheritage.TheKanakaMaoliapproachtocommunalwealth,asystemthattiedreligiousandsocialdevelopmenttotheproductionofsharedprosperity,wassupplantedbyWesterncapitalism,asystemthatreducedeconomicbenefitprimarilytotheshareholdersofthecorporateentity.Finally,inthissameshortspanofhistory,NativeHawaiianswereaskedtoadapttheirsenseofcommunityleadershipfromarulingaliÿibornwithadivinemandatetocareforthelandsandpeopletoaconstitutionalrepublicfoundedondemocraticprin-ciples that“allmenwerecreatedequal.”Unfortunately,as thehistoricalrecordclearlydemonstrates,onceAmericanandEuropeaninterestsforciblytookoverthegovernmentoftheislandsin1893,NativeHawaiiansandtheirindigenousculturewereconsistentlytreatedaslessthanequalinalmosteverysocialarena(Cooper&Daws,1990;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Wood,1999).
Fewmodernsocietieshaveexperiencedshifts insocialstructureasdramaticasthose forced upon the Hawaiian society starting with the arrival of Europeanexplorersin1778.Similartotheexperiencesofotherdisenfranchisedpopulations,the list of tortuous changes to local social support structures cast many NativeHawaiianmenadriftandleftthemwithnoclearsocialroletofulfillinsustainingtheir families throughthechangerequiredbyWesterncolonialismas itspreadthrough their island’s culturalmilieu (Duran&Duran,1995).With the lossoftheirnativereligionandthemassivechangestoalmosteverysocialsphere,fromgovernmenttoeconomicpractice,theelaboratecomplexofculturalandspiritualsupportsrequiredtoaffordapersontheskillsneededtoformaclearandcoherentexpressionofsocialculturewasunavailabletomanyNativeHawaiianmenandremainedunavailableforseveralgenerations.
Accommodatingfor lossesandchangesduetotheinfluxofcolonialpowerwasnot something thealiÿi took intoaccountwhenadoptingnew technologiesandculturalvaluesofferedbytheWest.Theseleaderswerenotaloneintheirnaiveté;theprocessofcommunitygrieving forchanges to long-heldsocialandculturaltraditionsisnotwellunderstoodevenintoday’sworld.HowpeoplecometosomelevelofaccommodationtonewformsofsocialstandardsandpracticeswasnotaconcernforNativeHawaiianorWesternleadersastheyinstitutedmassivechangesinthesocialnormsinthe19thand20thcenturies.Themanywaysthesechangesinfluencedtheisland’ssocietyprobablycouldnothavebeenforeseen.PerspectiveonhowtheKanakaMaoliworldviewwaschangedandthedemandsthesealtera-tionsmadeontheresidentpopulationissomethingmoderncommunityactivistscantakeintoaccountintheirculturalrestorationendeavors.
Cultural Healing
The last230yearshavebeensomeof thedarkest times in recordedhistory forthe Känaka Maoli (Stannard, 1989), a period of social and cultural darknessfor these people (Kanahele, 1986). Another way to look at this period of socialchange,however,isthatithasalsobeenatimeforthetruestrengthoftheKanakaMaolicharactertoshowitsusefulnessinthecontextoftheworldculturalsetting.Historically,theKänakaMaolihavealwaysadapted,changingtheirworldlycircum-stanceasneededtoassuretheirsurvivalandprosperityasapeopleandasaculture
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(Kuykendall,1968).Skills thatservedtheirancestorsinbringingenvironmentalprosperitytobarrenislandecosystemsmaynowbebroughttobeartobringthistimeofdeathanddecreasetoaclose.Inessence,theNativeHawaiianpeoplehavemovedfromatimeoflawe ola,deathwithoutconscience,tooneofmalu ola,thetraditionsthatsafeguardlife(Kanahele,1986).
Bringingforthanethiccenteredintheconceptofmaluolapointstowardaclearneedtofocusonthelargerpictureofculturalhealing,extendingbeyondthecrisisof the moment and looking for sustainable and positive ways of living for theculturalcommunity.IntermsofKanakaMaolilife,thiswouldmeanmovingfromthelifestylechoicesoflaweolatothoseofmaluola.Thelifestyleoflaweolawouldbeoneinwhichdecisionsdecreaseaperson’sorgroup’saliveness.Inthelistofindicatorsofculturaltraumasyndrome,thereisacriticalpointofanalysislabelingcertainnegativelifestylebehaviorsastateof“suicidebylifestyle.”Examplesoflaweolaarecommon:peoplewhoknowthemselvestobeobeseandyetwhochoosenottoexerciseoreataproperdiet,peoplewhodecry thecostof transportationbutcontinuetodrivesingle-passengercars,peoplewhodespairtheviolenceintheircommunitybutbuyviolentvideogamesfortheirchildren,peoplewhopracticereligionsbasedonGod’slovebutspendtheirtimecondemningotherswhodonotbelieveastheydo;alltheseareexamplesoflaweolachoices.
The contrast to this is malu ola, those choices that increase the likelihood ofalivenessandprosperity for the individualor thecommunity.Examplesof thisapproachtolifealsoabound:thesinglemotherwhodecidestogobacktoschooltogetherselfoffwelfare,peoplewithdiabeteswhodecidetochangetheireatingandexercisehabitstoreducetheirdependenceoninsulin,thegovernmentofficialwhodeclinesashort-termpoliticalgaintodowhatisrightforthegreatergoodofthecommunity;alltheseareexamplesofpotentialexpressionsofmaluola.
What this point of advice places before those engaged in the work of culturalhealingisthattheylooktosustainablewaysofpromotingmaluolaasanemergentcommunity value. Not an activity of self-righteousness, it is instead an effortto encourage people, in small and large ways, to look to things they can do topromotethewell-beingandhealthofthemselvesandtheircommunity.Thisworknotonlyfocusesontheparticularrealmofthespecificculturalcommunitybutalsoaddresses thecross-culturalaspectsofcommunities livingwithacceptanceandtoleranceofdifferences.
In the last quarter of the20th century anewsenseof Hawaiian culturebegantoemerge—anidentitynowcalledHawaiÿiMaoli.Movingawayfromcultureasa support for the tourist industry, some 40 years ago, Native Hawaiians beganto explore the knowledge and wisdom of their ancestors as a way to address aneedforculturalidentity.Oneofthefirstsuccessfuleffortscamein1975whentheHöküleÿa, thefirstcontemporarydouble-hulledcanoebuiltforlong-distanceocean voyages using traditional navigation methods, was built. At present thebuildingof canoes and revival of traditionalnavigation techniqueshasbecomea Pan-Pacific phenomenon, bringing hope for continued recovery of cultureto indigenous peoples throughout the region. Following on from the massiveamountsof informationgeneratedby the voyaging canoes, a companionefforttoplaceNativeHawaiianknowledgeandvaluesatthecenterofeducationgainedmomentum(Kawakami,2004;Meyer,2003;NativeHawaiianEducationCouncil,2002). Another group emerged simultaneously with the Polynesian VoyagingSociety:HaleNauäIII,SocietyofHawaiianArts,hadtheirfirstfineartsexhibi-tionontheverydaytheHöküleÿa landedinTahiti.Bringingtotheforefrontanesotericawarenessoftheindigenousculture,theseNativeHawaiianartistssoughtto create from a spiritual place, allowing for the energy to flow through a piko,thespiritualandphysicalumbilicus,theemotionandpassionthatstillconnectedthemtotheircosmogonicancestors.BuildingschoolsandinstitutionsofhigherlearningcenteredintheHawaiianlanguageandculturefoundrenewedvigorinthemid-1980s.Theseeffortsshowthatpoliticalawarenesspairedwithconsiderededucationandtrainingcanbringaboutsubstantivesocialreform.
ThepathofhealingfromtheravagesofculturaltraumaforNativeHawaiianmenliesineducation.Itisnolongerusefultouseasocialchangemodelfoundedinavisionofpeopleasdeficient,inneedofbeingfixedbyanoutsideauthority.AmoreempoweringapproachforculturalhealingintheMaolicommunityneedstofollowtheliberatoryprinciplesofeducatorslikeFreire(1998)andSmith(2002);thisbecomesapathofknowledge that leads to theredevelopmentof theLoina
Käne—thesongofmaleorigins,valuesandidealsfoundintheancestralwaysoftheÿIhiKapu.
Theoverarchingaimofanyeffortofculturalhealingistoaffordanindividualoracommunitytheopportunitytorecognizetheirÿano,theirseedofmoralintegrity.Thesereconciliationandrestorationeffortsmustprovideverifiableandculturallycenteredmeansforincreasingthesubstanceofaperson’shonorandrespectability.
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(Kuykendall,1968).Skills thatservedtheirancestorsinbringingenvironmentalprosperitytobarrenislandecosystemsmaynowbebroughttobeartobringthistimeofdeathanddecreasetoaclose.Inessence,theNativeHawaiianpeoplehavemovedfromatimeoflawe ola,deathwithoutconscience,tooneofmalu ola,thetraditionsthatsafeguardlife(Kanahele,1986).
Bringingforthanethiccenteredintheconceptofmaluolapointstowardaclearneedtofocusonthelargerpictureofculturalhealing,extendingbeyondthecrisisof the moment and looking for sustainable and positive ways of living for theculturalcommunity.IntermsofKanakaMaolilife,thiswouldmeanmovingfromthelifestylechoicesoflaweolatothoseofmaluola.Thelifestyleoflaweolawouldbeoneinwhichdecisionsdecreaseaperson’sorgroup’saliveness.Inthelistofindicatorsofculturaltraumasyndrome,thereisacriticalpointofanalysislabelingcertainnegativelifestylebehaviorsastateof“suicidebylifestyle.”Examplesoflaweolaarecommon:peoplewhoknowthemselvestobeobeseandyetwhochoosenottoexerciseoreataproperdiet,peoplewhodecry thecostof transportationbutcontinuetodrivesingle-passengercars,peoplewhodespairtheviolenceintheircommunitybutbuyviolentvideogamesfortheirchildren,peoplewhopracticereligionsbasedonGod’slovebutspendtheirtimecondemningotherswhodonotbelieveastheydo;alltheseareexamplesoflaweolachoices.
The contrast to this is malu ola, those choices that increase the likelihood ofalivenessandprosperity for the individualor thecommunity.Examplesof thisapproachtolifealsoabound:thesinglemotherwhodecidestogobacktoschooltogetherselfoffwelfare,peoplewithdiabeteswhodecidetochangetheireatingandexercisehabitstoreducetheirdependenceoninsulin,thegovernmentofficialwhodeclinesashort-termpoliticalgaintodowhatisrightforthegreatergoodofthecommunity;alltheseareexamplesofpotentialexpressionsofmaluola.
What this point of advice places before those engaged in the work of culturalhealingisthattheylooktosustainablewaysofpromotingmaluolaasanemergentcommunity value. Not an activity of self-righteousness, it is instead an effortto encourage people, in small and large ways, to look to things they can do topromotethewell-beingandhealthofthemselvesandtheircommunity.Thisworknotonlyfocusesontheparticularrealmofthespecificculturalcommunitybutalsoaddresses thecross-culturalaspectsofcommunities livingwithacceptanceandtoleranceofdifferences.
In the last quarter of the20th century anewsenseof Hawaiian culturebegantoemerge—anidentitynowcalledHawaiÿiMaoli.Movingawayfromcultureasa support for the tourist industry, some 40 years ago, Native Hawaiians beganto explore the knowledge and wisdom of their ancestors as a way to address aneedforculturalidentity.Oneofthefirstsuccessfuleffortscamein1975whentheHöküleÿa, thefirstcontemporarydouble-hulledcanoebuiltforlong-distanceocean voyages using traditional navigation methods, was built. At present thebuildingof canoes and revival of traditionalnavigation techniqueshasbecomea Pan-Pacific phenomenon, bringing hope for continued recovery of cultureto indigenous peoples throughout the region. Following on from the massiveamountsof informationgeneratedby the voyaging canoes, a companionefforttoplaceNativeHawaiianknowledgeandvaluesatthecenterofeducationgainedmomentum(Kawakami,2004;Meyer,2003;NativeHawaiianEducationCouncil,2002). Another group emerged simultaneously with the Polynesian VoyagingSociety:HaleNauäIII,SocietyofHawaiianArts,hadtheirfirstfineartsexhibi-tionontheverydaytheHöküleÿa landedinTahiti.Bringingtotheforefrontanesotericawarenessoftheindigenousculture,theseNativeHawaiianartistssoughtto create from a spiritual place, allowing for the energy to flow through a piko,thespiritualandphysicalumbilicus,theemotionandpassionthatstillconnectedthemtotheircosmogonicancestors.BuildingschoolsandinstitutionsofhigherlearningcenteredintheHawaiianlanguageandculturefoundrenewedvigorinthemid-1980s.Theseeffortsshowthatpoliticalawarenesspairedwithconsiderededucationandtrainingcanbringaboutsubstantivesocialreform.
ThepathofhealingfromtheravagesofculturaltraumaforNativeHawaiianmenliesineducation.Itisnolongerusefultouseasocialchangemodelfoundedinavisionofpeopleasdeficient,inneedofbeingfixedbyanoutsideauthority.AmoreempoweringapproachforculturalhealingintheMaolicommunityneedstofollowtheliberatoryprinciplesofeducatorslikeFreire(1998)andSmith(2002);thisbecomesapathofknowledge that leads to theredevelopmentof theLoina
Käne—thesongofmaleorigins,valuesandidealsfoundintheancestralwaysoftheÿIhiKapu.
Theoverarchingaimofanyeffortofculturalhealingistoaffordanindividualoracommunitytheopportunitytorecognizetheirÿano,theirseedofmoralintegrity.Thesereconciliationandrestorationeffortsmustprovideverifiableandculturallycenteredmeansforincreasingthesubstanceofaperson’shonorandrespectability.
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ForalltheeffortsmadeinthelastfewdecadesinculturalrecoverybytheHawaiiancommunity, the one element missing is revival of an indigenous approach totheKanakaMaoliesotericlife.TheKanakaMaolivisualizationofhumanrealityincludedinterplayofcorporealandspiritualelements(Handy,1971).Thephysicalneeds of the body were paralleled with the psychic and spiritual needs. Nativeforms of rehabilitation included skills attuned to the needs of the body, mind,spirit,andthecollectiveofthecommunity(Shook,1985).TheKänakaMaoliknewtheimportanceofpunishmentandredemptionasattendantmeansforaddressingtransgressions of community norms (Valeri, 1985). In some cases there was aconcertedeffortmadetoallowtheindividualanopportunitytomakethingsright.Dependingonthecrime,prayers,sacrifices,andritualsofredemptioncouldbringthetransgressingindividualbacktoaplaceofspiritualandtemporalwholeness(Pukui, Haertig, & Lee, 1972). Places for these activities were the puÿuhonua,permanentsanctuariesthatdottedtheislands.TheculturalimportanceofrefugeandredemptionwasevidentinthewaytheKänakaMaoliwereensuredaccesstopuÿuhonua.Forexample,duringbattle,aspecifiedlocationoraprominentpersoncouldbedesignatedaspuÿuhonua,providingwarriorsandnoncombatantsaplaceof refuge fromthechaosofviolence for thosewhocouldreach theseprecincts(Kamakau,1968).
Native Hawaiian men have been traditionally overrepresented in the jails andprisonssincetheir introductioninthe19thcentury.Sadly, inacontinuationofthistrend,whileNativeHawaiiansconstituteabout20%ofthegeneralpopulation,theyrepresent44%ofthein-stateprisonpopulation(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs,2002).Lossofritualsforredemption,aswellaslossoflocationswhereapersoncan redeem their sacred honor, makes jails all the more needful. Loss of wahi
pana—sacredspaces,places,andtimeswhereaHawaiÿiMaolimalecanbetrainedin the ÿanoofhisancestors, in thecharacterandworkingsofahealthyhumanbeing—makesitunlikelythataperson’sbehaviorwillriseanyhigherthanthatneededtoavoidpunishment.SincethearrivalofWesternreligiousandpoliticalideals,theprimaryseatforthisauthorityhasbeenremovedfromthepurviewoftheindividualandthecloselyheldcommunityandgiventothejudgmentofanexternallylocatedauthority—judgesandministers.
ForHawaiÿiMaolimentocometoasatisfactoryculturalvisionofahealthymalerole, they will first have to come to an accommodation with distractions intro-ducedbyWesternization.From the failureof thecolonial effort to reshape theindigenousMaoliconsciousnessintosomeechoofitself,itispossibletosaythatthismethodisnotthemeansthecommunityshouldusetochangethenegativehealthandsocialindicatorsnowdescribingthepopulationofHawaiianmales.
Tomeetthepainsofculturaltraumawithresolutionsthatdonotreplicatetheirenergies, theeffortofculturalrecoverymustnotbeanadversarialundertaking.ThesolutiontothecircumstanceofHawaiÿiMaolimalescannotbeaneither-orenterprise.ThereisnoneedforthesementotrytobeeitheraprecontactKanakaMaoli or a fully assimilated Westerner. The Kanaka Maoli legacy to the worldcommunitymaylikelycomefromitsabilitytoadapttorisingcircumstancesandprosper. The resolution of the present circumstance of cultural trauma cannotsubscribe to a rigid plan. Remediation of this trauma will pair insight withfortitude.Theway tohealth forHawaiÿiMaolimen lies inmolding thebestofculturaleducationandhealingtosuittheneedsofindividualsandtheircommuni-ties.Echoingthiscallforremainingadaptablewhenchartingacourseforculturalhealing,after25yearsofstudy,theCanadiangovernmentcametotheconclusion(AboriginalCorrectionsPolicyUnit,2002,p.12):“healingmeansmovingbeyondhurt, pain, disease, and dysfunction to establishing new patterns of living thatproducesustainablewell-being.”
Conclusion
ThecommunityofHawaiÿiMaolimenwillneedtoembarkonafurthervoyageofdiscovery,thistimeseekingthehorizonsforaplaceofwholenessratherthanofnewlands.Forthisplacetobesustainable,itwillhavetofindawaytoassisttheminbridgingprecontactvalues,beliefs,andpracticesovertothepresentera.ThiswillnotbeaprojectofassimilationintotheWesternculturenorwillitbeareturntothepurewaysoftheirforefathers,butitwillbesomethingdrawingfrom
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ForalltheeffortsmadeinthelastfewdecadesinculturalrecoverybytheHawaiiancommunity, the one element missing is revival of an indigenous approach totheKanakaMaoliesotericlife.TheKanakaMaolivisualizationofhumanrealityincludedinterplayofcorporealandspiritualelements(Handy,1971).Thephysicalneeds of the body were paralleled with the psychic and spiritual needs. Nativeforms of rehabilitation included skills attuned to the needs of the body, mind,spirit,andthecollectiveofthecommunity(Shook,1985).TheKänakaMaoliknewtheimportanceofpunishmentandredemptionasattendantmeansforaddressingtransgressions of community norms (Valeri, 1985). In some cases there was aconcertedeffortmadetoallowtheindividualanopportunitytomakethingsright.Dependingonthecrime,prayers,sacrifices,andritualsofredemptioncouldbringthetransgressingindividualbacktoaplaceofspiritualandtemporalwholeness(Pukui, Haertig, & Lee, 1972). Places for these activities were the puÿuhonua,permanentsanctuariesthatdottedtheislands.TheculturalimportanceofrefugeandredemptionwasevidentinthewaytheKänakaMaoliwereensuredaccesstopuÿuhonua.Forexample,duringbattle,aspecifiedlocationoraprominentpersoncouldbedesignatedaspuÿuhonua,providingwarriorsandnoncombatantsaplaceof refuge fromthechaosofviolence for thosewhocouldreach theseprecincts(Kamakau,1968).
Native Hawaiian men have been traditionally overrepresented in the jails andprisonssincetheir introductioninthe19thcentury.Sadly, inacontinuationofthistrend,whileNativeHawaiiansconstituteabout20%ofthegeneralpopulation,theyrepresent44%ofthein-stateprisonpopulation(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs,2002).Lossofritualsforredemption,aswellaslossoflocationswhereapersoncan redeem their sacred honor, makes jails all the more needful. Loss of wahi
pana—sacredspaces,places,andtimeswhereaHawaiÿiMaolimalecanbetrainedin the ÿanoofhisancestors, in thecharacterandworkingsofahealthyhumanbeing—makesitunlikelythataperson’sbehaviorwillriseanyhigherthanthatneededtoavoidpunishment.SincethearrivalofWesternreligiousandpoliticalideals,theprimaryseatforthisauthorityhasbeenremovedfromthepurviewoftheindividualandthecloselyheldcommunityandgiventothejudgmentofanexternallylocatedauthority—judgesandministers.
ForHawaiÿiMaolimentocometoasatisfactoryculturalvisionofahealthymalerole, they will first have to come to an accommodation with distractions intro-ducedbyWesternization.From the failureof thecolonial effort to reshape theindigenousMaoliconsciousnessintosomeechoofitself,itispossibletosaythatthismethodisnotthemeansthecommunityshouldusetochangethenegativehealthandsocialindicatorsnowdescribingthepopulationofHawaiianmales.
Tomeetthepainsofculturaltraumawithresolutionsthatdonotreplicatetheirenergies, theeffortofculturalrecoverymustnotbeanadversarialundertaking.ThesolutiontothecircumstanceofHawaiÿiMaolimalescannotbeaneither-orenterprise.ThereisnoneedforthesementotrytobeeitheraprecontactKanakaMaoli or a fully assimilated Westerner. The Kanaka Maoli legacy to the worldcommunitymaylikelycomefromitsabilitytoadapttorisingcircumstancesandprosper. The resolution of the present circumstance of cultural trauma cannotsubscribe to a rigid plan. Remediation of this trauma will pair insight withfortitude.Theway tohealth forHawaiÿiMaolimen lies inmolding thebestofculturaleducationandhealingtosuittheneedsofindividualsandtheircommuni-ties.Echoingthiscallforremainingadaptablewhenchartingacourseforculturalhealing,after25yearsofstudy,theCanadiangovernmentcametotheconclusion(AboriginalCorrectionsPolicyUnit,2002,p.12):“healingmeansmovingbeyondhurt, pain, disease, and dysfunction to establishing new patterns of living thatproducesustainablewell-being.”
Conclusion
ThecommunityofHawaiÿiMaolimenwillneedtoembarkonafurthervoyageofdiscovery,thistimeseekingthehorizonsforaplaceofwholenessratherthanofnewlands.Forthisplacetobesustainable,itwillhavetofindawaytoassisttheminbridgingprecontactvalues,beliefs,andpracticesovertothepresentera.ThiswillnotbeaprojectofassimilationintotheWesternculturenorwillitbeareturntothepurewaysoftheirforefathers,butitwillbesomethingdrawingfrom
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thebesteachhastooffer—bringingintobeinganewculturalfigure,theHawaiÿiMaoli.And,becausetheKanakaMaolicultureisoneofentwinedmasculineandfemininepowers,forthisjourneytobelastingitwillhavetoincludetheneedsofthewomenofthiscommunityaswellasitsmen.
Sustainable well-being is the goal. The time for the unending loss of life andvitalityfromthelast230years—lossestotheland,people,andculture—mustnowcome to an end. Replacing the systems of conflict and indoctrination inherenttothecolonialmind-setmustbeMaolisystems,structuresthathonorthedeeptruththatarisesfromrespectbetweencultures.NativeHawaiianmenmustoncemore be allowed the respect to renew their alignment with Loina Käne—theirsongoforigin.
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Cooper,G.,&Daws,G.(1990).Land and power in Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Dudley,M.(1990).Man, gods and nature.Honolulu:NäKäneOKaMaloPress.
Duran,E.(2006).Healing the soul wound.NewYork:Teacher’sCollegePress.
Duran,E.,&Duran,B.(1995).Native American postcolonial psychology.Albany:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress.
EconomicMomentumCorporation.(n.d.).Perpetuate our host culture.RetrievedJune28,2006fromhttp://www.emc-hawaii.com/perpetuate.htm
Feher,J.(1969).Hawaii: A pictorial history.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Freire,P.(1998).Teachers as cultural workers.Boulder,CO:WestviewPress.
Grant,G.,&Bennett,H.(2000).Hawaiÿi looking back: An illustrated history of the islands.Honolulu:MutualPublishing.
Handy,E.S.(1971).Polynesian religion.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Handy,E.S.,&Handy,E.G.(1972).Native planters in old Hawai‘i.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
HawaiÿiHealthInformationCorporation.(n.d.).Health trends in Hawaiÿi.RetrievedJune28,2006fromhttp://www.healthtrends.org/DataTable.aspx?ChartID=HS-04
Hicks-Ray,D.(2004).The pain didn’t start here: Trauma violence and the African American community.Atlanta,GA:TSACommunications.
Hiroa,T.(1964).Arts and crafts of Hawai‘i.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kamakau,S.M.(1968).Na hana a ka poe kahiko[Theworksofthepeopleofold].Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kame‘eleihiwa,L.(1992).Native land and foreign desires.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kanahele,G.(1986).Kü Kanaka—Stand tall: A search for Hawaiian values.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kawakami,A.(2004).IssuescentraltotheinclusionofHawaiiancultureinK–12education.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,111–132.
Keauokalani,K.(1974).Kepelino’s traditions of Hawaiÿi.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kuykendall,R.S.(1968).The Hawaiian Kingdom: Part 1.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Leary,J.(2005)Post traumatic slave syndrome: America’s legacy of enduring injury and healing.Milwaukee,OR:UptonePress.
Malo,D.,withEmerson,N.(Trans.).(1971).Hawaiian antiquities(2nded.).Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
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thebesteachhastooffer—bringingintobeinganewculturalfigure,theHawaiÿiMaoli.And,becausetheKanakaMaolicultureisoneofentwinedmasculineandfemininepowers,forthisjourneytobelastingitwillhavetoincludetheneedsofthewomenofthiscommunityaswellasitsmen.
Sustainable well-being is the goal. The time for the unending loss of life andvitalityfromthelast230years—lossestotheland,people,andculture—mustnowcome to an end. Replacing the systems of conflict and indoctrination inherenttothecolonialmind-setmustbeMaolisystems,structuresthathonorthedeeptruththatarisesfromrespectbetweencultures.NativeHawaiianmenmustoncemore be allowed the respect to renew their alignment with Loina Käne—theirsongoforigin.
References
AboriginalCorrectionsPolicyUnit.(2002).Mapping the healing journey: Final report of a First Nation research project on healing aboriginal communities.Ottawa,Canada:SolicitorGeneralofCanadaandtheAboriginalHealingFoundation.
Andrews,L.(2003).A dictionary of the Hawaiian language.Waipahu,HI:IslandHeritage.
Beaglehole,J.H.(1999).The journals of Captain James Cook on his voyages of discovery.Rochester,NY:BoydellPress.
Bowker,J.(Ed.).(1997).The Oxford dictionary of world religions.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.
BraveHeart,M.(2001).Historicaltrauma.The Circle, 22(1).RetrievedJanuary25,2002fromhttp://thecirclenews.org/archives/22-1cover.html
Cook,B.P.,Withy,K.,Tarallo-Jensen,L.,&Berry,S.P.(2005).Healingthewarriorself:ChangesinKanakaMaolimen’srolesandhealth.International Journal of Men’s Health, 4,115–130.
Cooper,G.,&Daws,G.(1990).Land and power in Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Dudley,M.(1990).Man, gods and nature.Honolulu:NäKäneOKaMaloPress.
Duran,E.(2006).Healing the soul wound.NewYork:Teacher’sCollegePress.
Duran,E.,&Duran,B.(1995).Native American postcolonial psychology.Albany:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress.
EconomicMomentumCorporation.(n.d.).Perpetuate our host culture.RetrievedJune28,2006fromhttp://www.emc-hawaii.com/perpetuate.htm
Feher,J.(1969).Hawaii: A pictorial history.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Freire,P.(1998).Teachers as cultural workers.Boulder,CO:WestviewPress.
Grant,G.,&Bennett,H.(2000).Hawaiÿi looking back: An illustrated history of the islands.Honolulu:MutualPublishing.
Handy,E.S.(1971).Polynesian religion.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Handy,E.S.,&Handy,E.G.(1972).Native planters in old Hawai‘i.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
HawaiÿiHealthInformationCorporation.(n.d.).Health trends in Hawaiÿi.RetrievedJune28,2006fromhttp://www.healthtrends.org/DataTable.aspx?ChartID=HS-04
Hicks-Ray,D.(2004).The pain didn’t start here: Trauma violence and the African American community.Atlanta,GA:TSACommunications.
Hiroa,T.(1964).Arts and crafts of Hawai‘i.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kamakau,S.M.(1968).Na hana a ka poe kahiko[Theworksofthepeopleofold].Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kame‘eleihiwa,L.(1992).Native land and foreign desires.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kanahele,G.(1986).Kü Kanaka—Stand tall: A search for Hawaiian values.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kawakami,A.(2004).IssuescentraltotheinclusionofHawaiiancultureinK–12education.Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 1,111–132.
Keauokalani,K.(1974).Kepelino’s traditions of Hawaiÿi.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
Kuykendall,R.S.(1968).The Hawaiian Kingdom: Part 1.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Leary,J.(2005)Post traumatic slave syndrome: America’s legacy of enduring injury and healing.Milwaukee,OR:UptonePress.
Malo,D.,withEmerson,N.(Trans.).(1971).Hawaiian antiquities(2nded.).Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.
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Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
NationalHeart,Lung,andBloodInstitute.(n.d.).The impact of heart disease on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.RetrievedApril9,2004,fromhttp://hp2010.nhlbihin.net/aapi_slds/download/aapislds.pdf
NativeHawaiianEducationCouncil.(2002).Nä Honua Mauli Ola: Hawaiÿi guidelines for culturally healthy and responsive learning environments.Hilo:UniversityofHawaiÿi–Hilo,KaHakaÿUlaOKeÿelikölani,CollegeofHawaiianLanguage.
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2002).2002Native Hawaiian data book.RetrievedMay26,2005,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook_6_02.pdf
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2006a).2006 Native Hawaiian data book: Demographics.RetrievedJuly21,2006,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook/2006/Databook2006Demographics.pdf
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2006b).2006 Native Hawaiian data book: Health.RetrievedJune28,2006,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook/2006/Databook2006Health.pdf
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2006c).2006 Native Hawaiian data book: Public safety.RetrievedJune29,2006,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook/2006/Databook2006PublicSafety.pdf
Pukui,M.K.,Haertig,E.W.,&Lee,A.(1972).Nänä i ke kumu: Look to the source(Vol.2).Honolulu:QueenLiliuÿokalaniTrust.
Shook,E.(1985).Hoÿoponopono.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Smith,L.T.(2002).Decolonizing methodologies, research and indigenous peoples.NewYork:ZedBooks.
Stannard,D.E.(1989).Before the horror: The population of Hawai‘i on the eve of Western contact.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Valeri,V.(1985).Kingship and sacrifice.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
Wood,H.(1999).Displacing natives: The rhetorical production of Hawai‘i.NewYork:Rowman&Littlefield.
About the Authors
Bud Pomaikaÿipuÿuwaihämama Cook, PhD, is the cofounder and director ofeducationforKaMaluhiaLearningCenterinHilo,Hawaiÿi.Trainedasaneducatorspecializinginissuesofcross-culturaleducation,forthelastsevenyearshehasbeenworkingwithfacultyoftheJohnA.BurnsSchoolofMedicineandmembersof theNativeHawaiianHealthNetwork tomore fully reveal the linksbetweencultureandhealth.HisHawaiiangenealogytracesitsoriginstoMauiandHawaiÿiIsland lineages,and thusheserves thecommunity throughNäPapaKänakaoPuÿukoholäHeiau.LuciaTarallo-JenseniscofounderofHaleNauäIII,SocietyofHawaiian Arts with her husband, the Kälai Kiÿi, Rocky KaÿiouliokahihikoloÿehuJensen.SheistheauthoroftwoimportantworksdiscussingthesocialandspiritualrolesofmenandwomeninprecontactHawaiÿi:Ka Poÿe Käne Kahiko: Men of Ancient
Hawaiÿi(1975)andNä Kaikamahine ÿo Haumea: Daughters of Haumea(2005).
Notes
1 ThedesignationKanaka MaoliisusedtoidentifymembersoftheindigenouspopulationinwhatisknowntodayasHawaiÿifromprecontactto1819whentheaboriginalreligionwasdismantled.ThedesignationNativeHawaiiandesignatesallpersonsdescendedfromthisgroupfrom1819tothepresent.
2 The designation Hawaiÿi Maoli refers to those modern persons seeking toinstilltheirpresentbehaviorswithprecontactMaolivaluesasopposedtoWesterncolonialvalues.
3 ThetermcolonialperiodwilldesignatetheperiodstartingwiththearrivaloftheEnglishexplorerCapt.JamesCookin1778tothepresent.
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Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
NationalHeart,Lung,andBloodInstitute.(n.d.).The impact of heart disease on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.RetrievedApril9,2004,fromhttp://hp2010.nhlbihin.net/aapi_slds/download/aapislds.pdf
NativeHawaiianEducationCouncil.(2002).Nä Honua Mauli Ola: Hawaiÿi guidelines for culturally healthy and responsive learning environments.Hilo:UniversityofHawaiÿi–Hilo,KaHakaÿUlaOKeÿelikölani,CollegeofHawaiianLanguage.
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2002).2002Native Hawaiian data book.RetrievedMay26,2005,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook_6_02.pdf
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2006a).2006 Native Hawaiian data book: Demographics.RetrievedJuly21,2006,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook/2006/Databook2006Demographics.pdf
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2006b).2006 Native Hawaiian data book: Health.RetrievedJune28,2006,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook/2006/Databook2006Health.pdf
OfficeofHawaiianAffairs.(2006c).2006 Native Hawaiian data book: Public safety.RetrievedJune29,2006,fromhttp://www.oha.org/pdf/databook/2006/Databook2006PublicSafety.pdf
Pukui,M.K.,Haertig,E.W.,&Lee,A.(1972).Nänä i ke kumu: Look to the source(Vol.2).Honolulu:QueenLiliuÿokalaniTrust.
Shook,E.(1985).Hoÿoponopono.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Smith,L.T.(2002).Decolonizing methodologies, research and indigenous peoples.NewYork:ZedBooks.
Stannard,D.E.(1989).Before the horror: The population of Hawai‘i on the eve of Western contact.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Valeri,V.(1985).Kingship and sacrifice.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
Wood,H.(1999).Displacing natives: The rhetorical production of Hawai‘i.NewYork:Rowman&Littlefield.
About the Authors
Bud Pomaikaÿipuÿuwaihämama Cook, PhD, is the cofounder and director ofeducationforKaMaluhiaLearningCenterinHilo,Hawaiÿi.Trainedasaneducatorspecializinginissuesofcross-culturaleducation,forthelastsevenyearshehasbeenworkingwithfacultyoftheJohnA.BurnsSchoolofMedicineandmembersof theNativeHawaiianHealthNetwork tomore fully reveal the linksbetweencultureandhealth.HisHawaiiangenealogytracesitsoriginstoMauiandHawaiÿiIsland lineages,and thusheserves thecommunity throughNäPapaKänakaoPuÿukoholäHeiau.LuciaTarallo-JenseniscofounderofHaleNauäIII,SocietyofHawaiian Arts with her husband, the Kälai Kiÿi, Rocky KaÿiouliokahihikoloÿehuJensen.SheistheauthoroftwoimportantworksdiscussingthesocialandspiritualrolesofmenandwomeninprecontactHawaiÿi:Ka Poÿe Käne Kahiko: Men of Ancient
Hawaiÿi(1975)andNä Kaikamahine ÿo Haumea: Daughters of Haumea(2005).
Notes
1 ThedesignationKanaka MaoliisusedtoidentifymembersoftheindigenouspopulationinwhatisknowntodayasHawaiÿifromprecontactto1819whentheaboriginalreligionwasdismantled.ThedesignationNativeHawaiiandesignatesallpersonsdescendedfromthisgroupfrom1819tothepresent.
2 The designation Hawaiÿi Maoli refers to those modern persons seeking toinstilltheirpresentbehaviorswithprecontactMaolivaluesasopposedtoWesterncolonialvalues.
3 ThetermcolonialperiodwilldesignatetheperiodstartingwiththearrivaloftheEnglishexplorerCapt.JamesCookin1778tothepresent.
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Appendix Adaptive Behaviors for Populations Living in Disenfranchisement
Offered below is a catalog of counterproductive, adaptive behaviors we observed in accounts of research reports, journal articles, and social assessments provided by public and private agen-cies and in direct experience of populations living with some level of disenfranchisement from their indigenous cultural worldview.
Individual Adaptations
Low self-esteem
Cannot maintain intimate, mutually constructive relationships
Cannot trust or be trusted
Cannot persevere when difficulties arise
Cannot function as a constructive parental role model
Cannot function as a constructive and productive spousal model
Cannot hold a steady job—nonassertive
Cannot leave behind harmful habits leading to, in essence, a condition of “suicide-by-lifestyle”
Cannot curb individual violent nature in part because of the presence of intergenerational patterns of violence
Lack of reverence for self
Family Adaptations
The family serves as a generator of dysfunction
Patterns of addiction and abuse are passed on as family norms
The family is no longer able to provide the foundation for healthy individual or community life patterns
The family perpetuates connections to traumas of previous generations—validation for generating feelings of revenge and vendetta are ingrained
Lack of reverence for family—past, present, or future
Community Adaptations
Rampant backbiting and internal strife
Internal separation of cultural identity—traditionals versus moderns; esoteric versus exoteric
A tendency to pull down the good work of anyone who rises to serve the community
Political corruption and abuse of leadership responsibilities
Lack of accountability and transparency in government
Chronic inability to unite and work together to solve shared, critical human problems
Widespread suspicion and mistrust between people and cultural subgroups
Competition and “turf wars” between programs
A general disengagement from community affairs by most people
A climate of fear and intimidation surrounding those who hold power—indigenous and nonindigenous
A general lack of progress and success in community initiatives
Lack of reverence for the past and emerging collective culture of the community
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Appendix Adaptive Behaviors for Populations Living in Disenfranchisement
Offered below is a catalog of counterproductive, adaptive behaviors we observed in accounts of research reports, journal articles, and social assessments provided by public and private agen-cies and in direct experience of populations living with some level of disenfranchisement from their indigenous cultural worldview.
Individual Adaptations
Low self-esteem
Cannot maintain intimate, mutually constructive relationships
Cannot trust or be trusted
Cannot persevere when difficulties arise
Cannot function as a constructive parental role model
Cannot function as a constructive and productive spousal model
Cannot hold a steady job—nonassertive
Cannot leave behind harmful habits leading to, in essence, a condition of “suicide-by-lifestyle”
Cannot curb individual violent nature in part because of the presence of intergenerational patterns of violence
Lack of reverence for self
Family Adaptations
The family serves as a generator of dysfunction
Patterns of addiction and abuse are passed on as family norms
The family is no longer able to provide the foundation for healthy individual or community life patterns
The family perpetuates connections to traumas of previous generations—validation for generating feelings of revenge and vendetta are ingrained
Lack of reverence for family—past, present, or future
Community Adaptations
Rampant backbiting and internal strife
Internal separation of cultural identity—traditionals versus moderns; esoteric versus exoteric
A tendency to pull down the good work of anyone who rises to serve the community
Political corruption and abuse of leadership responsibilities
Lack of accountability and transparency in government
Chronic inability to unite and work together to solve shared, critical human problems
Widespread suspicion and mistrust between people and cultural subgroups
Competition and “turf wars” between programs
A general disengagement from community affairs by most people
A climate of fear and intimidation surrounding those who hold power—indigenous and nonindigenous
A general lack of progress and success in community initiatives
Lack of reverence for the past and emerging collective culture of the community
263
Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
Part of Hülili’s intent is to promote current research to benefit the
Hawaiian community. “Hana Hou” is a new section that makes published
research more accessible to a larger readership. Articles selected for this
section add new knowledge and reflect a Hawaiian voice but are not
readily available to most of our Hawaiian community. Although Hülili
will continue to focus on original work, the editorial board welcomes
suggestions for previously published research that is relevant to current
issues facing Native Hawaiians. These articles go through the same review
process as original research published in Hülili.
The triangulation of meaning is a framework that describes the future
rigor of research and a way in which to confirm the nagging notion
that objectivity is bound to evolve. It is an idea that contextualizes
all others, a daringly simple matrix in which to see the whole in all
parts. The idea of viewing reality in an outside, inside, and transpatial
way is now part of a postquantum physics movement, and a segue
into the beauty and practicality of indigeneity. Seeing through
engagement with mind, body, and spirit has helped me develop a
different consciousness. Our world is asking us to view old problems
in new ways. It’s time. Here is one way to begin the seeing that is
meant to challenge current assumptions of research philosophies,
methods, and outcomes. It is meant to offer you ideas you recognize.
And through it all, a joy in remembering.
Changing the Culture of Research: An Introduction to the Triangulation of Meaning
Manulani Aluli-Meyer
correspondence may be sent to: Manulani Aluli-Meyer, Education department, University of Hawaiÿi–Hilo 200 West Käwili Street, Hilo, Hawaiÿi 96720 Email: [email protected]
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ALULi-MEyER | CHANGING THE CULTURE OF RESEARCH
Whetherornotyoucanobserveathingdependsonthetheoryyouuse.Itisthetheorythatdecideswhatcanbeobserved.
—AlbertEinstein
It’stime!Timefornewtheoriessowecanseeourworlddifferently.1Andinthatseeing,anewwayofdoing.Wearemovingfromepistemologytohermeneutics,
fromknowingtomeaning.Fromintelligencetointerpretation.Fromfragmenta-tiontowholeness.Fromstatus-quoobjectivitytoradical/conscioussubjectivity.Itwillmeanadifferentwaytoapproachliteracy,research,energy,ideas,datacollec-tion,sustainability,andallcollaborations.But,first,wemustknowhowweviewintelligence.2
EpistemologyforHawaiiansisadistinctidea.3(AllindigenouspeoplesIhavemetknowthisdiscussionisinevitable.)WeknowthatintelligenceisfarmorecomplexthanwhatapoorSATscoretellsus.We know this.Weknowthatfactsandtrutharenotoneandthesame.We know this.Weknowthatobjectivityfoundinmeasure-mentisonlypartofthepicturewearelookingat.We know this.Weknowthereisadifferencebetweenknowledgeandknowing.Wedoknowthis!Andbecausethesetimescallforcourageinourtruth-telling,wearenowabletoexpressourselvesthrough our intelligence into our interpretation. It was Hans-Georg Gadamerwhotaughtusthatunderstandingoccursininterpretation—the‘iÿini(animatingprinciple)ofaword,theea(lifeforce)ofideas.Ourowninterpretationwillchangeeverything.Understandingswill shift. It is indeeda timeof ÿike kai hohonu, ofsearchinganddeepknowing.Nowcomesthetelling.Andasweallknow:It is in
the telling.
Enter the triangulation of meaning, a simple framework in which to place ournagging sense that there is a “withinof things” (TeilharddeChardin,1955), away to engage in the world that matures objectivity, a space to contemplate, aprocesstohealfromtheblisteringpromiseobjectivityheldoutforus.HereisanauthenticleapintonewwaysofviewingrealitythatwillchallengecurrentresearchparadigmsbasedonNewtonianassumptionsofspace, time,andknowing.It issimple.Itisolderthantime.Itistheverycontextweexistinwithoutourknowing.Pleaseputonsometea.I’llgetthecandles.
The Triangulation of Meaning: Body, Mind, and Spirit
Triangulation,threeintimationsofoneidea,shouldbenotedasaguidetoedifyingcoherenceamongassociations.
—ZachShatz(1998)
Herewego!Hereisasetof ideasthatmaybringyoubacktoremembering.Itextendsindigenousepistemologyintoacontextofworldawakening.Itisdaringlyuncomplicated,butthenagain,wordsonlypointtothetruth.Genuine knowledge
must be experienced directly (Fremantle,2001).Thissectionismeanttohelpyouorganize your research mind and give you the courage to do so with the rigorfound in facts, logic, and metaphor. It is offered now because it organized myownthoughtsandoiledthetoolsneededtodismantlethemaster’shousefoundin perfect order in my own mind.4 We as researchers can now become archi-tectsofmeaning,shapingspacesasyetunseen.Hereisthechallenge.Hereisafloorplan.
Let’s begin with the idea of triangulation. Wilderness education teaches that ifyou wish to find your place on a topographical map, you need only locate twogeographicaldistinctionsonlandand,withtheuseofacompassandpencil,thethirdandfinalspot—yourlocation—canthenbefound.Theuseofthreepointstodiscoverone’slocationinbothtwoandthreedimensionsistheartandscienceof triangulation,andIhavealways thrilled to itsuseandimplication.Thusthemetaphorof triangulating our way to meaningwith theuseof threepoints.Thethreepoints?Body,mind,andspirit.
Using body, mind, and spirit as a template in which to organize meaningfulresearchasksustoextendthroughourobjective/empiricalknowing(body)intowider spaces of reflection offered through conscious subjectivity (mind) and,finally,throughrecognitionandengagementwithdeeperrealities(spirit).Finally,wearedefiningplacessciencecanfollowintobutnot leadorilluminate.Otherwaysofknowingsomethingmustbeintroducedifwearetoevolveintoamoreenlightenedsociety.Itwillnotoccurwithscientificorobjectiveknowledgeonly.
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ALULi-MEyER | CHANGING THE CULTURE OF RESEARCH
Whetherornotyoucanobserveathingdependsonthetheoryyouuse.Itisthetheorythatdecideswhatcanbeobserved.
—AlbertEinstein
It’stime!Timefornewtheoriessowecanseeourworlddifferently.1Andinthatseeing,anewwayofdoing.Wearemovingfromepistemologytohermeneutics,
fromknowingtomeaning.Fromintelligencetointerpretation.Fromfragmenta-tiontowholeness.Fromstatus-quoobjectivitytoradical/conscioussubjectivity.Itwillmeanadifferentwaytoapproachliteracy,research,energy,ideas,datacollec-tion,sustainability,andallcollaborations.But,first,wemustknowhowweviewintelligence.2
EpistemologyforHawaiiansisadistinctidea.3(AllindigenouspeoplesIhavemetknowthisdiscussionisinevitable.)WeknowthatintelligenceisfarmorecomplexthanwhatapoorSATscoretellsus.We know this.Weknowthatfactsandtrutharenotoneandthesame.We know this.Weknowthatobjectivityfoundinmeasure-mentisonlypartofthepicturewearelookingat.We know this.Weknowthereisadifferencebetweenknowledgeandknowing.Wedoknowthis!Andbecausethesetimescallforcourageinourtruth-telling,wearenowabletoexpressourselvesthrough our intelligence into our interpretation. It was Hans-Georg Gadamerwhotaughtusthatunderstandingoccursininterpretation—the‘iÿini(animatingprinciple)ofaword,theea(lifeforce)ofideas.Ourowninterpretationwillchangeeverything.Understandingswill shift. It is indeeda timeof ÿike kai hohonu, ofsearchinganddeepknowing.Nowcomesthetelling.Andasweallknow:It is in
the telling.
Enter the triangulation of meaning, a simple framework in which to place ournagging sense that there is a “withinof things” (TeilharddeChardin,1955), away to engage in the world that matures objectivity, a space to contemplate, aprocesstohealfromtheblisteringpromiseobjectivityheldoutforus.HereisanauthenticleapintonewwaysofviewingrealitythatwillchallengecurrentresearchparadigmsbasedonNewtonianassumptionsofspace, time,andknowing.It issimple.Itisolderthantime.Itistheverycontextweexistinwithoutourknowing.Pleaseputonsometea.I’llgetthecandles.
The Triangulation of Meaning: Body, Mind, and Spirit
Triangulation,threeintimationsofoneidea,shouldbenotedasaguidetoedifyingcoherenceamongassociations.
—ZachShatz(1998)
Herewego!Hereisasetof ideasthatmaybringyoubacktoremembering.Itextendsindigenousepistemologyintoacontextofworldawakening.Itisdaringlyuncomplicated,butthenagain,wordsonlypointtothetruth.Genuine knowledge
must be experienced directly (Fremantle,2001).Thissectionismeanttohelpyouorganize your research mind and give you the courage to do so with the rigorfound in facts, logic, and metaphor. It is offered now because it organized myownthoughtsandoiledthetoolsneededtodismantlethemaster’shousefoundin perfect order in my own mind.4 We as researchers can now become archi-tectsofmeaning,shapingspacesasyetunseen.Hereisthechallenge.Hereisafloorplan.
Let’s begin with the idea of triangulation. Wilderness education teaches that ifyou wish to find your place on a topographical map, you need only locate twogeographicaldistinctionsonlandand,withtheuseofacompassandpencil,thethirdandfinalspot—yourlocation—canthenbefound.Theuseofthreepointstodiscoverone’slocationinbothtwoandthreedimensionsistheartandscienceof triangulation,andIhavealways thrilled to itsuseandimplication.Thusthemetaphorof triangulating our way to meaningwith theuseof threepoints.Thethreepoints?Body,mind,andspirit.
Using body, mind, and spirit as a template in which to organize meaningfulresearchasksustoextendthroughourobjective/empiricalknowing(body)intowider spaces of reflection offered through conscious subjectivity (mind) and,finally,throughrecognitionandengagementwithdeeperrealities(spirit).Finally,wearedefiningplacessciencecanfollowintobutnot leadorilluminate.Otherwaysofknowingsomethingmustbeintroducedifwearetoevolveintoamoreenlightenedsociety.Itwillnotoccurwithscientificorobjectiveknowledgeonly.
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ALULi-MEyER | CHANGING THE CULTURE OF RESEARCH
Nobel Laureate Werner Heisenberg put it more succinctly: “Physics can makestatementsaboutstrictlylimitedrelationsthatareonlyvalidwithintheframeworkofthoselimitations”(Heisenberg,citedinWilber,2001,pp.33–74).
So,beforewebeginthisdiscussion,pleaseunderstandthatyourschooledmindhasbeenshapedbymostlyonepointinthetriangulation:body.Bodyisasynonymfor external, objective, literal, sensual, empirical. Change agents, indigenousresearchers, cultural leaders, and transformational scholars are now workingtogethertohelpthisideagrowup.So,takeabreath.Keepyourmindopen.
Tobegin,mahalo(thanks)toKenWilberforhiscapacitytoseepatternsinphilos-ophyandresearchthatbroughtthisideatotheworld.5Ihavesimplyextendedhispreliminarylistintotrilogiesthatmakesensetomeandtheneedsofourfocus.Itwasmywildernesseducationexperiencesthatbroughtforththeideaoftriangula-tionasIhaveexperiencedthebeautyofitspracticeandutility.Wearepoisedtousethreepointsinourexperiencingoflifeandresearchtofindourwayhome.Nottwo.Notone.Three.
The Number Three
TheTaogivesbirthtoOne.OnegivesbirthtoTwo.TwogivesbirthtoThree.Threegivesbirthtoallthings.
—Tao Te Ching(chap.42)
It is more like Bucky Fuller’s tetrahedron.6 It is about the structural integrityformedwhenthreepointsmeetindimensionedspace.Thetetrahedronisalsothesacredgeometryofinfinity,energy,andtheperfectbalanceofequilibriumfoundin postquantum physics. It is the doorway into wholeness. We at first thoughtit was about opposites, about duality, about bridging polarity and painting ourtheoriesofgender,science,andlifeunderthislight.Black-and-whitecomparisons
keptusbusyforhundredsofyears.Ithasshapedthepolemicuniversewenowtakeforgranted.Trueorfalse.Bodyormind.Oppressororoppressed.Cognitionorfeeling.Realorimagined.
Theworldisindeedperceivedinbinarysystems.Ithascauseduntoldhorrorandhelped to create a rigid epistemology we now assume cannot evolve. We haveoptions,however.Whynotexperiencedualityliketheyinandyang,theKüandHinaofourancientselves?7Lifeisfoundindualforms,butaswegatherevidencefromallsectorsofworldscholars,mystics,andpractitioners,wearediscoveringthatlifemoveswithinacontext of dynamic consciousnessthatsynergizeswithAristotle’shighestintellectualvirtuehereferredtoasphronesis.Thisisnotsimplyadiscus-sionofmoralrelativityorthethirdpointinduality;itisapiercingintodifferentplanesof reality todiscusswhat inevitably shifts intonondualitybecauseof itsinherentwholeness.Ithashelpedmestepfromentrenchedpatternsofthinkingtoincludeolderwaysandmoreexperiencedexpressionsofwhatintelligencereallyisandhowitcanbeexpressed.It’sabouttime,don’tyouthink?
Reaching for Wholeness
Relativeandabsolute,thesetwotruthsaredeclaredtobe.Theabsoluteisnotwithinthereachoftheintellect,forintellectisgroundedintherelative.
—Shantidevi
The world is more than dual. It is whole. We have looked at parts so long weperhapsbelievethegestaltofourknowingisnotpossible.Withregardtoresearch,westillbelievestatisticsissynonymouswithtruth.Itisadangerousroadtotravelwhenwepackonlyempiricalwaysofbeingintoourresearchbackpack.Hereisthepointofdoingresearchatthisjunctureofhistory:Empiricismisjustonepointinourtriangulationofmeaning,andalthoughitmaybegintheprocessofresearch,it by no means is the final way in which to engage, experience, or summarize
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Nobel Laureate Werner Heisenberg put it more succinctly: “Physics can makestatementsaboutstrictlylimitedrelationsthatareonlyvalidwithintheframeworkofthoselimitations”(Heisenberg,citedinWilber,2001,pp.33–74).
So,beforewebeginthisdiscussion,pleaseunderstandthatyourschooledmindhasbeenshapedbymostlyonepointinthetriangulation:body.Bodyisasynonymfor external, objective, literal, sensual, empirical. Change agents, indigenousresearchers, cultural leaders, and transformational scholars are now workingtogethertohelpthisideagrowup.So,takeabreath.Keepyourmindopen.
Tobegin,mahalo(thanks)toKenWilberforhiscapacitytoseepatternsinphilos-ophyandresearchthatbroughtthisideatotheworld.5Ihavesimplyextendedhispreliminarylistintotrilogiesthatmakesensetomeandtheneedsofourfocus.Itwasmywildernesseducationexperiencesthatbroughtforththeideaoftriangula-tionasIhaveexperiencedthebeautyofitspracticeandutility.Wearepoisedtousethreepointsinourexperiencingoflifeandresearchtofindourwayhome.Nottwo.Notone.Three.
The Number Three
TheTaogivesbirthtoOne.OnegivesbirthtoTwo.TwogivesbirthtoThree.Threegivesbirthtoallthings.
—Tao Te Ching(chap.42)
It is more like Bucky Fuller’s tetrahedron.6 It is about the structural integrityformedwhenthreepointsmeetindimensionedspace.Thetetrahedronisalsothesacredgeometryofinfinity,energy,andtheperfectbalanceofequilibriumfoundin postquantum physics. It is the doorway into wholeness. We at first thoughtit was about opposites, about duality, about bridging polarity and painting ourtheoriesofgender,science,andlifeunderthislight.Black-and-whitecomparisons
keptusbusyforhundredsofyears.Ithasshapedthepolemicuniversewenowtakeforgranted.Trueorfalse.Bodyormind.Oppressororoppressed.Cognitionorfeeling.Realorimagined.
Theworldisindeedperceivedinbinarysystems.Ithascauseduntoldhorrorandhelped to create a rigid epistemology we now assume cannot evolve. We haveoptions,however.Whynotexperiencedualityliketheyinandyang,theKüandHinaofourancientselves?7Lifeisfoundindualforms,butaswegatherevidencefromallsectorsofworldscholars,mystics,andpractitioners,wearediscoveringthatlifemoveswithinacontext of dynamic consciousnessthatsynergizeswithAristotle’shighestintellectualvirtuehereferredtoasphronesis.Thisisnotsimplyadiscus-sionofmoralrelativityorthethirdpointinduality;itisapiercingintodifferentplanesof reality todiscusswhat inevitably shifts intonondualitybecauseof itsinherentwholeness.Ithashelpedmestepfromentrenchedpatternsofthinkingtoincludeolderwaysandmoreexperiencedexpressionsofwhatintelligencereallyisandhowitcanbeexpressed.It’sabouttime,don’tyouthink?
Reaching for Wholeness
Relativeandabsolute,thesetwotruthsaredeclaredtobe.Theabsoluteisnotwithinthereachoftheintellect,forintellectisgroundedintherelative.
—Shantidevi
The world is more than dual. It is whole. We have looked at parts so long weperhapsbelievethegestaltofourknowingisnotpossible.Withregardtoresearch,westillbelievestatisticsissynonymouswithtruth.Itisadangerousroadtotravelwhenwepackonlyempiricalwaysofbeingintoourresearchbackpack.Hereisthepointofdoingresearchatthisjunctureofhistory:Empiricismisjustonepointinourtriangulationofmeaning,andalthoughitmaybegintheprocessofresearch,it by no means is the final way in which to engage, experience, or summarize
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it.8Researchandlifearemoreinlinewithbody,mind,andspirit—threesimplecategoriesthathavebeenlostintheoryandrhetoric.Thusbeginsthediscussionofatriangulationofmeaning.Hoÿomäkaukau?(Ready?)Letusbegin.
Body: The Gross and Physical Knowing of Life
First Point in the Triangulation of Meaning
Ibelievewecarryourvaluesinourbodies.Wecarryourcultureinourbodies.
—PeeseePitsiulak,Inuuit
We’re not talking gross as in yucky. Gross starts the triangulation of meaningbecauseitdescribeswhatisoutside,whatisexternal,whatisseen,whatisempirical.Itistheformthatconsciousnesshasshaped.Itisonewaytobeginthisdiscussionofresearchformeaningbecauseitiswhatwearefamiliarwith.Itisscienceinall its splendor. It is the part of your research that may be counted, sorted, oremphasizedbecauseofstatisticalanalysis.Itiswhatyousee,notthewayinwhichyouinterpretwhatyouseeorhear.ItistheA-B-Cofexperienceyoumayjotdowninmemoformsoyoudon’tforgetspecifics.Thisisthedescriptionofwhatwasintheroom,thesocioeconomicstatusgraphs,whatwassaid,orthewrittenideasonbutcherpapersharedbyinformants.Itistheinformationphaseofgatheringideas.Itisvital.Itistheobjectivepathwaywemistookfordestination.
Thebodyideainthetriangulationofmeaningiswhatsciencehascornered.Itisexpressed through sensation via objective measurement and evaluation. It is avaluableandrigorouspartinthetriangulationofmeaningandthecenterofmostresearchprocesses.Thegross/externalpartofthetriangulationisthenitty-grittyof experience, the atomic process of physical movement, the force that moves
objects.Itisvitaltonotunderestimatethebeautyofresearchfoundatthislevel.Theproblemwasthatweassumedalltheworldcouldbedescribedthisway.Inonesensealltheworldcanbedescribedinthisway.Wearesimplyacknowledgingtheworldtobefuller,richer,andliveddeeplyalsointheinternalprocessesthatempiricismonlypointsto.Thustheworldcanbedescribedviaobjectivityalone.Itjustwouldnotbeenough.Isnotenough.
Table1drawsoutwhydetailingthisportionofthetriangulationisvitalandyetonlyonethirdofthewhole.ItwillgiveyouaclearerpictureofwhatIamtalkingabout.Table1givesusaglanceatthefutureofrigor.Gross/external/bodyknowingbecomes part of a wholeness forming when combined with mind and spirit.Matureself-reflectionfindsobjectivitymovinginspace/timetowardasubjectiverealitythatfinallyrealizesthestrengthandbeautyofitslimitationandpotential.
StudyTable1.Doyousensethesimplicityhere?Thelistisdetailednowsowecanbeonthesamepagewhenwediscusstheothertwopartsofthetriangulation.Thisbody-centeredaspectinthetriangulationisabsolutelyvitalifwearetoevolve.Itisnotthe“badguy”ofresearchbutacriticallinktohelpusexpandwhatitisweareengagedin.Valuinganempiricalrelationshipwiththeworldbeginsthediscussionwemayhavewithaspectsofanidea,event,orissue.Itissimplynottheend.
Thebody/externalknowingofthetriangulationiswhatweallcanrelatetobecauseitisthetemplateinwhichsocietyandourinstitutionsofhigherlearningoperate.Ithasbeenthebreadandbutterofresearchandscienceandthemainassumptionfoundinthenotionofrigor.Itisobjective,tangible,andmeasurable.Now,don’tyouthinkit’stimetoevolve?Afterall,onedoesnotliveonbreadalone.
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it.8Researchandlifearemoreinlinewithbody,mind,andspirit—threesimplecategoriesthathavebeenlostintheoryandrhetoric.Thusbeginsthediscussionofatriangulationofmeaning.Hoÿomäkaukau?(Ready?)Letusbegin.
Body: The Gross and Physical Knowing of Life
First Point in the Triangulation of Meaning
Ibelievewecarryourvaluesinourbodies.Wecarryourcultureinourbodies.
—PeeseePitsiulak,Inuuit
We’re not talking gross as in yucky. Gross starts the triangulation of meaningbecauseitdescribeswhatisoutside,whatisexternal,whatisseen,whatisempirical.Itistheformthatconsciousnesshasshaped.Itisonewaytobeginthisdiscussionofresearchformeaningbecauseitiswhatwearefamiliarwith.Itisscienceinall its splendor. It is the part of your research that may be counted, sorted, oremphasizedbecauseofstatisticalanalysis.Itiswhatyousee,notthewayinwhichyouinterpretwhatyouseeorhear.ItistheA-B-Cofexperienceyoumayjotdowninmemoformsoyoudon’tforgetspecifics.Thisisthedescriptionofwhatwasintheroom,thesocioeconomicstatusgraphs,whatwassaid,orthewrittenideasonbutcherpapersharedbyinformants.Itistheinformationphaseofgatheringideas.Itisvital.Itistheobjectivepathwaywemistookfordestination.
Thebodyideainthetriangulationofmeaningiswhatsciencehascornered.Itisexpressed through sensation via objective measurement and evaluation. It is avaluableandrigorouspartinthetriangulationofmeaningandthecenterofmostresearchprocesses.Thegross/externalpartofthetriangulationisthenitty-grittyof experience, the atomic process of physical movement, the force that moves
objects.Itisvitaltonotunderestimatethebeautyofresearchfoundatthislevel.Theproblemwasthatweassumedalltheworldcouldbedescribedthisway.Inonesensealltheworldcanbedescribedinthisway.Wearesimplyacknowledgingtheworldtobefuller,richer,andliveddeeplyalsointheinternalprocessesthatempiricismonlypointsto.Thustheworldcanbedescribedviaobjectivityalone.Itjustwouldnotbeenough.Isnotenough.
Table1drawsoutwhydetailingthisportionofthetriangulationisvitalandyetonlyonethirdofthewhole.ItwillgiveyouaclearerpictureofwhatIamtalkingabout.Table1givesusaglanceatthefutureofrigor.Gross/external/bodyknowingbecomes part of a wholeness forming when combined with mind and spirit.Matureself-reflectionfindsobjectivitymovinginspace/timetowardasubjectiverealitythatfinallyrealizesthestrengthandbeautyofitslimitationandpotential.
StudyTable1.Doyousensethesimplicityhere?Thelistisdetailednowsowecanbeonthesamepagewhenwediscusstheothertwopartsofthetriangulation.Thisbody-centeredaspectinthetriangulationisabsolutelyvitalifwearetoevolve.Itisnotthe“badguy”ofresearchbutacriticallinktohelpusexpandwhatitisweareengagedin.Valuinganempiricalrelationshipwiththeworldbeginsthediscussionwemayhavewithaspectsofanidea,event,orissue.Itissimplynottheend.
Thebody/externalknowingofthetriangulationiswhatweallcanrelatetobecauseitisthetemplateinwhichsocietyandourinstitutionsofhigherlearningoperate.Ithasbeenthebreadandbutterofresearchandscienceandthemainassumptionfoundinthenotionofrigor.Itisobjective,tangible,andmeasurable.Now,don’tyouthinkit’stimetoevolve?Afterall,onedoesnotliveonbreadalone.
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TAblE 1 The triangulation of meaning in its many forms
Body Mind Spirit Source
ÿIke (to see) ÿIke (to know) ÿIke (revelations) Hawaiian
Objective Subjective Cultural Karl Popper
Facts Logic Metaphor Mike McCloskey
Perception Conceptualization Remembering Yoga sutra
Empiricism Rationalism Mysticism Ken Wilber
Information Knowledge Understanding Manu Aluli-Meyer
Sensation Reason Contemplation Ken Wilber
Instinct Intelligence Intuition Halemakua
Emotion Feeling Awareness Spinoza
Force Power Liberation David Hawkins
Its I We Buddhist inspired
Life Mind Joy Upanishads
External Internal Transpatial Ken Wilber
Knowledge Knowing Enlightenment Mäori inspired
True Good Beautiful Plato
Gross Subtle Causal Ken Wilber
Tinana Hinengaro Wairua Mäori
Hearing Thought Meditation Buddhist
Duality Nonduality Wholeness Ken Wilber
Biology Psychology Spirituality Manu Aluli-Meyer
Seeing Thinking Being Ken Wilber
Word Meaning Perception Patanjali
Monologue Dialogue Presence Ken Wilber
Empiricism Epistemology Hermeneutics Manu Aluli-Meyer
Dot Circle Sphere Mel Cheung
Eye of the flesh Eye of the mind Eye of contemplation Ken Wilber
Ways of knowing Ways of being Ways of doing Aboriginal
Decolonization Transformation Mobilization Poka Laenui
Note: Unless noted specifically in the References and Additional Readings of this article, all descriptors in this list have been collected during a lifetime of experiences and kept as journal entries without citation. Students have also given me their renditions, and I have begun that list.
Mind: The Subtle and Subjective Knowing of Life
Second Point in the Triangulation of Meaning
Thegreatconsciousnessexistsinmymind.
—OscarKawagley,Yupiaq
Finally!Truththatobjectivityisasubjectiveideathatcannotpossiblydescribeallofourexperience.Tobelievethatscienceorobjectiveandempirical-basedresearchcoulddescribealloflifereducesittoitssmallestpart.KenWilber(2001,p.26)stateditclearly:“Physicsissimplythestudyoftherealmofleast-Being.”Claimingthatallthingsaremadeofsubatomicparticlesisthemostreductionisticstanceimaginable!Scienceandthebeliefinobjectivityasthehighestexpressionofourintellect,itturnsoutfromthosemostexperienced,worksonlyin“restrictedfieldsof experience” and is effective only within those fields (Heisenberg, in Wilber,2001).Whatarevelation!Letmerepeat:Objectivity is its own limitation.
Entermind,subjectivity,thought.Courageisneededtoarticulatetheseideaswitharobustnessthatwillsignalaleapinconsciousnesswithinoursociety.Eventhoughinsultswillbehurledbymobswhohaveaninvestmentinstatus-quothinking,bepreparedwithideasthatscaffoldwhathasbecomeobvious:Ourrationalminds,ourinsidethoughts,oursubjectiveknowingarevitaltohowweexperienceandunderstandourworld.Thequestion remains:Howwill the internalprocessofthought-made-consciousaffecttheprocessandproductofyourwork?
ReturntoTable1andlookagainatsynonymsfoundinthemindcategoryofthetriangulationofmeaning.TheyarenottheEKGlinesfoundongraphpaper,theyarethethoughtsthoselinesrepresent.Thoughtisaninsideandsubtleexperienceinspiredbyarichnessorpovertyonlyyoucanimagine.Becausethoughtshapesform,doyouseehowvitalitistodevelopourmindsconsciouslyandnotgetstuckonform?Thisiswhereweareheadingasaplanet—tobecomemoremindfulofwhatitiswemustdo,howwemustheal,wherewemustgotoinvigorateourownprocessnotfullyencouragedwithinourinstitutionsoflearning.
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TAblE 1 The triangulation of meaning in its many forms
Body Mind Spirit Source
ÿIke (to see) ÿIke (to know) ÿIke (revelations) Hawaiian
Objective Subjective Cultural Karl Popper
Facts Logic Metaphor Mike McCloskey
Perception Conceptualization Remembering Yoga sutra
Empiricism Rationalism Mysticism Ken Wilber
Information Knowledge Understanding Manu Aluli-Meyer
Sensation Reason Contemplation Ken Wilber
Instinct Intelligence Intuition Halemakua
Emotion Feeling Awareness Spinoza
Force Power Liberation David Hawkins
Its I We Buddhist inspired
Life Mind Joy Upanishads
External Internal Transpatial Ken Wilber
Knowledge Knowing Enlightenment Mäori inspired
True Good Beautiful Plato
Gross Subtle Causal Ken Wilber
Tinana Hinengaro Wairua Mäori
Hearing Thought Meditation Buddhist
Duality Nonduality Wholeness Ken Wilber
Biology Psychology Spirituality Manu Aluli-Meyer
Seeing Thinking Being Ken Wilber
Word Meaning Perception Patanjali
Monologue Dialogue Presence Ken Wilber
Empiricism Epistemology Hermeneutics Manu Aluli-Meyer
Dot Circle Sphere Mel Cheung
Eye of the flesh Eye of the mind Eye of contemplation Ken Wilber
Ways of knowing Ways of being Ways of doing Aboriginal
Decolonization Transformation Mobilization Poka Laenui
Note: Unless noted specifically in the References and Additional Readings of this article, all descriptors in this list have been collected during a lifetime of experiences and kept as journal entries without citation. Students have also given me their renditions, and I have begun that list.
Mind: The Subtle and Subjective Knowing of Life
Second Point in the Triangulation of Meaning
Thegreatconsciousnessexistsinmymind.
—OscarKawagley,Yupiaq
Finally!Truththatobjectivityisasubjectiveideathatcannotpossiblydescribeallofourexperience.Tobelievethatscienceorobjectiveandempirical-basedresearchcoulddescribealloflifereducesittoitssmallestpart.KenWilber(2001,p.26)stateditclearly:“Physicsissimplythestudyoftherealmofleast-Being.”Claimingthatallthingsaremadeofsubatomicparticlesisthemostreductionisticstanceimaginable!Scienceandthebeliefinobjectivityasthehighestexpressionofourintellect,itturnsoutfromthosemostexperienced,worksonlyin“restrictedfieldsof experience” and is effective only within those fields (Heisenberg, in Wilber,2001).Whatarevelation!Letmerepeat:Objectivity is its own limitation.
Entermind,subjectivity,thought.Courageisneededtoarticulatetheseideaswitharobustnessthatwillsignalaleapinconsciousnesswithinoursociety.Eventhoughinsultswillbehurledbymobswhohaveaninvestmentinstatus-quothinking,bepreparedwithideasthatscaffoldwhathasbecomeobvious:Ourrationalminds,ourinsidethoughts,oursubjectiveknowingarevitaltohowweexperienceandunderstandourworld.Thequestion remains:Howwill the internalprocessofthought-made-consciousaffecttheprocessandproductofyourwork?
ReturntoTable1andlookagainatsynonymsfoundinthemindcategoryofthetriangulationofmeaning.TheyarenottheEKGlinesfoundongraphpaper,theyarethethoughtsthoselinesrepresent.Thoughtisaninsideandsubtleexperienceinspiredbyarichnessorpovertyonlyyoucanimagine.Becausethoughtshapesform,doyouseehowvitalitistodevelopourmindsconsciouslyandnotgetstuckonform?Thisiswhereweareheadingasaplanet—tobecomemoremindfulofwhatitiswemustdo,howwemustheal,wherewemustgotoinvigorateourownprocessnotfullyencouragedwithinourinstitutionsoflearning.
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The following four quotations are from my heroes. They are given here as anextensionofwhatmyownpeoplehaveportrayed in theirown readingof theirworld.Aswebegintoformulateauthenticideaswithinancientstreamsofknowing,let thedialogueexpandourconnectiontoworld-doerswhohavearticulated thebeautyfoundintheirownknowing:
MAORI MARSDEN(Mäori).Abstractrationalthoughtandempiricalmethodscannotgraspwhatistheconcreteactofexistingwhichisfragmentary,paradoxical,andincomplete.Theonlywayliesthroughapassionate,inward,subjectiveapproach.
DAVID HAwkINS (Psychiatrist).Tomerelystate thatobjectivityexists isalreadyasubjectivestatement.Allinformation,knowledge,andthetotalityofallexperienceis theproductofsubjectivity,which isanabsoluterequirement intrinsic to life,awareness,existence,andthought.
lEROy lITTlE bEAR(Blackfoot).Subjectivityisyourstartingpointtoreality.
GREG CAJETE(Tewa).Nativesciencereflectstheunderstandingthatobjectivityisfoundedonsubjectivity.
Subjectivity,thought,logic,rationality,intelligence,conceptualization—thesearesomeoftheinsideprocessesmindbringsforward.Theyarethesnapshotsfromourtriptomeaning,heightenedpurpose,andusefulinquirythatwillaidinhealingourselvesandourworld.Themindpartof this triangulationharnesseswhat isseen,counted,andexpressedintoametaconsciousnessthatexplains,contextual-izes,orchallenges. Itgivesus thegreen light toengage increativeexplorationneededtounburdenourselvesfromtheshriveledpromiseobjectivityhasofferedtheworld.Wearebeingaskedtothinknow,todeveloptruthinourbias,tospeakourcommonsense,todeepenwhatintelligencereallymeans.
Thiswillchangeyourresearchprocessandstructure.Knowingoftherelevanceandmaturationofconscioussubjectivitywillsharpenyourrationality,helpyouspeakthroughyourgendersothatyoumaylendwhatisbeautifulaboutbeingalive,unique,andone-of-a-kind.Nokidding!Knowingmind—yourmind—andhowithashelpedshapeyourthoughtswillmakeyouhonestandhelpyouwritetruth-fully,asanincestsurvivor,orasaPacificIslandscholarfacinguntoldobstacles,or as a recovering addict working in prisons. Whatever it is. Whoever you are.
It is all distinct, all shaped inmindpatterns that if recognizedwill bring forthgreater intelligence,not less.Self-reflectionofone’sthoughtsandactionshelpsyoutounderstandthatwhoyouare,howyouwereraised,andwhatyoueatallactasagentsforyourmindfulnessormindlessness.Andallaffecthowyouseeandexperiencetheworld.
Mindasthesecondpointinourtriangulationofmeaninghelpsusrecoverfromthebullyinganduniformityof“power-over”epistemology.Itgivesusbreathingspace to self-reflect in meaningful ways and engage with a rigor perhaps notcaptured in academic citations. Remember this! You will have to expand yourrepertoireofwritersand thinkers ifyouwish toexplorebeyond the limitationsofpredictableresearchmethodologies.Itwillbeyourmindthatrecognizesanddescribesnewpatternsneededforrationality, logic,andthetruerigorfoundinknowingsomethingindepth.Followmindfulnesstoitsownintelligenceandseekinevitablywhatmostscholarsrefusetoadmitexists:spirit.Yes,letusenterthisgrovewithcareandquietude.
Spirit: The Causative and Mystical Knowing of Life
Third Point in the Triangulation of Meaning
Atthispoint,therational,conceptualaspectofthemindmustletgo,allowingabreakthroughintodirect,intuitiveexperience.
—FrancescaFremantle(2001)
Hereitis,thethirdpointinaspiral.Itiswhatpeoplemisconstrueforreligionanddogma.It is not that.Thespiritcategoryinourtriangulationofmeaningisnolessvaluable,nomorevaluable.Itispartofthewhole,period.Itisdatamovingtowardusefulnessmoving towardmeaningandbeauty. It is thecontemplationpartofyourworkthatbringsyoutoinsight,steadiness,andinterconnection.Itisthejoyandtruthfulinsightsofyourlessonsandtherigorfoundinyourdisciplineandfocusthatisnotsomuchwrittenaboutbutexpressednonetheless.
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The following four quotations are from my heroes. They are given here as anextensionofwhatmyownpeoplehaveportrayed in theirown readingof theirworld.Aswebegintoformulateauthenticideaswithinancientstreamsofknowing,let thedialogueexpandourconnectiontoworld-doerswhohavearticulated thebeautyfoundintheirownknowing:
MAORI MARSDEN(Mäori).Abstractrationalthoughtandempiricalmethodscannotgraspwhatistheconcreteactofexistingwhichisfragmentary,paradoxical,andincomplete.Theonlywayliesthroughapassionate,inward,subjectiveapproach.
DAVID HAwkINS (Psychiatrist).Tomerelystate thatobjectivityexists isalreadyasubjectivestatement.Allinformation,knowledge,andthetotalityofallexperienceis theproductofsubjectivity,which isanabsoluterequirement intrinsic to life,awareness,existence,andthought.
lEROy lITTlE bEAR(Blackfoot).Subjectivityisyourstartingpointtoreality.
GREG CAJETE(Tewa).Nativesciencereflectstheunderstandingthatobjectivityisfoundedonsubjectivity.
Subjectivity,thought,logic,rationality,intelligence,conceptualization—thesearesomeoftheinsideprocessesmindbringsforward.Theyarethesnapshotsfromourtriptomeaning,heightenedpurpose,andusefulinquirythatwillaidinhealingourselvesandourworld.Themindpartof this triangulationharnesseswhat isseen,counted,andexpressedintoametaconsciousnessthatexplains,contextual-izes,orchallenges. Itgivesus thegreen light toengage increativeexplorationneededtounburdenourselvesfromtheshriveledpromiseobjectivityhasofferedtheworld.Wearebeingaskedtothinknow,todeveloptruthinourbias,tospeakourcommonsense,todeepenwhatintelligencereallymeans.
Thiswillchangeyourresearchprocessandstructure.Knowingoftherelevanceandmaturationofconscioussubjectivitywillsharpenyourrationality,helpyouspeakthroughyourgendersothatyoumaylendwhatisbeautifulaboutbeingalive,unique,andone-of-a-kind.Nokidding!Knowingmind—yourmind—andhowithashelpedshapeyourthoughtswillmakeyouhonestandhelpyouwritetruth-fully,asanincestsurvivor,orasaPacificIslandscholarfacinguntoldobstacles,or as a recovering addict working in prisons. Whatever it is. Whoever you are.
It is all distinct, all shaped inmindpatterns that if recognizedwill bring forthgreater intelligence,not less.Self-reflectionofone’sthoughtsandactionshelpsyoutounderstandthatwhoyouare,howyouwereraised,andwhatyoueatallactasagentsforyourmindfulnessormindlessness.Andallaffecthowyouseeandexperiencetheworld.
Mindasthesecondpointinourtriangulationofmeaninghelpsusrecoverfromthebullyinganduniformityof“power-over”epistemology.Itgivesusbreathingspace to self-reflect in meaningful ways and engage with a rigor perhaps notcaptured in academic citations. Remember this! You will have to expand yourrepertoireofwritersand thinkers ifyouwish toexplorebeyond the limitationsofpredictableresearchmethodologies.Itwillbeyourmindthatrecognizesanddescribesnewpatternsneededforrationality, logic,andthetruerigorfoundinknowingsomethingindepth.Followmindfulnesstoitsownintelligenceandseekinevitablywhatmostscholarsrefusetoadmitexists:spirit.Yes,letusenterthisgrovewithcareandquietude.
Spirit: The Causative and Mystical Knowing of Life
Third Point in the Triangulation of Meaning
Atthispoint,therational,conceptualaspectofthemindmustletgo,allowingabreakthroughintodirect,intuitiveexperience.
—FrancescaFremantle(2001)
Hereitis,thethirdpointinaspiral.Itiswhatpeoplemisconstrueforreligionanddogma.It is not that.Thespiritcategoryinourtriangulationofmeaningisnolessvaluable,nomorevaluable.Itispartofthewhole,period.Itisdatamovingtowardusefulnessmoving towardmeaningandbeauty. It is thecontemplationpartofyourworkthatbringsyoutoinsight,steadiness,andinterconnection.Itisthejoyandtruthfulinsightsofyourlessonsandtherigorfoundinyourdisciplineandfocusthatisnotsomuchwrittenaboutbutexpressednonetheless.
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Spiritasapoint in this triangulation isallaboutseeingwhat issignificantandhavingthecourage todiscuss it. It iswhatTrungpaRinpochedescribedas“aninnateintelligencethatseestheclarityofthingsjustastheyare”(Fremantle,2001,p.59).Thiscategorythatpullsfactsintologicandfinallyintometaphorrecognizesthatonewilleventuallyseemorethanwhatispresented.You are being offered an
opportunity to evolve.Hereiswherethemysticalaspectsofthiscategoryencourage,inspire,calm.Toknowwearemorethansimplybodyandthoughtistoacknowl-edgehowthoseideasexpandintowiderrealmsofknowingandbeing.Thisisaspirit-centeredtruththatisolderthantime.Again,donotconfusethecategoryofspiritwithreligion.
LookagainatTable1.Whatdoyoulearnfromthespiritcategory?Arethesenottheproductsandprocessofaconsciouslife?Isthereanywonderbillionsofpeoplewishtocapturethesevaluesandideasinritual?Thespiritpartoftriangulatingourselvesbacktomeaningisallaboutthepurposeandreasonofourlives.Itwillhelpyouthinkofyourresearchassomethingofvalueandkeepyouattheedgeofwonderwithhowitwillshapewhoyouarebecoming.Thisthirdcategoryencom-passesthefirsttwo.Itisanadvancementofearlierideasandgivesastructureofrigorbywhichpositivismisultimatelyshaped.
Spiritinthetriangulationofmeaningisasitsays:whole,contemplative,intuitive,metaphoric,joyful,liberating.Withinresearch,spiritisanswersyouwillrememberinyourdreams.Itisquestionsyouwillframedifferentlyaftereyecontactwithachild.Itisunderstandinganunexpectedexperiencethatwillheightentheclarityofyourfindings.Itisthe“aha!”thatcomesfromstirringoatmealafteranightoftranscription.Developingarespectforthequalitiesofawareness,joy,andbeautywill actuallydevelophowyou think and thus see theworld.Doyouseehowallcategoriesarereallyjustone?
The spiritual category in this triangulation of meaning holds more than theextensionofthefirsttwocategories.Itisthefrequencybywhichallconnect.Itisnotsimplyalinearsequence.Allthreecategoriesoccursimultaneously.Itisanideawhosetimehascomeasithelpssubjectivitymatureintothefullnessofitspotential.Donotfearwhatisinevitable—thatweareallpartofthebirthingofanewculture.Whynotdoitwithaconsciousnessthatiscourageousinitspurposeandquietinitsconsistency?
Hereisthepoint:researchorrenewal;mundaneorinspiring;fragmentedorwhole.DoyouseewhySirKarlPoppercalledtheadvancingofobjectivitytowardsubjec-tivityintotheinevitabilityofculturesomethingweneedtorecognize?AsKumu
Hula(hulateacher)KeolaLake,saidduringaninterview,“Cultureisdefinedasbestpracticesofagroupofpeople”(Meyer,1998).Hereisthemetaphorofthisdiscussion:that we change the culture of research.Wedothissimplybyengagingallthreepointsofthetriangulationofmeaning:body,mind,andspirit.
Haÿina Mai ka Puana: Thus Ends My Story
Ifknowledgeispower,thenunderstandingisliberation.
—ManuAluli-Meyer
I believe it is time to think indigenous and act authentic even at the price ofrejection.Todisagreewithmainstreamexpectationsistowakeup,tounderstandwhatishappening,tobeofservicetoalargerwhole.Youmayevenbegintoworkonbehalfofourlands,water,andair.Thisiswhyweareheadingintothefieldofhermeneutics—interpretation—via epistemology. We must first detail what wevalueaboutintelligencetoevenseethereareotherinterpretationsoflife,brilliance,andknowing.TheideathattheSATorothermeasurabletoolsof“intelligence”arejusttinyfacetsofintelligenceisnowtimely.Yourrenditionofyourownexperienceisnowthepoint.Whoareyouthen?Whatdoyouhavetooffertheworld?Howcanweworktogether?Hereiswherehermeneuticsenterswithabouquetofdaisies.Torealizethatallideas,allhistories,alllaws,allfacts,andalltheoriesaresimplyinterpretationshelpsusseewheretogofromhere.Tounderstandthisoneideahasbroughtmetothispointofliberation.
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Spiritasapoint in this triangulation isallaboutseeingwhat issignificantandhavingthecourage todiscuss it. It iswhatTrungpaRinpochedescribedas“aninnateintelligencethatseestheclarityofthingsjustastheyare”(Fremantle,2001,p.59).Thiscategorythatpullsfactsintologicandfinallyintometaphorrecognizesthatonewilleventuallyseemorethanwhatispresented.You are being offered an
opportunity to evolve.Hereiswherethemysticalaspectsofthiscategoryencourage,inspire,calm.Toknowwearemorethansimplybodyandthoughtistoacknowl-edgehowthoseideasexpandintowiderrealmsofknowingandbeing.Thisisaspirit-centeredtruththatisolderthantime.Again,donotconfusethecategoryofspiritwithreligion.
LookagainatTable1.Whatdoyoulearnfromthespiritcategory?Arethesenottheproductsandprocessofaconsciouslife?Isthereanywonderbillionsofpeoplewishtocapturethesevaluesandideasinritual?Thespiritpartoftriangulatingourselvesbacktomeaningisallaboutthepurposeandreasonofourlives.Itwillhelpyouthinkofyourresearchassomethingofvalueandkeepyouattheedgeofwonderwithhowitwillshapewhoyouarebecoming.Thisthirdcategoryencom-passesthefirsttwo.Itisanadvancementofearlierideasandgivesastructureofrigorbywhichpositivismisultimatelyshaped.
Spiritinthetriangulationofmeaningisasitsays:whole,contemplative,intuitive,metaphoric,joyful,liberating.Withinresearch,spiritisanswersyouwillrememberinyourdreams.Itisquestionsyouwillframedifferentlyaftereyecontactwithachild.Itisunderstandinganunexpectedexperiencethatwillheightentheclarityofyourfindings.Itisthe“aha!”thatcomesfromstirringoatmealafteranightoftranscription.Developingarespectforthequalitiesofawareness,joy,andbeautywill actuallydevelophowyou think and thus see theworld.Doyouseehowallcategoriesarereallyjustone?
The spiritual category in this triangulation of meaning holds more than theextensionofthefirsttwocategories.Itisthefrequencybywhichallconnect.Itisnotsimplyalinearsequence.Allthreecategoriesoccursimultaneously.Itisanideawhosetimehascomeasithelpssubjectivitymatureintothefullnessofitspotential.Donotfearwhatisinevitable—thatweareallpartofthebirthingofanewculture.Whynotdoitwithaconsciousnessthatiscourageousinitspurposeandquietinitsconsistency?
Hereisthepoint:researchorrenewal;mundaneorinspiring;fragmentedorwhole.DoyouseewhySirKarlPoppercalledtheadvancingofobjectivitytowardsubjec-tivityintotheinevitabilityofculturesomethingweneedtorecognize?AsKumu
Hula(hulateacher)KeolaLake,saidduringaninterview,“Cultureisdefinedasbestpracticesofagroupofpeople”(Meyer,1998).Hereisthemetaphorofthisdiscussion:that we change the culture of research.Wedothissimplybyengagingallthreepointsofthetriangulationofmeaning:body,mind,andspirit.
Haÿina Mai ka Puana: Thus Ends My Story
Ifknowledgeispower,thenunderstandingisliberation.
—ManuAluli-Meyer
I believe it is time to think indigenous and act authentic even at the price ofrejection.Todisagreewithmainstreamexpectationsistowakeup,tounderstandwhatishappening,tobeofservicetoalargerwhole.Youmayevenbegintoworkonbehalfofourlands,water,andair.Thisiswhyweareheadingintothefieldofhermeneutics—interpretation—via epistemology. We must first detail what wevalueaboutintelligencetoevenseethereareotherinterpretationsoflife,brilliance,andknowing.TheideathattheSATorothermeasurabletoolsof“intelligence”arejusttinyfacetsofintelligenceisnowtimely.Yourrenditionofyourownexperienceisnowthepoint.Whoareyouthen?Whatdoyouhavetooffertheworld?Howcanweworktogether?Hereiswherehermeneuticsenterswithabouquetofdaisies.Torealizethatallideas,allhistories,alllaws,allfacts,andalltheoriesaresimplyinterpretationshelpsusseewheretogofromhere.Tounderstandthisoneideahasbroughtmetothispointofliberation.
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Whenancientrenditionsof theworldareofferedfordebatewithinacontextofreal-lifeknowing,thereisarobustnessIfindinvigoratingandbreathtaking.Hereiswhereinterpretationsmatter,andbecauseindigenousfolkarepeoplingplaceswewereneverfoundbefore,doyouseewhythingsarechanging?Wesimplypositdifference—adifference thatknowsplaceandencouragesharmonywithin thatplace.Ofcoursewearefar fromperfect,butwedobringsomethinguniquetothetable.Webringdreams,food,elders,courage,andtheclarityofspeechandpurpose.Afterall,thereisnotimetowaste.
Weareshaping longboards forawinterswell that iscoming. It’s time to learnnewskillswithourancientminds.Timetodeploycommonsensebackintoourconsciousness.Timetolaughmoreandbearwitnesstothedeepertruthofwhywedowhatwe’redoing.Timetoseehowwecanconnectandhelpothers.Timetoworkonbehalfofourÿäina(land).Timetotriangulateourwaybacktomeaning.Doyouseehowweareallonthepathofsovereignty?
It’s funnyhow thepracticeof cultural specificityhelpsmebe interested in thecollectiveagain.Thewidercollective.Asifthepathtowholenessfirstbeginswithfragmentation.It’smyownbody,mind,andspiritualwalktowardknowingthatIhaveworkedoutinthisarticle.AndforthisI’mgrateful.Mahaloforsharingthespaceandmakingthetime.
Mayyoufindyourownsecret(Nityananda,1996).Mayyourbibliographybeeasytogather.Mayyouknowyourownbrilliance.Mayitleadtocollectivejoy.
Amamauanoa.
This article is an excerpt from Manulani Aluli-Meyer’s (in press) chapter, “Indigenous
and Authentic: Native Hawaiian Epistemology and the Triangulation of Meaning,” in
L. Smith, N. Denzin, and Y. Lincoln (Eds.), HandbookofCriticalandIndigenousMethodologies. New York: Sage.
References
Aluli-Meyer,M.(inpress).Indigenousandauthentic:NativeHawaiianepistemologyandthetriangulationofmeaning.InL.Smith,N.Denzin,&Y.Lincoln(Eds.),Handbook of critical and indigenous methodologies.NewYork:Sage.
Fremantle,F.(2001).Luminous emptiness: Understanding the Tibetan Book of the Dead.Boston:Shambhala.
Lorde,A.(1984).Sister outsider: Essays and speeches.Berkeley:TheCrossingPress.
Meyer,M.(1998).Native Hawaiian epistemology: Contemporary narratives.Cambridge,MA:HarvardGraduateSchoolofEducation.
Nityananda,B.(1996).The sky of the heart: Jewels of wisdom from Nityananda.Portland,OR:RudraPress.
Shatz,Z.(1998).Prisms and mind: Unifying psychology, physics, and theology.Berkeley:PrismindPublications.
TeilharddeChardin,P.(1955).The phenomenon of man.NewYork:HarperCollins.
Wilber,K.(2000).Sex, ecology and spirituality: The spirit of evolution.Boston:Shambhala.
Wilber,K.(2001).Quantum questions: Mystical writings of the world’s great physicists.Boston:Shambhala.
Additional Readings
Bodanis,D.(2000).E = mc2: A biography of the world’s most famous equation.NewYork:BerkleyBooks.
Bohm,D.(1980).Wholeness and the implicate order.NewYork:Routledge.
Cajete,G.(2000).Native science: Natural laws of interdependence.SantaFe,NM:ClearLight.
Deloria,V.(1999).Spirit and reason: The Vine Deloria Jr. reader.Golden,CO:Fulcrum.
Goswami,A.(1993).The self-aware universe: How consciousness creates the material world.NewYork:PutnamBooks.
Halemakua.(2004).[UnpublishedwritingsofHalemakua].Kumukahi,MokuOKeawe,Hawai‘iIsland.
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Whenancientrenditionsof theworldareofferedfordebatewithinacontextofreal-lifeknowing,thereisarobustnessIfindinvigoratingandbreathtaking.Hereiswhereinterpretationsmatter,andbecauseindigenousfolkarepeoplingplaceswewereneverfoundbefore,doyouseewhythingsarechanging?Wesimplypositdifference—adifference thatknowsplaceandencouragesharmonywithin thatplace.Ofcoursewearefar fromperfect,butwedobringsomethinguniquetothetable.Webringdreams,food,elders,courage,andtheclarityofspeechandpurpose.Afterall,thereisnotimetowaste.
Weareshaping longboards forawinterswell that iscoming. It’s time to learnnewskillswithourancientminds.Timetodeploycommonsensebackintoourconsciousness.Timetolaughmoreandbearwitnesstothedeepertruthofwhywedowhatwe’redoing.Timetoseehowwecanconnectandhelpothers.Timetoworkonbehalfofourÿäina(land).Timetotriangulateourwaybacktomeaning.Doyouseehowweareallonthepathofsovereignty?
It’s funnyhow thepracticeof cultural specificityhelpsmebe interested in thecollectiveagain.Thewidercollective.Asifthepathtowholenessfirstbeginswithfragmentation.It’smyownbody,mind,andspiritualwalktowardknowingthatIhaveworkedoutinthisarticle.AndforthisI’mgrateful.Mahaloforsharingthespaceandmakingthetime.
Mayyoufindyourownsecret(Nityananda,1996).Mayyourbibliographybeeasytogather.Mayyouknowyourownbrilliance.Mayitleadtocollectivejoy.
Amamauanoa.
This article is an excerpt from Manulani Aluli-Meyer’s (in press) chapter, “Indigenous
and Authentic: Native Hawaiian Epistemology and the Triangulation of Meaning,” in
L. Smith, N. Denzin, and Y. Lincoln (Eds.), HandbookofCriticalandIndigenousMethodologies. New York: Sage.
References
Aluli-Meyer,M.(inpress).Indigenousandauthentic:NativeHawaiianepistemologyandthetriangulationofmeaning.InL.Smith,N.Denzin,&Y.Lincoln(Eds.),Handbook of critical and indigenous methodologies.NewYork:Sage.
Fremantle,F.(2001).Luminous emptiness: Understanding the Tibetan Book of the Dead.Boston:Shambhala.
Lorde,A.(1984).Sister outsider: Essays and speeches.Berkeley:TheCrossingPress.
Meyer,M.(1998).Native Hawaiian epistemology: Contemporary narratives.Cambridge,MA:HarvardGraduateSchoolofEducation.
Nityananda,B.(1996).The sky of the heart: Jewels of wisdom from Nityananda.Portland,OR:RudraPress.
Shatz,Z.(1998).Prisms and mind: Unifying psychology, physics, and theology.Berkeley:PrismindPublications.
TeilharddeChardin,P.(1955).The phenomenon of man.NewYork:HarperCollins.
Wilber,K.(2000).Sex, ecology and spirituality: The spirit of evolution.Boston:Shambhala.
Wilber,K.(2001).Quantum questions: Mystical writings of the world’s great physicists.Boston:Shambhala.
Additional Readings
Bodanis,D.(2000).E = mc2: A biography of the world’s most famous equation.NewYork:BerkleyBooks.
Bohm,D.(1980).Wholeness and the implicate order.NewYork:Routledge.
Cajete,G.(2000).Native science: Natural laws of interdependence.SantaFe,NM:ClearLight.
Deloria,V.(1999).Spirit and reason: The Vine Deloria Jr. reader.Golden,CO:Fulcrum.
Goswami,A.(1993).The self-aware universe: How consciousness creates the material world.NewYork:PutnamBooks.
Halemakua.(2004).[UnpublishedwritingsofHalemakua].Kumukahi,MokuOKeawe,Hawai‘iIsland.
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Hartranft,C.(2003).The yoga sutra of Patanjali.Boston:Shambhala.
Hawkins,D.(2002).Power vs. force: The hidden determinants of human behavior.Carlsbad,CA:HayHouse.
Marsden,M.(2003).The woven universe.Wellington,NewZealand:TeWanangaORaukawa.
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Tagore,R.(2004).Sadhana: The classic of Indian spirituality.NewYork:ThreeLeavesPress.
Talbot,M.(1991).The holographic universe.NewYork:HarperPerennial.
Tulku,T.(1977).Time, space, and knowledge: A new vision of reality.Berkeley,CA:Dharma.
About the Author
ManulaniAluli-MeyeristhefifthdaughterofEmmaAluliandHarryMeyerwithrootsinHilo,Kohala,Wailuku,andKamämalu.SheispartofalargerHawaiianEducationMovementcommittedtotheconceptsofaloha,kuapaio,andlökahi.SheisaphilosopherwholearnedfrommanyHawaiianteachers,elders,andpracti-tionersaboutHawaiianintelligenceorepistemology.SheiscurrentlyanassociateprofessorofeducationattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Hilo.
Notes
1 Foran in-depthdiscussionof theroleof“seeing,”see thewritingsofPierreTeilharddeChardin.
2 ForadiscussionofHawaiianepistemologyinrelationtoresearch,seeMeyer’s(in press) chapter, “Indigenous and Authentic: Native Hawaiian EpistemologyandtheTriangulationofMeaning,”inL.Smith,N.Denzin,andY.Lincoln(Eds.),Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies.(Thepresentarticleisanexcerptfromthischapter.)
3 Epistemologyisthephilosophyofknowledge.Itasksquestionspeoplehavelongtakenforgranted:Whatisknowledge?Whatisintelligence?Whatisthedifferencebetweeninformation,knowledge,andunderstanding?Itisvitaltodebatetheissueofknowledge/intelligencebecauseoftheneedsofourtime.
4 AudreLorde(1984)inspiredthisdilemmafoundinpostcolonialtheoryclasses:Canyoudismantlethemaster’shouse(i.e.,imperialism,colonialism,etc.)withthemaster’stools?Theanswerisbothyesandno.Alloutwardrealitiesarefirstinwardexpressionsandthoughtpatterns.Anewconsciousnessmustbeforgedtoapproacholdissues.Falsedualitiesofmasterandslavemustalsobereconfigured.
5 KenWilber,integralphilosopher,wasthefirsttointroducemetothreepointsinphilosophyandresearch.Idiscoveredthis inhisepicwork,Sex, Ecology and
Spirituality: The Spirit of Evolution(Wilber,2000).
6 I have always enjoyed the image of the tetrahedron learned from a lectureBuckminsterFullergaveinHonolulubeforehediedinthe1980s.Hedescribedthetetrahedronas“structuralintegrity”itself.
7 Yin/yang is a Chinese way to organize female and male principles, Kü andHinaisaHawaiianway.Itgivesusawaytorecognizebalanceandtocultivatebothaspectsinourowncharacter.
8 Empiricismistheideathatknowledgeisgainedfromadirectexperiencewithrealityviaourfivesenses:hearing,touching,tasting,seeing,andsmelling.Itisthebasisofpositivismandthecoreofrationalitybasedonobjectivityandmeasure-ment.Indigenousscholarsareassertingthatevenatthisfundamentallevel,weareshapedbyculture,place,time,andsoon.Ofcoursethiswilldetailadifferentreality, one that ultimately will extend beyond acultural empirical assumptionsintoanewrealitythatpostquantumphysicsnowrecognizes.
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Hartranft,C.(2003).The yoga sutra of Patanjali.Boston:Shambhala.
Hawkins,D.(2002).Power vs. force: The hidden determinants of human behavior.Carlsbad,CA:HayHouse.
Marsden,M.(2003).The woven universe.Wellington,NewZealand:TeWanangaORaukawa.
Meyer,M.A.(2003).Hoÿoulu—Our time of becoming: Hawaiian epistemology and early writings.Honolulu:ÿAiPöhakuPress.
Tagore,R.(2004).Sadhana: The classic of Indian spirituality.NewYork:ThreeLeavesPress.
Talbot,M.(1991).The holographic universe.NewYork:HarperPerennial.
Tulku,T.(1977).Time, space, and knowledge: A new vision of reality.Berkeley,CA:Dharma.
About the Author
ManulaniAluli-MeyeristhefifthdaughterofEmmaAluliandHarryMeyerwithrootsinHilo,Kohala,Wailuku,andKamämalu.SheispartofalargerHawaiianEducationMovementcommittedtotheconceptsofaloha,kuapaio,andlökahi.SheisaphilosopherwholearnedfrommanyHawaiianteachers,elders,andpracti-tionersaboutHawaiianintelligenceorepistemology.SheiscurrentlyanassociateprofessorofeducationattheUniversityofHawaiÿi–Hilo.
Notes
1 Foran in-depthdiscussionof theroleof“seeing,”see thewritingsofPierreTeilharddeChardin.
2 ForadiscussionofHawaiianepistemologyinrelationtoresearch,seeMeyer’s(in press) chapter, “Indigenous and Authentic: Native Hawaiian EpistemologyandtheTriangulationofMeaning,”inL.Smith,N.Denzin,andY.Lincoln(Eds.),Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies.(Thepresentarticleisanexcerptfromthischapter.)
3 Epistemologyisthephilosophyofknowledge.Itasksquestionspeoplehavelongtakenforgranted:Whatisknowledge?Whatisintelligence?Whatisthedifferencebetweeninformation,knowledge,andunderstanding?Itisvitaltodebatetheissueofknowledge/intelligencebecauseoftheneedsofourtime.
4 AudreLorde(1984)inspiredthisdilemmafoundinpostcolonialtheoryclasses:Canyoudismantlethemaster’shouse(i.e.,imperialism,colonialism,etc.)withthemaster’stools?Theanswerisbothyesandno.Alloutwardrealitiesarefirstinwardexpressionsandthoughtpatterns.Anewconsciousnessmustbeforgedtoapproacholdissues.Falsedualitiesofmasterandslavemustalsobereconfigured.
5 KenWilber,integralphilosopher,wasthefirsttointroducemetothreepointsinphilosophyandresearch.Idiscoveredthis inhisepicwork,Sex, Ecology and
Spirituality: The Spirit of Evolution(Wilber,2000).
6 I have always enjoyed the image of the tetrahedron learned from a lectureBuckminsterFullergaveinHonolulubeforehediedinthe1980s.Hedescribedthetetrahedronas“structuralintegrity”itself.
7 Yin/yang is a Chinese way to organize female and male principles, Kü andHinaisaHawaiianway.Itgivesusawaytorecognizebalanceandtocultivatebothaspectsinourowncharacter.
8 Empiricismistheideathatknowledgeisgainedfromadirectexperiencewithrealityviaourfivesenses:hearing,touching,tasting,seeing,andsmelling.Itisthebasisofpositivismandthecoreofrationalitybasedonobjectivityandmeasure-ment.Indigenousscholarsareassertingthatevenatthisfundamentallevel,weareshapedbyculture,place,time,andsoon.Ofcoursethiswilldetailadifferentreality, one that ultimately will extend beyond acultural empirical assumptionsintoanewrealitythatpostquantumphysicsnowrecognizes.
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Hülili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being Vol.3 No.1 (2006)Copyright © 2006 by Kamehameha Schools.
Native Hawaiians are genealogically connected to ka pae ‘äina Hawai‘i
as both the ancestral homeland and the elder sibling of Hawaiian
aboriginals in traditional belief systems. This relationship is integral to
Native Hawaiian identity and is distinctive from that of other groups
who live and work in the Hawaiian Islands. This article examines the
significance of place to Native Hawaiian identity and cultural survival.
It discusses the physical, spiritual, genealogical, and sociopolitical/
historical ties to land and sea that nourish Hawaiian well-being and are
evident in Hawaiian epistemologies. Despite the strain on these ties and
challenges to identity from population decimation and displacement,
multicultural mixing, and migration, place is still the key connection
linking Native Hawaiians to each other and to an indigenous heritage.
As current consumptive patterns continue to destroy the ecological and
natural balance of Hawai‘i, critical questions emerge about Hawai‘i’s
future and the rightful place of Native Hawaiians in our homeland.
This Land Is My Land: The Role of Place in Native Hawaiian Identity
Shawn Malia Kanaÿiaupuni and Nolan Malone
correspondence may be sent to: Shawn Malia Kanaÿiaupuni, Research and Evaluation, Kamehameha Schools 567 South King Street Suite 400, Honolulu, Hawaiÿi 96813 Email: [email protected]
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Inadditiontoindigenoustheoriesofplace,thisstudyisinformedbyotherperspec-tives on the role of place in racial identity and ethnicity. For example, certaingeographersviewplaceasthecontextwithinwhichracialpartnering,residentialchoices, and family identification processes are differentially distributed acrossspatial categories (e.g.,neighborhoods, cities,metropolises;Peach,1980;Wong,1999). By “spatializing” household patterns of family formation, mobility, andotherbehavioralcharacteristics,wecanunderstandwhere(andwhy)theysurviveandflourish.ResearchshowsthatHawaiÿi,forinstance,isoneofthoseplacesintheUnitedStatesthatisspatiallysignificantforitsflourishingintermarriagerates(Lee&Fernandez,1998;Root,2001).
Perspectivesinanthropologyaddtoourunderstandingoftheconceptofidentityas it relates toplace.Saltman(2002)defines therelationshipbetween landandidentityasthedynamicareawithinwhichsocialrealitiesareactedoutinindividualcognitionandperception.Forexample, identitymaybe the sharedunderstand-ingsbetweenpersonsofthesameculturethatenablethemtorallytogetherforapoliticalcause.Inrelationtoplace,Saltman(2002)argues,“identityachievesitsstrongestexpressionwithinthepoliticalcontextofconflictingrightsoverlandandterritory”(p.6);evidenceofthelatteriscertainlyfoundinthestorywetellhere.
Ourstudydrawsonindigenousperspectivesofplaceandidentitythatinterweavethespiritualandthephysicalwithsocioculturaltraditionsandpractices.AsMemmottand Long (2002) explain, whereas Western explanations view places purely intermsoftheirgeomorphology(withlittlehumaninfluence),indigenousmodelsview people and the environment as overlapping and interacting. For example,unliketheway“Westernthoughtclassifiespeopleandtheirtechnologyapartfromnature,” indigenous knowledge and beliefs may include ancestral heroes withspecialpowerswhohelpedtoshapelandandmarinesystems(Memmott&Long,2002,p.43).Likewise,bothweatherandagriculturalorothernaturaleventsmaybeinfluencedthroughhumanrituals,song,dance,orotheractionsperformedinspecificplaces.And,betweenplacesandpeopleoccursasharingofbeing:Placescarry the energies of people, history, and cultural significance; in turn, peoplecarrytheenergyofplacesassomepartoftheirbeing(Memmott&Long,2002).
The concept of place in Hawaiian perspective reflects understandings foundthroughout Pacific voyaging societies and shares certain similarities with otherNativeAmericanandaboriginalcultures(Lindstrom,1999;Martin,2001;Memmott&Long,2002;Schnell,2000).“Place,inthiscasethehomeoftheKänakaMaoli
SomecritiquesofcontemporarygeographicgrowthpatternspointouttheriseofplacelessnessacrossU.S.landscapes.Relph(1976),inaprovocativeanalysis
ofthisphenomenon,arguesthatplacehasbeenacriticalfoundationofhumancognition and identity throughout history. He shows how contemporary urbanand suburban (and most recently, exurban) growth patterns have diminishedthe unique, historical, and cultural meanings of place to human society today.ThispointmaybringnoargumentfrommostAmericanswhomaynotfeelanyoverwhelming ties to aparticularplace,whoarequitemobile in today’sglobalsociety,andwho,infact,maybequiteaccustomedtotheincreasingstandardiza-tionofplaces,suchasstripmalls,retail,food,andservicechains.Addtothistherelativehomogeneityofmostsuburbanarchitecturesandtheconstantlyshiftingtopographyofmetropolitanlandscapes.Theobjectiveofthisarticleistoexpandourunderstandingofthesignificanceofplacetoraceandethnicdiversityandtodemonstratehowplacecontinuestobeanunequivocalfocalpointintheidentityprocessesofsomesocialgroupsandindividualstoday.Specifically,weexaminetheseprocessesinthecontextofthepae ÿäina(archipelago)ofHawaiÿiandNativeHawaiianidentity.1
Ourstudybuildsonpriorstudiesindicatingthatplace—theconsciousnessofland,sea,andall thatplaceentails—is fundamental to indigenous identityprocesses(Allen,1999;Battiste,2000;Kamakau,1992;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Kanaÿiaupuni&Liebler,2005;Memmott&Long,2002;Meyer,2003;Mihesuah,2003).AlthoughthisanalysisoftherelationshipbetweenplaceandidentitycentersonHawaiians,itoffersimportantinsightsthatmayextendtootherindigenousgroupsorcultureswhosemembersarehighly intermarriedandmobile,whose language isendan-gered,andwhosecultureisknownmorewidelyinitscommercialtourist,ratherthan authentic, form. Under these conditions, place is critical to the culturalsurvivalandidentityofapeople,asweillustrateinthecaseofNativeHawaiians.
Place is intertwined with identity and self-determination of today’s NativeHawaiians in complex and intimate ways. At once the binding glue that holdsNativeHawaiianstogetherandlinksthemtoasharedpast,placeisalsoaprimaryagentthathasbeenusedagainstthemtofragmentandalienate.Yet,place,inallofitsmultiplelevelsofmeaning,isonelightthatmanyHawaiiansshareintheirspiritualway-findingtoaHawaiianidentity,onethatisgreatlysignificanttotheirexistenceasapeopleandculture,bothpastandpresent.Andsobeginsourexplo-rationintothevariousmeaningsofplacetoHawaiianidentitytoday.
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Inadditiontoindigenoustheoriesofplace,thisstudyisinformedbyotherperspec-tives on the role of place in racial identity and ethnicity. For example, certaingeographersviewplaceasthecontextwithinwhichracialpartnering,residentialchoices, and family identification processes are differentially distributed acrossspatial categories (e.g.,neighborhoods, cities,metropolises;Peach,1980;Wong,1999). By “spatializing” household patterns of family formation, mobility, andotherbehavioralcharacteristics,wecanunderstandwhere(andwhy)theysurviveandflourish.ResearchshowsthatHawaiÿi,forinstance,isoneofthoseplacesintheUnitedStatesthatisspatiallysignificantforitsflourishingintermarriagerates(Lee&Fernandez,1998;Root,2001).
Perspectivesinanthropologyaddtoourunderstandingoftheconceptofidentityas it relates toplace.Saltman(2002)defines therelationshipbetween landandidentityasthedynamicareawithinwhichsocialrealitiesareactedoutinindividualcognitionandperception.Forexample, identitymaybe the sharedunderstand-ingsbetweenpersonsofthesameculturethatenablethemtorallytogetherforapoliticalcause.Inrelationtoplace,Saltman(2002)argues,“identityachievesitsstrongestexpressionwithinthepoliticalcontextofconflictingrightsoverlandandterritory”(p.6);evidenceofthelatteriscertainlyfoundinthestorywetellhere.
Ourstudydrawsonindigenousperspectivesofplaceandidentitythatinterweavethespiritualandthephysicalwithsocioculturaltraditionsandpractices.AsMemmottand Long (2002) explain, whereas Western explanations view places purely intermsoftheirgeomorphology(withlittlehumaninfluence),indigenousmodelsview people and the environment as overlapping and interacting. For example,unliketheway“Westernthoughtclassifiespeopleandtheirtechnologyapartfromnature,” indigenous knowledge and beliefs may include ancestral heroes withspecialpowerswhohelpedtoshapelandandmarinesystems(Memmott&Long,2002,p.43).Likewise,bothweatherandagriculturalorothernaturaleventsmaybeinfluencedthroughhumanrituals,song,dance,orotheractionsperformedinspecificplaces.And,betweenplacesandpeopleoccursasharingofbeing:Placescarry the energies of people, history, and cultural significance; in turn, peoplecarrytheenergyofplacesassomepartoftheirbeing(Memmott&Long,2002).
The concept of place in Hawaiian perspective reflects understandings foundthroughout Pacific voyaging societies and shares certain similarities with otherNativeAmericanandaboriginalcultures(Lindstrom,1999;Martin,2001;Memmott&Long,2002;Schnell,2000).“Place,inthiscasethehomeoftheKänakaMaoli
SomecritiquesofcontemporarygeographicgrowthpatternspointouttheriseofplacelessnessacrossU.S.landscapes.Relph(1976),inaprovocativeanalysis
ofthisphenomenon,arguesthatplacehasbeenacriticalfoundationofhumancognition and identity throughout history. He shows how contemporary urbanand suburban (and most recently, exurban) growth patterns have diminishedthe unique, historical, and cultural meanings of place to human society today.ThispointmaybringnoargumentfrommostAmericanswhomaynotfeelanyoverwhelming ties to aparticularplace,whoarequitemobile in today’sglobalsociety,andwho,infact,maybequiteaccustomedtotheincreasingstandardiza-tionofplaces,suchasstripmalls,retail,food,andservicechains.Addtothistherelativehomogeneityofmostsuburbanarchitecturesandtheconstantlyshiftingtopographyofmetropolitanlandscapes.Theobjectiveofthisarticleistoexpandourunderstandingofthesignificanceofplacetoraceandethnicdiversityandtodemonstratehowplacecontinuestobeanunequivocalfocalpointintheidentityprocessesofsomesocialgroupsandindividualstoday.Specifically,weexaminetheseprocessesinthecontextofthepae ÿäina(archipelago)ofHawaiÿiandNativeHawaiianidentity.1
Ourstudybuildsonpriorstudiesindicatingthatplace—theconsciousnessofland,sea,andall thatplaceentails—is fundamental to indigenous identityprocesses(Allen,1999;Battiste,2000;Kamakau,1992;Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Kanaÿiaupuni&Liebler,2005;Memmott&Long,2002;Meyer,2003;Mihesuah,2003).AlthoughthisanalysisoftherelationshipbetweenplaceandidentitycentersonHawaiians,itoffersimportantinsightsthatmayextendtootherindigenousgroupsorcultureswhosemembersarehighly intermarriedandmobile,whose language isendan-gered,andwhosecultureisknownmorewidelyinitscommercialtourist,ratherthan authentic, form. Under these conditions, place is critical to the culturalsurvivalandidentityofapeople,asweillustrateinthecaseofNativeHawaiians.
Place is intertwined with identity and self-determination of today’s NativeHawaiians in complex and intimate ways. At once the binding glue that holdsNativeHawaiianstogetherandlinksthemtoasharedpast,placeisalsoaprimaryagentthathasbeenusedagainstthemtofragmentandalienate.Yet,place,inallofitsmultiplelevelsofmeaning,isonelightthatmanyHawaiiansshareintheirspiritualway-findingtoaHawaiianidentity,onethatisgreatlysignificanttotheirexistenceasapeopleandculture,bothpastandpresent.Andsobeginsourexplo-rationintothevariousmeaningsofplacetoHawaiianidentitytoday.
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(Kameÿeleihiwa, 1992, p. 2). In these beginnings, the Hawaiian archipelago isintimately connected to Känaka Maoli through genealogy, culture, history, andspirituality.Thenaturalelements(land,wind,rain)andcreaturesoftheislandsareconsideredprimordialancestors;theyaretheolderrelativesoflivingKänakaMaoli.Bothshareaninterdependent,familialrelationshipthatrequiresmälama(care)andkiaÿi(guardianship)fortheoldersiblingswho,inturn,provideforthewell-beingoftheyoungersiblings(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Kanahele,1986).
Historically,theHawaiianIslandsweredividedintofourchiefdomsuntilthelate18thcentury,whenKingKamehamehaIconsolidated themthroughconquest.2United under single rule, the archipelago then modernized rapidly througheconomiccommerceinsugar,pineapple,shipping,andrelatedindustries.Bythelate19thcentury,Hawaiÿiwasafullyrecognizednation-statewithmultipleinter-nationaltreaties,includingwiththeUnitedStates(Daws,1968;Perkins,2005).
During the same century, however, two things were occurring that devastatedNative Hawaiian ties to the land. First, Native Hawaiians were progressivelybecomingaminorityintheirownhomeland(seeFigure1).Estimatessuggestthatthenativepopulation,deeplyafflictedbyWesterndiseaseandtoamuch lesserextent,warfare,droppedbyatleast90%inthe100yearsfollowingCaptainCook’sarrival. Figure 1 shows a conservative starting estimate. Other estimates rangeashighas800,000to1millionpre-Westerncontact(Stannard,1989).Regardless,bytheendofthecenturyonlyabout40,000aboriginalHawaiiansremainedalive.Meanwhiletheimmigrantpopulationgainedsteadilyinnumber,includingWhiteswhooutnumberedHawaiiansbytheearly1900s(Nordyke,1989).Today,NativeHawaiianscompriseaboutone-fifthofthestatepopulation.
or indigenouspeopleofHawaiÿi, transcends physical realities of land. It is thehonua(whenua,henua,fonua,fanua,fenua—thewordsmeaning“earth”inMäori,Marshallese,Tongan,Samoan,andTahitianlanguages,respectively);itsignifiesrelationships,spanningspiritualandkinshipbondsbetweenpeople,nature,andthesupernaturalworld(Kanahele,1986)”(Kanaÿiaupuni&Liebler,2005,p.689).TheunderstandingconveyedbyindigenouswritingsspanningthePacificisthatplace breathes life, people, culture, and spirit (Oliveira, 2005; Stillman, 2002;TusitalaMarsh,1999).
Placeis,weargue,akeyforceintheinterplayofinternalandexternalinfluencesoncontemporaryHawaiianidentityprocesses.Inthediscussionthatfollows,wedemonstrate how the strength of ties to the land influences Native Hawaiianidentityprocessesthroughphysical,spiritual,genealogical,andhistoricalforces.We examine some of the challenges to identity stemming from displacement,separationfromtheland,andmigrationawayfromHawaiÿi.WeconcludewithadiscussionoftheimplicationsofplacetoidentityprocessesforHawaiianchildrenanddescribeongoingeffortsineducationthatdrawontherelationshipstoplacesasatoolforculturalsurvival.
Setting the Historical Context of Place
Native Hawaiians were the first discoverers of the 1,500-mile long HawaiianarchipelagointhePacificOcean.TheymigratedtoHawaiÿibyseausingadvancednavigationskills,wheretheysurvivedandflourishedforthousandsofyearspriortoWesterncontact(Bushnell,1993).NativeHawaiiansevolvedacomplexsystemofresourcemanagement,developingsophisticatedknowledgebasesandskillstosurviveontheseremoteislandswithlimitedresources.
CosmogonicandreligiousbeliefsofNativeHawaiianstie theHawaiianIslandstoKänakaMaolibeginningwithcreation,orpö(darkness,obscurity).TheislandswerebornfromPapahänaumoku,earthmother,andWäkea,skyfather,whoalsogavebirthtokalo,thetaroplantandmainstaplecropoftraditionalHawaiians,and,ultimately,topeople.Assuch,“thegenealogyoftheLand,theGods,Chiefs,andpeopleintertwinewithoneanother,andwithallthemyriadaspectsoftheuniverse”
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(Kameÿeleihiwa, 1992, p. 2). In these beginnings, the Hawaiian archipelago isintimately connected to Känaka Maoli through genealogy, culture, history, andspirituality.Thenaturalelements(land,wind,rain)andcreaturesoftheislandsareconsideredprimordialancestors;theyaretheolderrelativesoflivingKänakaMaoli.Bothshareaninterdependent,familialrelationshipthatrequiresmälama(care)andkiaÿi(guardianship)fortheoldersiblingswho,inturn,provideforthewell-beingoftheyoungersiblings(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Kanahele,1986).
Historically,theHawaiianIslandsweredividedintofourchiefdomsuntilthelate18thcentury,whenKingKamehamehaIconsolidated themthroughconquest.2United under single rule, the archipelago then modernized rapidly througheconomiccommerceinsugar,pineapple,shipping,andrelatedindustries.Bythelate19thcentury,Hawaiÿiwasafullyrecognizednation-statewithmultipleinter-nationaltreaties,includingwiththeUnitedStates(Daws,1968;Perkins,2005).
During the same century, however, two things were occurring that devastatedNative Hawaiian ties to the land. First, Native Hawaiians were progressivelybecomingaminorityintheirownhomeland(seeFigure1).Estimatessuggestthatthenativepopulation,deeplyafflictedbyWesterndiseaseandtoamuch lesserextent,warfare,droppedbyatleast90%inthe100yearsfollowingCaptainCook’sarrival. Figure 1 shows a conservative starting estimate. Other estimates rangeashighas800,000to1millionpre-Westerncontact(Stannard,1989).Regardless,bytheendofthecenturyonlyabout40,000aboriginalHawaiiansremainedalive.Meanwhiletheimmigrantpopulationgainedsteadilyinnumber,includingWhiteswhooutnumberedHawaiiansbytheearly1900s(Nordyke,1989).Today,NativeHawaiianscompriseaboutone-fifthofthestatepopulation.
or indigenouspeopleofHawaiÿi, transcends physical realities of land. It is thehonua(whenua,henua,fonua,fanua,fenua—thewordsmeaning“earth”inMäori,Marshallese,Tongan,Samoan,andTahitianlanguages,respectively);itsignifiesrelationships,spanningspiritualandkinshipbondsbetweenpeople,nature,andthesupernaturalworld(Kanahele,1986)”(Kanaÿiaupuni&Liebler,2005,p.689).TheunderstandingconveyedbyindigenouswritingsspanningthePacificisthatplace breathes life, people, culture, and spirit (Oliveira, 2005; Stillman, 2002;TusitalaMarsh,1999).
Placeis,weargue,akeyforceintheinterplayofinternalandexternalinfluencesoncontemporaryHawaiianidentityprocesses.Inthediscussionthatfollows,wedemonstrate how the strength of ties to the land influences Native Hawaiianidentityprocessesthroughphysical,spiritual,genealogical,andhistoricalforces.We examine some of the challenges to identity stemming from displacement,separationfromtheland,andmigrationawayfromHawaiÿi.WeconcludewithadiscussionoftheimplicationsofplacetoidentityprocessesforHawaiianchildrenanddescribeongoingeffortsineducationthatdrawontherelationshipstoplacesasatoolforculturalsurvival.
Setting the Historical Context of Place
Native Hawaiians were the first discoverers of the 1,500-mile long HawaiianarchipelagointhePacificOcean.TheymigratedtoHawaiÿibyseausingadvancednavigationskills,wheretheysurvivedandflourishedforthousandsofyearspriortoWesterncontact(Bushnell,1993).NativeHawaiiansevolvedacomplexsystemofresourcemanagement,developingsophisticatedknowledgebasesandskillstosurviveontheseremoteislandswithlimitedresources.
CosmogonicandreligiousbeliefsofNativeHawaiianstie theHawaiianIslandstoKänakaMaolibeginningwithcreation,orpö(darkness,obscurity).TheislandswerebornfromPapahänaumoku,earthmother,andWäkea,skyfather,whoalsogavebirthtokalo,thetaroplantandmainstaplecropoftraditionalHawaiians,and,ultimately,topeople.Assuch,“thegenealogyoftheLand,theGods,Chiefs,andpeopleintertwinewithoneanother,andwithallthemyriadaspectsoftheuniverse”
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In the failure of most aboriginals to recognize that they had to formally claimtheprivateownershipof their land,White foreigners,mostlymissionaries andbusinessmen,rapidlyboughtupthepropertywhereNativeHawaiianslivedandworked,forcingthemtomoveelsewhereinmostcases(Parker,1989).
Thesedisplacingeventsculminatedin1893,whenasmalloligopolyofAmericanbusinessmen and missionary descendents staged a coup d’état, capturing theHawaiianQueenLiliÿuokalaniandimprisoningher intheroyalpalacewiththehelpofU.S.Marines(Coffman,1998).Althoughtheoverthrowviolatedexistingtreatiesandestablishedproceduresforannexation,HawaiÿiwasproclaimedaU.S.territorybyCongressviatheNewlandsResolutionin1898(Trask,2002).
WhatmanydonotknowisthatannexationoccurreddespiteapetitionsignedbynearlyeverylivingNativeHawaiianatthetime(anestimated38,000of40,000)inprotestoflosingtheirsovereignnation(Coffman,1998;Silva,2004).Inrecogni-tion and formal apologyby theU.S. government for these actions,U.S.PublicLaw103-150,signedin1993,citesthatindigenousHawaiiansneverrelinquishedclaimstotheirinherentsovereigntyasapeopleorovertheirlandstotheUnitedStates.Hawaiÿibecameastatein1959.
Fast forward to the present where land struggles still occupy center focus. InSeptember2004,morethan10,000Nativeandnon-NativesupportersmarchedforKüikaPono(JusticeforHawaiians)throughtheheartofWaikïkï.Theirpurpose:todemonstrateagainstcontinuedabusesofNativeHawaiianrights,specificallyraisedbythreecases,alldirectlyorindirectlyconcerninglandissues.ThefirstwastoprotestaHawaiÿistatelawthathasbeenusedtosystematicallytakeleasedlandholdingsfromtheHawaiianmonarchy(aliÿi)trusts,amongothers,tosellofftoindividuals.3
Thesecondand thirdcaseswere tosupportHawaiianrights in two legal casesheard by the 9th circuit U.S. Court of Appeals in early 2005. The second casechallengedKamehamehaSchools,aprivate trustholdingthe legacy landassetsoftheKamehamehamonarchyinendowmentexplicitlytofundtheeducationofHawaiianchildren(seewww.ksbe.edu).EstablishedbythewillofBernicePauahiBishop, great-granddaughter of Kamehameha I, this institution combats theenduringeffectsofdecadesofpooreducationaloutcomesforHawaiiansinU.S.publicschoolswithits125-year-oldmissiontoimprovetheeducationalwell-beingofNativeHawaiians(Kanaÿiaupuni,Malone,&Ishibashi,2005).Itisresponsibleforeducatingnearly24,000NativeHawaiianchildrensinceopeningitsdoorsin
SecondwasthegradualandsystematicerosionofindigenouscontroloverthelandprimarilythroughtheinsertionofWesternlegaltactics,government,andreligion.JohnKellydescribed“whilewelookedtotheheavensfortheirgods,theystolethelandbeneathourfeet”(Kameÿeleihiwa,1994,p.108).Gradually,foreignerstookmoreandmorecontrol,exploitingfullyHawaiianculturalbeliefsinlandascollec-tiveproperty (Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Osorio,2001).TheeventualprivatizationoflandplayedanimportantroleinthedisplacementofNativeHawaiians.InKanakaMaoliperspective,itwasunfathomablethatsomeoneelsecoulddenytheirrightstoplace,apreciousancestor,thesamelandthatafamilyhadworkedandlivedforgenerationsandgenerations.AsKanahele(1986)describes,Hawaiians
belongedtotheland.Howcouldyoueverownaplace,letalone sell it as a commodity, if its true value is found inthesumof the lives,memories,achievements,andmana(spiritualpower)ofthegenerationswhooncedwelleduponit?(p.208)
fIGuRE 1 The Hawaiian population in Hawaiÿi
Note: From Ka Huaka‘i: 2005 Native Hawaiian Educational Assessment, by S. M. Kana‘iaupuni, N. Malone, and K. Ishibashi, 2005, p. 26.
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In the failure of most aboriginals to recognize that they had to formally claimtheprivateownershipof their land,White foreigners,mostlymissionaries andbusinessmen,rapidlyboughtupthepropertywhereNativeHawaiianslivedandworked,forcingthemtomoveelsewhereinmostcases(Parker,1989).
Thesedisplacingeventsculminatedin1893,whenasmalloligopolyofAmericanbusinessmen and missionary descendents staged a coup d’état, capturing theHawaiianQueenLiliÿuokalaniandimprisoningher intheroyalpalacewiththehelpofU.S.Marines(Coffman,1998).Althoughtheoverthrowviolatedexistingtreatiesandestablishedproceduresforannexation,HawaiÿiwasproclaimedaU.S.territorybyCongressviatheNewlandsResolutionin1898(Trask,2002).
WhatmanydonotknowisthatannexationoccurreddespiteapetitionsignedbynearlyeverylivingNativeHawaiianatthetime(anestimated38,000of40,000)inprotestoflosingtheirsovereignnation(Coffman,1998;Silva,2004).Inrecogni-tion and formal apologyby theU.S. government for these actions,U.S.PublicLaw103-150,signedin1993,citesthatindigenousHawaiiansneverrelinquishedclaimstotheirinherentsovereigntyasapeopleorovertheirlandstotheUnitedStates.Hawaiÿibecameastatein1959.
Fast forward to the present where land struggles still occupy center focus. InSeptember2004,morethan10,000Nativeandnon-NativesupportersmarchedforKüikaPono(JusticeforHawaiians)throughtheheartofWaikïkï.Theirpurpose:todemonstrateagainstcontinuedabusesofNativeHawaiianrights,specificallyraisedbythreecases,alldirectlyorindirectlyconcerninglandissues.ThefirstwastoprotestaHawaiÿistatelawthathasbeenusedtosystematicallytakeleasedlandholdingsfromtheHawaiianmonarchy(aliÿi)trusts,amongothers,tosellofftoindividuals.3
Thesecondand thirdcaseswere tosupportHawaiianrights in two legal casesheard by the 9th circuit U.S. Court of Appeals in early 2005. The second casechallengedKamehamehaSchools,aprivate trustholdingthe legacy landassetsoftheKamehamehamonarchyinendowmentexplicitlytofundtheeducationofHawaiianchildren(seewww.ksbe.edu).EstablishedbythewillofBernicePauahiBishop, great-granddaughter of Kamehameha I, this institution combats theenduringeffectsofdecadesofpooreducationaloutcomesforHawaiiansinU.S.publicschoolswithits125-year-oldmissiontoimprovetheeducationalwell-beingofNativeHawaiians(Kanaÿiaupuni,Malone,&Ishibashi,2005).Itisresponsibleforeducatingnearly24,000NativeHawaiianchildrensinceopeningitsdoorsin
SecondwasthegradualandsystematicerosionofindigenouscontroloverthelandprimarilythroughtheinsertionofWesternlegaltactics,government,andreligion.JohnKellydescribed“whilewelookedtotheheavensfortheirgods,theystolethelandbeneathourfeet”(Kameÿeleihiwa,1994,p.108).Gradually,foreignerstookmoreandmorecontrol,exploitingfullyHawaiianculturalbeliefsinlandascollec-tiveproperty (Kameÿeleihiwa,1992;Osorio,2001).TheeventualprivatizationoflandplayedanimportantroleinthedisplacementofNativeHawaiians.InKanakaMaoliperspective,itwasunfathomablethatsomeoneelsecoulddenytheirrightstoplace,apreciousancestor,thesamelandthatafamilyhadworkedandlivedforgenerationsandgenerations.AsKanahele(1986)describes,Hawaiians
belongedtotheland.Howcouldyoueverownaplace,letalone sell it as a commodity, if its true value is found inthesumof the lives,memories,achievements,andmana(spiritualpower)ofthegenerationswhooncedwelleduponit?(p.208)
fIGuRE 1 The Hawaiian population in Hawaiÿi
Note: From Ka Huaka‘i: 2005 Native Hawaiian Educational Assessment, by S. M. Kana‘iaupuni, N. Malone, and K. Ishibashi, 2005, p. 26.
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aspecificmountain,valley,wind,rain,ocean,andwater.Culture-basedleadershiptraining, schools, andeducationprogramscontinue to instill thesepractices intoday’syoungHawaiians(seeFigure3).Centraltoidentityprocesses,articulatingtheseconnectionsinsocialinteractionsprovidesimportantcontextforsocialrela-tionshipsandnegotiationsbetweenindividualsandgroups.
Sociopolitical/Historical Ties to Place
Thethirdsetofplace–peopleidentityrelationshipsthatKanaÿiaupuniandLiebler(2005)discussedisverycriticaltomanyNativeHawaiianstodayasitaccompaniesthestruggleforself-determination.Theystated,
The importance of place to Hawaiian identity is powerednotonlybyancestralgenealogy,butalsoby thecollectivememoryof a sharedhistory.Hawaiÿi, theplace, connectsthe Hawaiian diaspora through “social relations and ahistorical memory of cultural beginnings, meanings andpractices,aswellascrises,upheavalsandunjustsubjectionsasadispossessedand(mis)recognizedpeople”(Halualani,2002,p.xxvi).(Kanaÿiaupuni&Liebler,2005,p.693)
Asacatalystforstrengthenedidentity,SpickardandFong(1995)pointedoutinagreementthat
It is as invigorating to ethnicity when a Pacific IslanderAmerican politician recites the history of abuse that herpeople have suffered, as when an island spiritual leaderchantsagenealogy….Itistruehistory,butitismorethanthat:itistheactofrhetorically,publiclyremembering,andthusitservestostrengthentheethnicbond.(p.1375)
ofNativeHawaiians,specifictotheislandorregionwheretheylived(Kanahele,1986). The interconnections of place and people were influenced by traditionalpractices of collective ownership, where, unlike Western land tenure systems,rightstoland/seaaccesswerenegotiatedbygenerationandfamilylineageaswellaspersonal,family,andcommunityneed(Rapaport,1999).ÿÄina,theHawaiianwordforlandmostcommonlyusedtoday,alsorelatestoÿaina,“meal,”andÿai,“toeat,”signifyingthephysicalrelationshipbetweenpeopleandtheearththattheytended(Pukui&Elbert,1986).Hawaiianstothisdayseeadynamic,intimaterela-tionshipinthereciprocalnatureofcaringfortheland(mälamaÿäina)asitcaresforthepeople,muchlikeafamilybond(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).
Thesesymbolicconnectionsofplacestotheancestryandculturalvaluesofpeoplearemadeexplicitthroughvariousculturalcustoms;oneexampleisfoundintheextensivenamingpracticesofplacesassociatedwithland,sea,andheavens.NoplacewithanysignificancewentwithoutanameinHawaiiantradition(Kanahele,1986;Stillman,2002),andtoday,considerablescholarshipgoesintodocumentingthousandsofplace,wind,andrainnamesinHawaiÿitopreservetherichlegendaryandhistoricalsignificanceofplacestoHawaiianculturalidentity(e.g.,Nakuina,1990;Pukui,Elbert,&Moÿokini,1974).Placenamesspanpastandpresent,andthroughtheirmeanings,thesignificanceofplaceistransmittedsociallyandacrossgenerations.ThesetypesofpracticesunderscoretheinseparabilityofphysicalandspiritualinterconnectionsbetweenplaceandpeopleintheHawaiianworldview.
Genealogical Ties to Place
Anotherexampleofthisinseparabilityisfoundingenealogicaltraditions.AcrossthePacific, identity isborneof establishingone’sgenealogical ties to ancestralbeginnings.Ancestraltiesincludenotonlypeoplebutalsothespiritualandnaturalworlds, since all things were birthed by the same beginnings. Kameÿeleihiwa(1992) argued that genealogical chants “reveal the Hawaiian orientation to theworldaboutus,inparticular,toLandandcontroloftheLand”(p.3).
InHawaiian tradition,genealogical chants identify the linesof trust and socialconnection in addition to telling family histories. These traditions are stillimportanttomanyincontemporaryHawaiÿi.Formalintroductionsatpubliceventscommonlyincluderecitingalineageofpeopleandplaces,includingconnectionsto
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aspecificmountain,valley,wind,rain,ocean,andwater.Culture-basedleadershiptraining, schools, andeducationprogramscontinue to instill thesepractices intoday’syoungHawaiians(seeFigure3).Centraltoidentityprocesses,articulatingtheseconnectionsinsocialinteractionsprovidesimportantcontextforsocialrela-tionshipsandnegotiationsbetweenindividualsandgroups.
Sociopolitical/Historical Ties to Place
Thethirdsetofplace–peopleidentityrelationshipsthatKanaÿiaupuniandLiebler(2005)discussedisverycriticaltomanyNativeHawaiianstodayasitaccompaniesthestruggleforself-determination.Theystated,
The importance of place to Hawaiian identity is powerednotonlybyancestralgenealogy,butalsoby thecollectivememoryof a sharedhistory.Hawaiÿi, theplace, connectsthe Hawaiian diaspora through “social relations and ahistorical memory of cultural beginnings, meanings andpractices,aswellascrises,upheavalsandunjustsubjectionsasadispossessedand(mis)recognizedpeople”(Halualani,2002,p.xxvi).(Kanaÿiaupuni&Liebler,2005,p.693)
Asacatalystforstrengthenedidentity,SpickardandFong(1995)pointedoutinagreementthat
It is as invigorating to ethnicity when a Pacific IslanderAmerican politician recites the history of abuse that herpeople have suffered, as when an island spiritual leaderchantsagenealogy….Itistruehistory,butitismorethanthat:itistheactofrhetorically,publiclyremembering,andthusitservestostrengthentheethnicbond.(p.1375)
ofNativeHawaiians,specifictotheislandorregionwheretheylived(Kanahele,1986). The interconnections of place and people were influenced by traditionalpractices of collective ownership, where, unlike Western land tenure systems,rightstoland/seaaccesswerenegotiatedbygenerationandfamilylineageaswellaspersonal,family,andcommunityneed(Rapaport,1999).ÿÄina,theHawaiianwordforlandmostcommonlyusedtoday,alsorelatestoÿaina,“meal,”andÿai,“toeat,”signifyingthephysicalrelationshipbetweenpeopleandtheearththattheytended(Pukui&Elbert,1986).Hawaiianstothisdayseeadynamic,intimaterela-tionshipinthereciprocalnatureofcaringfortheland(mälamaÿäina)asitcaresforthepeople,muchlikeafamilybond(Kameÿeleihiwa,1992).
Thesesymbolicconnectionsofplacestotheancestryandculturalvaluesofpeoplearemadeexplicitthroughvariousculturalcustoms;oneexampleisfoundintheextensivenamingpracticesofplacesassociatedwithland,sea,andheavens.NoplacewithanysignificancewentwithoutanameinHawaiiantradition(Kanahele,1986;Stillman,2002),andtoday,considerablescholarshipgoesintodocumentingthousandsofplace,wind,andrainnamesinHawaiÿitopreservetherichlegendaryandhistoricalsignificanceofplacestoHawaiianculturalidentity(e.g.,Nakuina,1990;Pukui,Elbert,&Moÿokini,1974).Placenamesspanpastandpresent,andthroughtheirmeanings,thesignificanceofplaceistransmittedsociallyandacrossgenerations.ThesetypesofpracticesunderscoretheinseparabilityofphysicalandspiritualinterconnectionsbetweenplaceandpeopleintheHawaiianworldview.
Genealogical Ties to Place
Anotherexampleofthisinseparabilityisfoundingenealogicaltraditions.AcrossthePacific, identity isborneof establishingone’sgenealogical ties to ancestralbeginnings.Ancestraltiesincludenotonlypeoplebutalsothespiritualandnaturalworlds, since all things were birthed by the same beginnings. Kameÿeleihiwa(1992) argued that genealogical chants “reveal the Hawaiian orientation to theworldaboutus,inparticular,toLandandcontroloftheLand”(p.3).
InHawaiian tradition,genealogical chants identify the linesof trust and socialconnection in addition to telling family histories. These traditions are stillimportanttomanyincontemporaryHawaiÿi.Formalintroductionsatpubliceventscommonlyincluderecitingalineageofpeopleandplaces,includingconnectionsto
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different situational identities, depending on the circumstances. Certainly notuniquetoNativeHawaiians,theseindividualdecisionsarecomplicatedbybothgeographicandracial/ethnicdiversity,and,formany,canbedifficulttoresolve(seeFranklin,2003;Spickard&Fong,1995).
fIGuRE 4 Intermarriage of Native Hawaiians, Census 2000
in2005.For the indigenouspopulation,whichstatisticallyhas lowereducationand higher poverty rates (even when fully employed) than other groups in thestate, ithasbecome increasinglydifficult to survive (Kanaÿiaupuni et al., 2005).Thus, the search for education, jobs, and lower home prices mean that manyHawaiians must head northeast to the 48 states. The result of these economicchangesinHawaiÿiisthatNativeHawaiiansareincreasinglyunabletothriveintheirhomeland.
PopulationdiversityisanotherthreattoNativeHawaiianidentity(Kanaÿiaupuni&Malone,2004).LikeotherNativeAmericangroupsintheUnitedStates,NativeHawaiiansarepredominantlymultiracial.Theyclaimthehighestratesofmulti-racialstatus,nexttoAlaskaNatives:abouttwo-thirdsofNativeHawaiiansareofmixed-race.4 Census 2000 data show that among all married Native Hawaiians,only 19% were married to other Hawaiians. Yet, the effects of increasinggeographicdiversityareimmediatelyapparentintheintermarriageratesofthoselivinginthe48continentalstatescomparedwiththosestillinHawaiÿi(seeFigure4). The data in Figure 4 show that whereas 34% of married Native HawaiiansintheirhomelandaremarriedtootherHawaiians,thepercentagedropstoonly7% among those residing elsewhere. Because the vast majority involves Whitepartners,thismarriagetrendhasbeendescribedbysomescholarsasa“whiteningoftheHawaiianrace.”So,placebecomesacriticallinchpintothecontinuityofHawaiianidentity.
Forallgroups, interracialmixingcomplicatesquestionsof identity (seeLiebler,2001;Root,2001;Xie&Goyette,1997).Therealquestionfortheperpetuationofethnicorculturalgroupsis,whathappenstothechildren?WhatwefindisthatthechancesofidentifyingchildrenasHawaiianinHawaiiancouplefamiliesarequitehigh,asmightbeexpected.But,forHawaiianswhomarryout,thelikelihoodthatchildrenareidentifiedasHawaiiandiminishes.Thus,ratherthancreatinggreaterpotentialforHawaiianpopulationgrowththroughintermarriage,thedatashowdiminishingreturnstoHawaiianidentificationinmixed-racehouseholds.
Placeaffectsnotonlywhopeoplemarrybutalsotheiridentitychoices.Insomecases,multiracialidentitymaypermitgreaterethnicoptionsforNativeHawaiiansonthecontinent,dependingonwheretheylive.Forinstance,aNativeHawaiian,Chinese,PuertoRicanindividualinNorthernCaliforniamayopttoadoptaChineseethnicaffiliation,whereasthesameindividualmayfindgreaterexpressioninherorhisPuertoRicanethnicityinNewYork.Inothercases,individualsmayadopt
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KANA‘iAUPUNi | PLACE AND NATIVE HAWAIIAN IDENTITY
different situational identities, depending on the circumstances. Certainly notuniquetoNativeHawaiians,theseindividualdecisionsarecomplicatedbybothgeographicandracial/ethnicdiversity,and,formany,canbedifficulttoresolve(seeFranklin,2003;Spickard&Fong,1995).
fIGuRE 4 Intermarriage of Native Hawaiians, Census 2000
in2005.For the indigenouspopulation,whichstatisticallyhas lowereducationand higher poverty rates (even when fully employed) than other groups in thestate, ithasbecome increasinglydifficult to survive (Kanaÿiaupuni et al., 2005).Thus, the search for education, jobs, and lower home prices mean that manyHawaiians must head northeast to the 48 states. The result of these economicchangesinHawaiÿiisthatNativeHawaiiansareincreasinglyunabletothriveintheirhomeland.
PopulationdiversityisanotherthreattoNativeHawaiianidentity(Kanaÿiaupuni&Malone,2004).LikeotherNativeAmericangroupsintheUnitedStates,NativeHawaiiansarepredominantlymultiracial.Theyclaimthehighestratesofmulti-racialstatus,nexttoAlaskaNatives:abouttwo-thirdsofNativeHawaiiansareofmixed-race.4 Census 2000 data show that among all married Native Hawaiians,only 19% were married to other Hawaiians. Yet, the effects of increasinggeographicdiversityareimmediatelyapparentintheintermarriageratesofthoselivinginthe48continentalstatescomparedwiththosestillinHawaiÿi(seeFigure4). The data in Figure 4 show that whereas 34% of married Native HawaiiansintheirhomelandaremarriedtootherHawaiians,thepercentagedropstoonly7% among those residing elsewhere. Because the vast majority involves Whitepartners,thismarriagetrendhasbeendescribedbysomescholarsasa“whiteningoftheHawaiianrace.”So,placebecomesacriticallinchpintothecontinuityofHawaiianidentity.
Forallgroups, interracialmixingcomplicatesquestionsof identity (seeLiebler,2001;Root,2001;Xie&Goyette,1997).Therealquestionfortheperpetuationofethnicorculturalgroupsis,whathappenstothechildren?WhatwefindisthatthechancesofidentifyingchildrenasHawaiianinHawaiiancouplefamiliesarequitehigh,asmightbeexpected.But,forHawaiianswhomarryout,thelikelihoodthatchildrenareidentifiedasHawaiiandiminishes.Thus,ratherthancreatinggreaterpotentialforHawaiianpopulationgrowththroughintermarriage,thedatashowdiminishingreturnstoHawaiianidentificationinmixed-racehouseholds.
Placeaffectsnotonlywhopeoplemarrybutalsotheiridentitychoices.Insomecases,multiracialidentitymaypermitgreaterethnicoptionsforNativeHawaiiansonthecontinent,dependingonwheretheylive.Forinstance,aNativeHawaiian,Chinese,PuertoRicanindividualinNorthernCaliforniamayopttoadoptaChineseethnicaffiliation,whereasthesameindividualmayfindgreaterexpressioninherorhisPuertoRicanethnicityinNewYork.Inothercases,individualsmayadopt
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KANA‘iAUPUNi | PLACE AND NATIVE HAWAIIAN IDENTITY
For displaced Native Hawaiians who seek to sustain their culture and identity,othermechanismsinforeignlocationshelpperpetuateculturalidentitythroughthecontinuationof traditionalpracticesor the reinforcementof cultural valuesand ideals. Inmanyof the48states,NativeHawaiiansregularlycometogetherforculturalgatheringsinvolvingmusic,art,language,andrecreation.TheyhaveformedHawaiian-basedorganizationsandgroupstoassistcontinentalHawaiianswithlifeawayfromtheirancestralhome.AnumberofHawaiiancivicclubsexistthroughout the United States, especially in regions in which large numbers ofHawaiiansreside(e.g.,ontheWestCoast).Alumniassociations,suchasthatoftheKamehamehaSchools,alsomaintainregionaldistrictstohelpkeepthenetworkoffamiliesandfriendsinformedandconnected.Smallergroupsthatpracticetradi-tionalHawaiianarts,suchashulaandcanoepaddling,existacrossthecontinent,therebyofferingpractical outlets forHawaiians living far fromhome.Kauanui(1998)notedafewinCalifornia:HuiHawaiÿioSanDiego,EOlaMauKaÿÖleloMakuahineinHuntingtonBeach,NäKölea(aptlynamedafterthegoldenploverbirdsthatflybetweenHawaiÿiandAlaska)ofSanJose,andothers.
Building the Future of Place
It isdifficult formany21st-centuryNativeHawaiians toshare thesamedegreeof involvementandconnectionwithancestral landsasNativeHawaiianscouldin former times. Increasing urbanization, commodification, and skyrocketingpropertyexpenseshaveforeverchangedtheHawaiianpaeÿäinaanditsyoungersiblings.Butrecognitionofthepivotalrolethatplaceplaysinidentityandlearningprocesseshasbegunto transformtheserviceanddeliveryofmanyeducationalandsocialprogramsforNativeHawaiians.Thereformsintegratetherichhistory,stories,andknowledgeaboutthelandandsea,andatthesametimereinforcetheintegrallinkbetweentheÿäinaandidentity.
PrimarilyfueledbytheconcernandpassionofHawaiiancommunitymembers,parents,andadvocates,theseeffortsareanorganicsolutiontothechillingnegativestatisticsthatplagueNativeHawaiianchildren:highratesofpoverty,substanceabuse, juveniledevianceandcriminalactivity, teenagepregnancies,pooreduca-tionaloutcomes,domesticabuse,depression,andsuicide.Forexample,place-basedlearning is a pillar of educational reform through the Hawaiian charter school
KanaÿiaupuniandLiebler(2005)foundthat,comparedwiththoseinthecontinentalUnitedStates,mixed-racefamiliesaremuchmorelikelytoreporttheirchildrenasNativeHawaiianifthechildrenwereborninHawaiÿi,ifthefamilyresidesinHawaiÿi,oriftheHawaiianparentwasborninHawaiÿi,netofotherexplanatoryfactors.Moreover,suggestingthatreturninghomeisaprofoundevent,thehighestoddsratioofreportingNativeHawaiianoccurredinmixed-racefamiliesthathadlivedoutsideHawaiÿiandreturnedhome,comparedwithotherfamilies.
RecentdatafromCensus2000areconsistent,confirmingthedeepsignificanceofplacetoracialidentification.AsshowninFigure5,KanaÿiaupuniandMalone(2004)foundthatmixed-racechildrenlivinginHawaiÿiweresignificantlymorelikely to be identified as Native Hawaiian than were other children. Still, onlyabouthalfofchildrenininterracialfamilieswithoneNativeHawaiianparentwereidentifiedasHawaiianinCensus2000(Kanaÿiaupuni&Malone,2004).
fIGuRE 5 Percentage of children of mixed-Hawaiian marriages who are identified as Hawaiian, by selected place-based characteristics: 2000
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KANA‘iAUPUNi | PLACE AND NATIVE HAWAIIAN IDENTITY
For displaced Native Hawaiians who seek to sustain their culture and identity,othermechanismsinforeignlocationshelpperpetuateculturalidentitythroughthecontinuationof traditionalpracticesor the reinforcementof cultural valuesand ideals. Inmanyof the48states,NativeHawaiiansregularlycometogetherforculturalgatheringsinvolvingmusic,art,language,andrecreation.TheyhaveformedHawaiian-basedorganizationsandgroupstoassistcontinentalHawaiianswithlifeawayfromtheirancestralhome.AnumberofHawaiiancivicclubsexistthroughout the United States, especially in regions in which large numbers ofHawaiiansreside(e.g.,ontheWestCoast).Alumniassociations,suchasthatoftheKamehamehaSchools,alsomaintainregionaldistrictstohelpkeepthenetworkoffamiliesandfriendsinformedandconnected.Smallergroupsthatpracticetradi-tionalHawaiianarts,suchashulaandcanoepaddling,existacrossthecontinent,therebyofferingpractical outlets forHawaiians living far fromhome.Kauanui(1998)notedafewinCalifornia:HuiHawaiÿioSanDiego,EOlaMauKaÿÖleloMakuahineinHuntingtonBeach,NäKölea(aptlynamedafterthegoldenploverbirdsthatflybetweenHawaiÿiandAlaska)ofSanJose,andothers.
Building the Future of Place
It isdifficult formany21st-centuryNativeHawaiians toshare thesamedegreeof involvementandconnectionwithancestral landsasNativeHawaiianscouldin former times. Increasing urbanization, commodification, and skyrocketingpropertyexpenseshaveforeverchangedtheHawaiianpaeÿäinaanditsyoungersiblings.Butrecognitionofthepivotalrolethatplaceplaysinidentityandlearningprocesseshasbegunto transformtheserviceanddeliveryofmanyeducationalandsocialprogramsforNativeHawaiians.Thereformsintegratetherichhistory,stories,andknowledgeaboutthelandandsea,andatthesametimereinforcetheintegrallinkbetweentheÿäinaandidentity.
PrimarilyfueledbytheconcernandpassionofHawaiiancommunitymembers,parents,andadvocates,theseeffortsareanorganicsolutiontothechillingnegativestatisticsthatplagueNativeHawaiianchildren:highratesofpoverty,substanceabuse, juveniledevianceandcriminalactivity, teenagepregnancies,pooreduca-tionaloutcomes,domesticabuse,depression,andsuicide.Forexample,place-basedlearning is a pillar of educational reform through the Hawaiian charter school
KanaÿiaupuniandLiebler(2005)foundthat,comparedwiththoseinthecontinentalUnitedStates,mixed-racefamiliesaremuchmorelikelytoreporttheirchildrenasNativeHawaiianifthechildrenwereborninHawaiÿi,ifthefamilyresidesinHawaiÿi,oriftheHawaiianparentwasborninHawaiÿi,netofotherexplanatoryfactors.Moreover,suggestingthatreturninghomeisaprofoundevent,thehighestoddsratioofreportingNativeHawaiianoccurredinmixed-racefamiliesthathadlivedoutsideHawaiÿiandreturnedhome,comparedwithotherfamilies.
RecentdatafromCensus2000areconsistent,confirmingthedeepsignificanceofplacetoracialidentification.AsshowninFigure5,KanaÿiaupuniandMalone(2004)foundthatmixed-racechildrenlivinginHawaiÿiweresignificantlymorelikely to be identified as Native Hawaiian than were other children. Still, onlyabouthalfofchildrenininterracialfamilieswithoneNativeHawaiianparentwereidentifiedasHawaiianinCensus2000(Kanaÿiaupuni&Malone,2004).
fIGuRE 5 Percentage of children of mixed-Hawaiian marriages who are identified as Hawaiian, by selected place-based characteristics: 2000
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Halualani,R.T.(2002).In the name of Hawaiians: Native identities and cultural politics.Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress.
Kamakau,S.M.(1992).Ruling chiefs of Hawaiÿi.Honolulu:KamehamehaSchoolsPress.
Kameÿeleihiwa,L.(1994).TheroleofAmericanmissionariesinthe1893overthrowoftheHawaiiangovernment:Historicalevents,1820–1893.InU.Hasager&J.Friedman(Eds.),Hawaiÿi: Return to nationhood(pp.106–119).IWIGIA(InternationalWorkGroupforIndigenousAffairs)Document75.Copenhagen:NordiskBogproduktion.
Kameÿeleihiwa,L.(1992).Native land and foreign desires.Honolulu:BishopMuseum.
Kanahele,G.(1986).Kü kanaka—Stand tall: A search for Hawaiian values.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Hawaiÿi charter schools: Initial trends and select outcomes for Native Hawaiian students(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.04-5:22).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Liebler,C.A.(2005).Ponderingpoidog:PlaceandracialidentificationofmultiracialNativeHawaiians.Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28,687–721.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Malone,N.(2004,April).Got koko? Hawaiian racial identity in multiracial families.PaperpresentedatthemeetingofthePopulationAssociationofAmerica,Boston,MA.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huakaÿi: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Kauanui,J.K.(1998).Off-islandHawaiians“making”ourselvesat“home”:A[gendered]contradictioninterms?Women’s Studies International Forum, 21,681–693.
Kauanui,J.K.(inpress).Adiasporicderacinationand“off-island”Hawaiians.InJ.Kamakahi&I.K.Maoli(Eds.),Navigating Hawaiian identity.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kawakami,A.J.(1999).Senseofplace,community,andidentity:BridgingthegapbetweenhomeandschoolforHawaiianstudents.Education and Urban Society, 32,18–40.
Kawakami,A.J.,&Aton,K.K.(2001).KeaÿoHawaiÿi(criticalelementofHawaiianlearning):PerceptionsofsuccessfulHawaiianeducators.Pacific Educational Research Journal, 11,53–66.
Lee,S.,&Fernandez,M.(1998).TrendsinAsianAmericanracial/ethnicintermarriage:Acomparisonof1980and1990censusdata.Sociological Perspectives, 4,323–342.
Liebler,C.A.(2001).The fringes of American Indian identity.Unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,DepartmentofSociology,UniversityofWisconsin–Madison.
Perhaps themost criticalquestion that liesbeforeusnow is,what isHawaiÿi’sfuture,andwhereare itsNativepeople in thoseplans?AsHawaiÿisuffersever-increasingchallengesofoverdevelopmentandenvironmentaldegradation,weall,whetherindigenousornot,mustworktogethertoprotectthisplace.Andyet,forwhomisHawaiÿibeingdeveloped,whenmoreandmoreofitsindigenouspopu-lationcannotaffordto liveonandcareforourprecious ÿäina?Thesequestionsrequireanswersthataccountforourplaceasapeoplenotonlynow,butalsoinanother50,100,oreven1,000years.
References
Allen,J.(1999).Spatialassemblagesofpower:Fromdominationtoempowerment.InD.Massey,J.Allen,&P.Sarre(Eds.),Human geography today(pp.194–218).Bristol,England:PolicyPress.
Amona,K.(2004,October).Native Hawaiian wellness and the sea. PaperpresentedattheKamehamehaSchools2004ConferenceonNativeHawaiianWell-Being,Keaÿau,HI.Retrievedfromhttp://www.ksbe.edu/pase/pdf/KSResearchConference/2004presentations/Amona.pdf
Battiste,M.(Ed.).(2000).Reclaiming indigenous voice and vision.Vancouver,Canada:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress.
Becket,J.(2003).Landandliterature:TeachingabouttheHawaiianforest.InWao Akua: Sacred source of life(DivisionofForestryandWildlife,DepartmentofLandandNaturalResources,StateofHawaiÿi,pp.43–49).Honolulu:HawaiÿiDepartmentofLandandNaturalResources.
Bushnell,O.A.(1993).The gifts of civilization: Germs and genocide in Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawai‘iPress.
Coffman,T.(1998).Nation within: The story of America’s annexation of the Nation of Hawai‘i.Chicago:Epicenter.
Daws,G.(1968).Shoal of time: A history of the Hawaiian Islands.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Franklin,M.(2003).Idefinemyownidentity:Pacificarticulationsof“race”and“culture”ontheInternet.Ethnicities, 3,465–490.
Gruenewald,D.(2003).Foundationsofplace:Amultidisciplinaryframeworkforplace-consciouseducation.American Educational Research Journal, 40,619–654.
302
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KANA‘iAUPUNi | PLACE AND NATIVE HAWAIIAN IDENTITY
Halualani,R.T.(2002).In the name of Hawaiians: Native identities and cultural politics.Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress.
Kamakau,S.M.(1992).Ruling chiefs of Hawaiÿi.Honolulu:KamehamehaSchoolsPress.
Kameÿeleihiwa,L.(1994).TheroleofAmericanmissionariesinthe1893overthrowoftheHawaiiangovernment:Historicalevents,1820–1893.InU.Hasager&J.Friedman(Eds.),Hawaiÿi: Return to nationhood(pp.106–119).IWIGIA(InternationalWorkGroupforIndigenousAffairs)Document75.Copenhagen:NordiskBogproduktion.
Kameÿeleihiwa,L.(1992).Native land and foreign desires.Honolulu:BishopMuseum.
Kanahele,G.(1986).Kü kanaka—Stand tall: A search for Hawaiian values.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Hawaiÿi charter schools: Initial trends and select outcomes for Native Hawaiian students(PolicyAnalysis&SystemEvaluationRep.No.04-5:22).Honolulu:KamehamehaSchools.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Liebler,C.A.(2005).Ponderingpoidog:PlaceandracialidentificationofmultiracialNativeHawaiians.Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28,687–721.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,&Malone,N.(2004,April).Got koko? Hawaiian racial identity in multiracial families.PaperpresentedatthemeetingofthePopulationAssociationofAmerica,Boston,MA.
Kanaÿiaupuni,S.M.,Malone,N.,&Ishibashi,K.(2005).Ka huakaÿi: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment.Honolulu:PauahiPublications,KamehamehaSchools.
Kauanui,J.K.(1998).Off-islandHawaiians“making”ourselvesat“home”:A[gendered]contradictioninterms?Women’s Studies International Forum, 21,681–693.
Kauanui,J.K.(inpress).Adiasporicderacinationand“off-island”Hawaiians.InJ.Kamakahi&I.K.Maoli(Eds.),Navigating Hawaiian identity.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Kawakami,A.J.(1999).Senseofplace,community,andidentity:BridgingthegapbetweenhomeandschoolforHawaiianstudents.Education and Urban Society, 32,18–40.
Kawakami,A.J.,&Aton,K.K.(2001).KeaÿoHawaiÿi(criticalelementofHawaiianlearning):PerceptionsofsuccessfulHawaiianeducators.Pacific Educational Research Journal, 11,53–66.
Lee,S.,&Fernandez,M.(1998).TrendsinAsianAmericanracial/ethnicintermarriage:Acomparisonof1980and1990censusdata.Sociological Perspectives, 4,323–342.
Liebler,C.A.(2001).The fringes of American Indian identity.Unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,DepartmentofSociology,UniversityofWisconsin–Madison.
Perhaps themost criticalquestion that liesbeforeusnow is,what isHawaiÿi’sfuture,andwhereare itsNativepeople in thoseplans?AsHawaiÿisuffersever-increasingchallengesofoverdevelopmentandenvironmentaldegradation,weall,whetherindigenousornot,mustworktogethertoprotectthisplace.Andyet,forwhomisHawaiÿibeingdeveloped,whenmoreandmoreofitsindigenouspopu-lationcannotaffordto liveonandcareforourprecious ÿäina?Thesequestionsrequireanswersthataccountforourplaceasapeoplenotonlynow,butalsoinanother50,100,oreven1,000years.
References
Allen,J.(1999).Spatialassemblagesofpower:Fromdominationtoempowerment.InD.Massey,J.Allen,&P.Sarre(Eds.),Human geography today(pp.194–218).Bristol,England:PolicyPress.
Amona,K.(2004,October).Native Hawaiian wellness and the sea. PaperpresentedattheKamehamehaSchools2004ConferenceonNativeHawaiianWell-Being,Keaÿau,HI.Retrievedfromhttp://www.ksbe.edu/pase/pdf/KSResearchConference/2004presentations/Amona.pdf
Battiste,M.(Ed.).(2000).Reclaiming indigenous voice and vision.Vancouver,Canada:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress.
Becket,J.(2003).Landandliterature:TeachingabouttheHawaiianforest.InWao Akua: Sacred source of life(DivisionofForestryandWildlife,DepartmentofLandandNaturalResources,StateofHawaiÿi,pp.43–49).Honolulu:HawaiÿiDepartmentofLandandNaturalResources.
Bushnell,O.A.(1993).The gifts of civilization: Germs and genocide in Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawai‘iPress.
Coffman,T.(1998).Nation within: The story of America’s annexation of the Nation of Hawai‘i.Chicago:Epicenter.
Daws,G.(1968).Shoal of time: A history of the Hawaiian Islands.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Franklin,M.(2003).Idefinemyownidentity:Pacificarticulationsof“race”and“culture”ontheInternet.Ethnicities, 3,465–490.
Gruenewald,D.(2003).Foundationsofplace:Amultidisciplinaryframeworkforplace-consciouseducation.American Educational Research Journal, 40,619–654.
304
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Pukui,M.K.,&Elbert,S.H.(1986).Hawaiian dictionary.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Pukui,M.K.,Elbert,S.,&Moÿokini,E.(1974).Place names of Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Rapaport,M.(Ed.).(1999).The Pacific Islands: Environment and society.Honolulu:BessPress.
Relph,E.(1976).Place and placelessness.London:Pion.
Rhodes,R.W.(1990).MeasurementsofNavajoandHopibraindominanceandlearningstyles.Journal of American Indian Education, 29(3),29–40.Retrievedfromhttp://jaie.asu.edu/v29/V29S3mea.htm
Root,M.P.(2001).Love’s revolution: Interracial marriage.Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress.
Saltman,M.(2002).Land and territoriality.NewYork:Berg.
Schnell,S.M.(2000).TheKiowahomelandinOklahoma.Geographical Review, 90,155–177.
Silva,N.(2004).Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.
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Pukui,M.K.,&Elbert,S.H.(1986).Hawaiian dictionary.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Pukui,M.K.,Elbert,S.,&Moÿokini,E.(1974).Place names of Hawai‘i.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiÿiPress.
Rapaport,M.(Ed.).(1999).The Pacific Islands: Environment and society.Honolulu:BessPress.
Relph,E.(1976).Place and placelessness.London:Pion.
Rhodes,R.W.(1990).MeasurementsofNavajoandHopibraindominanceandlearningstyles.Journal of American Indian Education, 29(3),29–40.Retrievedfromhttp://jaie.asu.edu/v29/V29S3mea.htm
Root,M.P.(2001).Love’s revolution: Interracial marriage.Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress.
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2 Kamehameha I did not conquer Kauaÿi, but instead, Kaumualiÿi, the kingof Kauaÿi, chose to cede the island to Kamehameha to avoid a future invasion.KaumualiÿicontinuedtoruleKauaÿiwhilepledgingallegiancetoKamehameha.
3 Thelawwasrepealedsuccessfullyinthefollowingspring,2005.
4 AccordingtoCensus2000,64.9%ofNativeHawaiiansreportmorethanonerace.AlaskaNativesmostoftenreportedmultipleraces(92%),followedbyNativeHawaiians,andthenAmericanIndians(53%).
Wong,D.(1999).AgeographicalanalysisofmultiethnichouseholdsintheUnitedStates.International Journal of Population Geography, 5,31–48.
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Yamauchi,L.(2003).Makingschoolrelevantforat-riskstudents:TheWai‘anaeHighSchoolHawaiianStudiesProgram.Journal of Education for Students Placed at Risk, 8,379–390.
With exception of a few modifications appearing in this version, this article has been
published previously in J. W. Frazier and E. L. Tettey-Fio (Eds.), Race,Ethnicity,andPlaceinaChangingAmerica, 2006. Binghamton, NY: Global Academic Publishing.
We are grateful to the publishers for their permission to reprint the article in Hülili. We
acknowledge the efforts of those upon whose scholarship this piece builds and to several
colleagues whose guidance helped improve this work.
About the Authors
Shawn Malia Kanaÿiaupuni, PhD, currently directs the research and evaluationefforts of the Kamehameha Schools. Nolan Malone, PhD, is a senior researchanalystintheResearchandEvaluationdepartmentatKamehamehaSchools.
Notes
1 We use Native Hawaiian, Hawaiian, and Kanaka Maoli to refer to thosedescended fromtheaboriginalpeoplewho inhabited theHawaiianarchipelagopriorto1778,whenCaptainJamesCookarrivedinHawaiÿi.
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307
KANA‘iAUPUNi | PLACE AND NATIVE HAWAIIAN IDENTITY
2 Kamehameha I did not conquer Kauaÿi, but instead, Kaumualiÿi, the kingof Kauaÿi, chose to cede the island to Kamehameha to avoid a future invasion.KaumualiÿicontinuedtoruleKauaÿiwhilepledgingallegiancetoKamehameha.
3 Thelawwasrepealedsuccessfullyinthefollowingspring,2005.
4 AccordingtoCensus2000,64.9%ofNativeHawaiiansreportmorethanonerace.AlaskaNativesmostoftenreportedmultipleraces(92%),followedbyNativeHawaiians,andthenAmericanIndians(53%).
Wong,D.(1999).AgeographicalanalysisofmultiethnichouseholdsintheUnitedStates.International Journal of Population Geography, 5,31–48.
Wood,H.(1999).Displacing natives: The rhetorical production of Hawaiÿi.Lanham,MD:Rowman&Littlefield.
Xie,Y.,&Goyette,K.(1997).TheracialidentificationofbiracialchildrenwithoneAsianparent:Evidencefromthe1990census.Social Forces, 76,547–570.
Yamauchi,L.(2003).Makingschoolrelevantforat-riskstudents:TheWai‘anaeHighSchoolHawaiianStudiesProgram.Journal of Education for Students Placed at Risk, 8,379–390.
With exception of a few modifications appearing in this version, this article has been
published previously in J. W. Frazier and E. L. Tettey-Fio (Eds.), Race,Ethnicity,andPlaceinaChangingAmerica, 2006. Binghamton, NY: Global Academic Publishing.
We are grateful to the publishers for their permission to reprint the article in Hülili. We
acknowledge the efforts of those upon whose scholarship this piece builds and to several
colleagues whose guidance helped improve this work.
About the Authors
Shawn Malia Kanaÿiaupuni, PhD, currently directs the research and evaluationefforts of the Kamehameha Schools. Nolan Malone, PhD, is a senior researchanalystintheResearchandEvaluationdepartmentatKamehamehaSchools.
Notes
1 We use Native Hawaiian, Hawaiian, and Kanaka Maoli to refer to thosedescended fromtheaboriginalpeoplewho inhabited theHawaiianarchipelagopriorto1778,whenCaptainJamesCookarrivedinHawaiÿi.
Naleen N. Andrade University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Claire Asam Queen Lili‘uokalani Children’s Center
Maenette K. P. Benham Michigan State University
Kekuni Blaisdell University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Robin Puanani Danner Council for Native Hawaiian Advancement
Manu Kaÿiama University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
J. Kehaulani Kauanui Wesleyan University
Alice J. Kawakami University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Morris Lai University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Teresa Makuakäne-Drechsel Kamehameha Schools
Marjorie Mau University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Davianna McGregor University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Manulani Aluli-Meyer University of Hawaiÿi–Hilo
Rona Rodenhurst Waimea Valley Audubon Center
Matthew Snipp Stanford University
Roland G. Tharp University of California–Santa Cruz
Jo Ann U. Tsark Papa Ola Lökahi
Linda Tuhiwai Smith University of Auckland
Ben Young University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
Kanalu G. Terry Young University of Hawaiÿi–Mänoa
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cover: Ho‘okupu © 2006 by Harinani Orme
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