Riders on the storm: Rock art in the Atacama Desert (Northern Chile

Riders on the Storm: Rock Art in the Atacama Desert (Northern Chile)Author(s): Francisco Gallardo, Victoria Castro and Pablo MirandaSource: World Archaeology, Vol. 31, No. 2, The Cultural Biography of Objects (Oct., 1999), pp.225-242Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/125059 .

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Riders on the storm: rock art in the

Atacama Desert (Northern Chile)

Francisco Gallardo, Victoria Castro and Pablo Miranda

Abstract

Rider and mount iconography is common in the rock art of northern Chile but it is little investi- gated and poorly understood. This paper takes a new approach which focuses on the meaning and context of these equestrian images. It surveys the contexts in which equestrian imagery, particularly that associated with Apostle Santiago, is used and the meanings it invokes in colonial period illustrations and contemporary indigenous Andean cultures. These insights form the basis of a new interpretation of the equestrian rock art imagery of the Aiquina area of northern Chile. It is argued that the incorporation of equestrian iconography into rock art was not a simple process of importing exotic items and ideas but a complex process involving the appropriation of imagery and ideas and the renegotiation of their meanings in new cultural contexts.

Keywords

Northern Chile; Aiquina; rock art; equestrian iconography; colonial period.

Rich as it is in rock art, the desert region of northern Chile is where most studies have been carried out (Iribarren 1973; Kessel 1976). This system of indigenous representation goes back to the second millennium B(C, and is principally associated with Archaic hunter- gatherer residential sites (NunTez 1983; Berenguer et al. 1985; Santoro and Dauelsberg 1985). It continues without any obvious break until the first centuries of Spanish coloniz- ation. Although many styles or traditions of pre-Hispanic rock art have been defined by specialists (e.g. Mostny and Niemeyer 1983), one style, normally identified with the colonial period, remains poorly researched (e.g. Orellana 1968: 27). This style, which consists of engravings or paintings representing human figures riding horses or mules, is the focus of this paper.

Colonial Period indigenous art is widely distributed in northern Chile. It includes paintings in black in the interior of Arica (Santoro and Dauelsberg 1985); paintings in red on the lower course of the Loa River; engravings on rocks in the Quebrada de Tarapaca (Nuniez 1985; Niemeyer 1961), at the oasis of Quillagua (Vergara 1897) and the Quebrada de Aiquina (Le Paige 1958). This site is particularly important because it includes the largest known concentration of equestrian designs.

World Archaeology Vol. 31(2): 225-242 The Cultural Biography of Objects (C Taylor & Francis Ltd 1999 0043-8243



226 Francisco Gallardo, Victoria Castro and Pablo Miranda

Three decades ago, the Jesuit Priest Gustavo Le Paige interpreted the equestrian engravings as a response to the European invaders, in which indigenous people expressed 'their enthusiasm for the new civilisation, or at least what they most appreciated about it: mounted animals, such as horses or donkeys' (1958: 87). This interpretation is neither new nor unique. In many parts of the world where contact with the Western world led to the incorporation of foreign images into existing rock art traditions, these additions are seen as merely a record of historic events (egg. Chaloupka 1984: 50; Nuniez Jimenez 1975: 49; Schobinger and Gradin 1985: 79; Turpin 1988). This interpretation needs to be challenged. From such a perspective, the indigenous person is thought of as someone who has lost their culture, but who possesses an innate tendency to produce new culture by simply creating an inventory of events foreign to their traditional environment. In such a scheme, the specificity of the culture is irrelevant and the capacity of indigenous people to produce their own meanings is annulled. This sterile reasoning has much in common with two well- known preconceptions in anthropology: the so-called mental inferiority of 'primitive' peoples and the 'explanatory force' of human nature.

Less ethnocentric approaches are, however, possible. Geertz (1973: 5), for example, has suggested that the concept of culture should be understood semiotically, as humans are animals suspended in a webs of meaning they themselves have woven. Human action can then be seen as an activity that produces, brings about, evokes and maintains as current certain cognitive principles whose meanings are intelligible only within the context of historically determined social relations.

He/she makes sense of the world and copes with it by fitting it around general assump- tions. The world is egocentered according to sets of values that work for the individual, in the practice of daily life.

(Hodder 1985:4)

It is therefore difficult to imagine rock art or any other human event as peripheral to these cultural tensions. Every individual, confronted by an unknown event, must select, trans- late and arrange, thereby transforming new knowledge into something pertinent to their own strategies of action. In this article we intend to illustrate this process, and then to eval- uate our interpretations in the light of current theoretical and methodological proposi- tions within rock art studies.

Rock art and the riders of Salado River

The Salado River originates above 4,000m in the area of the Tatio geysers, northern Chile, and runs some 80kms before joining the Loa River (Fig. 1), the longest water- course in the Atacama desert. The stretch of river considered here is on the ecological floor of the 'Quebradas Intermedias' (Intermediate Ravines), a transitional zone between the 'Desierto Absoluto' (Absolute Desert) and the 'Desierto Marginal de Altura' (High Altitude Marginal Desert) where El Tolar vegetation predominates (Aldunate and Castro 1981). In this area the ravine is up to 50m deep, the valley widens, springs are abundant and the river provides water for rich pastures. The walls of the ravine correspond to a geological crack-vent formation on top of which a riolithic edge



Riders on the storm: rock art in the Atacama Desert (Northern Chile) 227

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has developed. The rock art was principally executed at the contact points between the two geological formations.

The rock art panels are concentrated in the sector of the ravine adjacent to Aiquina




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(Plate 1), a village inhabited by Andean farmers and herders whose occupation of the area can be traced back to the seventeenth century (see Aldunate et al. 1986: 33). In close association with the rock art, there is a continuous series of abandoned agricultural terraces whose extreme deterioration makes them almost indistinguishable from the slope on which they lie. On both sides of the river silos (storage units) are built into the walls of the ravine, and there are remains of canals, corrals, paths and natural shelters. These struc- tures are common in the area south of the ravine and are occasionally still used by camelids and sheep, brought to the area by herders from Aiquina. There is also abundant ceramic ma-terial from the regional Late Formative Period through to the Early Colonial Period (Orellana 1968:27).

Within a 1km stretch of canyon we recorded fifty-seven rock art panels. The southern face of the ravine contains thirty-three panels, including twenty-four engravings and nine groupings of rock paintings. On the northern face there are twenty-four engraved panels and at least one painting. The representational repertoire is replete with camelid images, although vizcachas, felines, foxes and other non-identifiable animals are also present. Human figures, engraved or painted, are scarce. When found, they are commonly associated with camelids or equine designs, the former more frequent on the southern face and the latter on the northern face. Of the twenty-eight equestrian figures, grouped in ten panels, only two are found on the wall south of the ravine. The orientation of the panels varies between due south and due east but all face the hills around Aiquina.

The representation of the rider conforms to certain rules of composition, although there




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equestrian figures. Photo: Francisco Gallardo.

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is variation in the details. The most common production technique is engraving through percussion and scraping or incision of the entire field of design. The rider is always presented front on, with head, body and arms, but no legs (Plate 2). In contrast, the body of the mount is presented in profile, showing the ears, tail and legs. Both mount and rider are characterized by extreme rigidity.

Frequent attributes of the rider include: the possession of long objects in one hand; the extension of the free hand towards the neck of the animal suggesting the presence of reins; and additional lines protruding from the head of the rider which suggest a wide-brimmed hat. The mount is represented with two or four legs which on some figures show a thick- ening in the area of the hooves. In the engravings studied this equestrian design usually appears in association with similar figures, but this is not necessarily the case. In a few cases there are also geometric designs or zoomorphs and one example is a single panel motif.




The rider image in the Andean world

From the sixteenth century equestrian imagery becomes common in the Andean area. Riders are depicted in a wide range of materials and contexts. The popularity of this imported imagery may suggest an enormous aesthetic rupture with the past brought by the encounter between indigenous peoples and European invaders. But this is not necessarily the case.

The equestrian figure has been recorded in rock at various sites in the 'central south Andean area' (Lumbreras 1981: 75). Examples include red paintings on sandstone at Chiripaca, Departamento de La Paz, Bolivia (Taboada 1988), and red paintings, occasionally with white borders, on cave and rock shelter walls of Humahuaca gorge and other parts of the Jujuy puna of northwestern Argentina (Alfaro 1978; Fernandez 1972-3; Fernandez Distel 1976-80, 1988; Hernandez and Podesta' 1979-82).

The equestrian theme is not, however, confined to rock art. At Caleta Vitor in northern Chile Adolf Bandelier collected material from a looted indigenous cemetery. Among the vast inventory of objects recovered was a copper pin with a rider depicted on the top (Plate 3). The figure holds the reins of an animal in his left hand, and his right hand extends to the height of his chin (Bird 1962: fig. 41c). A similar find comes from Catamarca, north- west Argentina, where a bronze tupu was discovered in a grave with abundant Yocavil ceramics. A mounted figure with long objects extending from his hands is engraved on the disc (Caceres 1963). A rectangular sheet of gold with bas-relief designs from the central coast of Peru has a central motif depicting a mounted person, holding reins in one hand and a long object in the other. The animal possesses many attributes which suggest a horse, in spite of the legs having the characteristic cloven hoof of South American camelids (Bird 1962: fig. 41a).

All these archaeological finds lack information concerning their origin and cultural context. Fortunately, from the first centuries of the Conquista to the present day a vast collection of equestrian images depicting the same forms and having the same regional distribution as the archaeological examples mentioned above has been compiled. These texts include references to the meaning of the images.

The most widespread image of the rider in viceregal Andean art is undoubtedly that of Apostle Santiago. Religious banners, murals and sculptures depict the figure of a mounted bearded man, with an undulating cape, a raised sword in hand and frequently trampling on figures representing indigenous people (Gisbert 1980). Santiago El Mayor arrived with the Conquistadors and burst into the Andean world at the very heart of Hispanic violence. Battles were conducted under the dedication of this saint and soldiers invoked his name among the thunder of the muskets and the clatter of the horses' hooves (Girault 1988: 64). The process by which Apostle Santiago rose to importance in the Andean world is not well understand. However, it is clear that, as he became incorporated into the practices of the defeated indigenous peoples, he acquired new symbolic meanings (Choy 1958).

The seventeenth-century indigenous chronicler Guaman Poma de Ayala was particularly explicit on this theme. In his illustrations (Fig. 2) he established a clear association between Seftor Santiago and Illapa, the god of thunder and lightning (Poma de Ayala 1980 [1615]: 377). This symbolic association spread and was quickly adopted by the Andean




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communities, a process corroborated by Jos6 de Arriaga, a Spanish idolatry-eradicating~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... ... priest, who, at the turn of seventeenth century, demonstrated his concern.. .. about.the.indige-

nous veneration f the saint by pohibiting indigeous people from.aking.the.saint' name: 'may~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ no.. on becledSniao utrterDeo'(riaa168[61] 1)

The web of Andean signification woven around Apostle Santiago extended..into.many domains and contexts. In the recent past and present, the figure of the rider is represented~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.... .....

on a vaiety o indigeous obects. Fr.examle,.he.ppearsin.chi.chi reado.use.in th creation of a~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ceemnil es.Giaut.98:54..hiiciread.cmmny onis o. group of thirty-six small tin figures depicting the silhouettes of humans, skulls, animals,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i!2..... .. planets, and other diverse objects such as musical instruments, crosses, horns and tables.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~....... . . .. One tin figure represents~~~. a rider.. wh sietfidb h alaaaadoherusfo

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Santiago and the skull and bull horn confers immunity from harmful forces (ibid.: 257). In Cuzco, Peru, these representations of Santiago are buried next to other figurines at places where lightning strikes (ibid.: 260) and in Cochabamba, Bolivia, he is used as an offering to the earth (ibid.: 259).

Another group of objects that may be used to create ceremonial mesas are the so-called misterios. These are tiny multi-coloured rectangular plaques made of sugar hardened with limestone. Once again, among the constellation of depictions is a figure on a horse representing Santiago El Mayor (Plate 5). This misterio in particular offers protection against the danger of lightning, not only for humans but also for livestock, the land and houses (ibid.: 273). It also plays an important parallel role in traditional medicine, where it is attributed curative properties for nervous conditions believed to have been caused by storms (ibid.). The figure of Santiago is also commonly found on the engraved alabastrite amulets used by Kallawaya shamans. Apostle Santiago, usually dressed in accordance with




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..... . .. ..Plate 4 (above, left) A tin h 2 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~figure from a chiuichi recado

depicting Apostle Santiago; in Coleccio6 de Estudio del Museo Chileno de Arte Pre- colombino. Photo: Fernando Maldonado.

Plate 5 (above, right) Plaque of hardened sugar known as a misterio depicting Apostle Santiago; in Coleccio6 de Estudio del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino. Photo: Fernando Maldonado.

Plate 6 (left) Figure of Apo- stle Santiago located in the church in the village of Toc- once (Fig. 1). Photo: Francisco Gallardo.

colonial Hispanic style, is depicted mounted on a horse which is trampling human figures or snakes. The power of these amulets is activated during journeys, conferring on the owner 'supernatural and magical force' (Girault 1987: 557).




Oral histories also use the rider figure. There are numerous traditional stories, especially those linked to myths, in which the figure of the rider is the protagonist. In this context, the gods of the hills, who go by the names Mallku, Wamani or Apu, acquire special importance. In Lunlaya, a community of the Charazani region of Bolivia, the deity of the hills is known as Lugarniyoj and is described as a short, old, bearded man, who wears a wide- brimmed hat, jacket, trousers and riding boots. He rides a horse, but the animal is never discussed. He appears between rocks or on top of hills and carries in his hand a whip which he cracks in the air, thereby causing storms. This supernatural being controls thunder and lightning. He rules over agriculture, hence, at the ceremonial mesas, 'plates of food' are offered to him to ensure timely and abundant rains (Martinez 1983: 91). Analogously, in Isluga, northern Chile, Qollqa Mallku the 'god of hills' has been represented by a rider and his mount. The inhabitants of this Aymara-speaking community describe the god as a rider on a white horse, wearing a wide-brimmed hat, trousers and riding boots. He is considered to be terrible but has a great deal of prestige; he gives many flocks of llamas and alpacas, money and a powerful sexual prowess to those who meet him (ibid.: 941). Martinez (1983: 97) argues that the Islugian Mallku image is almost identical to that of Apostle Santiago as he is represented in Andean imagery. The relationship of Santiago with lightning, rain and cultivated fields is comparable to the association between Lugar- niyoj and thunder and lightning. In summary, this equestrian figure, who is often identified as Saint Santiago, is charged with an Andean power concentrated in the fecundity and abundance of agriculture and livestock.

Engraved riders, sacred riders

The close historical and iconographic associations described above make it possible to draw the rock art images from Aiquina into a larger field of Andean signification domPi nated by the figure of Apostle Santiago. This is the point of departure for our interpretative analysis. We will attempt an intertextual game (Barthes 1990: 293) in which we bring together a 'material culture text' (Berenguer and Martinez 1986: 96) with other texts, including the ethnohistorical record and the archaeological context. We examine the rock art of Aiquina as an active element in Andean colonial social practice, focusing on ruptures as privileged points of historical analysis (Foucault 1972), and giving priority to strategies rather than rules (Bourdieu 1988).

Consecrated space

There is a sense of privacy and intimacy about the rock art incorporated into boulders and rocky walls along the Salado River valley. This art was not placed in the public spaces of nuclear settlements where any passing visitor or traveller might see it. It is deliberately set apart from the village of Aiquina and placed next to the river among the cultivated terraces and livestock corrals. These are places where the older members of the community and other individuals who had rights to the use of the land passed much of their time. Beneath these images engraved in the walls the daily working life of domestic units




unfolded. The rock art defined the limits of a space for social action and provided a focus around which the 'drama' of Andean daily life gravitated.

This argument is based on an Andean logic of representation (Gallardo et al. 1990: 38-9). By producing meaning through the act of engraving rock, and by controlling a meaningful setting which seeks to give form to the equestrian figure and other rock art designs, a specialist put into play symbolic power (iconography is Quellcatha in Aymara and Quellcani in Quechua (Bertonio 1984 [1612]: 286; Gonzalez Holguin 1952 [1608]: 301); the specialist in producing iconography is Quellquericcoscori in Aymara and Riccha Quellcaycamayok in Quechua (Bertonio 1984 [1612]: 368; Gonzalez Holguin 1952 [1608]: 632)). This process is like that described in the Inca myth of the origin of the nations (Cristobal de Molina 1913 [1575]: 118), where the 'Maker' models the nations from clay and later gives them life by painting them. Exploiting the 'symbolic efficacy' (Le'vi-Strauss 1970: 138-85) retained and liberated in the 'production of art', the specialist tapped into contradictions implicit in such things as the transition between life and death, between culture and nature. Indigenous artists could in this way claim for themselves and their community a sacred authority to intervene in a certain place and define its character as a cultural setting. At this point we must emphasize that not all the rock art images in the valley were created at the same time, indicating this arbitrary union of opposites was continuously renegotiated in new images.

Rupture and aesthetic arrangement

The nature of variation within Aiquina's equestrian iconographic group suggests the exis- tence of basic rules of composition; an Andean aesthetics emptied of its 'normal' language but whose significant contrasts and limits can be determined when the local rock art is viewed as a whole. The production technique of 'emptying' the bodies of the human and animal figures by thick or thin scraping is widespread and striking. In contrast, the rider and mount form and theme have no precedent in the Andean tradition of representation. Its introduction must, therefore, have been the result of a profound aesthetic adjustment.

In order to understand how this adjustment was negotiated by the Andean people we must examine the Pre-columbian images that the equestrian figure 'replaces'. As described above, the equestrian figures are associated with Saint Santiago, who was in turn related to Illapa, the god of thunder and lightning and the earthly destructive force inhabiting the interior of hills. Unfortunately, the iconography of Illapa is unknown. According to the chronicler Polo de Ondegardo, the idol of the thunder god took the shape of 'a man in the sky holding a sling and a club' (Polo de Ondegardo 1571, as cited in Girault 1988: 51). In another chronicle of the same century, Cristobal de Molina wrote that the idol of thunder and lightning had the 'shape of a person, although one could not see his face' (Molina 1913 [1575]: 132). These colonial documents agree that Illapa was represented as a human figure associated with specific objects. The absence of animals in the descriptions indicates a clear difference between Illapa and the iconography that recreates Apostle Santiago.

Considered as a whole, the rock art shows continuity in technique and discontinuity in form. The majority of non-equestrian engravings represent animals, especially camelids,




with few human figures. When these elements come together in a theme they appear to follow a 'logic of continuity' expressed in rigid rules of composition:

1 The human figure associated with the camelid is placed either behind or between two animals, but never above.

2 Camelids are represented in profile, in some cases disarticulated, and human figures are shown front on.

3 All the designs were produced by the scraping technique, which effects the entire inter- nal area of the figures.

4 The figures generally lack any sense of movement.

These four rules are common to the majority of engravings. The equestrian images conform to the last three rules with the rider being face on and the mount shown in profile. However, a rupture occurs with the first rule governing the relative positions of human and animal. We feel that the 'real' order was created by mounting the human figure on the horse. In fact, there is a panel that shows many equestrian representations where a human figure is observed literally 'standing' on the back of the animal. This representation need not have constituted an iconographic stage, however; the majority of equestrian designs clearly eliminate the legs of the rider so that horse and rider fuse together to define a new order: a new and unexpected aesthetic solution.

Rock art, myth and ritual

Oral tradition is emphatic in demonstrating the mythic relevance of the rider and animal. Apostle Santiago evokes the God of the Hills (Dios de los Cerros), and playfully travels from heaven to earth on his star-laden road, the Milky Way, know as Laccampu hattira (Bertonio 1984 [1612]: 113). The Illapa of the Inca world fused with and transformed into this new deity, the key to a new social and symbolic order. The saint that was seized from the invaders possesses, as his antecedent had, the power to control thunder and lightning. In his hands he has the capacity to make rain and hail, to give and punish; he is also attributed with an enormous sexual virility, essential to the creation and multiplication of life.

As discussed, ethnographic accounts of this image are common. The image embodies and concentrates power which is actively transferred into the daily practices of Andean peoples. The activation of the image's power reduces the uncertainty of both small or large undertakings. The specificity of the image is constantly redefined through a process of signification where the 'substance of the signifier' (Mege 1987: 91) and the context of the icon come together to establish its meaning.

The suggestion that a cognitive category evokes symbols which order a totality in precarious equilibrium cannot elude a certain mundane teleology. To escape this problem, the context of the equestrian engravings is assumed to be significant. Their narrow confine- ment in association with a wide grouping of agricultural terraces, canals, silos and corrals suggests symbolic complicity and a ritual connection which could not be identified by archaeology alone. We propose an active symbolic relationship which involves the manipulation of a second contradiction, this time situated in the domain of agricultural production, the reproduction of livestock and possibly the reproduction of society itself.




Both the damp earth which enables the seed to germinate and the sexual union of animals become fertile when the power of the Santiago image is activated. Furthermore, the uniform orientation of the equestrian engravings towards the Aiquina hills is unlikely to be coincidental, given that Santiago is identified with the gods who inhabit the mountain.

Today, ritual spaces have moved and rites have changed but they still preserve some 'remembrance' of the past. The small village of Toconce, located 10km upstream of the Aiquina engravings, is one of many communities in the region that religiously follow Saint Santiago (Plate 6). The inhabitants believe Santiago gallops through the hills to produce rain, thundering '[s]parks flying from the hillside, with bronze horseshoes, silver bridle and silver sword' (Indian account cited in Castro and Varela 1992). The importance of the sound produced by the Saint's horse in the myth suggests a relationship with the Aiquina engravings which commonly emphasize the hooves of animals. Horses' hooves produce a sound similar to thunder, perhaps a metonymical annunciation of one of this divinity's most important attributes.

The religious festival celebrating Apostle Santiago requires the villagers' total dedication. Dozens of celebrants congregate in the village, its languid and dusty streets brought to life by the music of brass bands and sicus (panpipe) groups. Frenzied dances by those fulfilling promises to the saint and unending processions of devotees disrupt the passivity of the daily life of the Toconce herders and farmers. Religious supplication and other rituals are performed in the intimacy of the church, which opens its doors only for communal religious festivity. Religious supplication and other rituals take place in the village head office. Red wine and coca leaves are used to consecrate produce which is hung from the platforms transporting the images of Santiago and the Virgin of Guadalupe.'The latter, co-protagonist of the ritual, is brought from Aiquina where she is patron saint.

A key dramatic moment in the proceedings unfolds outside the church, in the space bounded by the surrounding walls and adjacent to agricultural terraces and livestock corrals. During the procession Santiago and the Virgin are paraded counter-clockwise around the temple then laid on the four altars built on the corners of the walled patio. At this point the music and dance give way to a prayer conducted by one of the communal yatiris (one who knows the customs), who beseeches the image of Santiago to ensure fertile fields, the reproduction of animals and health for the people.

A significant link between mythic imagery and rock art iconography is evident here. Similarly, a strong association is established between the Apostle Santiago and the agricultural terraces, canals and corrals. However, transferring myths or ethnographically observed ritual practices to rock art is fraught with methodological difficulties. First, there are enormous time differences between each context of meaning. Second, myth, rite and art use different symbolic 'languages' and, given our current state of research, it would be premature to try and describe more precisely the 'shifters' (Barthes 1978: 18-19) that define equivalencies between these very different symbolic domains.

Rock art as subversion

The processes of signification, cautiously outlined above, are not exclusively teleological. The community appeals to the image not only in order to make it 'produce', but also




because the images are a discourse in which meaning is constantly renegotiated and which is capable of organizing many different domains. Its power rests in the fact that it is, in itself, 'social power' (Eco 1980: 191).

We know that at the beginning of the seventeenth century the Atacama region suffered under the political, economic and ideological oppression of the colonial administration (see Cassasas 1974a, 1974b). The widely dispersed inhabitants of the area were re-settled into villages, began to pay a tribute to Spain and were forced into a process of idolatry eradication. Beaten, but not completely defeated, the Andean peoples organized a cultural resistance. They elaborated a counter discourse and organized subversive practices opposed to these colonizations. The rock art discussed in this paper highlights the extent of this phenomenon. The inhabitants of colonial Aiquina actively transgressed the Spanish prohibitions by continuing to revere their gods; by producing quellcas which had been explicitly banned by the viceroy Francisco de Toledo in 1575 (see Duviols 1977: 297-8); and by appealing to the image of Santiago, which had similarly been silenced through ordi- nances (Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 215). It is hardly a surprise, therefore, that the Aiquina community took such an active part in the 1778 indigenous rebellion. The leader of the rebellion, Tupac Amaru, defined his political status by using as insignias of authority images of Santiago 'mounted on a white horse and dressed in black velvet' (Gallardo et al. 1990; Lewin 1963: 33). Similarly, both Tupaj Katari, leader of the uprising in High Peru, and Toma's Paniri, ethnic leader of colonial Aiquina, included the sword among their symbols of political power, thus explicitly evoking and invoking the power of Santiago Illapa (Hidalgo 1982: 217,1983:131).

Conclusions

The Apostle Santiago introduced by the European invaders was symbolically appropri- ated by the Andean populations. There is little doubt that the Saint was transformed and symbolically reinscribed. This change in meaning profoundly altered both the iconography and the material means for its expression. The Andean peoples transformed Santi- ago's image, assigning it new meanings and new contexts of social and symbolic practice, in resistance to the pressure placed upon them to accept an incomprehensible form of political and social power. The rock art from Aiquina illustrates this process in its own 'language'. The creators of this art inaugurated a new domain of expression for the Spanish saint. In particular, they brought animal and human figures, which were previously kept separate, together into a new united and powerful form. At the same time, the existing formulae for producing aesthetic meaning were preserved by continuing to render the body through percussion and scrapping or incision.

Our work has highlighted some specific theoretical and methodological issues. We suggest that, when rock art is considered as 'a vehicle of meaning' (Geertz 1983: 118) or, more precisely, as symbolic categories embedded in determined social practices, research will be directed to the formulation of culturally relevant discourses (e.g. Berenguer and Martinez 1989; Faulstich 1986; Lewis-Williams 1981, 1982, 1983a; Tacon 1989). The nature of rock art cannot be found in nature (Lewis-Williams 1983b) because rock art is never an invariable sign. Its meaning is contextually dependent and therefore rock art must be




understood as a polysemic event (Gallardo et al. 1990: 52; Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1990: 5). Rock art cannot be simply understood as myth (e.g. Vinnicombe 1972: 131), as art for art's sake (e.g. Halverson 1987), as shamanistic (e.g. Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1990:7), or using any other form of reductionism. Only by assuming that rock art images, like all aspects of culture, are subject to constant negotiation and renewal, can we avoid an understanding of culture as static and petrified.

Acknowledgements

We would like to express our gratitude to the people of Toconce,Turi and Aiquina; to Peter Kvietok of the American Museum of Natural History and especially to our colleagues Luis Cornejo, Jose Luis Martinez and Pedro Mege of the Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino who commented on an earlier draft of this paper. Finally, we thank the Sociedad de Arte Precolombino Nacional and the Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino for their generous support of the work of recording the rock art of the Upper Loa River. We thank Catherine Westfall and Benjamin Alberti for translating this article from Spanish into English.

Francisco Gallardo I. and Pablo Miranda B., Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, Bandera 361, Santiago de Chile, Chile

Victoria Castro R. Departamento de Antropologia, Universidad de Chile, Avenida Ignacio Carrera Pinto

1045, Nuhoa, Santiago, Chile

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Riders on the storm: Rock art in the Atacama Desert (Northern Chile

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