RpCIoNaL INTpRaCTIoN IN AuIvIoN DURINc rIrE InoNAcp IIC: AN INsrcHT INTo RrcIoNeI ExcuaNcp

THnoucu Cpnarurcs FRoM rrrp 'AvrvraN CrraoEL ANDDptR'ALLA*

Niels C. F. Groot

Introduction

The Iron Age IIc (734-580 a.c.e.) is regarded by scholars as the goldenage of the Central Transjordanian kingdom of Ammon. This "goldenage" has been deduced from the finds ofdelicately sculpted objects, sealsand fine pottery in Iron Age IIc strata and tombs. This unique materialculture complex is closely correlated with the region that is traditionallydesignated as "Ammon" (Herr 1999,224; London 1999,89-90; Daviauand Dion 2007 ,301; Herr and Najjar 2008, 325). No other region in theSouthern Levant has yielded such a variety and quality of lron Age IIcobjects. The development of this speciflc cultural complex is alsoremarkable as the Iron Age IIc of Ammon begins with the transÍbrmationfrom independent state into a Neo-Assyrian vassal kingdom (Dion 2003,s04-7).

Despite the nice artefacts much of the society of this kingdom remainsunknown. One of the many enigrnatic aspects of this state concerns theinteraction within the kingdom. This article attempts to present a limitedinsight into large- and small-scale interaction between Arnmonite sites.This information was obtained by the study of the ceramic fabrics thatwere encountered in a limited set of Iron Age IIc sherds from the'Ammàn Citadel, the location of the former kingdorn's capital. Thisresearch included a comparison with fabrics that have been discerned in

* This paper is dedicated to Margreet Steiner, with whom I have had manyinteresting and fruitful discussions on the subject oflron Age Ilc in Transjordan. Iaur grateful for her advice and support throughout and after my Ph.D. research.

Gnoor Regional Interaction in Ammon

the study of Iron Age IIc pottery from Tell Deir 'Alla in the JordanValley (Groot 201 1). Through this latter step an understanding could begained of regional exchange of ceramics during and possibly even beyondthe Iron Age IIc.

oÍ Sidoa,

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'Judah'

Figure l. Map of the situation and supposed extent of Iron Age Amrnonand the sites mentioned in the text. Inset is a map of the Jordan Valley

with the sites mentioned in the text

63

64 Exploring the Narrative

The paper's primary objective is to present the results of the fabricstudy of ceramics of the 'Amman Citadel and the subsequent comparisonwith Tell Deir 'Alla. The second objective of this article is briefly todiscuss the possible exchange mechanisms behind the observed patternand the duration of the exchange. The final objective of this paper is toraise the issue of the assumed end of occupation of the 'Ammàn Citadeland the demise of Ammon after the onset of the Neo-Babylonian era.This event is often distilled Íiom the absence of sources, although thedata from this research is indicative for a different scenario.

Geographical and Archaeological Context

The kingdom of Ammon was mainly situated in the highlands around thecurrent Jordanian capital city of 'Ammàn, on the plateau of CentralTransjordan. Its northern border appears to have been situated at or nearthe Wadi ez-Zerqa', the biblical river Jabbok. The southern border waspossibly located south of the site of Tell Hesban (see Fig. 1; Herr 1999,220-23).

Similar to the current situation, this region was dominated by thecapital and central site of 'Ammàn, the first main site of this research.Although the extent of the settlement remains unknown, the core of thisimposing settlement was the 'Ammàn Citadel. This hill towers above theheadwaters of the Wadr ez-Zerqa. Unfortunately, the scattered excava-tion projects on this location have not provided a good insight into theIron Age II occupation on this hill. What has become clear is that the sitewas well fortified during the Iron Age IIc and, judging from the limitedremains that have been exposed, housed several large, impressivebuildings (Herr 1999 ,222).

Several other sizeable Iron Age IIc settlements, be it towns or evencities, like Jawa, Sahab and Jalul, were located in the region around the'Ammàn Citadel. Dotted between these sites were several smaller vil-lages, hamlets, fortresses, administrative centres and fortifled farmsteads(Herr and Najjar 2008, 323-25).

Besides the plateau, also the Southern and Central Jordan Valleyappear to have been an integral part of the kingdom as the materialculture and writing suggest (Van der Kooij and Ibrahim 1989,69; Groot2011, 113-14). The most densely occupied area, the Central JordanValley, harboured several villages. These settlements were predomi-nantly located in the plain between the Wadr ez-Zerqa and the WadiKunfrijeh. One of these sites is Tell Deir'Alla, the other main site in thispaper. It contains, among others, the remains of a sequence of villages or

Gnoor Regional Interaction in Ammon 65

hamlets from the Iron Age II-III (+ 1000-350 B.C.E.), as excavationshave shown (see van der Kooij and Ibrahim 1989; Van der Kooij 2001).Iron Age IIc phases VII, VI and V/VI on the eastern summit of the sitebelong to this sequence. The first phase, VII, was a densely built village,which was constructed after almost a century of abandonment. Phase VIIwas probably destroyed and abandoned after an earthquake in the earlyseventh century B.C.E. The succeeding phase VI was a village, which canbe dated to the late seventh-very early sixth century B.C.E. After destruc-tion by fire and a period of abandonment, the subsequent phase, V/VI,probably represents a hamlet. The remains of this phase predominantlyconsist of a large number of pits and a thick accumulation of courtyardlayers. Phase V/Vl is roughly dated to the sixth century B.C.E. (Van derKooij 200 l, 296, 297, 301).

MctÍerial and Methods

Ceramics from the 'AmmAn Ciradelln 1975 the Director-General of Antiquities, Ya'qub 'Uways, invitedMrs. C.-M. Bennett, atthat time the director of the British School ofArchaeology in Jerusalem, to conduct a number of small-scale rescueexcavations on behalf of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan. Theseexcavations took place on the upper part of the 'Ammàn Citadel as partof a larger project, which was aimed at studying the archaeologicalremains underlying the location of an anticipated, although never real-ized, new archaeological museum (Northedge 1992,l5-16).

A set of sherds from the exposed periods was donated by C.-M.Bennett to the Institute of Pottery Technology of Leiden University fortechnological study and also to serve as display material for the exhibi-tion "Pottery and Potters-Past and Present 7000 Years of Ceramic Artin Jordan" at the Royal Museum of Fine Arts of Belgium in Brussels(1984-85) and at the museum of Tiibingen University (1986) (seeHomès-Fredericq and Franken 1986). This donation included a set of 35lron Ilc-Persian period sherds. Much later these latter pottery fragmentswere selected for a small fabric study. This research was conducted inorder to compare the results with those from a similar, but much largerstudy, of Iron Age Ilc-Persian period pottery from Tell Deir 'Alla, toestablish whether there was exchange of ceramic products between theCentral Jordan Valley and the plateau.

As mentioned the set of 'Ammàn Citadel sherds can broadly be datedto the Iron Ilc-Persian period. Further dating is difficult because of thenon-distinct nature of the vessels to which they originally belonged.

66 Exploring the Narrcttive

However, it is often assumed that occupation ceased on the .Ammàncitadel after the Iron Age lIc (zayadine, Humbert and Najjar 19g9, 30g-9; Greene and Amr 1992, r26;Hiibner rgg2,25). Therefó the ceramicsshould in theory predate the persian period.

The sherds from the 'Ammàn citadel could be subdivided in fourgeneral types, which are listed below. As the sherds are quite fragmen-tary, corresponding larger vessel (fragment)s from Tell Deir ,Alla havebeen used to illustrate the corresponding vessel types (Fig. 2). rnaddition, as the absolute dating of the Iron Age IIc stratà of tÀe .Ammàncitadel is still largely undetermined, the information from Tell Deir ,Allais used roughly to date the vessel types.

l. The collection is dominated by 1g rims sherds of holemouthbowls with a long, thickened, inward folded rim (see Fig.2a).The holemouth bowl is predominantly encountered in centralTransjordan. At Tell Deir 'Alla this vessel type was introducedin the ninth century B.c.E. as is evident from the assemblageDA-phase M/IX (Vilders t992,197 Fig.5.26).t The productiónof this closed bowl type continued at least into the fourth centuryB.c.E. as is clear from the repeÍoire of Deir 'Alla phase IIi(Groot 2011, 145).

2. The holemouth jar is another dominant shape within this reper-toire (11 rim sherds; see Fig. 2b). This vessel shape was presentat Tell Deir'Alla fromphase vI onwards. It has also been foundon other sites in central Transjordan and palestine (Groot 2011,128).

3. The pithos is a heavy storage jar with ridges near the rirn (5 rimsherds; see Fig. 2c). AtTell Deir 'Alla this vessel type has beenfound in phases VI-IV (late seventh to late fifth century e.c.r.).It is a characteristic shape in Late Iron Age IIc central rrans-jordan (Groot 2011, 167).

4. A bowl with thickened inverted rirns with several grooves on theexterior near the rim (r sherd; see Fig. 2d). This bowl typebelongs to a dominant class of closed Bowl types within thephase vII Tell Deir 'Alla assemblage (vII.cB.l-3) (Groor 20rr,120). Dorneman has also encountered several examples of thistype in his study of the Iron Age ceramics from thè .AmmànCitadel (Domeman 1983, Figs. 55, 539; 59,719-21).It appearsto be limited to the central Transjordanian early Iron Àge IIcsites (Groot 2011, 120).

l. vilders (1992) designated it as a horemouth jar, however due to its diameter ithas to be designated as a closecl bowl.

Gnoor Regional Interaction in Ammon 67

(!)

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Figure 2. The discerned general vessel types frorn the 'Ammàn Citadel.As the sherds are quite fragmentary, corresponding larger vessel (frag-ments) from Tell Deir 'Alla have been used to illustrate the particularvessel types. The depicted vessels are taken from Groot 201 l: (a) PlateXVI.la;(b) Plate XVIII.25;(c) Plate XX.4b; (d) Plate IV.4a

Fubric Anulysi.sF'or the fabric analysis a representative sample of each sherd was taken.After refiring these fragments aÍ750" C in an oxidizing atmosphere atthe Ceramic Laboratory of Leiden Faculty of Archaeology the non-plastic inclusions in fresh and polished breaks were analysed using astereomicroscope (1 0-50x magnification).

Results of the Analysis of the Potïery Fabrics

Three main fabric types (AMC.1-3) have been found within the sampledreperloire (see Table 1 foverleafl).

The first, AMC.1, is one of two dominant types and constitutes 16 outof 35 sherds $5.7%). The quite poorly sorted fabric is marked by thepresence of lime particles and rounded calcite grains (see Table l). Thisfabric can be subdivided into two sub-groups: AMC.la and AMC.lb.These two sub-fabrics differ in the amount of non-plastic parlicles. It canbe suggested that the latter sub-fabric is the result of restricted additionof temper. If this sub-fabric was levigated, one would expect a leanerfabric.

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70 Exploring the Narrative

The second, AMC.2, is the dominant fabric, constituting l8 out of 35sherds (5r.4%). This poorly sorted fabric is dominated by lime grainsand to a lesser extent mudstone and quaftz sand (see Table 1).

The last fabric, AMC.3, is a minor fabric type as it is found in onlytwo sherds (5.7%). The fabric contains mainly calcite/lime particres,which are somewhat rounded in a pinkish-white clay matrix.

There is no clear correlation between the three fabric types and speci-flc vessel types. However, some observations can be made. Notable isthat four out of five pithoi are made of fabric AMC.la, and only one offabric AMC.2. As these speciflc vessels were quite heavy and conse-quently difficult to transport, the production location had to be nearbythe site itself. Therefore at least fabric AMC.1 was most likely made in aworkshop that was located nearby or on the tell, while the other fabricscould represent somewhat more distant potter's workshops. The secondobservation is the usage of fabric type AMC.3 for two holemouth jars,which are suitable for transport of goods.

Comparison with Tell Deir 'Alla

The fabrics of the set of 'Ammàn citadel ceramics have subsequentlybeen compared with the Iron Age IIc fabric types of rell Deir 'Alla. Twofabric types of the 'Ammàn citadel collection are also found in theceramic assemblage of Tell Deir 'Alla.

The first similar fabric is AMC.la. This fabric has been observed inthe assemblages of Late Iron Age llc phases vI and V/vI of Tell Deir'Alla, where it is classifi ed as Non-Damya Jàbric K. This fabric consti-tuted 0.9oÀ of the sampled repertoire of phase VI and 2.3%o of thesampled repeftoire of phase v/vl. At Tell Deir'Allathis fabric was usedfor vessel types of the so-called central rransjordanian group and forvessels of the so-called General southern Levantine group. The vesselsthat were assigned to the flrst group have predominantly been encoun-tered in the area of Ammon. The General Southem Levantine groupcomprises shapes that cannot (yet) be connected with a speciflc SouthernLevantine region and that can be found in two or more ofthe regions thatborder the Eastern Central Jordan Valley (Groot 2}ll, 1 17-18).

In Deir 'Alla phase VI fabric AMC.1alNon-Damya fabric K wasencountered in a Central Transjordanian wheel thrown, and somewhatsquat hemispherical bowl (Deir 'Alla type VI.OB.3; Fig. 2a) and aGeneral Southern Levantine decanter (Deir 'Alla type VI.JJ.1 1; Fig. 2c).In the subsequent phase it has been found in association with two centralTransjordanian shapes, namely a wheel thrown step-rim bowl (Deir ,Alla

Gnoor Regional Interaction in Arumon '7 I

type V/VI.OB.2; Fig. 2b) and a coil-built holemouth bowl (Deir 'Allatype V/VI.CB. 1 ; Fig. 2d).

The last fabric from the 'Ammàn Citadel , AMC.3, has been observedin the sampled assemblages of Deir 'Alla phases VII to IV. It wasclassified here as Non-Damya./'abric B. In the repertoire of the three IronAge Ilc-phases VII, VI and V/VI this fabric constituted respectively2.7o , 8.6o/u and I.6'% of the repertoire.

In the assemblages of phases VII and VI Non-Damya FabricB/AMC.3 is found in connection with wheel thrown Central Transjorda-nian shapes, including the step-rim bowl (Deir 'Alla type VI.OB.4; Fig.2e); the typical shallow saucer bowl with out-flaring rim (Deir 'Allatypes VII.OB.4 and VI.OB.6; Fig.2f); a bowl with an incurving roundedor square rim with relatively narrow exterior ridge (Deir 'Alla typeVLOB.12; Fig. 29) and with examples of the characteristic BlackBurnished fabric (Deir'Alla type VI.BB.i; Fig.2h). Apart from thisspecific usage for delicate shapes, this fabric is also used for coil builtvessels like the holemouth bowl (Deir 'Alla type VI.CB.l; Fig. 2d) andthe coil built jar with a sloping neck that is attached to a wide shoulder(Deir 'Alla type VI.JJ.2; Fig.2i). In the successive phase V/VI theproportion of this fabric within the sarnpled assemblage had sharplydecreased. lt was encountered in connection with the coil built globularbowl with upright simple rirn (Deir 'Alla type YlYl.CB.2; Fig. 2j) as

well as the traditional wheel thrown step-rim bowl with flaring rim (Deir'Alla type V/VI.OB.2; Fig. 2b).

The study of the ceramics from Tell Deir 'Alla also included thechemical analysis of several selected fabrics. It was aimed at distin-guishing locally produced vessels from imported objects. The resultswere subsequently compared with data obtained through the analysis of anumber of ceramics/fabrics from other regional sites, including thefabrics frorn the 'Ammàn Citadel. This research was conducted with twocompositional characterizationtechniques (Groot 20I l, 86-92). Throughthe analysis with the first applied technique, X-Ray Fluoresence (XRF),it has become clear that 'Ammàn Citadel fabric AMC.3 was, besidesvisually/mineralogically, also chemically similar to Deir 'Alla Non-Damya fabric B. Surprisingly, these two latter fabrics proved also to bechemically similar to Deir 'Alla Non-DanyaJàhric l. This Íabric shares

several characteristics with Deir'Alla Non-Darnya fabric B/AMC.3. AtTell Deir 'Alla the relatively large set of Non-Damya fabrics A and B are

both whitish-pink in colour with a varying amount of non-plastics.In the Late Iron Age Ilc-assemblages of phases VI and V/VI Non-

Damya fabric A is especially connected with the typical Ammonite fine

72 Exploring the Nqrrative

fabric vessels that are so characteristic of the Late Iron Age IIc (London1999, 93-96). These vessels were frequently red-slipped and closelyburnished. Exemplary is the wheel thrown step-rim bowl lsee for exam-ples Figs. 3b; 3e; 3h).

This chemical analysis also proved that a limited amount of ceramicsfrom the nearby sites of Tell al-Mazar and rell 'Adliyyeh were alsochemically similar (see Fig. 1; Groot 2012).In addition, it became clearthat the fabrics AMC.3 and Non-Damya fabrics A and B were notproduced in the Central Jordan Valley.

The second phase of the chemical research of the Tell Deir ,Allafabrics further underlined the widespread regional presence of fabricAMC.3. Instrumental Neutron Activation Anarysis (INAA) of, amongothers, Deir 'Alla fabrics Non-Damya fabrics A and B confirmeo ttratboth were not locally produced at Tell Deir 'Alla. More interesting werethe results of the subsequent comparison with INAA-data on Iron AgeIlc/Persian period ceramics from Tell Hesban and Tell el-,Umayri. Thisshowed that at these sites a fabric type, classified, as INAA group 2,had asimilar chemical composition to Non-Damya fabric g ana a and conse-quently also to AMC.3. Interesting is also that at Tell Hesban and rellel-'Umayri this specif,c fabric was a minor, non-local fabric (Londonet al. 2008, 117, l2l).

It is highly likely that all these chemically similar fabrics were madeof clay from a similar (regional) geological deposition (Groot 2oll,2l7-30). Furthermore, this specific set of fabrics is especially correlated withtypical central rransjordanian vessel types (London et al. 2oog, Ir7,121;Groot 2012).

Interprelalion

The presence of identical ceramic fabrics within the studied Iron Age IIcassemblages at the 'Ammàn citadel and rell Deir 'Alla is indicative ofinteraction between people within the region that is traditionally desig-nated as the territory of the kingdom of Ammon. Each of these twodiscerned fabric types represents a speciflc type of interaction.

Small-scale Interaction Between SitesThe presence of fabric AMC.1a at Tell Deir'Alla (Non-Damya fabric K)indicates the existence of small-scale interaction between sites within theregion of Ammon. This assumption is based on the fact that theproduction of vessels with this fabric was probably centred at or near the'Ammàn citadel. First, 16 out of 35 samples of the 'Arnrnàn citadelconsisted of this fabric, which makes it likely that the clay source for this

Gnoor Regional InteracÍion in Ammon 73

fabric was located near to the site. By contrast, at Tell Deir 'Alla this

fabric was a rare fabric type cornpared to the other discerned fabrics.

Secondly, within the sampled 'Ammàn Citadel collection this fabric was

found in correlation with sturdy, not easily transportable, pithoi. At Deir'Alla it was found in connection with smaller vessels.

Figure 3. Vessel types from Tell Deir 'Alla phases VlI, VI and V/VI with

which fabrics AMC.la and AMC.3 are correlated. The depicted vessels

are taken from: (a) Groot 2011, Plate X.3f; (b) Groot 2011, Plate

XXVII.2a; (c) Groot 2011, Plate XXI'Ila; (d) Groot 2011, Plate

XXXI.la; (e) Groot 2011, Plate X.4a; (0 Groot 2011, Plate X.6c;

(g) Groot 2011, Plate XI.l2a; (h) Groot 2011, Plate XV.la; (i) Groot

201l, Plate XX.2a; fi) Groot 2011, Plate XXXI.2a

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74 Exploring the Narrcttive

Prior to its (assumed) destruction the 'Ammàn Citadel was the centreof an affiuent Iron Age Ilc kingdom. Therefore the Deir'Alla ceramicscomposed of fabric AMC.la could be a remnant of a redistributionsystem of goods and ceramics from the capital towards the differentregions of the kingdom. However, when looking at the types of vesselsthat are correlated with this fabric it is evident this was not the case (seeFig. 3a-d). First, these pots were not typical transport vessels. Secondly,the vessels concerned were not limited to a specific type/shape. More-over, the number is quite restricted in the sampled assemblages fromboth phases of Tell Deir 'Alla. Therefore a specific, large-scale exchangesystem can be ruled out. As a flnal note on this matter, it should bequestioned whether organized redistribution of non-liquid substanceswas carried out with pottery containers. Such transport of non-liquiditems was more likely carried out in lighter (and perishable) organiccontainers, like baskets and bags.

At Tell Deir 'Alla several more minor fabric types, like Non-Damyafabric K/AMC.1a, have been observed. This myriad of small fabrics ismost probably indicative of limited exchange of products between sites(and people) within Ammon (Groot 2011,243,244,246). Consequently,the discerned connection with 'Ammàn Citadel should not be elevated tomajor importance. The vessels concerned rather testify to a different typeof exchange relation between inhabitants ofboth locations. In the case ofdirect contact between inhabitants of both sites, two different exchangemechanisms can be proposed for the presence of this non-local group ofvessels at Deir 'Alla. First, it can be imagined that these objects werepartly the result of infrequent visits to the capital by the local inhabitantsof Tell Deir 'Alla for a number of reasons. Vessels could have beenacquired as a container for specific products or sirnply as a valued emptyvessel. Exchange the other way around can also be imagined as occa-sional visitors/merchants from the capital to Deir 'Alla brought some ofthe vessels as gifts/barter. Likely, the presence of these vessels was theresult of both mechanisms. Notwithstanding the speculation concerningthe specif,c reason(s) of exchange, it is evident that a limited export ofgoods from the capital towards a village in the Central Jordan Valleyoccurred during a longer time span, as this specific fabric has been foundat Tell Deir'Alla in the assemblage of two Iron Age IIc phases.

Large-scale Production and ExchangeThe second and maybe the most intriguing flnd of this study is thewidespread presence of vessels that are chemically (and visually) similarto fabric AMC 3. As mentioned above, the fabric is mineralogically andchemically similar to (minor) fabric types at other sites. At Tell Deir

Gnoor Regional InÍeraction in Antmon 75

'Alla the fabrics in question (Non-Darnya fabrics A and B) have been

observed in the assernblages of all Iron Age Ilc-phases and even inPersian period phases V and IV (Groot and Dik 2008, 109 Table 2; Groot2009, 17 6 Fig. 8e; 201 l, 198-200). It is evident from this study that thevessels, which were produced at a yet unknown location, have ended upin cities, towns and villages throughout Ammon. Therefore, it can beposed that the production of this type of ceramics exceeded the output ofa 'common' individual workshop (Peacock 1982, 8; Duistermaat 2008,340 Table V.1).

Through the study of the assemblage of Tell Deir 'Alla speciflcinsights into aspects of production and distribution of these vessels couldbe gained. The fabric that was chemically correlated with fabric AMC.3,namely Non-Damya fabric A, was especially connected with the typical"Ammonite" fine ware vessels that are so characteristic of the Late IronAge IIc in Ammon (London 1999,93-96). These vessels are frequentlyred-slipped and closely burnished. This correlation between fabric, shape

and f,nishing has also been observed at Tell el-'Umayri and Tell Hesban(London et al. 2008, 126-27). Sometimes Non-Damya fabric A was alsofound in connection with less flne and larger vessels. At Tell Deir 'Allathe other fabric Non-Damya fabric B, which is visually as well as

chemically correlated with fabric AMC.3, is found in connection withmore utilitarian vessels.

To get an understanding of the underlying system of exchange, themode of ceramic production has to be addressed. Based on the number ofvessels that appear to have a similar chemical composition, one canassume the presence of a 'nucleated workshop' somewhere in Ammon.A nucleated workshop is a distinct town quarter/village/settlement whichspecialized in the production of (speciflc) vessels. The reasons forassuming this mode of ceramic production are the following: (1) Thenucleated workshop produces fairly standardized products, which have a

high quality (see Peacock 1982, 9; Rice 1987 ,184). This aspect is clearfrorn the typical finishing and delicate shapes found at the sites con-cerned. (2) Another argument for this supposition of a localized andintensified production is the probably restricted availability of suitableraw materials. Both the clay source and the frequently applied red slip onthe finer vessels appear to be quite specific.2 Besides the distinctive redslipped fabrics, the potters also produced utilitarian vessels Íbr their own

2. Although a source of slip can be siruated further away or even purchased

according to the exploitable threshold model of Arnold (1985, 2000). Neverthelessin this case continuor.rs access or supply had to be the case as the slip seems not tohave changed in colour.

76 Exploring the Narrative

village for which they probably used a somewhat coarser fabric. This isevident from the distinction at Tell Deir 'Alla between Non-Damyafabrics A and B.

After having discussed the mode of production, the system of distribu-tion of the vessels can be discussed. It is clear that the concerning vesselswere transported to several places. As a result, one can imagine numer-ous ways by which the vessels ended up at different sites. It is unlikelythat it was one mechanism that was behind the distribution (see Rice1987, 192-95). Nevertheless, it is probable that a major mechanismdominated the distribution of these vessels. Peacock (IgB2,9) mentionsthe presence of middle men within the framework of this speciflc modeof production. The middle man or wholesaler is a third pas who, afterthe potter had turned over his produce to him, interacted with the con-sumers. It would be common for the middle man to be part of the samefarnily or social group as the potters. As merchants, the middle mencontributed to the specialized function of their village (Rice 1987, 195).These middle men could have brought the products to regional markets,but it can also be imagined that they travelled as itinerant merchantsthroughout the kingdom of Ammon to exchange their fabrics for othergoods, like food, cloth etc. The existence of such a (relatively structured)distribution and exchange system would be a good explanation for thecontemporaneous presence of utilitarian vessels of mainly AMC.3/Non-Damya fabric B besides the lustrous vessels of rnainly Non-Damya fabricA at Deir 'Alla. When the latter category of vessels was offered for sale,people might also purchase some other vessels to replace broken vesselsor because they simply appreciated the whitish colour of these vessels.

The distribution throughout Ammon of vessels that were made ofsimilar fabrics could, besides the exchange of the empty products, alsopartly be the result of a limited though organized (re)distribution of agri-cultural produce. It can be imagined that a part of the regional produce,like wine and olive oil, were (re)distributed to other regions. Notable isthe correlation in phases VI and V/VI at Deir'Allabetween Non-Damyafabric A and specific storage/transport vessels. The vessels concernedare versions of an elongated jar with sloping neck, which is attached to awide carinated shoulder (Fig. 3.i.). In the case of this vessel type, itprobably involved the transport of liquids because of the spout. How-ever, much more research is required to study this specific aspect of thedistribution of these ceramics.

After the discussion conceming possible distribution rnechanisms, weend up with the question of the location of production. As mentioned thisplace remains unklown, but what is clear is that it was neither located in

Gnoor Regional Interaction in Ammon 17

the Central Jordan Valley nor in the region of Tell Hesban and Tell.Umayri. Although AMC.3 was evidently not produced at the 'Ammàn

Citadel, the dominant and likely locally produced AMC.l contains

similar lime/calcite grains as AMC.3 and Deir 'Alla Non-Damya fabrics

A and B. Could it be that the elusive production location was situated in

the same geological region in which AMC.1 was produced?

ConÍinuation of Exchange

This aspect is strongly connected with the general theme of this book,

exploring the narrative. The information above is a modest attempt to

elucidate an aspect of a society that often remains obscure as scholars

are focused on the presence or absence of correlations with sources.

Now this article also briefly turns towards the sources. A theme of the

Southern Levantine Iron Age IIc vassal kingdoms that has been widely

discussed is their dernise (see, e.g., Stern 2001, 304-7; Routledge 2004,

209-12). The end of Judah in 586 B.C.E. has been the most studied case.

By contrast, the fate of Ammon has hardly been studied. Flavius

Josephus provides a date of 580 B.c.E. for the end of this kingdom.

Archaeologically its destruction has been assumed but has never really

been illustrated with evidence.An additional result of this study, therefore, is a better insight into the

alleged demise of Amrnon. As mentioned both fabric AMC.I and

AMC.3 have been encountered in the phase V/Vl-assemblage of TellDeir'Alla. This phase is dated to the sixth century B.C.E. The preceding

phase VI appears to have been destroyed by fire and subsequently

abandoned around the end of the seventh or early sixth century B.C.E.

This destruction, which was apparently brought about by non-natural

causes, seems to be part of a pattem. Similar contemporaneous devasta-

tion is also observed at several neighbouring sites, including Tell el-

Mazdr (Groot 201,,251-52). lt was the era during which both the

weakening and collapse of the Neo-Assyrian Ernpire and the regional

ascent of the Neo-Babylonian Empire as a new superpower and overlord

took place. Also several other destruction layers of Southern Levantine

sites have been connected with this era (Stern 2001,431-51).The observed continuation ofinterregional exchange ofvessels, that

were made of AMC.1 and AMC.3, is indicative of a different fate forAmmon than scholars assume on basis of the absence of Ammon in

biblical and other sources that date after the Neo-Babylonian rise topower. Although havoc and the end of the kingdom of Ammon during

the onset of the Neo-Babylonian rule can be assumed, the fate of Ammon

18 Exploring the Narrative

appears to be similar to that of Judah. Despite the destruction of severalsites, Judah was not vanquished (Stern 2001, 431-51). For Ammon theprocess of recovery after the Neo-Babylonian wrath could have includedthe revival of the Iron Age Ilc exchange network. Although apart of thepopulation could have been forced into exile, like Judah, the remainingpopulation still would have had certain needs. This demand was likely tobe the reason for the revival of the former systems.

Another indication of a different scenario is the fact that vessels thatconsist of fabric AMC.l were found in the Neo-Babylonian phase V/VIof Tell Deir 'Alla. As mentioned above this fabric is assumed to havebeen produced at or near the 'Ammàn Citadel. However, this site is also

assumed to have been attacked and abandoned around the beginning ofthe Neo-Babylonian rule (Htibner 1992, 25; LaBianca and Younker1995,411). An imporlant argument in this discussion is the fact thattypical pottery from the Persian era has not been found here. However,research of the Early Persian period assemblage (Phase V) of Tell Deir'Alla has clearly shown that most of the Iron Age Ilc vessel shapes

continue to be produced well into the Persian period (Groot 2009;2011,147).3 Distinguishing between the ceramics from both periods is there-fore quite difficult. Consequently, on the basis of exchange of productsfrom the 'Arnmàn Citadel during the Neo-Babylonian era and thedifflculties in recognizing (Early) Persian period pottery one can wonderwhether a destruction of the settlement on the 'Ammàn Citadel hill was

so severe that the complete site was abandoned. Maybe similar to Jerusa-

lem, occupation resumed on a limited scale after a (Neo-Babylonian)destruction episode. Furlher research at the 'Amman Citadel should be

able to elucidate this matter.

Conclusion

The narrative of the kingdom of Ammon remains largely unknown.Often information about this kingdom depends on historical sources. Inrecent decades archaeology has shed a better light on this kingdom. The

study of a limited set of Iron Age llc sherds from the 'Amman Citadeland comparison with the Iron Age IIc assemblage of Tell Deir 'Alla has

provided new insights into the regional interaction within the kingdom ofAmmon. This insight was gained through the observation of two similarfabric types within the two assemblages, representing different types ofexchange. Fabric type AMC.l is a remnant of small-scale interaction

3. See for earlier discussions on this subject Sauer 1994; Herr 1997 and Bien-kowski 2002.

GRoor Regional Interaction in Ammon 79

between the sites of the 'Ammàn Citadel and Tell Deir'Alla, indicatinglimited small-scale exchange of products between sites (and people) inAmmon during two lron Age IIc phases. The second (chernically and

visual) similar fabric type at Ammàn Citadel and Tell Deir 'Alla,AMC.3, represents a different type of production and exchange. Thisfabric, produced at an as yet unknown location, has also been observed at

several other sites within the territory of Ammon. The distribution ofthese vessels is indicative of an intricate exchange network that lastedeven beyond the Iron Age llc.

The observed patterns provide an insight into small and large scale

regional interaction within the Iron Age IIc kingdom of Ammon, andindicate the presence of a society in which relatively distant regionsinteracted with each other. This aspect forms among others the basis ofthe distribution and evolution of an "Ammonite cultural complex" oftheIron Age IIc.

Another result of this study was the insight into the history of Ammonduring the Neo-Babylonian era. Interestingly, the exchange of vessels

continued after the demise of the kingdorn of Ammon in the early sixthcentury B.c.E. One can therefore question the hypothesis of large-scaledestruction and havoc. Whatever the character of destruction, it was notso severe that old patterns ofexchange disappeared abruptly.

Summarizing, this small study has shed some light on the society andhistory of Ammon. However, much more research needs to be done totell the narrative of this still somewhat obscure kingdom.

Acknowledgments

The author is especially indebted to Bram van As and Gerrit van derKooij. Furthermore, he is also grateful for the help and valuable com-ments by Gloria London. Thanks also to Loe Jacobs for his support.

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