Qo74 (qo) v - Sg?l)
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f c-r2-7?-e?qD-f Qo74 |t* EC)V-aC)tO TRIBTJNAL PENAL INTERNATIONAL POUR LE RWAI{DA ^ (qo) v - Sg?l) tUel Composde deshonorables juges Assist6e de : Date ded€pdt: c. CALLIXTE NZABOI\IIMANA Affaire No.: ICTR-98-44-D NZABONIMANA'S MOTION f,'ORTITE VARIATION OF ITS WITI\IESSLIST Rule 54 and Decision of the Trial Chamber of 26 March 2010 Solomy Bossa Presidente; Mparany Rajohnson Bakhtiar Tuzm ukharnedov ADAMA DIENG, greffier 14awil 2010 LE PROCUREUR ,. I c>I -'I z rrl Office ofthe Prosecutor: Counsel for Callixte Nzabonimana: Paul Ng'Arua Ms. MemoryMaposa Ms.Ndeve Marie Ka Vincent Courcelle-Labrousse, LeadCounsel PhilippeLarochelle, Co-Counsel
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Transcript of Qo74 (qo) v - Sg?l)
f c-r2-7?-e?qD-f Qo74|t* EC)V-aC)tO
TRIBTJNAL PENAL INTERNATIONAL POUR LE RWAI{DA ^
(qo) v - Sg?l)tUel
Composde des honorables juges
Assist6e de :
Date de d€pdt:
c.
CALLIXTE NZABOI\IIMANA
Affaire No. : ICTR-98-44-D
NZABONIMANA'S MOTION f,'OR TITE VARIATION OF ITS WITI\IESS LIST
Rule 54 and Decision of the Trial Chamber of 26 March 2010
Solomy Bossa Presidente;Mparany RajohnsonBakhtiar Tuzm ukharnedov
ADAMA DIENG, greffier
14 awil 2010
LE PROCUREUR
,. Ic > I- ' I
zrrl
Office ofthe Prosecutor:
Counsel for Callixte Nzabonimana:
Paul Ng'AruaMs. MemoryMaposaMs.Ndeve Marie Ka
Vincent Courcelle-Labrousse, Lead CounselPhilippe Larochelle, Co-Counsel
1.
2.
J .
4.
5 .
qo13INTRODUCTION
On 26 March 2010, the Trial Chamber issued its Consolidated Decision onProsecutor's second and third motions to compel Defence to comply with TrialChamber Decision of 3 February 2010 (hereinafter the "Decision').
In paragraph 2l of the Decision, the Chamber struck down certain persons fromthe list of Defence witnesses, on the ground that Personal Identification sheets('?IS") were not provided for these witnesses.
In the same paragraph, the Chamber added that the *Defence remains capable offiling a motion to vary its witness list at a later date, provided that good cause forthe inclusion of a particular witness is shown".
The Chamber concluded its Decision by issuing the following remedies:
"Orders the Defence to file, within 5 days, a revised and significantly reducedwitness list that is proportionate and commensurate to that of the Prosecution anddoes not exceed 30 witnesses:
Crrdnts the Defence five days to file PIS in conformlty with the criteria outlined inthis Decision, for each witress the Defence intends to call".
In conformity with the Trial Chamber's ruling, the Defence filed a list ofwitnesses it intended to call, including PIS for each of these witnesses.
6. The Defence hereby moves the Trial Chamber to vary its witness list, so that itincludes witresses Fernand Batard and Susan Thomson.
Varying the witness list
7. At the outset, the Defence submits that ordering the Defence to show cause toamend its witness list before the presentation of its evidence has started runsagainst the Rules of Procedure and Evidence of the Tribunal.
8. Indeed, Decisions issued in the Ngirabatware case, dealing with addition ofProsecution witnesses before the commencement of trial have stated that in viewof Section 73bis(E) of those rules.r
9. By analogy, section 73ter(E), which deals with the same situation, but withregards to the Defence witness list should be interpreted in the sarne fashion, andthe Defence should be allowed to amend its Defence list at anv time before thecommenoement of the Defence.
I Prosecator v. Ngiraba*ore,ICTk-99-54-T, Decision on Triul Date, 12 June 2009, para. 55, see also inthe same fral, Decision on Defence Motion Objecting to the Prosecation's Pre Trial Brief,25 lurrc2009,paras 33-34.
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10. Since the present motion is filed before the commencement of the Defence, it issubmitted that "good cause" need not be shown at this stage.
ll.Therefore, the submissions made below to support the variation of the Defencewitness list to include Fernand Batard and Susan Thomson are made withoutprejudice to the right of a defendant to amend its witness list at will before thebeginning of the presentation of its case.
*Good Causett
l2.The defence submits that the fact that it provided PIS for witress Fernand Batardand Susan Thomson within the delay imposed by the Trial Chamber to provide itslist of 30 witnesses constifute sufficient good cause to vary the Defence witnesslist and include Fernand Batard and Susan Thomson on that list.
13 .
14. Alternatively, the Defence submits that witnesses Femand Batard and SusanThomson should be added to its list.
Femand Batard
15. M. Femand Batard has been an investigator in the case of Nzabonimana for morethan one year.
16. During this year, he has spent considerable time in Rwanda and in other countries,meeting potential Defence witnesses, testing the veracity and the plausibility ofthe allegations made by the Prosecutor witnesses.
17. M. Batard also spent considerable time taking measures on the different locationswhere the allegations are alleged to have taking place, and will testifr regardingthe physical features of these locations and explain to the Chamber r-hy in manycases, the allegations of the prosecutor witnesses are impossible.
18. M. Batard has taken a considerable amount of pictures and measurements whichhave already been disclosed to the Prosecutor without any objections on the partof the Prosecutor concerning these pictures.
19. Finally, M. Batard will explain how the investigations for the Defence ofNzabonimana were hindered by the Rwandan authorities, as appear from his tworeports to that effect, appended herewith as Annex'?".
Dr. Susan Thomson
qo', I20.h. Susan Thomson is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the School of Political Studies at
the University of Ottawa.
2l.Dr. Thomson will share her expertise on State-Society relations in post-genocideRwanda with the Trial Chamber, and allow the Trial Chamber to assess theevidence before it in a specialized manner.
22.For example, she will provide insights into the role of Gacaca Courts in thoseState-Society relations.
23.The Defence appends hereby as Annex "B" the terms of references of Dr.Thomson which have been approved by the Registar, and which provide firtlrerdetails as the scope of her expertise.
24.The Defence firther appends as Annex "C" the text submitted by Dr. Thomson inMay 2009 in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor ofPhilosophy at the University of Dalhousie.
25.The Defence submits as Annex "D" the Curriculum Vitae of Dr. Thomson. whichlists her various publications and professional experience.
26.Frna1ly, the Defence submits as Annex "E" atext written by Dr. Thomson, whereshe talks of her personal experience in a reconciliation camp or "Ingando" inRwanda.
27.The Defence for Nzabonimana submits that the variation sought does not causeany prejudice to the Prosecutor, as he has been advised since 22February of theintention of the Defence to call these witnesses.
28. The examination in chief of witness Fernand Batard will take 5 hours.
29.T\e examination in chief of witness Susan Thomson will also take 5 hours.
30. The testimonies of witnesses Fernand Batard and Susan Thomson are highlyprobative and necessary to insure the right to a fair tial of Nzabonimana.
FOR ALL THE ABOVE REASONS, MAy rT PLEASES THrS HONOURABLECOURT TO
VARY the list of Defence witnesses:
INCLUDE witresses Femand Batard and Susan Thomson within the list of Defencewifresses
Arusha" 14 April2010
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Annexe e
3s8eSusan M. ThomsonPostdoctoral Fellow
School of Political StudiesUniversity of Ottawa
55 Laurier Ave. East, 9ft FloorOttawa, Ontario KIN 6N5
Tel: (613) 421-4774Fax: (613) 562-5371
[email protected]. susanmthomson. com
CURRI,NT POSITION
Postdoctoral Fellow (2009-2011), School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa. Project title:The politics of community self-help: pqtronage networks and the urban poor in Nairobi, Kenya.
FIELDS OF'INTEREST
State-society relations in Africa, in particular power relations between the state and individuals;individual strategies of resistance to government policies, and patronage networks and partypolitics; domestic processes of hansitional justice;-research ethics and methodology.
EDUCATION
Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science), Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia. May 2009.Dissertation title: Resisting Reconciliation: State Power and Everyday Life in Post-GenocideRwanda.
Master of Arts (Political Science), Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 2001.Bachelor of Laws Honours, University College London, UK. 1998.
Bachelor of Arts Honours (Political Science), Saint Mary's University, Halifax, Nova Scotia.1992.
PUBLICATIONS
Peer-Reviewed Book
Legal Research and Writing Manual. Butare: National University of Rwanda Press, 2003,l97pp.
Journal Guest Editor
"Remembering Rwanda," a special double issue of-fterernational Insights: A Dalhousie Journalof International Affuirs, June 2005. 312 pp.
Peer-Reviewed Articles
"Getting Close to Ordinary People in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Studying Everyday Life in HighlyPoliticized Research Settings" African Studies Review, forthcoming September 2010.
3lrB.5Susan M. Thomson
"Local Power Relations and Household Gender Dynamics: Assessing Rwanda's claim toUniversal HIV/AIDS Treatnent in Contexf'. Canadian Journal of African Studies, forthcomingilrnmer 2010.
"Ethnic Twa and RwandanNational Unity and Reconciliation Policy." Peace Review: A Journalof Social Justice2l(3),July 2009, pp. 313-32p.o'Why the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda is Doing Nothing to Promote SustainablePeace in Rwanda." Scientific Journal of Low,56(3), August 1999, pp. 127-149.
Peer-Reviewed Chapters in Books
"The Darker Side of Transitional Justice: The Power Dynamics behind Rwanda's GacacaCourts". Book chapter for the Nomos: Yearbook of Legal and Political Philosopfty, Melissa S.
Williams and Rosemary Nagy, eds., forthcoming 2010.
"Re-education for Reconciliation: Participant Observations on the Ingando Camps'?. In ScottShaus and Lars Waldod eds. Reconstructing Rwanda: State Building and Human Rights afterMass Violence. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, forthcoming 2010.
"'That is not what we authorised you to do.. .': Access and government interference in highl}politicised research environments". In Chandra Lekha Sriram, John C. King, Julie A. Mertus,blga Martin-Ortega and Johanna Herman, eds. Snryiving Field Research: Working in violent anddfficult situations. London: Routledge, 2009,pp. 108-124.
Non-Refereed Contributions
"Introductory Remarks: Rwanda and the Great I:akes Region 10 Years On", in Susan M.Thomson and J. Zo0 Wilson (eds.), Remembering Rwanda: A Special Double Issue ofInternational Insights: A Dalhousie Journal of International Affoirs, June 2005, pp. 1-19.
Invited Contributions and Technical Reports
"Rwanda". In Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber and Klaas van Walrave, eds. Africa Yearbook 5:Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2008. Leiden: Brill, 2009,pp.333-344.
"Developing Ethical Guidelines for Researchers worki4g in Post-Conflict Environments".Research Report prepared for the Program on States and Security, City University of New York.December 200 8. http ://www. statesandsecuritv. ore/ pdfs/Thomson.FlNAl. 9. 1 6. pdf.
"Re-Engaging the Post-Genocide Govemment of Rwanda: Canada's Role". CanadianConsortium on Human Security Policy Brief. March 2007. www.humansecuritY.info/sites/cchs/files/pdfsffellouf/o20Papers/Policy-brief/Thomson-Policy Brief.Pdf.
"Civil Society Perspectives on the Responsibility to Protect: 10 Years after the RwandanGenocide". April 2004. Workshop Report (co-author with Erin Baines and J. Zo€ Wilson).
"Individual Lived Experience with Democratisation in Post-Genocide Rwanda", Human SecurityBull et in, 3 (4), NovemberlDecemb er 2004,www.hurnansecuritvbulletin.infoA{ovember 2004/}Iome/eni/index.php.
Susan M. Thomson
Book ReviewssI3s4
After Genocide: Transitional Justice, Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Reconciliation in
iwanda and Beyond.By Phil Clark andZachary D. Kaufrnan, eds. African Studies Review,
forthcoming April 20 1 0.
A Thousand Hills: Rwanda's Rebirth and the Man llho Dreamed4. By Stephen Kinzer. African
Studies Review,52(1), April 2009, pp. 194-196'
A Thousand Hills: Rwanda's Rebirth and the Man llho Dreamed It By Stephen Kinzer.
Canadian Journal of International Affairs,64(l),Winter 2008109, pp' 304-306'
Liberal Demoqacy and its Critics in Africa: Political Dysfunction and the Strugglefor Progress.
Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo, ed. African Studies Review,49(3),December 2006,pp. 165-166'
Negotiating Local Knowledge: Identity and Power in Development. Johan?ottier, Alan Bicker
ani'paul sillitoe, eds. EuropeanJournal of Development ResearchlS(l),2006,pp.173-174'
Other Publications..A False Reconciliatiorf', The Mark,2l January 2010. http://theqglknews.com/articles/861-a-
fal se-recon ciliation..,Inside Rwanda's gender revolution" (with Erin Baines and Stephen Brown), The Guardian
Online,October 13, 2008. htrq:.l /gender.,.Working Together, Working Towards: An Approach to Outcomes Based Learning", Teaching
and Leorning at Saint Mary's,14(2),March 2004, pp' 5-6'
Memoire Style Guide, Butare: National university of Rwanda Press, 1999.69 pp.
WORK UNDER REVIEW and IN PROGRESS
Under ReviewR^ktl"g Rt*nciliation: Everyday Life and State Power in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Book
manuscr"ipt submitted to the "Africa and the Diaspora: History, Politics, Culture" series at the
University of Wisconsin Press.;Lu*, power and Justice: Local Dynamics in Rwanda's Gacaca Courts andBlind Spots in the
Transitional Justice paradigm" (with Rosemary Nagy). Revise and resubmit to the International
Journal of Transitional Justice.
In Progress
Field Research in the Great Lakes Region: The story Behind the Findings. co-edited with An
Ansoms and Jude Murison. Book manuscript'.,Taming the Volcano: Elite projections of 'Benevolent Leadership' in Pre- and Post-Genocide
RwandJ' (with Marie-Eve Desrosiers). Joumal article'
,.patriot Games: Sport in the promotion ofNational Unity in Post-Genocide Rwanda". Journal
article.
3se3usan M. Thomson
..Teaching Individual Resistance to Mechanisms of Op-pression: Case Studies from Kenya and
Rwanda,f Book chapter for Teaching Africa in the 21't Century Classroom, ed. Brandon Lundy'
..The Role of Accountability in Evaluating Research in Divided Societies with Examples from
Rwanda and South Africa,'. Invited chapter (withNahlavalji) for an INCORE/IDRC volume on
Evaluating R&earch In and on violently Divided societies.
AWARDS, X'ELLOWSHIPS and GRANTS
University of Ottawa, Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies, Conference Travel Grant'
January 2010. $750.
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Postdoctoral Fellowship. 2009-
20t1. $81,000.
Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada. Travel Grant. 2007. $2'498.
Canadian Consortium on Human Security. Doctoral Fellowship . 2006-07 . $ 1 0,000
International Development Research Centre. Doctoral Fellowship.2006. $20,000
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Doctoral Fellowship. 2003-05.
$24,000 per annum.
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Support to Conferences Fund
2004. $10,000 (with David Black, Department of Political Science, Dalhousie University).
Canadian Consortium on Human Security. Workshop Grant Fund. 2004. $10,000.
Dalhousie University, Office of the President. Workshop Funds. 2004. $1,000.
PRESENTATIONS AND TALKS..Everyday Resistance to the Programme ofNational Unity and Reconciliation in Post-Genocide
Rwanda". Research presentation. International Confersnce on Africa's Struggle's, Universit6 de
Paris-Sorbonne, 22 J anuarY 20 1 0...The Ethical Challenges of Field Research in Post-Conflict Environments". Keynote address.
Canadian Associatiorisf Research Ethics Boards, Ontario Branch Annual Conference, Toronto,
ON, 27 November 2009.,,Everyday Acts of Resistance to the Policy ofNational Unity and Reconciliation". Research
presentati,on. African Studies Association Conference,New Orleans, LA,27 November 2009.
,.The politics and Ethics of Conducting Research in Highly-Politicised Environments". Invited
talk. Centre for Foreign Policy Studies, Dalhousie University, 16 September 2009.
..peasant politics and power Dynamics: Blind Spots in the Transitional Justice Paradigm".
Research presentation. European Conference on African Studies, Leipzig, Germany, 7 June
2009...preserving power: Elite Claims of Historical Unity in Post-Genocide Rwanda". Research
presentation. Reconstructing Rwanda: Power, History and Human Rights, a Conference in
i{otto* of Alison Des Forges, Madison, WI, 19 May 2009'
38?2.Susan M. Thomson
,,One Rwanda for All Rwandans? The Reconfiguration of Social and Political Power in Post-
Genocide Rwanda''. Research presentation. African Studies Association, Chicago,IL, 13
November 2008.
"situating Ordinary Rwandans in Post-Genocide Rwanda: A Methodological Approach to
Fieldwork." Research presentation. American Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, 1
September 2007.
"Parhrership or Power? Deconstructing Mrs. Kagame's Partnership for HIV/AIDS". Researchpresentation. Gender, HIV/AIDS and Human Security Conference, Dalhousie University,Halifax, NS, 10 August 2007.
"Profiling the Impacts ofNorth-South Research Collaboration for Development". Researchpresentation. Canadian Association for the Study of Intemational Development Meeting,Saskatoon, SK, I June 2007.
"The Unity-Generating Machine: State Power and Gacaca Trials in Post-genocide Rwanda".
Research presentation. Canadian Political Science Association Meeting, Saskatoon, SK, 31 May2007.
"The Politics of Trauma in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Treatment for Some at the Expense of the
Many". Research presentation. Conference on Peacebuilding and Trauma Recovery: Integrated
Strategies in Post-War Reconstruction, University of Denver, Denver,CO,25 February 2007.
"A State-Led Response to Genocide: The Discourse of National Unity in Rwanda". Researchpresentation. Canadian Consortium for Human Security Roundtable, Munk Centre forIntemational Studies, University of Toronto, Totonto, ON, 2 February 2007.
"Voices from the South: Ordinary Rwandans Speak. Preliminary Reflections". Invited talk. UKDeparhnent for Intemational Development, Rwanda Field Office, Kigali, Rwanda, 25 August2006.
"The Politics of Fieldwork: Permission, Power and Ethics". Invited talk. Institute ofCommonwealth Studies, University of London, London, UK, 5 November 2005.
"The Use of Nanative Analysis in Understanding Acts of Resistance: The Case of RwandanSurvivors of the 1994 Genocide". Research presentation. Icelandic Feminist AssociationMeeting, University of Iceland, Reykj avik, Iceland, 2-4 November 2005.
"Critical Discourse Analysis as Method of Ifruiry in Political Science". Research presentation.
Critical Discornse and Political Analysis Workshop, University of Copenhagen, Denmark,26-28October 2005.o'The International Promotion of Democracy and Post-Conflict Societies: What Odds?". Invitedtalk. Department of Political Studies, University of Cape Town, South Africa, 17 February 2005.
'oCrimes against Women drning the Rwandan Genocide: Prospects of Justice for WomenSurvivors". Guest speaker. 2004 John Humphney Freedom Award Laureate, Canadian TourPublic Event, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, 27 November 2004.
TEACHING EXPERIENCE
African Politics, 3'd year undergraduate lecture course, School of Political Studies, University of
Ottawa. Winter 2010.
3s8 lSusan M. Thomson
Gender, Development and Globalization, 4th yeat undergraduate seminar, Faculty of
Intemational Development, Mbarara University, Mbarara, Uganda, March 2006
Scope and Methods of political Science , 4th year undergraduate lecture, Department of Political
Science, Saint Mary's University, Halifax, NS. September 2003-Apri12004
Special Topics: lnternational Law, 4th year undergradryate seminar, Department of Political
Science, Saint Mary's University, Halifax, NS. January 2003-Apri12003
Legal Research and Writing; ltt year lecture course, Faculty of Law, National University of
Rwanda, Butare, Rwanda, July-December 1998, 1999'2000
public International Law; 3'd year lecture course, Faculty of Law, National University of
Rwanda, Butare, Rwanda, July 1999 and March 2000.
International Human Rights Law; 2"d year seminar, Faculty of Law, National University of
Rwanda, Butare, Rwanda, January 2000.
The Investigation of Human Right Abuses: Theory and Practico, 3'd year seminar, National
University of Rwanda, Butare, Rwanda. January-March 2000'
WORKSHOPS AND PAI\ELS ORGANISED
Double Panel. "subjectivity, Agency, and Governance in post-genocide Rwanda I and II". Co-
organised with An Ansoms and Jennie E. Burnet. African Politics Conference Group sponsored
panel. African Studies Association, New Orleans, 20 November 2009.
Double panel. ..Justice in post-Genocide Rwanda I and II". Co-organised with Jennie E. Burnet.
African Studies Association, Chicago, 13 November 2008.
panel. ..political Science in Post-Conflict Societies: Novel Approaches to Old Issues in Post-
Genocide Rwanda''. American Political Science Association Meeting, Chicago, 1 September
2007.
Workshop. ..lmplementing the Freedom from Fear Agenda: Government Rhetoric and Civilian
Reality in Africi". Halifax, Dalhousie University, 20'21November 2004.
panel. ..Remembering Rwanda: The 10s Anniversary of the 1994 Genocide". Panel organiser.
Halifar, Dalhousie University,ll March 2004.
Workshop. "Civil Society Perspectives on the Responsibility to Prdtect: 10 Years after the
Rwandan-Genocide". Co-organised with Erin Baines. Kigali, Rwanda, 15-17 February 2004.
PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT..Professional Development Certificate". Office of Instructional Development, Saint Mary's
University, September2003 to May 2004 .,.Certificate in Learning and Teaching in Higher Education". Centre for Teaching and Learning,
Dalhousie University. September 2'004 to December 2005.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICE
Manuscript referee for African Studies Review,International Journal of Transitional Justice, and
Memory Studies.
3e9.oSusan M. Thomson
Extemal reviewer for the Rwanda chapter of the 2009 Global Integrity Report on Governanceand Corruptfon .
Moderator for the Field Research and Ethics Online Resource of the States and SecurityProgram, City University ofNew York (http://www.statesandsecuritv.ors/FieldResearch) (2009-presqnt). _.,Mentor to nine graduate students through the African Politics Conference Group MentoringInitiative (2009-present).
Member of the Conference Program section of the African Politics Conference Group (2009 -
present).
Provide reports on cunent country conditions and the plausibility of the claims of refugees fromRwanda (2006 - present)
Nova Scotia Co-ordinator, "Remembering Rwanda: The 10th Anniversary of the 1994 Genocide"(2003-2004).
Member of the RwandaNational Committee "16 Days of Activism Against Gender-BasedViolence" (l 998-2000).
Pro bono legal work for FIDA-Kenya (Federation of International Women Lawyers) (1996-
1ee8).
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE
July 1998 - December 2000: Resident Co-ordinator, Anglophone Lecturers in Law Project,United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Law Project, Facult6 de Droit,National University of Rwanda, Butare, Rwanda.
September lgg7 -July 1998: Human Rights Programme Officer, Justice Sector, United NationsHuman Rights Field Operation in Rwanda, United Nations High Commission on Human Rights,Gitarama/Kibuye Sub-Office, Rwanda.
September Ig94 -August 1997: Associate Programme Officer, Best Practices and LocalLeadership Programme, United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, Nairobi, Kenya.
August lgg3 - September 1994: Researcher, Women in Human Settlements DevelopmentProgramme, UnitedNations Centre for Human Settlements, Nairobi, Kenya.
AFFILIATIONS
Africa Power and Politics Programme, Overseas Development Institute, London (UK); Centrefor Foreign Policy Studies, Dalhousie University; States and Security Network, City Universityof New York.
ASSOCIATION MEMBERSHIPS
African Studies Association; African Politics Conference Group; American AnthropologicalAssociation; American Political Science Association; Association of Concemed Africa Scholars;Canadian Anthropology Society; Canadian Association for African Studies; Canadian PoliticalScience Association; lntemational Political Science Association.
BsTqSusan M. Thomson
LANGUAGES
English (fluent), French (firnctional), Kiswahili (functional), Kinyarwanda (frrnctional).
REF'ERENCES
David Black, professor ofPolitical Science, Dalhousie University, Halifax. [email protected]
Stephen Brown, Associate Professor of Political Studies, University of Ottawa.
Catharine Newbury, Professor of Government, Smith College, Amherst, MA'
3e7A
Ar,^eye )
3t77
Re-education for Reconciliation: Participant Observations on Ingando'
Susan Thomson-t -l
In the midst of my doctoral fieldwork, the Rwandan govemment ordered me toundergo "re-education". I was just over halfway finished when the Executive Assistantto the Minister of Local Government (MINALOC) told me that he had to revoke myletter of permission because my research was "against national unity and reconciliation"and "was not the kind of research the government needed". The purpose of my 2006research was to understand the effects of the post-genocide government's policy ofnational unity and reconciliation on ordinary peasant Rwandans living in thesouthwestern region of the country.2 My research was ethnogtaphic which meant that Ispent considerable time in rural areas, consulting ordinary Rwandans about their livesbifore, during and afterthe genocide, to illustrate how they subtly and strategically resistthat government policy.3 In the government's view, I was "wasting" my time talking to"peasants about politics" since they ate"allliars anyway." Furthermore, I had clear$been "brainwashed". So, the Minister's assistant took my passport "for safekeeping" andpresented me with a list of re-education activities, including: the assignment of agovenrment handler to ensure I stopped talking to peasants; a list of high-rankinggovenrment, private sector and civil society representatives to meet so I could "leam thetruth" about the govemment's policy of national and reconciliation; and an order toattend both gacacc court proceedings and ingando citizenship re-education camps as aguest of the govemment.
I knew little about ingando as it is an under-studied aspect of thegovenment'spost-genocide reconstruction policy of national unity and reconciliation.* I spent a weekparticipating iningando alongside a group of approximately 100 confessed genocidaireswho were in the fifth week of their twelve-week re-education process. All these men had
I I would like to thank Stephen Brown and Villia Jefremovas as well as the editors of this volume for their
helpful commenB in developing this chapter. I also thank the Canadian Consortium on Human Security, -
thaFaculty of Graduate Studies, Dalhousie University, the International Development Research Centre and
the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council for financial support, my research assistants and
translators (all of whom requested anonymity), as well as the individuals who agreed to participate in my
research project for making this publication possible.t By "ordinary Rwandans", I mean the non-elite and largely peasant citizenry, not members of the political
elite who hold forrral power or those individuals engaged as agents of the state (police officers, civil
servants, military personnel, local officials, etc).t
Like my dissertation, this chapter is based on research conducted in rural and urban Rwanda between
April and October 2006, including interviews with senior govemment officials and representatives of both
the private sector and civil society as well as thirty-seven life history interviews with ordinary peasant
Rwandans resident in South and West provinces. I also collected data tlrough semi-structured interviews,
participant observation, as well as conversations with over 400 ordinary and elite Rwandans resident in
both rural and urban settings. Nowhere in the text do I use specific place or community names. This is to
respect the confidentiality and anonymity protocols set out in the research design, and to protect the safety
of people who participated in my research from possible govemment backlash. Names used throughout the
chapter are pseudonyms.o Ai fa. as I know, there is only one scholarly publication on ingando (Mgbako, 2005). A useful non-
academic source is Penal Reform lntemational (2004).
3s76
been released from prison following thek gacaca court appearances, and were required togo through ingando re-education before retuming to their home communities. In orderingmy re-education, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) gave me a frontline look at thetactics and techniques it uses to organize the flow of information and determine whatcounts as the "truth" in post-genocide Rwanda (see Pottier, 2002). In particular, myingando experience offered a behind-the-scenes look at one of the key mechanisms of theRPF's top-down policy of national unity and reconciliation. The purpose of this chapter isto contrast the government's stated goals of ingando with its actual effects on itsparticipants. I argue that ingando does lifile to re-educate confessed gdnocidaires on howto reconcile with family, friends and neigbbors. Instead of promoting a sense of nationalunity and reconciliation, it teaches these men, the majority of whom are ethnic Hutu, toremain silent and not question the RPF's vision for creating peace and security for allRwandans. For us, ingando was an alienating, oppressive and sometimes humiliatingexperience that worked hard to silence all forms of dissent - something that may,paradoxically, crystallize and create stronger dissent in the future.
I develop my argument in two sections. First, I situate the ingando as a keymechanism within the broader policy of national unity and reconciliation. I then set outthe official goals of ingando re-education for genocide suspects to illustrate the extent towhich ingaido teachings are an instrument for consolidating state control - rather than asincere effort to promote reconciliation among ordinary Rwandans. Specifically, Ianalyzehow those suspects reacted to the version of history that ingando taught. Thechapter builds on Alison Des Forges' legacy of human rights activism in critiquing andcalling to account the oppressive actions of the RPF as it works to exclude a significantportion of the population from political life. It also builds on Alison's academiccommitment to including the lived histories of ordinary people.
Situating Ingando
The policy of national unity and reconciliation is an ambitious social engineeringproject that the RPF-led govenrment claims will forge a unified Rwandan identity whilefostering reconciliation between gedocide survivors and perpefiators. Under this policy,the govemment re-educates the population on the ethnic unity that existed beforecolonialism - a time when Tutsi and Hutu lived in "peaceful harmony and workedtogether for the good of the nation" OIURC, 2004: 41,53).In romanticizing the historicalpast and presuming that all Hutu need to be re-educated, the policy produces two broadsimplifications: all Tutsi (whether they were in Rwanda during the genocide or not) areinnocent victims or "survivors" and all Hutu (whether they participated in the genocide ornot) are guilty perpetrators. The policing of boundaries of public speech lies at the heartof this national unity and reconciliation. Rwandans - elites and ordinary folk alike - canonly speak publicly about ethnicity in state-sanctioned settings like the ingando camps,the gacacatrials and during genocide mourning week. Otherwise, the RPF does notallow for public discussion of the violence that individual Rwandans of all ethnicities -
Hutu, Tutsi and Twa - experienced before, during and after the genocide.
3"75
The government promotes national unity and reconciliation in numerous ways. Itencourages collective memory of the genocide through memorial sites and mass gtaves toshow the end-result of ethnic division. Every year, annual commemorations are heldduring national mourning week (7 to 14 April) to remind Rwandans of the "perniciouseffects of ethnic divisionism" (interview with NURC official, 2006). The governmentalso adopted new national symbols (flag, anthem and emblem) in 2001 because theexisting ones "symbolized the genocide and encouraged an ideology of genocide anddivisionism" (interview with NURC official, 2006).' As part of Rwanda's adminisftativere-structuring in 2006, the govenrment changed place names at all administrative levels(from villages to provinces) to "protect survivors from remembering where their relativesdied" (interview witl Uinistry of Culture official, 200q.6 In addition, the revised 2003Constitution criminalized public references to ethnic identity (article 33) as well as"ethnic divisionism" and "trivi alizing the genocide."
Tbe ingando camps, then, are but one mechanism for promoting national unityand reconciliation. The govemment makes an important distinction between ingandosolidarity camps and ingando re-education camps. Solidarity camps are for politicians,civil society and church leaders, gacaca judses and incoming university students whereasre-education camps are for ex-combatants, ex-soldiers, confessed gdnocidaires, releasedprisoners, prostitutes, and street children. Many of my ordinary Rwandan informantsunderstood the solidarity camps as a form of political indoctrination for those whooccupy, or will occupy, leadership positions while they saw re-education camps as a formof social control to keep Hutu out of public life. I received my ingando re-education withconfessed gdnocidaires who were about to be released back into their communities.These ingando normally run for three months and are designed to "urge them to tell thetruth of what they did dwing the genocide before tbe gacaca courts" and "to preparethem for reintegration back to their communities of origin" (NURC,2006c: 4).
I ng ando' s Re-Education
Before starting my ingando re-education,I met with the local official responsiblefor administering the camp. He told me to "pay attention'-to the "official goals" of thelessons
because you will quickly leam how we axe successfully promoting unityand reconciliation. The lessons you will see are focused on making themfgdnocidaires] understand the importance of telling the truth about whatthey did during the genocide. Once these Hutu tell the truth, Tutsisurvivors can forgive them. We also teach them about the real history of
s Several ordinary Rwandans told me that the new anthem is actually an RPF war song that wams Tutsi toprotect themselves against "maxauding" Hutu. I cannot confinn this as no govemment official woulddiscuss the lyrics with me. That ordinary people believe that these are the lyrics is nonetheless significant.6 The re-structuring is officially a part of Rwanda's decentralisation policy. The official rationale is todismantle the higbly centralized administrative system that made the genocide possible. In practice thepolicy of decentralisation appears to cover up the deployment of RPF loyalists throughout the lowest levelsof the adminishation (fieldnotes, 2006).
s37+
Rwanda because we know comrpt leaders have misled them all thesemany years; they have been poisoned with ethnic hatred. We teach themthat their role in society depends on how they tell their truth...
1
Following this short speech, the local official assigned me a translator who caried anAK-47, and who held the rank of Major in the Rwandan Patriotic Army. Emile was myescort for the week, and he was responsible for making sure "I learned what I needed toleam". As I stood up to introduce myself, Emile silenced me, saying that he "knew wellwho I was" and why I had been ordered to undergo re-education. Emile turned to salutethe local official, promising him that I would be "appropriately re-educated" under histutelage. As we walked together to the soccer pitch where the day's lesson was takingplace, Emile advised me sternly o'to pay attention" and "to keep quiet". I was then takento the meal hall, where I was introduced to my ingando classmates, who were told that Iwould spend the week with them. Here, we received our final instructions on thegovernment's expectations for our re-education. As one of the govenrment officialsresponsible for our re-education said: "You will not be able to return to your communitieswithout understanding the real causes of the genocide. We will test you on history tomake sure you understand. Remember also that you are former Hutu. We are allRwandans now and this is the basis of our history lessons".
Following this instruction, we walked single file, with military escort, to a dustysoccer pitch where the week's lesson would take place. In stony silence, everyone sat intheir pre-assigned place, siuing cross-legged across the field in three rows of five. I sat inthe very back in the fifth row on the instruction of my govenrment-appointed translator.Immediately after taking our seats, another govenrment official strode up to the lectemwith a retinue of lecturers. They were introduced as national historians and intellectualswho "have studied Rwandan history and understand the roots of the scourge of genocidewell". We received our lessons in two- or three-hour blocks. No questions wereallowed; anyone who stretched his legs or began to nod off was jostled back to attentionby one of the six armed military escorts who stood guard around the pitch.
Our history lessons were taught over three days for an approximatetotalof 24hours of lessons. We received detailed lessons on the root causes of the genocide,notably the "deep-seated and seething ethnic hatred that Hutu have for Tutsi". We werealso taught that this hatred that Hutu have for Tutsi is "the root of the Rwandan disease[of genocide]". We were then taught that the path to peace and security was for Hutu torid themselves of this hatred. We were also taught that ordinary Hutu men caused thegenocide because they acted on their hatred for Tutsi. We were then taught how torecognise the signs of trauma and to respect the needs of Tutsi survivors when theyexhibit signs of trauma. Lastly, we were taught how to be a "good citizen" whichincluded lessons on respecting the orders of local officials, good hygiene, courtesy toothers, and the importance of mono-cropping for national development. When we werenot receiving our history lessons, we were taught how to sow and till the land. We alsoplayed a few games of soccer. Throughout the week, the mood was sombre. When themen showed signs of exhaustion or boredom, the armed guards appeared to ensure theyremained focused on the task at hand. I found the pace gruelling, particularly since we
3s73
were not well fed or rested. There was no downtime. The men around me said that theyfound the structure of the day to be "no different than being in prison". As Tr6sor, aformer lecturer in Chemistry at the National University, told me dwing one of ourevening meals, *I am a former Hutu. This means I am a source of shame for this -r
government. Prison, gacacaand ingando are just ways for them to make sure that wedon't think for ourselves. The message is that we are not full citizens"
On the first day of our history lessons, some of the men around me made fun ofthe mzungu (white forligner) who had to sit so long in the hot sun without eating. Theyteased me and some wondered out loud what I must have done to end up at their ingandore-education camp. When they leamed that I was a Canadian researcher who had beensent here to "learn the truth", the teasing stopped and most of the men stepped away fromme, perhaps in an attempt to distance themselves from someone who was clear$ in hotwater with the government.
When my translator went to the toilet, a former physician named Antoine that Ihad sat next to for most of the week, asked me quietly in French, "to alert the outsideworld about how being Hutu is a crime in the new Rwanda". When one of the ever-present armed soldiers who monitored our lesson witnessed this, he sfrode up to wherewe were sitting and slammed Antoine's bare feet with the butt of his rifle. He grabbedmy arm, pulled me close to him and then threw me on the ground, pointing to where Iwas to sit silently for the rest of the lesson. I never saw Antoine again, and my translatordid not leave my side after that incident. He immediately took me to the office of thegovernment official responsible for overseeing the ingando training where I was sternlyreminded that I was "here to learn; only to listen." If I insisted on speaking to theprisoners, I would be returned to Kigali where "the punishment could be severe". Ireturned to my spot on the soccer pitch, duly chastened. I also wondered at this pointwhat might happen to Antoine.
History Lessons
The history lesson-that I heard at ingando did not vary from the official version ofhistory, which stresses that ethnicity is a fiction created by colonial divide-and-rulepoticies and manipulated by the post-colonial Hutu regimes (see e.g., Office of thePresident, 1999;NURC, 2004). At the end our history lecture on the fiff:h day of myingando re-education, I observed more than the usual fatigue on the faces of the menaround me. Many seemed despondent and showed little enthusiasm for their usual lateaftemoon soccer match that I witnessed every evening while waiting for the driver thatwould take my translator and me back to town. I did not get a chance to speak to any ofthem given both the language barrier and the constant presence of my translator.
Nonetheless, ordinary Rwandans I consulted during my research, including adozen confessed gdnocidaires who had returned to their home communities, shared theirviews on the new version of history they learned in the ingando camps. Many saw thishistorical narrative as a product of the RPF political elite, something that local officials
3t72.
have to adopt to further their careers.T Joseph , a26-year-o1d Hutu man who graduatedfrom ingando n2002 said: "I don't know if Hutu and Tutsi [peasants] like me wereunified before the white man came. That is what they taught us. But does it matter? Iwant to eat every day and I want to send my children to school. If they tell me whitesbrought division, then of course I agree".t ih.r. remarks illustrate how the version ofhistory found in the policy of national unity and reconciliation is the "politically correct"one, and is the one that most ordinary Rwandans parrot in public even if they disagree inprivate. In promoting a singular version of Rwandan history, the policy of national unityand reconciliation fails to acknowledge the multiplicity of historical interpretations (andindividual lived experiences) that constitute Rwandan history.
Lessons in Truth and Reconciliation
Ingando re-education camps for gdnocidaires do not teach reconciliation. Instead,they mostly teach gdnocidaires to shut up and to stay on the sidelines of public life.During my re-education, govenrment officials repeatedly told me that Hutu "had aresponsibility to tell the truth". Yet, many ingando graduates I interviewed have saidthere is no point in telling the actual truth of what they did. Gaston, who graduated fromingando in2004, stated: "Even if I am innocent, I am a former Hutu. In the new Rwanda,this means I must b. gotlty of killing". By preventing any public discussion outside theacceptable categories of Tutsi survivors and Hutu perpetrators, ingando is just anothertactic of social confol rather than a meaningful effort to unify and reconcile Rwandans.As Vianney,a2l-year-old Tutsi survivor said:
The Hutu who killed, they know who they are but are they able to tell their truth?No, and I understand why nol If they say anything, they go straight to prison. Iunderstand their problems; I blame this govemment for its lack of fairness. If wecould all just get along in our own way and at our own time,I know we could findsome way to co-exist. Reconciliation is never going to happen under thisgovernment...
Anselme, the 16-year-old nephew of a convictefl gd.nocidaire, stated: "For adult Hutu likemy uncle, ingando lessons are just a way for the government to make sure we have noideas of our own, and to make sure we don't make more genocide for them. It [genocide]could happen because Hutu are no longer welcome here".
Conclusion
As this chapter has shown, ingando camps for gdnocidaires simultaneously revealthe strengths and weaknesses of the RPF's re-education "by anr'touncing the gap between
t Of the 46 elected and returnee local officials I met during my fieldworlg all but three were knownmembers of the RPF. One said, "you must be a member of the RPF if you are to gain a good [govemment]position. I joined to provide for my family and have not regretted my decision" (fieldnotes, 2006).8 I also interviewed Tutsi who were cynical about the offrcial historical narrative. As Aimable, an elderlyTutsi peasant from West province noted caustically, "Whoever has power are the ones that shape ournational history".
337t
enforcing participation and commanding belief'(Wedeen, 1999:22). The graduates ofthese ingando camps that I met do not believe in the national unity of the re-imaginedpast or in the reconciliation of a re-engineered future. Rather, they see the camps andtheir ideological discourse as efforts to exercise social confiol over adult Hutu men.Instead of being re-educated, these graduates have merely learned new forms of"ritual[ized] dissimulation" (Wede en 1999 :82) and strategic compliance.
BibliographyMgbako, Chi. (2005) . 'Ingando Solidarity Camps: Reconciliation and Political
Indoctrination in Post-Genocide Rwanda' . Harvard Human Rights Journal,18(Spring), pp.20l-224.
National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. (200a). The Rwandan Conflict: Origin,Development, Exit Strategies. Kigali: NURC.
National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. (2006a). The Ingando Concept and it's
[sic] Syllabus Reform. Kigali: NURC.
National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. (2006b). The Themes meant to bedis cus s ed during " Ingando " worlcshop for Leaders. Kigali : NURC.
National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. (2006c). The A-Z of Ingando. Kigali:NURC.
Offrce of the President of the Republic. (1999). The Unity of Rwandans. Before theColonial Period and (Jnder the Colonial Rule under the First Republic. Kigali:Urugwiro Village.
Penal Reform International. (200a). From Camp to Hill, the reintegration of releasedprisoners. Gacaca Research Report No. 6. http://www.penalreform.org/research-on-gacaca-report-vi-from-camp-to-hill-the-reintegration-of-released-pris.html.Accessed 20 November 2007 .
Pottier, Johan. Q002). Re-Imagining Rwanda: Conflict, Survival and Disinformation inthe late 20'n Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wedeen, Lisa. (1999). Ambiguities of Domination: Politics, Rhetoric and Symbols inContemporary Syria. Chicago University of Chicago Press.
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Afiairc: Le Procureur c. Callixte Nzabonimana AfraircNo.: TPIR-98"|4D-T
Dates: Transmis le: 1'l avril 2010 Document dat6 du:1tl avdl 2010
No. de Pages: $pages I bng,u" de I'original: [l Frangais E Anglais fl KinyanrandaTitre duDocurnent:
NZABONIi'ANA'S i,!OTION FOR THE VARIATION OF ITS WTNESS LIST
Glassification Level:n Ex Partefl StriAty Confidential/ Under Seal! ConfdentialElpuutic
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E Le rnat6rielde r6f6rence se towe en annexe, pour faciliter la baduc{ion.Langue(s) vis6e(s):D Franqais ! Anglais n
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I ilOrioinal Francaisen: Anolais q: Ul ffiftarwandaTraduction len: Franeais Anglais Z Lll llHvarwanda
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