Production and Use Technologies in Kalinga Pottery

82 • N E U P E RT A N D L 0 N G AC R E

4. Deviation: Years deviation of the age estimate. Negative is underestimation, positive is overestimation, zero is accurate estimation.

5. Errorabs: The absolute error of the estimation, all deviations made positive.

6. Origindate: Date of manufacture given at the time the vessel was first recorded, during either the 1975 or the 1980 inventory.

7. Type: Vessel type. I= ittoyom (rice cooking vessel), U = oppaya (meat and vegetable cooking vessel), W = water storage vessel.

8. Size: Size of vessel. M =medium, with 6, 7, 8 being progressively larger.

9. Whenget: Manufacture date given during the 1988 inventory. 10. Potage: Vessel age as of 1988.

APPENDIX 2: HOUSEHOLD DATA

Data from forty households provide the basis for sections of the preceding analysis. The variables examined and their definitions are as follows:

1. House: The number assigned to the household during the 1975 census.

2. Errorabs: The average absolute error for the household. 3. Informant: The number of informants in the household. 4. Age 1: The age of the first or only informant. 5. Education 1: The education level of the first or only informant.

1 = None, 2 = primary education, 3 = secondary education. 6. Potting 1: Years potting experience of first or only informant. 7. Age2: As above, for second informant. 8. Education2: As above, for second informant. 9. Potting2: As above, for second informant.

10. Totalpot: Total number of vessels present in the household at the time of the 1988 inventory.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors would like to thank Michael Schiffer for suggesting this study. We also thank our Kalinga assistants, Christina Tima and Rosalina Busog, as well as J. Jefferson Reid, Miriam Stark, and Barbara Montgomery for their helpful comments, and the National Science Foundation for grant BNS 87-10275, which supported our work among the Kalinga.

5 PRODUCTION AND USE TECHNOLOGIES IN KALINGA POTTERY

Meredith Aronson, James M. Skibo, and Miriam T. Stark

The relationship between ceramic technology and pottery use (techno-function) has gained prominence in archaeological research. Theoretical frameworks describing techno-function (Braun 1983; Schiffer and Skibo 1987) and discussions of materials science techniques (Bronitsky 1986) have established a general framework for linking experimental technological studies to archaeological materials. Archaeological applications of the "techno-functional" approach have contributed insights into possible physical justifications for prehistoric technological decisionmaking (Bronitsky and Hamer 1986; Schiffer and Skibo 1987; Skibo et al. 1989; Stimmell et al. 1982; Tankersley and Meinhart 1982).

Such research, usually involving experimental archaeology, has focused primarily on the investigation of the processes and products of technological change. Despite the appeal and innovation that characterize such approaches, several problems remain unresolved in the interpretive domain. First, in the case of pottery, it is difficult to discern whether changes in the technology are behaviorally significant, i.e., whether the performance of the vessel is changed enough to be noticeable by the users (see Schiffer and Skibo 1987). Second, it is difficult to determine how non-techno-functional factors influence change in pottery technology. Finally, the experimental approach has been limited thus far to the investigation of the motivations for and consequences of a particular technological change. But a whole series of choices exists in manufacturing, obtaining, and using pottery that do not occur in the context of technological change. People in pottery-producing and pottery-using societies continually make choices about such issues as what clay to use for vessel manufacture or what pot to obtain. This chapter examines choices concerning pottery production and pottery use by combining ethnoarchaeological data with experimental testing.

Ethnoarchaeology can examine motivations for specific technological choices, since the relationship between behavior and material culture can be observed, uml the material culture can be collected. Previous ethnoarchaeological research hus focused on the relationship between potters' perceptions and the

83

84 • ARONSON, SKIBO, AND STARK

physical properties of clays (e.g., D. Arnold 1971), the theoretical advantages of

particular tempering materials (e.g., Rye 1976), and variability in clay-temper

mixes used to produce functionally distinct ceramic products (e.g., DeBoer and Lathrap 1979). While performance characteristics may affect potters' decisions in

the selection of clay materials, the relationship between production and use-related

performance characteristics is only anecdotally referenced in the ethnoarchaeo

logical literature (cf. Gyamfi 1980: 107). This study is unique in its explicit focus on both production and use technologies using ethnoarchaeological data from the

Kalinga of northern Luzon, Philippines.

One possible approach to understanding variability in the material record is to

examine the technology responsible for the variability. In terms of ceramics, this would be reflected in the integrated group of activities including materials selec

tion, design, production, use, distribution, and discard of an object (Kingery 1987).

Thus we can discuss both a production technology and a use technology. Producer

and consumer expectations regarding a product affect technological decision

making, and thus control the range of material variability present.

An example from Western industrialized society illustrates the relationship

between production and use technologies. Consider the production of Pyrex, which

is most commonly seen as used in heat-resistant kitchen vessels, such as measuring

cups and bowls. Physically, Pyrex can be described as a transparent substance that will withstand thermal stress better than soda-lime glass (the material used in, for

example, an ordinary drinking glass). The producer (Coming) knows which mate

rials, design, and processing are necessary to produce a Pyrex vessel (i.e., produc

tion technology). Generally, we assume that consumers will buy Pyrex for its

physical properties; however, nontechnical factors such as tradition (the consumer

who buys Pyrex because his or her parents did), or restricted availability (it was the

only vessel available at the local hardware store) can in fact be central to a

technological decision (i.e., use technology). The importance of technical versus

nontechnical factors is fairly clear in our own Western industrialized society. How

the interaction of these factors differs in nonindustrial, non-Western contexts forms

the basis for this research.

From the perspective of a use technology, the rationale for decision-making

and the resulting patterning of the material record must include both technical

and nontechnical aspects. This is evident in the ethnographic present as well as the historic and prehistoric past. For the purposes of this chapter, we shall

define technical aspects as physical factors, material properties, or techno

functional performance characteristics, and nontechnical aspects as behavioral

factors not strongly dependent on technical performance.

The objective of this study is to examine the interaction between technical

and nontechnical factors in decisions involving ceramic production and use.

Production and Use Technologies in Kalinga Pottery • 85

Specifically, we will examine one aspect of pottery production among the Kalinga of the Philippines: the expectations and subsequent technical decisions made by Kalinga potters (i.e., pottery producers), and the expectations and subsequent decisions made by Kalinga consumers (i.e., pottery users). Potters'

expectations include, among numerous others, specific physical properties of the clay, the use of particular clay sources for producing ceramic vessels, ease of preparation, availability, and tradition. Consumers' expectations include specific performance characteristics of the pot, pot form, and pot source (based on tradition). The impact of both technical and nontechnical factors on potters'

and consumers' decisions will be considered. This study has two components. First, we use interview data to examine why

potters select particular materials (i.e., behavioral and physical property fac

tors) for manufacturing pots, and then we compare the potters' responses about clays to laboratory analysis of the clays. Second, we examine various reasons (technical and nontechnical) why consumers select pots from one potterymaking community over another, and then we compare the physical reasons for consumers' pot selection to laboratory analysis of the pots. The result facilitates a comparison of emic description and laboratory analyses (e.g., D. Arnold

1971) to evaluate the extent to which physical factors affect technological decisions regarding materials selection, manufacture, and use. Evaluating both the emic description of technological choice and potential etic (physical) bases of technological choice yields insight into patterns in the archaeological record.

ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA COLLECTION

Data for this study were collected in the Kalinga villages of Dangtalan, Dalupa, and Guina-ang (see frontispiece) between March 1988 and May 1988. Interview data used in this study were collected predominantly by Kalinga assistants

at various times throughout the 1987-1988 field season. The villages of Dangtalan and Dalupa both produce pottery for household use; Dalupa additionally produces pottery for distribution throughout the Pasil River Valley and beyond

(M. T. Stark 199lb; Chapter 8). The th.ird study village, Guina-ang, relies on Dangtalan and Dalupa for its supply of pots. Guina-ang lacks potters and is here

described as a "pottery-consuming" village.

PRODUCTION TECHNOLOGY

The techniques of Kalinga pottery manufacture are similar in Dangtalan and Dalupa (Longacre 1981 ). Three utilitarian categories of vessels are regularly

produced: rice cooking jars (ittoyom), vegetable and meat cooking jars (op-


Figure 1. Dangtalan potter mining clay from a source near the village. Clay is col

lected from shallow deposits that contain sufficient amounts of sand to obviate the need for adding tempering materials to the clay. (Photograph courtesy of the Arizona

State Museum; W. A. Longacre, photographer.)

paya), and water storage jars (immosso). Nonutilitarian ceramic forms (ay-ayam) have also recently been introduced to the Dalupa pottery repertoire (Stark 1991a)

and require a different set of manufacturing steps. These forms are not considered in this study since they are almost exclusively made by Dalupa potters. Clay is mined locally at one of several sources for each village (Figure 1). Potters themselves collect the clay and often do so in groups of two or three persons. The clay is then cleaned to remove pebbles and other impurities that can lead to manufactur

ing problems (Figure 2). Finally, the clay is pounded in portions large enough to produce one or two vessels at a time. Vessels are formed using a combination of coil-and-scrape and paddle-and-anvil techniques to produce round-bottomed pieces. Vessels are left to dry for two and a half to four days (Longacre 1981 :57),

after which they are fired for approximately twenty minutes. A coating of resin (/ebu) is applied to the interior surface and the exterior neck of the ittoyom and

oppaya (the entire exterior of the immosso may or may not be coated) immediately after removal from the fire.

Survey of Sources of Materials for Potters Having documented the production process, we wished to investigate potters' perceptions of significant factors related to decision-making during the pottery


Figure 2. This Dangtalan potter is removing impurities from the clay prior to vessel

manufacture. Clay sources vary in the proportion of pebbles in their clay, and potters prefer sources that have "cleaner" clay. (Photograph courtesy of the Arizona State

Museum; W. A. Longacre, photographer.)

production process. Accordingly, we interviewed 104 active and retired potters in Dalupa and Dangtalan. In Dalupa, a village of 76 houses, the survey was

administered to 55 potters; in Dangtalan, a village of 56 houses, 49 potters were interviewed. The survey of materials for potters included questions on the following: clay source usage, both past and present; the owner and location of

the field for each clay source; preferred clay sources; and reasons why a given source was preferred by the potters. Potters were asked to give opinions on clay sources that they utilized; these sources included those that they disliked but

were obligated to use for social or political reasons. Additional information was gleaned from open-ended interviews. A list of clay traits important to the

Kalinga is provided in Table 1. The interviews demonstrate that Kalinga potters use both technical and

nontechnical criteria to select clay materials. Nontechnical factors such as the

relationship between a clay source's landowner and the potter, intracommunity factionalism, and personal friendship may encourage potters to use or discourage them from using certain clay sources available to them. Indeed, these

factors can be more important than technical considerations in the selection of cluy sources. Yet what we urc uhlc to measure physicully urc the technical


Table 1 Clay descriptions given by Kalinga potters (Dalupa and Dang~lan)

Sticky (plastic) Clean (no stones) Fine Smooth No cracks/cracks easily during firing Stands easily Strong/flimsy (meaning too little sand) Proximity Resulting pots have "porcelain" qualities (i.e., ring when tapped) Presence of "soft" stones

considerations underlying material selection. This technical information adds either positive or negative support to hypotheses regarding motivations for material acquisition. At all times, but most particularly in the absence of positive evidence for the selection of technically superior materials, we must consider the impact of nontechnical factors in the decision-making process.

Nontechnical Factors in Clay Selection Dangtalan and Dalupa potters exploit clay sources within one kilometer of their village, as do 33% of D. Arnold's (1985:39-44) worldwide sample of potterymaking communities. Ease of accessibility to clay sources is an important consideration in clay procurement. Potters prefer closer locations for reasons of transport and because they mine sources that are located within the boundaries of their iii, or political region. The primary reasons that potters stop frequenting a clay source are the following: landowner prohibition, exhaustion of the clay supply, structural damage to the stone terrace walls surrounding the field where the mine is located, or slump damage to the field itself. For example, one of Dangtalan 's most popular clay sources is located in an area immediately below the village elementary school, and the threat of slumpage affecting the school property prompted the prohibition of further mining at this clay source. Other reasons for restricted access to clay sources involve social relationships between field owners and potters and relationships among potters within a community. Finally, ruptured relations between the field owner and the community may prevent access to a particular field, a circumstance that occurred in Dalupa during the 1987-1988 field season.

In comparative ethnographic cases in which clay is mined by potters (rather than purchased from entrepreneurs), nontechnical and technical factors often coincide in potters' selections of clay materials. Both the proximity of the clay


source to the potters' residences (a nontechnical factor) and the plasticity of the clay itself (a technical factor) determine Nigerian lgbo potters' choice of clay materials (Okpoko 1987:448). Nontechnical factors may overrule technical factors in decision-making. For example, potters can select inferior clays among those available for potting because of proximity, as is the case in many parts of the world (P. J. Arnold 1991:23; Haaland 1978:49; Davison and Hosford 1978; Rye and Evans 1976:126). The proximity of the clay source, the quality of the clay desired, and details regarding land ownership are often interrelated determinants in the selection of clay materials, and this pattern has been documented in the Caribbean (Handler 1963:315), Oaxaca (Van de Velde and Van de Velde 1939:22), and Melanesia (Lauer 1974:143).

Technical and nontechnical factors are also inseparable for Dangtalan and Dalupa potters in their selection of clay sources. Distance is an important nontechnical factor for Kalinga potters. All four Dalupa sources sampled for are located in the area of fields called Lopok, and the Dangtalan clay sources are located in different field areas. Lopok is located immediately above the village of Dalupa, about a 10-minute walk from the village. In Dangtalan, the Lonong clay source is a 30-minute walk from the village, the Col-ang clay source is about a 15- to 20-minute walk uphill from the village, and the school clay source is less than a 5-minute walk from the village. Prohibited access to the school clay source since about 1983 has resulted in decreased open usage of the school source, although most Dangtalan potters continue to mine clay covertly at that source. ·

Technical Factors in Clay Selection The frequency of clay source usage is illustrated in Table 2. The relative frequency of use of clay sources was tallied to select clay sources from which samples could be taken for further analysis at the University of Arizona. Samples from four of the most frequently used Dalupa clay sources were collected; samples from three Dangtalan clay sources were collected. For the purposes of this paper, Dalupa clay sources will be referred to by the owner of lhc field, i.e., Awaga refers to clays taken from a property owner named Awaga Sulwi.

A small portion of each clay source sample was separated and kept in its pristine state. Expert potters from each village cleaned and pounded the rest of cuch clay separately, yielding prepared clay that was then dried for shipment. l\xpcriments were subsequently carried out to determine possible technological fnclors in clay selection.

From a technical perspective, the potters' interviews suggest that clay prnpcrtics related to the production of the vessel, us opposed to clay proper-


Table2

Frequency of clay source usage

Source Percentage of potters using

Dalupa Marcelo 90 Awaga 82 Awing 43 Bullayao 40

Dangtalan Lonong 82 School 79 Col-ang 33

ties related to the distribution or use of the vessel, seem to be more important to Kalinga potters. One clay attribute that is recognized as important by Kalinga potters is a combination of plasticity and workability (i.e., clay that is "sticky" [manipot] and that has enough sand). Figure 3 illustrates what Kalinga potters mean by workability, as the clay must be sufficiently plastic to assume forms but contain enough "stiffness" to "stand up" during the forming process. Other attributes cited as important by potters are the absence of stones and lack of postfiring cracks. It should be noted here that the prepared clay shipped to the United States is free of stones; potters' comments regarding a lack of stones are directed toward the clay in its "as dug" state and reflect the labor involved in preparing and cleaning the clay. We acknowledge this aspect of the decision-making process, but do not quantify the degrees of variation in volume fraction of stones.

Potters' commentary on specific clay sources (Table 3) provides insight into similarities and differences between Dalupa and Dangtalan clays. Plasticity and lack of stones are important considerations in the description of clays from both Dalupa and Dangtalan.

Thus we have an emic basis for discussing technical attributes of Kalinga clays. For example, qualities of "stickiness" and "stiffness" described by the Kalinga potters conform to technical characteristics including plasticity and workability (Rye 1981 ).

Laboratory Analysis Analyses were carried out in order to investigate the possible technological basis for manufacturing decisions. Because the interview data indicated that


J

Figure 3. Kalinga potters prefer clay that strikes a balance between "stickiness" and "stiffness." In this stage of vessel manufacture, certain clays are superior in their ability to "stand up" and hold a form. (Photograph courtesy of the Arizona State Museum; W. A. Longacre, photographer.)

workability and drying/firing cracks were of concern to Kalinga potters, our analyses focused on these characteristics.

The Kalinga clays are yellow-brown in color, ranging from 10 YR 3/3 to I 0 YR 5/4 (with one 7.5 YR 4/4) using a Munsell chart on wet clay. All of the Kalinga clays have a high volume fraction of natural inclusions (Figure 4): clear rounded quartz grains up to 3.5-4.0 mm in size, long angular black grains of biotite mica (up to 2-3 mm in size), and a range of siliceous minerals up to .~ mm in size. The inclusions are not added by the Kalinga potters, but are present as a product of the clay deposition process. The samples were examined optically to define the nature of the clay and inclusions, and then at higher


Table3 Potters' comments on various clays

Source

Dalupa Awaga Marcelo Awing

Bullayao

Dangtalan Lonong

School

Comments

A superior clay. Smooth with few stones. Similar to Awaga. Sticky and a good clay, except that it has a

rough surface when polished. Contains many small stones, which cause it to

crack when fired.

A superior clay. Stronger, stiffer vessel walls with few stones and large white inclusions.

A superior clay. Few stones, holds its shape

better than other clays. Fires without cracking.

magnification using a Jeol 840 scanning electron microscope (SEM) to elucidate the microstructure and clay type. SEM examination of the clay (Figure 5) indicates that it is probably montmorillonite, as evidenced by the small particle size and the texture of the microstructure. The clays were examined by x-ray diffraction (using a General Electric XRD-5 unit) to determine

Figure 4. Cross section of Kai inga sherd (I 4x). The dark gray angular regions are in

cl us ions. Scale bar: I mm.


Figure 5. SEM image of Kalinga clay (10,000x) with submicron clay particles. Scale

bar: 1 µm.

the primary mineralogical phases present; results support the presence of montmorillonite as the primary clay mineral, with quartz and biotite inclusions. Montmorillonite, because of its small particle size, is a highly plastic clay; however, it also tends to suffer from high drying shrinkage and cracking (Grimshaw 1971). Substantial tempering reduces the amount of drying shrinkage, and thus compensates for the montmorillonite shrinkage properties. In this regard, it is convenient for the Kalinga that the clay occurs naturally in this form.

Particle size analysis was also carried out using a wet screening technique. The goal of such analysis was to define fractions of coarse and fine sand, which are indicative of working properties involving "stiffness." Screen fractions retained were: >417 µm, 417-208 µm, and 208-147 µm. Samples were dried and weighed, and fractions relative to the original mixture calculated. The International Society of Soil Science classifies clay having particles of <2 µm; si It, between 2 and 20 µm; fine sand, between 20 and 200 µm; and coarse sand, from 200 µm to 2 mm. The results are summarized in Table 4. Thus our measurements involve the fractions of coarse and fine sand, an indicator of working properties involving stiffness.

Descriptions of clay as "flimsy" or "stiff' are related to the nature and

quantity of nonclay inclusions. A flimsy clay is likely to have a smaller volume !'ruction of nonclay inclusions, whereas a stiff clay, or a clay that "stands up well," is more likely to huve a higher volume fraction of noncluy inclusions.


Table 4 Particle fractions of Kalinga clays (percent of total)

Source >417µm 208-417 µm 208-147 µm

Dalupa Awaga 12 33 12 Marcelo 17 28 15 Awing 12 19 14 Bullayao 12 18 16

Dangtalan Lonong 14 25 12 School 24 14 14

Results of the particle size analysis show that the school clay (Dangtalan) has a substantially higher fraction of large inclusions (>417 µm) than the other clays. The Awaga (Dalupa), Marcelo (Dalupa), and the school (Dangtalan) clays have

a measurably greater fraction of inclusions in the size range between coarse and fine sand than the other clays. In general, the favored clays in both Dalupa and Dangtalan have a higher volume fraction of coarse inclusions (coarse/fine sand as opposed to silt). In terms of workability, this would translate into a somewhat stiffer clay; however, it is difficult to predict if these differences in volume fraction of coarse inclusions (5-10%) would be behaviorally significant in terms of working properties.

Next, the range of plasticity was measured using the ''feel technique" (see, for example, Rice 1987; Shepard 1976): the clays were pounded in a mortar and oven-dried at 99°C for one hour, then water was added until the clay would just form a coil without cracking. Water was added until the clay no longer maintained its structural integrity. The range between the amount of water needed to form a coil (indicative of extensibility) and that needed to form a "mud pie" (indicative of the yield point) is known as the range of plasticity, and is useful in loosely quantifying workability. Unfortunately, this test is to some extent dependent on the person carrying out the experiment, and as such can only be used in relative terms. The results are presented in Table 5. The clays with the widest plastic range are Marcelo and Awaga from Dalupa and Lonong and school from Dangtalan. In handling the clays, however, the results are in agreement with the "feel" of the clay. Marcelo (Dalupa), Lonong (Dangtalan), and school (Dangtalan) were the better

clays by feel, consistent with them having the widest plastic range. That the clay can be worked over a range of water content without cracking is important for hand modeling. Here we see quantitative evidence for workability that is in agreement with Kalinga interview data.


Table5

Range of plasticity of Kalinga clays

Yield point Extensibility Range Source (weight% H20) (weight% H20) (weight% H20)

Dalupa Marcelo 17.9 24.7 6.8 Awaga 19.6 26.0 6.4 Bullayao 19.4 25.3 5.9 Awing 20.2 25.8 5.6

Dangtalan School 21.0 27.8 6.8 Lonong 17.5 23.6 6.1 Col-ang 20.2 26.0 5.8

Finally, measurements of drying shrinkage were made. Based on the working properties already described, two of the better clays each from Dalupa and Dangtalan were selected. Sample tiles of uniform size were made and allowed to air dry. The results are shown in Figure 6. The Dalupa clays undergo more drying shrinkage than the Dangtalan clays. The reason for this lies in differences in the nature of the water layer between the clay particles. Because the relative proportions of aplastic inclusions in both Dalupa and Dangtalan clays

9

• •• B • Q) 0 0 0 00 Cl

"' 7 • .Y. • c: .... • •• L. 6 0 • + ++ .s::. • + U)

Cl !i • + c: .... • > .c + L. 'C ... 3 • • O.ngtalan: Schaal c: Q) 0 u + Oangtalan: Lanang L. 2 •O + <> 01lup1: Mlrc1la Q) a.. ... 01lup1: A111g1

t +

8. 0 .c.oo 8.00 12.00 US.OD 20.00 2.C.00

Percent water lost (by weight)

l'igurc 6. Drying shrinkage of Kulingu clays.

arc similar, we know that the difference In drying shrinkage cannot be because of displaced clay minerals. Because the potters of both Dalupa and Dangtalan prepare the clay in a similar fashion, working with the clay immediately (as opposed to drying and pounding it, then letting it age,

saturating the clay minerals with water), we know that the differences in drying shrinkage are the result of the clays themselves. Differences in the amounts of alkali salts present (e.g., sodium or potassium), pH, or size and shape of the clay particles will all result in changes in the thickness and nature of the water layer between clay particles. We propose that this is the reason for the distinguishable levels of drying shrinkage in Dalupa and Dangtalan. In terms of pottery.manufacture, the rate and degree of drying shrinkage will affect the probability of forming drying cracks, which in tum

reduce vessel strength. Thus we have presented a series of analytical methods to provide a physical

basis for discussing "workability" and drying shrinkage in Kalinga clays based on composition, texture, plasticity, and drying shrinkage. This approach gives us a means of evaluating the considerations underlying technical decisionmaking in Kalinga production technology.

USE TECHNOLOGY

Kalinga Pottery Exchange To understand better the dynamics of pottery preference, it is necessary to discuss briefly how Guina-ang residents obtain their pottery (see also Graves 1985; Longacre and Stark 1992; Stark, Chapter 8). Household pottery inventories in Guina-ang during the 1987-1988 field season indicated that most pots are acquired through barter trips to Guina-ang by Dalupa and Dangtalan potters who visit the village with loads of pottery to exchange for rice and

other goods. Of the bartered vessels, a little over 90% of the Dalupa- and Dangtalan-made pots in the village of Guina-ang were obtained in this way. Within the Pasil River Valley, a potter prefers to barter goods from the house of a relative or friend within the consuming village; customers for each potter are frequently related to the hostess of the house in which the pots are sold (Stark 1992). Although Guina-ang household inventories did not produce a significant kin-based relationship between potter and consumer, it is possible that the hostess of the potter is related to the customer in cases in which the

potter herself is not related. Pots are also acquired as gifts between relatives and friends; gift-giving (of pots and other items) occurs during the household

based and community-wide events.

.... _ ~_.,.,.,,~·--- --------- ----·,, .... Survey of Pot Preferences for Consumer. In Guina-ang, a village of I02 houses, conaumers In IOi houNCholds were Interviewed; in Dalupa, consumers in 73 households were interviewed. We invesdaated use behavior from two angles: eliciting information on consumer preference and recording the actual representation of pots in Guina-ang households. Information about pottery preference was obtained as part of a two-part question. Each woman of the household who purchased pottery was first asked which village (Dangtalan, Dalupa, or another) made the best cooking vessels and water jars. Following that question, each individual was asked to provide reasons for preferring vessels from a particular village and answers were recorded verbatim.

In Guina-ang the overwhelming preference was for Dangtalan cooking pots. In 101 households stirveyed, 67% (68) preferred pots from Dangtalan, whereas only 14% (14) preferred Dalupa-made pots (the remaining 19% either had no preference or in one case liked pots manufactured in another village). Of those who preferred Dangtalan pots, 74% (50) cited pottery strength as the reason for their preference. Table 6 gives the responses of those who prefer Dalupa-made pots. Aside from the response "I like them because they are the ones I have," which was excluded from this analysis, the most common reason (4 or 29%) cited for preferring Dalupa pots was weight: Dalupa pots were believed to be lighter than Dangtalan pots.

Table6

Pottery preference in Guina-ang (cooking pots)

Percent Reason

Consumers preferring Dangtalan pots (N = 69)

72 Stronger: last longer, more durable 33 Well polished 17 Lightweight

16 Look nice, decorations, shape 10 Clay quality 6 Well fired 3 Thin

Consumers preferring Dalupa pots (N = 14)

29 Because I have them 29 Lightweight 14 Durable 14 Free or cheaper 7 Well polished 7 Conduct heat well

98 • A R 0 N S 0 N , S K IB 0 , A N D S TA R K

90

BO

70

2 60 0 Q.

:g 50 .B 0 ~ 40 c:

" E " 30 CL

20

10

0

1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

IZ2I Oongtalon IS:sl Doi u po

Figure 7. Source of cooking pots purchased in Guina-ang through time.

Two points regarding pottery use technology emerge from the Guina-ang interview data. First, Guina-ang residents clearly prefer Dangtalan pots over Dalupa pots. The reasons cited for this preference were primarily technical in nature as the common factor cited was strength; Dangtalan pots are believed to be stronger and hence more durable. The second point gleaned from the interview data is that technical reasons are also given by the Guina-ang residents as the criteria for choosing pots from Dalupa. The most consistent reason given for this preference was weight; Dalupa-made cooking pots are often perceived as being lighter in weight. From a technological perspective, the advantages of a stronger pot would be increased durability and vessel use-life. The advantages of a lighter pot, however, are less clear. Pots are typically carried daily to a water source but this distance is not great.

Ernie perceptions regarding cooking pot preference are reflected in the household inventories and pottery exchange records collected during the 1987-1988 field season. Of the 68 Guina-ang households that prefer Dangtalan cooking pots, 82% have more Dangtalan- than Dalupa-made vessels. This pattern also holds true for the Guina-ang households that prefer Dalupa-made pots. Two-thirds (10/14) of the households that prefer Dalupa pots own more


Dalupa- than Dangtalan-made vessels. Pottery exchange records for 1988 indicate that, of 227 vegetable/meat cooking vessels traded to Guina-ang from Dalupa and Dangtalan, 61 % were made in Dangtalan whereas only 39% came from Dalupa. Moreover, Figure 7 illustrates that this overall preference for Dangtalan pots also occurred in years previous to those covered in our study.

The prevalence of Dangtalan pots in Guina-ang households is not a result of greater availability. The scale of Dangtalan production since 1975 has decreased, with the result that the village has become a minor pottery supplier to most Pasil Kalinga villages (Stark 1991b; Chapter 8). Moreover, Dalupa potters barter more of their vessels in Guina-ang than in any other Pasil community. Research into social relations and pottery distribution (Longacre and Stark 1992) suggests that differing relationships between residents of Guinaang and those of Dangtalan and Dalupa (i.e., a closer link to Dangtalan) may affect the overwhelming preference of Guina-ang residents for Dangtalanmade vessels (also see the section on nontechnical factors in pottery use technology).

The pattern observed with the cooking vessels does not, however, crosscut the functional categories of pottery in Guina-ang households. Dalupa-made water jars (immosso) are found in the majority (71%) of the households although only 26% of the respondents stated a preference for Dalupa-made water vessels. Water vessels are not studied here, but we should note that the reasons provided by the Guina-ang residents for water vessel preference differ slightly from those recorded for cooking vessels (cf. Tables 6 and 7). Respondents who preferred Dangtalan-made water vessels (63%) provided technological responses similar to those recorded for the cooking pots. Thirty-eight percent cited strength as the reason. An additional 25% said they preferred Dangtalan water vessels because they did not leak as much or that more resin is applied to them. Since Dalupa potters no longer coat the exterior of water jars with resin (an interior coat of resin is still applied), the Dalupa vessels were said to leak more initially than did Dangtalan water jars. Guina-ang residents noted this difference, adding that after a short period of use the excessive leakage subsides. Kalinga statements regarding permeability conform to recent archaeological studies that have shown that the movement of water through a ceramic body is controlled primarily by the interior surface treatment (Schiffer 1988).

A different set of responses was found for the Guina-ang residents who prefer Dalupa water jars, and in this domain nontechnical responses predominate. Recall that the most consistent reason why some Guina-ang residents preferred Dalupa cooking pots was weight. Most Guina-ang residents who preferred Dalupa water jars cited aesthetic (i.e., nontechnical) reasons for


Table7 Pottery preference in Guina-ang (water jars)

Percent Reason


29 Nicely decorated

17 Stand up well

17 Durable

15 Well polished

15 Lightweight

7 More available


38 Stronger

26 Well polished

25 Do not leak

7 Lightweight

4 Better appearance

their preference: Dalupa water jars are now decorated on the exterior with an ochre design. However, as shown in Table 7, a number of technical reasons were also cited, such as a built-in ring base (naubotan), greater durability, better polish, and lighter weight. It is interesting to note that the response of

"lightweight" was also given frequently in regard to the cooking vessels. This is the only frequently cited technical reason that is found for both the Dalupa

cooking and water vessels. The water jar data contrast with the cooking pot survey in two important

respects. Dalupa water jars are found in more houses than their Dangtalan equivalents, despite the stated preference for Dangtalan-made water jars. Aesthetic rather than technical reasons account, in part, for this pattern. Several

possible explanations may underlie Guina-ang residents' stated preference for Dangtalan water jars even though they own more Dalupa-made water vessels.

First, the close relationship between the villages of Guina-ang and Dangtalan may explain why Guina-ang consumers say that they prefer Dangtalan-made

vessels over those from Dalupa. Second, the stylistic innovations by the Dalupa potters in recent years may have prompted many Guina-ang residents to buy Dalupa vessels. Since Kalinga water jars last approximately eight years (Longacre 1985:343), the Guina-ang consumer of a Dalupa water jar is left with a

technically "inferior," yet aesthetically "superior," vessel. One might anticipate that Guina-ang residents would replace a broken or worn-out Dangtalan water


Tables Pottery preference in Dalupa (cooking pots)

Percent Reason


13 Because I have them 12 Well formed 9 Village allegiance 6 Well polished 4 Prettier

Thinner Lightweight Clay is better Potters are skilled Wider mouth Do not leak


67 Wider mouth 33 Well polished

vessel with an aesthetically "superior" Dalupa water vessel, explaining the presence of Dalupa water jars in Guina-ang households. An examination of how the residents of Guina-ang use and replace cooking and water storage vessels demonstrates why the aesthetically motivated replacement of vessels is not a complete explanation for why Guina-ang residents prefer Dangtalan water jars but own more Dalupa-made pots.

Most Guina-ang residents have a stockpile of replacement cooking pots, which allows a broken pot to be replaced immediately. Few houses, however, have a replacement supply of water vessels. Rather, with a mean of just over one water jar per household, most functional water jars are in use. In the event of vessel breakage, there is a greater probability of replacement with a Dalupa vessel than a Dangtalan vessel. Dalupa pots are more readily available because Dangtalan potters have decreased their scale of production while Dalupa potters have increased their activity. This conclusion is substantiated by the responses of Guina-ang housewives who stated that they preferred Dalupa water jars because they were more available (see Table 7).

The pottery preference survey for cooking pots carried out in Dalupa provides very different results (Table 8) from an identical survey conducted in Guina-ang (Table 6). Nearly all the household cooking vessels were made in Dalupa and a vast majority (81 %) of those questioned preferred Dalupa-made


vessels. Only 4% preferred pots made in Dangtalan and 15% had no preference. In contrast to Guina-ang, the responses from the Dalupa respondents

referred primarily to nontechnical factors. Here we can observe that there are factors other than technical performance that influence pottery selection. The processes that control consumption differ in a village that produces pottery

from those in villages in which pottery is not produced. Dalupa residents would have little reason to obtain Dangtalan pots even if the pots were somehow technically superior. In fact it is safe to assume that many Dalupa housewives

rarely cook with Dangtalan pots and thus lack the appropriate means with which to make a comparison. Using a sample of pots made since 1981, there

are 338 Dalupa-made and 8 Dangtalan-made vegetable/meat cooking pots in Dalupa households. Of the 8 Dangtalan pots, only 3 are currently in use in

Dalupa. Because Dalupa housewives lack the opportunity to cook with vessels from both villages, responses are not based on technical aspects of vessel performance, as is the case in Guina-ang. Dalupa women obtain, use, and prefer pots from their village because they live with a group of potters (or they

are potters themselves) and in many cases the pots are made by their relatives and friends.

The analysis that follows will focus on the technological differences in the Dangtalan and Dalupa pots as perceived by the residents of Guina-ang. In

particular we will test whether Dangtalan pots are in fact stronger and also if the Dalupa pottery is lighter.

Technical Factors in Pottery Use Technology As a part of the Kalinga Ethnoarchaeological Project, Kalinga pots were collected and brought back to the Arizona State Museum for further study. Samples were taken from a sample of uniformly sized vegetable and meat cooking vessels (oppaya) for experiments to determine possible technological

factors in pot preference, specifically strength. In order to determine potential physical bases for stronger or technically superior pots, a fourfold analytical approach was taken.

First, the question of pot strength was addressed using a mechanical model.

It is well established that ceramic fracture is brittle fracture. The modulus of rupture, or stress at failure under transverse bending and torsional stress, is defined as directly proportional to the thickness (Grimshaw 1971). Thus, a thinner specimen will fail at a smaller applied force or load, as should be

intuitively apparent. A difference in the average thickness for Dangtalan pots versus Dalupa pots would be significant in discussing why they might be considered stronger, especially given the low hardness and fracture properties

of the Kalinga ceramics. To test this hypothesis, samples were taken from the


Table 9 Thickness of Kalinga pots

--

Thickness (mm)

Range Average

Dalupa 1 3.2-3.9 3.6 2 3.4-3.7 3.6 3 3.9-4.I 4.0 4 4.1-4.6 4.4 5 5.3-5.6 5.5 6 3.3-3.8 3.6 7 3.8-4.1 4.0 8 2.8-3.6 3.2 9 3.6-4.1 3.9

10 3.3-3.4 3.4 Dangtalan

1 5.2-5.8 5.5 2 3.6-3.9 3.8 3 3.8-4.2 4.0 4 3.8-4.8 4.3 5 4.0-4.4 4.2 6 5.7-6.2 6.0 7 3.7-4.2 4.0 8 5.9-6.4 6.2 9 4.0-4.4 4.2,

10 3.1-3.5 3.3

Arizona State Museum collection of Kalinga meat and vegetable cooking pots. Round samples 1 inch in diameter were drilled from an area approximately one-third of the distance from the base to the rim with resin on the inside and 11

polished surface on the outside. Thicknesses were measured using calipers, and are shown in Table 9. The mean thickness of the Dalupa pots is 3.92 mm (SD 0.653) and the Dangtalan vessels have a mean thickness of 4.55 mm (SD 0.987). A Student's t-test performed on the sample indicates that the sample means are significantly different at the .11 level. Because of the small

sample size, the sample means will be affected strongly by anomalous thickness measurements. To control for this, the extreme high and low measurements were deleted from each sample. The new sample means are 3.81 mm (SD 0.323) for the Dalupa pots and 4.50 mm (SD 0.709) for the Dangtalan vessels. These sample means arc significant ut the .04 level. The difference in


Table 10 Chemical composition of Kalinga clays (microprobe) a

Si02 Alz03 Fe203 MgO CaO Na20 KzO

Dalupa Awing 50.9 19.7 5.3 1.0 1.4 - 0.7

Awaga 51.0 21.0 4.5 1.2 0.7 - 0.5

Bullayao 49.6 23.4 3.6 0.1 1.7 - 0.4

Marcelo 53.4 20.3 2.3 0.1 0.7 - 0.5

Dangtalan School 49.8 20.3 5.7 1.2 0.8 0.3 1.5

Lonong 49.7 20.9 5.7 1.2 1.0 0.5 0.8

Col-ang 51.l 20.1 5.1 0.8 1.0 - 0.5

0 Values are in weight percent and represent the average of three determinations.

thickness is a critical factor in determining strength, and it establishes Dang

talan pots as stronger than Dalupa pots. A thinner vessel wall also has an influence on vessel weight. Recall (Tables 6

and 7) that the residents in Guina-ang who preferred Dalupa cooking vessels and water storage jars often said they did so because the pots were lighter. The differences in thickness certainly would have a noticeable influence on overall

vessel weight. As an additional line of evidence, consider the earlier discussion of the

increased drying shrinkage of Dalupa clays relative to Dangtalan clays. With a higher probability of drying cracks in Dalupa clays, and a subsequently higher probability of encountering a flawed or weakened vessel, we can conclude that Dalupa vessels should be weaker than Dangtalan vessels.

The question of pot strength was also addressed using a chemically derived model. Craft potters (Rhodes 1957) as well as materials scientists (Kingery et al. 1976) recognize that the addition of fluxing agents will result in a reduced melting temperature, hence a lower sintering temperature (i.e., the temperature at which particles begin to fuse together). To test this hypothesis, samples of clays from Dalupa and Dangtalan were analyzed using a microprobe in order to determine the chemical composition of the clay. It is important to note that these unnormalized microprobe totals are low (less than 100%) due to the high porosity of the clay matrix. Thus it is the relative oxide quantities that are of interest. Relative amounts of the following fluxes were of particular interest: iron oxide (assumed to be Fe20 3, although Fe304 could be present), MgO, CaO, Na20, and K20. These data are presented in Table 10. Note the difference

Production and Use Technologies in Kalinga Pottery • lOS

between Dalupa and Dangtalan in potassia (K20) and iron oxide concentrations. The average Fe20 3 concentration in Dangtalan is 41 % higher than that in Dalupa (5.5% versus 3.9%); the average K20 concentration in Dangtalan is 80% higher than in Dalupa (0.9% versus 0.5% ). It becomes evident upon examination of x-ray maps of the Kalinga clay (Figure 8) that both iron and potassium are well dispersed throughout the system (as opposed to being concentrated into specific grains); the result is that their mobility, hence their impact on sinterability, is high. In porous ceramics, better-sintered clay bodies are stronger. One could conclude on the basis of this chemical argument that Dangtalan pots will be better sintered and thus stronger than Dalupa pots.

Because the Kalinga pots are fired at low temperature for a relatively short time, the amount of sintering is limited. That the firing temperature is in fact low was confirmed by comparing the range of color developed in samples from Dangtalan and Dalupa after refiring at 50°C intervals. In an oxidizing atmosphere, as the temperature rises, organics are burned off, water is driven off, and iron is converted to an oxidized or ferric state (Fe20 3), resulting in color changes from gray to yellow, orange, or red depending on the iron concentration (Rice 1987). In the case of the Kalinga ceramics, it would appear that the firing temperature is quite low, probably 600-650°C. The redder color of the Dangtalan specimens is indicative of either higher levels of iron present, higher firing temperatures, or greater oxidation. Taking into consideration the low firing temperature and likely constraints on degree of sintering, it is nonethele11H probable that a difference in the flux levels of Dalupa and Dangtalan pots may affect final pot strength.

The difference in strength is not related to longer or hotter firings. Firins conditions are very similar in Dangtalan and Dalupa and firing times are within the same range in each village. If anything, Dangtalan firing times are shorter, a finding that further supports our claim that the difference in vessel wall strength is related to the presence of varying amounts of flux in the clay.

Thus, by using a mechanically derived model in addition to a chemically derived model we can provide two independent lines of evidence for explaining differences in strength between Dalupa and Dangtalan vessels.

In an effort to characterize the absolute hardness (and thus, indirectly, strength) of the pots themselves, experiments were performed using a Superficial Rockwell Hardness Tester (Simon and Coghlin 1989). Using low-fired plainwares of the TontoNerde Series of Alameda Brown Ware, Simon and Coghlin report an nhsolute hardness of 150-190. The Kalinga clays are extremely soft, and prone 10 failure during testing. By reducing the load on the hardness tester to I 05

1otrnms, at>solute hardnesses of 265-285 were measured. By changing the con-

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Table 11 Hardness of Dalupa and Dangtalan pottery

Average hardness Standard Samples (N =IO) deviation

-Dangtalan

372 264.6 14.6 373 271.7 10.8 374 282.4 2.7 387 280.7 3.2 393 273.9 3.8

Dalupa 327 285.3 l.8 333 280.9 3.7 339 282.3 3.0 340 280.8 3.5 343 276.l 3.7

figuration of the hardness tester, the ability to compare hardnesses on a fixed scale (e.g., the difference between the values reported for Alameda Brown Ware and those for the Kalinga vessels) is diminished, yet it is still a useful tool for comparing relative hardnesses between Dalupa and Dangtalan pots. Five I-inch round samples each from Dalupa and Dangtalan were tested, and ten hardness measurements were made on each sample. The means for each village (five samples) with the corresponding standard deviations are shown in Table 11. Surprisingly, the Dalupa samples have a slightly greater hardness than those from Dangtalan (Dalupa: 281.31 [SD 4.306), Dangtalan: 274.64 [SD I 0.408)). However, given the small sample size and high standard deviations, we conclude that both Dalupa and Dangtalan vessels are of essentially the same hardness, and that the difference in strength is related primarily to vessel lhickness.

Nontechnical Factors in Pottery Use Technology Our analyses demonstrated significant differences in the performance of Danglalan and Dalupa cooking vessels, reinforcing data from Guina-ang residents on pottery preference. A methodological restriction of both archaeological and clhnoarchaeological research to date on pottery production and use technology

fligLirc 8. Electron und x-ruy images of a Kalingu cluy (500x) showing elemental dislrihution. (11) B11ck-sc111tercd electron imugc. (b) X-ruy mup of potassium distribution, Nnmc urcu UH (u). (c) X-ruy mup of iron diMtribution, NIUllC urcu UH (u).

108 • ARONSON, SKIBO. AND STARK

lies in these methods' exclusive focus on technical factors. The limitations of the archaeological record make this analytical imbalance understandable to some extent, since neither informant-derived nor observational data can be collected from prehistoric societies to elucidate nontechnical factors affecting decision-making. The most productive strategy, at present, is to explore first the relationships in the technical realm and then begin to peer into how nontechnical factors can influence these relationships. In this section, some of the nontechnical factors are discussed in order to shed some light on means for appropriately assigning significance to them within

the realm of use technology. The largest geographical unit recognized in Kalinga is the region or

village, generally consisting of several kinship groups (Dozier 1966; Takaki 1977). The peace pact (bodong) system is constructed at the regionwide level, so that a village or a group of villages is a peace pact holding unit that negotiates treaties with other such units. Guina-ang is a peace pact holding unit that includes the communities of Galdang, Pugong, and Malucsad; Dangtalan holds peace pacts largely on its own, and the peace pact unit containing Dalupa also includes the village of Ableg. The Pasil River Valley contains two recognized sections: the upper and lower sections of the valley (see frontispiece). In the Upper Pasil are Guina-ang, Bagtayan, Galdang, Pogong, and Malucsad. Straddling the middle of the valley is Dangtalan, which some Kalinga refer to as Upper Pasil. Lower Pasil includes Dalupa, Ableg, Magsilay, Balenciago, and the five settlements of Cagaluan. In a society still characterized by regionally based customs related to peace pact holding units, an individual's affiliation is an essential characteristic and is reckoned on a number of levels (Dozier 1966). Affiliation first goes to members of one's own household, then to members of one's area of the village, next to one's village or peace pact holding unit, and onward. Individuals from the same village are bound by custom to support one another.

There may also be closer kin ties between Guina-ang and Dangtalan than exist between the people of Guina-ang and Dalupa. Kalinga oral history maintains that Guina-ang is the "mother" village for much of the Upper Pasil and that the villages of Galdang, Pugong, and Malucsad were founded by groups budding off from Guina-ang. The origin of Dangtalan in these oral histories is ambiguous; some believe that Guina-ang was also the source for this village and others maintain that Dangtalan has an independent history. But clearly the residents of Guina-ang see a closer affiliation with Dangtalan and one could envision how this could affect consumer decisions; kinship and social relations influence the overwhelming preference the Guina-ang residents have for Dang-

talan pottery (Longacre and Stark 1992).


SUMMARY

We can now ask to what extent the analyses were successful in confirming potters' emic judgments of clay properties in the production technology phase. Of the Dalupa clays, Marcelo and Awaga are considered similar, and these clays are by far the most popular. Both clays have significantly higher particle (nonclay) fractions between 208 and 417 µm in size and a higher range of plasticity than the other two Dalupa clays tested. Thus, within certain constraints, Dalupa potters select clays for their working properties: enough sand to make the clay strong during forming (i.e., such that the clay will stand up well and not deform) and a wide range of plasticity to maximize clay manipulation. Of the Dangtalan clays, the Lonong and school clays are superior to the others in the range of plasticity; Col-ang, only used by 33% of the potters, has a lower plastic range and was as such not considered in most of our analyses. The school clay differs from the other Dangtalan clays in having a high fraction of particles greater than 417 µm (0.4 mm) in size. This finding suggests that, although the clay has larger inclusions, proximity to the village is an important determining factor in potter selection of clay materials. Potters stated that the higher fraction of large inclusions in the clay from the school source will make it more difficult to achieve a smooth, polished surface on a pot. Moreover, they stated that "cleaning" the school clay took more time. The fact that the school clay is easily accessible, has lower drying shrinkage, and has a plastic range comparable to that of the Lonong clay probably compensates for the coarseness of the clay.

It is important that laboratory technical analyses corroborated Kalinga pot· ters' judgments regarding the workability of the available clays. The Lonong clay source is preferred by most Dangtalan potters and our analyses also found this clay to have superior working properties. Of the Dangtalan clays that are utilized, the Lonong source is also the farthest from the village (a 30-minute uphill walk). The school clay was also favored by the Dangtalan potters despite the fact that it has more large stones. In this case, proximity to the village appears to be an important factor. Thus, working properties are an important consideration for potters in clay selection, but source proximity and other nontechnical factors also play an important role in the decision-making process. In Dangtalan, if only technical factors were at work, the clay would always be obtained from the Lonong or school sources, the sources of the clay with superior working qualities. But the Col-ang source, a clay with working properties that are less acceptable than those of clay from the Lonong and school sources, is also used. The majority of the Col-ang clay users are pottel'!i whose households own rice fields IUld grunaries in Col-ang, enabling the


potters to embed clay collecting into the round of agricultural activities. Choice

of clay is influenced by nontechnical factors, such as landowners' attitudes,

intracommunity factionalism, and genealogical connections. Not only do the exhaustion of clay sources and the threat of structural damage affect the pattern

of clay source usage, but social relationships between a clay source landowner

and a potter or a group of potters may also preclude or encourage access by an

individual potter or the entire wtter community to a particular landowner's

clay.

In examining the dynamics of pottery use, this study has focused on the

importance of both technical and nontechnical factors in consumption decision

making. In Guina-ang, solely a pottery-consuming village, residents prefer and

obtain primarily Dangtalan cooking pots and explain this preference by re

sponding that those pots are stronger. The respondents who prefer Dalupa

cooking pots indicated that they prefer vessels made in that village because

they are lighter. Our laboratory and technical analyses demonstrate that Dang

talan cooking pots are stronger and that Dalupa pots are lighter. In Dalupa, a

pottery-producing village, nontechnical factors override technical considera

tions in the selection of cooking pots. Thus we have an important contrast in the

use technologies of a pottery-producing village and a pottery-consuming vil

lage. Consumers in a non-pottery-producing village may place more emphasis

on techno-functional performance than consumers in a pottery-producing vil

lage. Longacre and Stark (1992) discuss the importance of nontechnical factors

in pottery consumption patterns. This chapter demonstrates that technical fac

tors also play a role, that consumer decision-making is quite complex, and that

the relative importance of each set of factors must be evaluated on a case-by

case basis.

Graves (1985) observed a preference for Dangtalan-made vessels in the

pottery-consuming villages of Pugong and Malucsad that confirms the distribu

tion of pottery consumption patterns in the Upper versus Lower Pasil River

valleys noted earlier in this analysis. He reports that the people felt, in agree

ment with our survey, that Dangtalan pots were stronger. But Graves found that

this difference would not affect exchange value and would not preclude in

dividuals from obtaining Dalupa-made pots. In Guina-ang, an exclusively

pottery-consuming village, residents who acquire Dangtalan pots (68%) large

ly recognize their superiority in technical performance traits. Guina-ang resi

dents who obtain Dalupa pots, however, are selecting for another set of traits

that are unrelated to the vessels' physical performance. The majority of Dalupa residents obtain Dalupa-made vessels, and nontechnical factors override tech

nical performance characteristics. Thus we can see the importance in consider

ing both technical and nontechnical aspects in consumption decision-making.


In extending this study to the archaeological record, it is important to consider the potential of both technical and nontechnical or behavioral factors in generating patterns in the material record. It would appear that there are no

techno-functional reasons to acquire Dalupa pots in places where Dangtalan

pots are available. Issues of village allegiance, kinship, and convenience play a

significant role in determining procurement of pots. One important lesson for archaeologists is that we currently have a better likelihood of testing tech

nical/techno-functional explanations than nontechnical explanations for pre

historic decision-making in its relationship to technology. The other important

implication is that, in exploring technical factors, we are restricted to explain

ing just one part of the observed variability in prehistoric decision-making and the study of technological change. It is clear that these issues should be considered in archaeological interpretation.

A productive direction for archaeological inquiry is the exploration of the nontechnical factors in technological decision-making, and more specifically

the dynamic between the two. That both technical and nontechnical factors arc

important is clear, and that balances are struck is also evident. What remains to

be discussed is how balances are struck, and in what types of situations one set of factors may assume priority over the other set. As we learn more about the

dynamic between such factors in technological decision-making, our ability to develop models of prehistoric technologies will progress markedly.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The fieldwork for this chapter was supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation (BNS 87-10275) to William A. Longacre. A number of

individuals commented on drafts of this chapter, including members of the

University of Arizona Department of Anthropology writers group: Catherine

Cameron, Kelly Hays, Masashi Kobayashi, Jonathan Mabry, Barbara Montgomery, Barbara Roth, Christine Szuter, Masakazu Tani, John Welch, Lisa

Young, and Nieves Zedeno. In addition, Steve West provided analytical sugges

tions and Arylen Simon provided the data for the hardness test. Masashi

Kobayashi is gratefully acknowledged for his assistance in collecting the data

and for his aid throughout the study. Many thanks are also extended to our

Kalinga assistants, who aided in all aspects of our field research: Josephine

Bommogas, Narcisa Waggaway, and Amy Awing in Dalupa; Rosalina Busog in

Dangtalan; and Nancy Lugao, Edita Lugao, and Judith Sagayo in Guina-ang. William Longacre, David Kingery, and Michael Schiffer also commented on drafts of the chapter and provided assistance throughout.

Map of the Pasil Municipality (the Kalinga area), showing the location of Dangtalan,

Guina-ang, and Dalupa, the three principal villages of the Kalinga Ethnoarchaeological

Project. The vertical bar divides the upper and lower parts of the Pasil River valley. (Upper map drawn by Brigid Sullivan;

lower map by Ronald Beckwith.)

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L

Kalinga Ethnoarchaeology

Expanding Archaeological Method and Theory

Edited by William A. Longacre and James M. Skibo

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION l'RESS • WASlllNOTON AND l.ONl>ON

© 1994 by the Smithsonian Institution All rights reserved

Editor and typesetter: Peter Strupp/Princeton Editorial Associates

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kalinga ethnoarchaeology: expanding archaeological method and theory I edited by William A. Longacre and James M. Skibo.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 1-56098-272-1 (alk. paper) 1. Kalinga (Philippine people)--Material culture. 2. Pottery, Kalinga

Philippines-Dangtalan--Classification. 3. Ethnoarchaeology-PhilippinesDangtalan. 4. Dangtalan (Philippines)--Social life and customs. I. Longacre, William A., 1937- . II. Skibo, James M.

DS666.K3K35 1994 392'.3'09599--dc20

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data is available.

Manufactured in the United States of America ()() 99 98 97 96 95 94 5 4 3 2 1

93-46225

@> The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the

American National Standard for Pennanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1984.

For pennission to reproduce illustrations appearing in this book, please correspond directly with the owners of the works, as listed in the individual captions. The Smithsonian Institution Press does not retain reproduction rights for the11e illu11trutions individually or maintain 11 file of uddres11cs for photo source11.

CONTENTS

FOREWORD vii

Michael Deal

PREFACE xiii

l. AN INTRODUCTION TO KALIN GA ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

William A. Longacre and James M. Skibo

2. KALINGA SOCIAL AND MATERIAL CULTURE BOUNDARIES: A CASE OF SPATIAL CONVERGENCE 13

Michael W. Graves

·'· WHY SHOULD MORE POTS BREAK IN LARGER HOUSEHOLDS? MECHANISMS UNDERLYING POPULATION ESTIMATES FROM CERAMICS 51

Masakazu Tani

4. INFORMANT ACCURACY IN POTTERY USE-LIFE STUDIES: A KALINGA EXAMPLE 71

Mark A. Neupert and William A. Longacre

S. PRODUCTION AND USE TECHNOLOGIES IN KALINGA

POTT•:RY IB

Meredith Aronson, Jumcs M. Skibo, and Miriam T. Stark

Production and Use Technologies in Kalinga Pottery

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