Pre-Germanic: A tentative description of the substratum language in Proto-Germanic based on Guus...

UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI

FILOZOFSKA FAKULTETA

ODDELEK ZA ANGLISTIKO IN AMERIKANISTIKO

ODDELEK ZA PRIMERJALNO IN SPLOŠNO JEZIKOSLOVJE

PRE-GERMANIC

A tentative description of the substratum language in Proto-Germanic based on Guus

Kroonen's Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic

PREDGERMANŠČINA

Poskus opisa substrata v pragermanščini na podlagi dela Etymological Dictionary of Proto-

Germanic Guusa Kroonena

DIPLOMSKO DELO

Mentor: dr. Metka Furlan

Somentor: dr. Frančiška Trobevšek-Drobnak

LJUBLJANA, JUNIJ 2015 ALJOŠA ŠORGO

PREDGERMANŠČINA: Poskus opisa substrata v pragermanščini na podlagi dela

Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic Guusa Kroonena

Namen diplomskega dela je pregled besedja s substratnim izvorom v Etymological Dictionary of

Proto-Germanic Guusa Kroonena in opredelitev fonetičnih značilnosti substrata pragermanščine, v

nalogi imenovanega predgermanščina. Po pregledu razvoja pragermanščine povzamem

najpomembnejše hipoteze o substratu pragermanščine. Na podlagi petih značilnosti (a) omejena

geografska distribucija; b) fonološka in morfonološka neregularnost; c) nenavadna fonološka

zgradba; d) nenavaden besedotvorni princip; e) umeščenost v semantično kategorijo, ki je posebej

nagnjena k sposojanju), ki jih je opredelila t. i. leidenska šola, izberem lekseme, ki so verjetno

substratnega izvora, in jih opišem. Sledi kvantitativna analiza fonetičnih značilnosti leksemov

substratnega in indoevropskega izvora ter primerjava med njimi. Zaključim, da ima besedje

substratnega izvora drugačno strukturo kot podedovano indoevropsko ter da sta bila konzonantna

sistema pragermanščine in predgermanščine primerljiva, medtem ko si jezika vokalno in strukturno

nista podobna.

Ključne besede: substrat, predgermanščina, pragermanščina, jezikovni stik, sposoja

Pre-GERMANIC: A tentative description of the substratum language in Proto-Germanic

based on Guus Kroonen's Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic

The aim of this thesis is to examine lexemes of a substratum origin in Guus Kroonen's Etymological

Dictionary of Proto-Germanic and to define the phonetic characteristics of the Proto-Germanic

substratum language, here called Pre-Germanic. After an overview of the development of Proto-

Germanic I summarize the most important hypotheses about the Proto-Germanic substratum. Based

on five characteristics (a) limited geographical distribution; b) phonological and morphonological

irregularity; c) unusual phonological makeup; d) unusual word formation; e) specific semantics)

given by the Leiden school I make a selection of those lexemes, which are likely of substratum

origin, and describe them. Then, a quantitative analysis of the phonetic characteristics of lexemes of

substratum and Indo-European origin is performed and the results compared and examined. I

conclude that lexemes of substratum origin display a different structure than inherited Indo-

European ones and that while the consonant systems of Proto- and Pre-Germanic were comparable,

the vowel and structural system was not.

Key words: substratum, Pre-Germanic, Proto-Germanic, language contact, borrowing

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Izjava o avtorstvu

Izjavljam, da je diplomsko delo v celoti moje avtorsko delo ter da so uporabljeni viri in literatura

navedeni v skladu s strokovnimi standardi in veljavno zakonodajo.

Ljubljana, 16. junij 2015 Aljoša Šorgo

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Zahvala

Najlepše se zahvaljujem mami Agici ter dedku Dragu in babici Marjeti, ki so mi ves čas študija stali

ob strani in me neumorno bodrili ob pisanju te naloge.

Posebej se zahvaljujem svojima mentoricama, dr. Metki Furlan in dr. Frančiški Trobevšek-Drobnak,

za strokovne nasvete, jezikoslovne pogovore in potrpežljivost.

Zahvala gre tudi Sašu Cmrečnjaku, ki mi je bil v veliko pomoč med pripravljanjem te naloge,

profesorjem na oddelkih za anglistiko in primerjalno jezikoslovje za posredovano znanje in vsem

ostalim, ki ste mi bili na tak ali drugačen način med študijem blizu.

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Abbreviations

Language and language group abbreviations

Abkh. - Abkhazian OHG - Old High German

Akk. - Akkadian OIc. - Old Icelandic

Alb. - Albanian OIr. - Old Irish

Anat. - Anatolian Oss. - Ossetian

Arab. - Arabian PFU - Proto-Finno-Ugric

Arm. - Armenian PG - Proto-Germanic

Balt. - Baltic PIC - Proto-Italo-Celtic

Basq. - Basque PIE - Proto-Indo-European

Celt. - Celtic PIt. - Proto-Italic

Fin. - Finnish pre-PG - Pre-Proto-Germanic

Georg. - Georgian PSem. - Proto-Semitic

Germ. - Germanic PSl. - Proto-Slavic

Gr. - Greek PU - Proto-Uralic

Hebr. - Hebrew Rus. - Russian

IE - Indo-European Saa. - Saami

Ind. - Indic SaaL - Lule Saami

Iran. - Iranian SaaN - North Saami

It. - Italic SCr. - Serbian / Croatian

Lat. - Latin Sl. - Slavic

Lith. - Lithuanian Sum. - Sumerian

Mingr. - Mingrelian WGr. - West Germanic

Mong. - Mongolian Toch. - Tocharian

NGr. - North Germanic Tur. - Turkish

OE - Old English Ugar. - Ugaritic

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Other abbreviations

a. v. - anomalum verbum; strong verb n. - neutrum; neuter

adj. - adjectivum; adjective num. - numerus; numeral

adv. - adverbium pl . - pluralis; plural

BCE - Before the Common Era praef. - praefixum; prefix

CE - Common Era praep. - praepositio; preposition

comp. - comparativus; comparative praes. - praesens; present

conj. - conjunctio; conjunction praet. - praeteritum; preterite

f. - femininum; feminine pron. - pronomen; pronoun

interj. - interjectio; interjection sg. - singularis; singular

l. v. - legitimum verbum; weak verb suppl. - supplementum; supplement

m. - masculinum; masculine v. - verbum; verb

Linguistic symbols

# - beginning of end of word R - any resonant

* - reconstruction T - any dental plosive

** - improper form/reconstruction V - any vowel

~ - alternating with V - any short vowel

C - any consonant V - any long vowel

hx - any laryngeal V - nasalized vowel

N - any nasal

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Krajšave

Krajšave za imena jezikov in jezikovnih skupin

abh. - abhaško oset. - osetsko

akad. - akadsko pgerm. - pragermansko

alb. - albansko pide. - praindoevropsko

anat. - anatolsko pital. - praitalsko

arab. - arabsko pitalkelt. - praitalokeltsko

arm. - armensko predpgerm. - predpragermansko

balt. - baltsko psemit. - prasemitsko

bask. - baskovsko pslovan. - praslovansko

fin. - finsko pugrofin. - praugrofinsko

germ. - germansko pural. - prauralsko

gr. - (staro)grško rus. - rusko

gruz. - gruzijsko sevgerm. - severnogermansko

hebr. - hebrejsko sevlap. - severnolaponsko

ide. - indoevropsko slovan. - slovansko

ind. - indoarijsko srbhr. - srbsko / hrvaško

iran. - iransko stang. - staroangleško

ital. - italsko stir. - staroirsko

kelt. - keltsko stisl. - staroislandsko

lap. - laponsko stvnem. - starovisokonemško

lat. - latinsko sumer. - sumersko

lit. - litovsko toh. - toharsko

llap. - Lule laponsko turš. - turško

mingr. - mingrelsko ugar. - ugaritsko

mong. - mongolsko zahgerm. - zahodnogermansko

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Ostale krajšave

a. v. - anomalum verbum; krepki glagol num. - numerus; število

adj. - adjectivum; pridevnik pl . - pluralis; množina

adv. - adverbium; prislov pr. n. št. - pred našim štetjem

comp. - comparativus; komparativ praef. - praefixum; prefiks

conj. - conjunctio; veznik praep. - praepositio; predlog

f. - femininum; ženski spol praes. - praesens; sedanjik

interj. - interjectio; medmet praet. - praeteritum; preteklik

l. v. - legitimum verbum; šibek glagol pron. - pronomen; zaimek

m. - masculinum; moški spol sg. - singularis; ednina

n. - neutrum; srednji spol suppl. - supplementum; dodatek

n. št. - našega štetja v. - verbum; glagol

Jezikoslovni simboli

# - vzglasje R - katerikoli rezonant

* - rekonstrukcija T - katerikoli dentalni zapornik

** - neprava oblika/rekonstrukcija V - katerikoli samoglasnik

~ - alternira z V - katerikoli kratek samoglasnik

hx - katerikoli laringal V - katerikoli dolg samoglasnik

K - katerikoli konzonant V - nazaliziran samoglasnik

N - katerikoli nazal

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Table of Contents / Kazalo1E Introduction...................................................................................................................................12

1E.1 Structure................................................................................................................................121E.2 An Introduction to Guus Kroonen's Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic...............121E.3 Notes on Terminology...........................................................................................................13

2E An Overview of Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic........................................................142E.1 Proto-Indo-European Phonology...........................................................................................14

2E.1. 1 Consonants....................................................................................................................142E.1.2 Vowels............................................................................................................................152E.1.3 Roots..............................................................................................................................15

2E.2 Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic..............................................................................162E.2.1 Vocalism.........................................................................................................................162E.2.2 Consonantism................................................................................................................182E.2.3 Relative Chronology......................................................................................................21

2E.3 Proto-Germanic Phonology...................................................................................................222E.3.1 Consonants.....................................................................................................................222E.3.2 Vowels............................................................................................................................22

2E.4 Spatial and Temporal Placement of Proto-Germanic............................................................233E Linguistic Contact and Germanic Substratum Hypotheses...........................................................25

3E.1 Linguistic Contact.................................................................................................................253E.2 Old European Hydronymy....................................................................................................263E.3 The Leiden School.................................................................................................................283E.4 Theo Vennemann's Vasconic Substratum Hypothesis...........................................................29

4E Proto-Germanic Lexemes.............................................................................................................314E.1.1 Division of Proto-Germanic Lexemes Into Two Groups...............................................314E.1.2 Lexemes of Undisputed Indo-European Origin.............................................................324E.1.3 Lexemes of Possible Substratum Origin.......................................................................324E.1.4 An Overview of Lexemes of Possible Substratum Origin.............................................33

5E A Quantitative Analysis of Selected Proto-Germanic Lexemes and Its Interpretation.................455E.1 Methodology.........................................................................................................................455E.2 An Overview of the Results of the Quantitative Analysis.....................................................465E.3 An Interpretation of the Results of the Quantitative Analysis...............................................51

6E Conclusion....................................................................................................................................521S Uvod..............................................................................................................................................53

1S.1 Struktura................................................................................................................................531S.2 Predstavitev dela Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic Guusa Kroonena................531S.3 Opombe o terminologiji.........................................................................................................54

2S Pregled indoevropskega prajezika in pragermanščine..................................................................552S.1 Proto-Indo-European Phonology...........................................................................................55

2S.1. 1 Konzonanti....................................................................................................................552S.1.2 Vokali.............................................................................................................................562S.1.3 Koreni............................................................................................................................56

2S.2 Od indoevropskega prajezika do pragermanščine.................................................................572S.2.1 Vokalizem.......................................................................................................................572S.2.2 Konzonantizem..............................................................................................................592S.2.3 Relativna kronologija.....................................................................................................62

2S.3 Pragermanska fonologija.......................................................................................................632S.3.1 Konzonanti.....................................................................................................................632S.3.2 Vokali.............................................................................................................................63

2S.4 Prostorska in časovna umestitev pragermanščine.................................................................64

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3S Jezikovni stiki in hipoteze germanskega substrata........................................................................663S.1 Jezikovni stiki........................................................................................................................663S.2 Staroevropska hidronimija.....................................................................................................673S.3 Leidenska šola.......................................................................................................................693S.4 Hipoteza vaskonskega substrata Thea Vennemanna..............................................................69

4S Pragermanski leksemi...................................................................................................................724S.1.1 Razdelitev pragermanskih leksemov v dve skupini.......................................................724S.1.2 Leksemi gotovega indoevropskega izvora.....................................................................724S.1.3 Leksemi verjetnega substratnega izvora........................................................................734S.1.4 Pregled leksemov verjetnega substratnega izvora.........................................................74

5S Kvantitativna analiza izbranih pragermanskih leksemov in njena interpretacija..........................865S.1 Metodologija..........................................................................................................................865S.2 Pregled rezultatov kvantitativne analize................................................................................875S.3 Interpretacija rezultatov kvantitativne analize.......................................................................92

6S Zaključek.......................................................................................................................................937E Appendix 1: List of Proto-Germanic Lexemes of Indo-European Origin....................................947S Dodatek 1: Seznam pragermanskih leksemov indo-evropskega izvora........................................948E Appendix 2: List of Proto-Germanic Lexemes of Likely Substratum Origin.............................1268S Dodatek 2: Seznam pragermanskih leksemov verjetnega substratnega izvora...........................1269E References...................................................................................................................................1309S Viri...............................................................................................................................................13010E Index..........................................................................................................................................13310S Indeks........................................................................................................................................133

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For last year's words belong to last year's languageAnd next year's words await another voice.

T. S. Eliot, Four Quartets

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1E Introduction

It is reasonable to assume that the speakers of (Pre-)Proto-Germanic encountered another culture in

what would later become their Urheimat (Mallory 1989: 145 et passim, 250 et passim). There is no

concrete historical evidence regarding their language, but before this Pre-Germanic language

disappeared it provided the language which would eventually supersede it with a number of new

linguistic features, most notably lexical items (Mallory 1989: 156). By examining these traces of a

long-extinct language within Proto-Germanic, we may glimpse a fuller picture of European

linguistic prehistory.

1E.1 Structure

The aim of this thesis is to define as many phonetic features of Pre-Germanic as possible. First, a

general overview of Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic is given, as well as a quick overview

of other Proto-Germanic substrate hypotheses. The core of this thesis is an examination of those

entries in Guus Kroonen's Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic (henceforth EDPG) which

point to a substrate origin, which are subsequently subjected to a quantitative analysis. Finally, the

results of this analysis are compared with previously described Proto-Germanic substrate

hypotheses.

1E.2 An Introduction to Guus Kroonen's Etymological Dictionary of

Proto-Germanic

Guus Kroonen's Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic was published in 2013 as part of the

Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project originating from Leiden University; the project's

aim is to eventually replace the now-obsolete Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch by

Julius Pokorny (Kroonen 2013: vii).

EDPG contains approximately 2800 headwords and about as many derivations (Brill 2015). Each

entry is composed of the reconstructed Proto-Germanic lexeme (as well as its alternative forms), its

grammatical characteristics, a reconstruction of its meaning, a list of cognates in other Indo-

European languages, its distribution or origin (Indo-European, European Indo-European, West Indo-

European, North Indo-European, Germanic, non-Indo-European, or simply marked as derived or an

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obvious loanword), and a commentary on its reconstruction. The volume's introduction provides an

overview of all sound laws that lead to the development of Proto-Germanic from Proto-Indo-

European (see Section 2.2 for summary).

Sample entry:

“*snaiwa- m. 'snow' – Go. snaiws m. 'id.', ON snær, gen. snjóar m. 'id.', Far. snjógvur m.

'id.', Elfd. sniųo m. 'id.', OE snāw m. 'id.', E snow, OS snēo m. 'id.', Du. sneeuw c. 'id.', OHG

snē(o) m. 'id.', G Schnee m. 'id.' => *snoigwh-o- (IE) - OCS sněgъ, Lith. sniẽgas, Latv.

snìegs m. 'snow' < *snoigwh-o-; Lat. nix, nivis f. 'id.' < *snigwh-.

An o-grade thematic noun derived from the strong verb *snīwan- (q. v.).” (Kroonen 2013:

460)

Throughout this thesis Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic will be taken as the primary

point of departure and will be given primacy over other references except when explicitly noted

otherwise.

1E.3 Notes on Terminology

For the sake of clarity a few terms must be defined:

North European (as used in EDPG) – pertaining to Germanic and Balto-Slavic languages;

Pre-Germanic – a (presumably) non-Indo-European prehistoric language spoken on the territory

which would later be settled by speakers of Proto-Germanic. Also known as 'Germanic substratum';

Pre-Proto-Germanic – an earlier stage of Proto-Germanic, temporally somewhere between the Late

Proto-Indo-European dialect, which would eventually develop into Proto-Germanic, and Proto-

Germanic proper;

Proto-Germanic – the last common ancestor of the Germanic languages;

Western European (as used in EDPG) – pertaining to Germanic and Italo-Celtic languages.

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2E An Overview of Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic

2E.1 Proto-Indo-European Phonology

In order to recognize lexemes of a non-Indo-European origin, we must first define the basic

characteristics of Proto-Indo-European. While there are a plethora of reconstructions and

interpretations, I propose a variant of what is most commonly known as the traditional model

(described, for example, in Clackson 2007: 34 et passim; Meier-Brüger 2003: 71 et passim; Fortson

2005: 48–66).

2E.1. 1 Consonants

Labial Dental / Alveolar Palato-velar Velar Labio-velar Laryngeal

Voiceless plosive p t ḱ k ku

Voiced plosive (b) d ǵ g gu

Voiced aspirated plosive bɦ dɦ ǵɦ gɦ guɦ

Fricative s h1, h2, h3

Resonant l, r

Nasal m n

Semi-vowel i uTable 1: Consonants of PIE

I follow those scholars who reject the glottalic theory (Clackson 2007: 48; Meier-Brüger

2003: 125–126; Melchert 1994: 46–47; contra Beekes 1995: 132–133) and personally

prefer to view the 'voiced' : 'voiced aspirated' contrast as one of 'stiff/creaky voice' : 'breathy

voice' (Clackson 2007: 48).

In line with scholarly consensus I assume three laryngeals which coloured all adjacent and

additionaly lenghtened preceeding vowels (Beekes 1995: 142–147; Meier-Brüger 2003:

106–124; and many others; contra Szemerényi 1996: 121–130, 134–142).

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2E.1.2 Vowels

Front Back

High i u

e, ē o, ō

Low (a), (ā)

Diphthongs ei, eu, oi, ou, (ai), (au)

Table 2: Vowels of PIE

The status of *a as a phoneme is disputed (Clackson 2007: 36; Lubotsky 1989), but if it

existed, it was undoubtedly less common than *e or *o in PIE proper. By late PIE numerous

instances of it had arisen through laryngeal-induced colouring of *e, laryngeal-induced

anaptyxis, and, possibly, loanwords.

I see little reason to reconstruct **ī and **ū; they are best understood as *ihx and *uhx

(Fortson 2005: 60–61). In any case, this matter is of little importance to the topic at hand.

2E.1.3 Roots

One particularly important feature of PIE, which will prove invaluable when judging the origins of

a lexeme, is the root and its constraints. Most authors agree about the fundamentals of its limitations

(Fortson 2005: 70–73; and many others), so I will follow this general position about the root

constraints:

Roots cannot have the form CeC when both consonants are plain voiced stops.

Roots cannot have the form CeC when one consonants is voiceless, and the other is voiced

aspirated (but can have the form sCeC in this case).

Very few roots begin with two stops.

The sonority of the segments rises until the vowel and then starts falling.

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2E.2 Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic

This section is a summary of the introduction to EDPG, which details sound laws that led from PIE

to PG (Kroonen 2013: xvii–xli).

2E.2.1 Vocalism

PG *a

PIE *a, *h2e, *h1 > pre-PG *a

◦ PIE *bait-éh2- > PG *paidō- 'coat, shirt'

◦ PIE * h2ep-ó- > PG *aba 'from; off'

◦ PIE *ph2-ter- > PG *fader 'father'

PIE *o, *h3e, *hxo > pre-PG *o

◦ PIE *pot-í- > PG *fadi- 'lord'

◦ PIE *h3embɦ -on- > PG *amban- 'belly'

◦ PIE *h2oid-o- > PG *aita- 'ulcer, pus'

pre-PG *a, *o > PG *a

PG *e

PIE *e, *h1e > PG *e

◦ PIE *bɦer-e- > PG *beran 'carry'

◦ PIE *h1ed- > PG *etan- 'eat'

PG *i

PIE *i > PG *i

◦ PIE *pisk-o- > PG *fiska- 'fish'

PIE *e / _N. > PG *i

◦ PIE *bɦéndɦ-e- > PG *bindan- 'bind'

1 To be understood as laryngeal-induced anaptyxis, not vocalization.

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PG *u

PIE *u > PG *u

◦ PIE *ǵul-o- > PG *kula- 'coal'

PIE *R > PG *uR

◦ PIE *plh1-nó- > PG *fulla- 'full'

PG *ē

PIE *ē, *eh1 > PG *ē

◦ PIE *seh1-tí- > PG *sēdi- 'seed'

PG *ō

PIE *ā, *eh2 > pre-PG *ā

◦ PIE *meh2-tér- > PG *mōder- 'mother'

PIE *ō, *eh3, *ohx > pre-PG *ō

◦ PIE *pōd- > PG *fōt- 'foot'

◦ PIE *deh3gɦ-on- > PG *tōgan- 'branch' (Kroonen 2013: 519)

◦ PIE *dɦoh1-mo- > PG *dōma- 'decision, verdict'

pre-PG *ā, *ō > PG *ō

Mahlow's law

pre-PG *ōu > PG *ō

◦ PIE stéh2u-ro- > PG *stōra 'big'

PG *ī

PIE *ihx, *ei > PG *ī

◦ PIE *suhx- + *-īna- > PG *swīna- 'pig'

◦ PIE *stéigɦ-e- > PG *stīgan- 'to ascend'

PG *ū

PIE *uhx > PG *ū

◦ PIE *muhxs- > PG *mūs- 'mouse'

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PG *ai, *au, *eu, *ia

pre-PG *ai > PG *ai

◦ PIE *snoiguɦ-o- > PG *snaiwa- 'snow'

pre-PG *au > PG *au

◦ PIE *h1roudɦ-ro- > PG *rauda- 'red'

pre-PG *eu > PG *eu

◦ PIE *ǵéus-e- > PG *keusan- 'to try, choose'

pre-PG *ia > PG *ia2

◦ PIE *skh1i-or-i- > PG *skiari- 'bright'

Osthoff's law

pre-PG *ē / _R > PG *e

◦ PIE *mēms-o- > PG *mimza- 'meat'

pre-PG *ōu / _{CC,#} > pre-PG *ou > PG *au

◦ PIE *neh2u-sth2-o- > PG *nausta- 'boathouse, boatshed'

Dybo's law

pre-PG *V / _R-' > PG *V

◦ PIE *gɦloh3-nó- > PG *glana- 'shine'

2E.2.2 Consonantism

Rask's rule3

PIE *p, *t, *k, *ku > PG *f, *þ, *h, *hu

◦ PIE *kómp-o- > PG *hamfa- 'maimed'

◦ PIE *kuó-ter-o- > PG *hwaþera- 'who of two?' PIE *b, *d, *g, *gu > PG *p, *t, *k, *ku

◦ PIE *bait- > PG*paidō- 'coat, shirt'

◦ PIE *drḱ-to- > PG *turhta- 'bright'

◦ PIE *ǵn-eu- > PG *knewa- 'knee'

◦ PIE *engu-on- > PG *inkwan- 'lump'

2 Also written as *e2.3 I call this sound change “Rask's rule” rather than “Grimm's law”, as it is more commonly known, in an effort to

credit the linguist who first formulated the sound law in question.

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PIE *bɦ, *dɦ, *gɦ, *guɦ > PG *b ([β] ~ [b]), *d ([ð] ~ [d]), *g ([ɣ] ~ [g]), *gu ([ɣu]~ [gu])

◦ PIE *bɦondɦ-o- > PG *banda- 'band, bond'

◦ PIE *bɦerǵɦ-o- > PG *berga- 'mountain'

◦ PIE *lenguɦ -o- > PG *lingwa- 'heather'

Development of *gu

PG *gu > PG *u

◦ PIE *guɦor-mo- > PG *warma- 'warm' PG *gu / #_{u,r} > PG *g

◦ PIE *guɦu-tó- > PG guda- 'god' ?pre-PG *guɦ > PG *b

◦ PIE *guɦodɦ-éie- > PG *bedjan- 'to ask, pray' PG *gu / _i > PG *g

◦ PIE *dɦonguɦ-éie- > PG *dangjan- 'to beat' PG *gu / °a°._i > PG *gu ( > *u, ?*b)

◦ PIE *h2eku-iéh2- > PG *aujō- 'wetland, island'

Verner's law

pre-PG *f, *þ, *h, *hu, *s / {_.-}, {-.-._} except #_ > PG *β, *ð, *ɣ, *ɣu, *z

◦ PIE *h1upéri > PG *uberi 'above; over'

◦ PIE *ph2-tér- > PG *fader- 'father'

◦ PIE *mh2ḱ-ró- > PG *magra- 'slim'

◦ PIE *kue-kul-ó- > PG *hweula- 'wheel'

Assimilation of *m

pre-PG *md > PG *nd

Epenthesis of *f

pre-PG *mþ > PG *mfþ

◦ PIE *sóm-tu- > PG *samþu- 'soft' > OE sēfte; OHG samfti, semfti

19

Assibilation of dental clusters

Pre-PIE *-TT- > PIE *-tst- > PG *-ss-

◦ PIE *guet-ti- > PG *kwessi- 'consent'

Kluge's law

pre-PG *b.n-, *d.n-, *g.n- > pre-PG *bb-, *dd-, *gg- > PG *pp, *tt, *kk

◦ PIE *ḱuit-nó- > PG *hwitta- 'white'

Geminated resonants

pre-PG *ln, *rn > pre-PG *ll, *rr

◦ possibly only in *{_n-}

◦ PIE *h2el-nó- > PG *alla- 'all'

pre-PG *zm > PG *mm

◦ PIE *h1es-mi > pre-PG *ezmi > PG *immi 'I am'

pre-PG *zl > PG *ll

◦ pre-PG *gizla > PG *gilla 'interrupted rainbow'

pre-PG *dl > PG *ll

◦ pre-PG *knudla- > PG *knulla- 'lump'

pre-PG *nu > PG *nn

◦ pre-PG *minu- > PG *minna- 'small'

Holtzmann's law

pre-PG *VuV, *ViV > pre-PG *VuuV, *ViiV

◦ pide. *dɦh1-oi-éie- > pgerm. *dajjan- 'to suckle'

Shortening of overlong syllables

pre-PG *VC: > PG *VC

◦ PIE *h2eidɦ-lo- > pre-PG *ailla- > PG *aila- 'fire'

20

2E.2.3 Relative Chronology

Proto-Indo-European

ā > ō Rask 1

↓ ↓

Mahlow Verner

↙ ↓ ↙ ↓ ↘Dybo Osthoff gui > gi Kluge

↓ ↘ ↓ ↙ ↓ ↓

Holtzmann o > a zm > mm Rask 2

↓ ↙ ↓ ↙enC > inC VCC > VC

Proto-Germanic

Flowchart 1: A slightly modified copy of the flowchart of relative chronology of sound changes

from EDPG (Kroonen 2013: xli)

21

2E.3 Proto-Germanic Phonology

2E.3.1 Consonants

Labial Dental / Alveolar Palatal Velar Labio-velar

Voiceless stop p t k ku

Voiceless geminated stop pp tt kk

Voiced stop / fricative b ~ β d ~ ð g ~ ɣ ɣu ~ (u)

Voiced geminated stop / fricative bb? dd? gg?

Voiceless fricative f þ h [x] hu [xu]

Voiceless geminated fricative ff? þþ? hh?

Sibilant s, z

Geminated sibilant ss, zz?

Resonant m n, r, l

Geminated resonant mm nn, rr, ll

Semi-vowel i u

Geminated semi-vowel ii uu

Table 3: Consonants of Proto-Germanic (Kroonen 2013: xvi)

2E.3.2 Vowels

Front Back

High i, ī u, ū

e ō

Low ē [æ] a

Diphthongs ai, au, eu, iaTable 4: Vowels of Proto-Germanic (Kroonen 2013: xvii–xxiv)

22

2E.4 Spatial and Temporal Placement of Proto-Germanic

While there are no direct traces of Proto-Germanic that would enable us to locate its speakers in

space and time, we may use linguistic, archaeological, and historical evidence to seek the origin of

the Proto-Germanic culture. The first direct evidence of Germanic languages are runic inscriptions

from about 150 CE onward. Tacitus describes the Germanic peoples of the first century CE in his

Germania, while Pytheas gives some limited information from the third century BCE. There is a

direct archaeological continuity from the first appearance of the Germanic peoples in the historical

record back to the Iron Age Jastorf culture, which appears in the fifth century BCE. Based on this,

scholarly consensus is that Proto-Germanic proper was spoken around the sixth century BCE from

what is today northern Germany to southern Scandinavia (Mallory 1989: 85–87). Jastorf culture is a

direct continuation of an earlier Late Bronze Age culture in the same area, so the settlement of Indo-

Europeans may be pushed several centuries back, to at least 1000 BCE or much further ( ib.).

Whether the language of this era should be characterized as Early Proto-Germanic, Pre-Proto-

Germanic, or Late Western Proto-Indo-European is a matter of interpretation, but is mostly a

semantic quibble.

The linguistic neighbours of (Pre-)Proto-Germanic in prehistory, once its speakers had settled in the

aforementioned area, are Balto-Slavic dialects to the east and Celtic dialects to the west and south

(Mallory 1989: 108), while Finno-Ugric is a prominent non-Indo-European neighbour (McEvedy

1967: 28 et passim).

23

I

Image 1: Ethnic picture of northern Europe in 1200 BCE (McEvedy 1967: 39)

Image 2: Germanic tribes in the 1st century CE (O'Brian 2007: 56)

24

3E Linguistic Contact and Germanic Substratum Hypotheses

3E.1 Linguistic Contact

Languages always, without exception, have some degree of contact with other languages or dialects

(Hock 1991: 380). The most readily observable effect of linguistic contact is lexical borrowing, but

other types of borrowing also take place: borrowings of morpehemes, morphological rules,

phonemes, phonological rules, collocations and idioms, and morphosyntactic processes (Hock

1991: 382).

Whenever two languages are in contact and one borrows from another, an important process takes

place: nativization (Hock 1991: 390–397). It is precisely this process that obscures what would

otherwise be evident examples of linguistic contact. The principle most commonly noted in

association with nativization is the substitution of phonological segments with the “most similar

native sound” (for example the substitution of English þ with /t/, /s/, or /f/ in languages without it).

This need not only apply to isolated sounds, but sound clusters as well (see the example of *steura-

and *þeura- < *teura, possibly imitating non-native *þ, in section 4. 1. 4 below). The definition of

the “most similar native sound” is a slippery and subjective one – there is no reason to assume all

speakers would consider the same sounds as the most similar to a non-native one. It can, however,

be reasonably suspected which native sounds are candidates. Variation in this selection may also

point towards the original value of the non-native sound.

Another principle of phonological nativization is system-based substitution, where segments of a

certain phonological class, absent from the native language, are regularly substituted with segments

of a native phonological class, which the non-native language does not possess. The languages of

the Indian subcontinent, for example, regularly substitute non-native fricatives with their own

aspirated stops (Hock 1991: 393). This principle can be mutually exclusive with the principle of

substitution with the “most similar native sound”.

It should be noted here that substratal influence is one of the possible reasons for sound change

(Mallory 1989: 156). Pre-Germanic-induced sound change will be examined below. It should,

however, be immediately made clear that Rask's Rule is highly unlikely to be a result of substratal

influence. As Hock (1991: 484) lucidly demonstrates, a chain shift of *t, *d, *dh > *þ, *t, *d makes

little sense, since *t > *þ, if there is a /t/ present in the substratum, violates the principle of

substitution to the most similar native sound; the same holds for *d > *t.

Another important principle of nativization is the conformation of a borrowed lexeme to the

25

phonotactic structure and phonological rules of the native language. When consonantal clusters,

which are not permitted natively, for example, are found, they are commonly broken by anaptyxis;

that is, they are modified so they conform to native syllable structures. Once sufficiently nativized,

the lexemes are also subjected to synchronic phonological rules (Hock 1991: 394–395).

The nativization process is, naturally, not immediate, but in our case we may assume that sufficient

nativization has taken place that lexemes originating from a substratum have fully conformed for

synchronic phonological rules to affect them fully. This assumption is based on two points: a) there

is a sufficient time-span for this to have taken place; b) all Proto-Germanic lexemes are in line with

synchronic phonotactic and phonological rules.

The final notion which must be described is prestige (Hock 1991: 409–411). When two languages

are in contact, one of these three relationships emerges: superstratal, adstratal, or substratal. A

superstratum is a language with higher prestige than the native language, an adstratum is of roughly

equal status, and a substratum is of lower status; somewhat confusingly, the cover term

“substratum” (or “substrate”) is often used to refer to all three in unison. If the native language is

influenced by a superstratum, borrowed lexemes will normally be of higher-prestige concepts, and

if it is influenced by a substratum, the borrowings will usually be due to the need of naming

unknown concepts or of lower prestige. These are, however, only tendencies and it is by no means

certain only lexemes in these categories will be borrowed. While it is impossible to predict which

language will eventually prevail (it is, for example, possible for a non-native substratal language to

oust the higher-prestige native language or vice versa), we may assume Proto-Germanic and Pre-

Germanic were in a superstratal-substratal (respectively) relationship due to the nature of the

borrowings (see section 4. 1. 4 below).

Since the borrowing of inflectional and derivational morphemes is also a possible result of language

contact (Hock 1991: 400) it should also be examined when discussing substratal influences. It does,

however, exceed the scope of this thesis, so I do not intend to explore this avenue.

3E.2 Old European Hydronymy

“ […] he single-handedly, and without any recognizable precursors, created the theory of

the Old European Hydronymy.” (Vennemann 2003: 141)

While Krahe's theory is not widely accepted, he indisputably discovered that various hydronyms in

Europe appear to be similar and seem to share the same derivational morphology (see image 3 for

the distribution of these hydronyms). His interpretation is that these river names are Indo-European

26

in nature, arising from a hitherto unknown Western Indo-European language by the first half of the

second millenium BCE (Krahe 1963). His pioneering discovery is widely referenced in works

regarding early European languages. While it is not necessary to delve into its details, since both the

Leiden school and Vennemann acknowledge and cite it (although reinterpreted) in their broad

hypotheses, I reproduce one table of his correspondences, as presented by Vennemann.

Image 3: European river names beginning with Al-/Alm- (Vennemann 2003: 143)

Image 4: Suffixes and structure of Old European river names (Vennemann 2003: 150)

27

3E.3 The Leiden School

While many scholars (Beekes, Boutkan, Kuiper, Matasović, Schrijver, …) in Leiden worked to

contribute to the Leiden School hypothesis regarding the pre-Indo-European substratum in Europe,

I find Boutkan's introduction to the topic (in his Etymological Dictionary of Old Frisian; Boutkan

2005) to be the best starting point when considering the Leiden School hypothesis. The Leiden

School distinguishes four layers of substrata. These are:

A1 – This layer has many names – European, Atlantic (see below), the language of bird

names … The language apparently had a common prefix a-, accompanied by vowel

syncope, a number of fricatives, and an uncommon diphthong (rendered as ai in Germanic).

It is attested through Germanic, Celtic, and Italic. Its other features include an absence of

voiced stops, a frequent vowel *a (often stressed and prefixed with vowel syncope), a stop

system which resulted in consonant variations in Indo-European languages, aspirated stops,

fricatives (such as f, x, þ), a diphthong unknown to Germanic and Celtic, no vowel length, a

non-IE ablaut system, and an initial *k- (Boutkan 2005).

A2 – This layer is present in Northern Europe. Both Indo-European and Uralic languages

borrowed from this substratum, also known as “the language of geminates”. It allows initial

clusters of consonants, which makes it distinctly non-Uralic. Note that Gus Kroonen's

dissertation attributes the frequent Germanic geminates to Kluge's law, making this

geminate-heavy substratum redundant for their explanation (Boutkan 2005).

A3 – This layer is Krahe's Old European Hydronymy. The Leiden School interprets the

language as non-Indo-European and mostly finds this substratum to have had limited

influence on the Indo-European languages of Europe (Boutkan 2005).

Pre-Greek – This substratum language is present in the Mediterranean and had much

influence on prehistoric Greek (Boutkan 2005). For additional details see Beekes's

Etymological Dictionary of Greek, which provides a comprehensive overview of this

language (Beekes 2010: xv–xlv).

28

3E.4 Theo Vennemann's Vasconic Substratum Hypothesis

Theo Vennemann's hypotehesis regarding the Pre-Indo-European substratum in Europe is explored

in a collection of his works Europa Vasconica - Europa Semitica (Vennemann 2003). He bases his

work on Krahe's Old European Hydronymy, reinterpreting it and expanding it to European

toponyms in general. The most exhaustive of his articles is Linguistic Reconstruction in the Context

of European Prehistory (Vennemann 2003: 139–201); in it, he presents a general overview of his

work on the language of European toponymy.

His preliminary work is based on Krahe's tables given above. He interprets the given suffixes as

prevocalizing (but note both he and Krahe acknowledge vowel syncope), rather than postvocalizing

(-am-a:-ma) and as a result considers the morphology agglutinating. This proves, in his view, that

the language of toponyms is non-Indo-European. From the data collected he proposes the following

phonological system for the language of river names:

Front Mid Back

High i u

Mid e o

Low a

Diphthongs (ai), (au), (eu)Table 5: Vowel system of the language of toponyms as reconstructed by Vennemann (2003: 167)

Labial Dento-Alveolar Velar Laryngeal

Voiceless p t k

Voiced b d g

Fricative s χ

Nasal m n

Resonant r, lTable 6: Consonant system of the language of toponymss as reconstructed by Vennemann (2003:

167)

29

Vennemann interprets the data in a manner which suggests the accent was fixed on the first syllable

and that there was a markedly non-Indo-European ablaut. The vowel *a (notably marginal or even

absent in PIE) appears to have been the most common. Vennemann then even attempts to establish a

few syntactic rules for the language of toponyms, namely that the word order was SOV; he bases

this on linguistic typology and the fact that the language was of a suffixal-agglutinating type.

By the end of the article, he proposes that the language of European toponymy is related to Old

Aquitanian and Basque based on various similarities among them – the phonetic inventory, their

structure, a quantitative analysis of phonetic segments, morphology, and syntax. He names this

language family (comprising of Basque, Iberian, Ligurian, the language of hydronymy, and others)

Vasconic and its proto-language Proto-Vasconic.

Another aspect of Vennemann's hypothesis is that there was a third language (group) present in

Europe next to Vasconic and Indo-European – he calls it Atlantic and proposes it is of Semitic

origin. According to him, this group of speakers provided non-Vasconic place names on the Atlantic

coast, the British Isles and even Denmark, by being in a superstratal position, thus influencing both

Vasconic and Germanic languages, the latter primarily through mythology and the expansion of

non-catenative morphology (Vennemann xvi–xxi).

30

4E Proto-Germanic Lexemes

In this chapter, relevant Proto-Germanic lexemes in EDPG will be divided into two groups: lexemes

of undisputed PIE origin and lexemes of possible substratum origin. First, the criteria for this

division will be established. Afterwards, the lexemes of possible substratum origin will be listed and

commented on. The following chapter contains a quantitative analysis of both groups of lexemes.

4E.1.1 Division of Proto-Germanic Lexemes Into Two Groups

As already mentioned in Section 1.2, every entry in EDPG includes information about its

distribution or origin; there are eight categories to which a lexeme can be assigned based on its

structure or the distribution of its cognates (Kroonen 2013: xiii)4:

Indo-European (IE),

European Indo-European (EUR),

North European Indo-European (NEUR),

West European Indo-European (WEUR),

Germanic (GM),

non-Indo-European (NIE),

Loanword (LW), and

Derivation (DRV).

Lexemes from category DRV (numbering over 2,500) can for the most part be excluded from this

analysis. Its primary concern is to determine the phonetic properties of Pre-Germanic loanwords;

every intra-Germanic derivation is by definition a secondary morphological development and would

thus merely serve to obscure a prior borrowing. Likewise, lexemes from category LW can also be

excluded. This small category only includes lexemes which are obviously borrowed and where the

source language is known. Such loanwords are of limited use to the topic at hand, unless the lexeme

in the source language itself is of substratum origin.

4 Note that one lexeme can be assigned multiple categories or its category may be marked as uncertain (with ?) if the data cannot support a certain placement.

31

4E.1.2 Lexemes of Undisputed Indo-European Origin

The criteria for inclusion of a lexeme into this category are simple: its category of distribution or

origin in EDPG must be either Indo-European (IE) or European Indo-European (EUR).

Furthermore, it must not be characterized by two or more of the first four features (for lexemes in

this category, feature 5 does not apply for obvious reasons) which determine possible substrate

origin (see Section 4.1.3). Since the number of lexemes which meet these criteria will be more than

sufficient for a quantitative analysis, we may exclude all dubious candidates, including those whose

category of distribution or origin is marked as uncertain.

See Appendix 1 for a full list of lexemes in this category.

4E.1.3 Lexemes of Possible Substratum Origin

As Beekes (1996: 215) points out, it is methodologically sensible to assume a lexeme in a Indo-

European language is of Indo-European origin; if, however, an IE etymology cannot be found,

borrowing from a substratum should be considered as a possible source. As a result of my

agreement with this position, I consider every headword in EDPG without an IE etymology a

possible loanword from Pre-Germanic. For the purposes of this category, however, I consider those

lexemes marked as possibly IE or EUR as having an Indo-European etymology; while this may

potentially exclude a few substratum words from the list, the contamination of the entire list with a

plethora of formally Indo-European lexemes would be a far greater problem. Furthermore, a certain

degree of conservativism is necessary – if a word can (even potentially) be understood as properly

Indo-European, this interpretation should be given primacy.

Since the mere absence of an Indo-European etymology can in no way be conclusive evidence for

borrowing from a substratum, another set of criteria with which the list can be examined must be

established. Kuiper (1995), Beekes (1996), and Schrijver (1997) have established five

characteristics of lexemes that point to a substratum origin. Lubotsky presents a succinct summary:

“As these scholars have pointed out, an etymon is likely to be a loanword if it is

characterized by some of the following features: 1) limited geographical distribution; 2)

phonological or mophonological irregularity; 3) unusual phonology; 4) unusual word

formation; 5) specific semantics, i.e. a word belongs to a semantic category which is

particularly liable to borrowing.” (Lubotsky 2001)

32

As Schrijver (1997) points out, if a lexeme exhibits only one or even two of these features it does

not necessarily follow that it is of substratum origin; it is usually rather a combination of several of

these features which permits that conclusion.

I consider feature 5 to be of very marginal importance when determining the origin of potential

substratum words. Deciding which categories are more liable to borrowing than others is mostly

arbitrary and subjective, so I will not even attempt to define the semantic areas (but see Polomé

(1986: 661–663), who views these semantic areas as liable to borrowing: animals, animal products,

plant names, simple implements, features of the environment, human feelings and perceptions, and

human activities). It seems to me the only cases where semantics play a part when deciding the

origin of a Proto-Germanic lexeme are when lexemes denote those realia which were unknown to

the Proto-Indo-Europeans; in such cases semantics may prove to be a deciding factor in determining

the origin of a lexeme. Otherwise, I intend to ignore it as a factor.

As was described above, the Leiden School recognizes four substratal layers in Europe. This,

however, need not concern us when dealing with Germanic. I find it sensible to assume that Proto-

Germanic had a single substratum; the area where it was spoken was small and it seems to me

postulating three or even four languages is in violation of linguistic common sense. On the other

hand, the substratum language(s) apparently influenced various groups of Indo-Europeans (in

different ways as well), so I do not claim there was a single substratum language or language group

in entire Europe.

4E.1.4 An Overview of Lexemes of Possible Substratum Origin

*ahurna- m. 'maple' NIE *akr-no-

Distribution: Gm., It., Gr.

Kroonen (2013) and de Vaan (2008) connect this word to Lat. acer, -eris and propose a substrate

origin. Connection with Gr. ἁκαστός is disputed (compare Kroonen (2013), de Vaan (2008), and

Beekes (2010). In any case, initial a-vocalism points to a substrate origin.

*aik- f. 'oak' EUR *aiǵ-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., It., Gr.

The root inflection and a-vocalism point to a substrate origin. The Greek, Italic and Baltic cognates

are geographically problematic and seem to point to a proto-form *aiǵ-, pushing this borrowing into

Pre-Rask times (Kroonen 2013).

33

*akrana- n. 'tree fruit, acorn' EUR/NIE? *ag-r

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., Celt.

While Kroonen (2013) assumes a possible substrate origin, Matasović (2009) proposes a derivation

from the IE root *h2eg- 'to eat'. Based on the obscure derivation and possible a-vocalism I agree

with Kroonen.

*akwesī- f. 'axe' NIE? *h2eguis-ih2-(?)


Irregular correspondences with Gr. ἀξίνη and Lat. ascia point to a substrate origin (Kroonen 2013).

*albut- f. 'swan' NIE *albɦVd-

Distribution: Gm., Sl.

The irregular Slavic correspondences, inflection as a root noun, and possible suffix *-Vd(ɦ)-

(identified in other substrate lexemes) point to a substratum origin (Kroonen 2013). I add a-

vocalism as an additional argument.

*alh- m. 'temple' NIE *alk-

Distribution: Gm., Balt.

Geographical distribution and root noun inflection point to a substrate origin (Kroonen 2013).

*alis/z- m. 'alder' EUR *alis-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., It.

The various forms exhibit an unexplained variation of initial a vs. e as well as suffixal variation of

-s- vs. -is- (Kroonen 2013). de Vaan (2008) proposes a substratum origin.

*amslon- f. 'blackbird' NIE *a-msl-

Distribution: Gm., Celt., It.

Variation of PG *amsl and PIC. *mesal- with its a-prefix and accompanying syncope obviously

points to a substratum origin (Kroonen 2013).

*apan- m. 'monkey, ape' NIE *hxab-on-

Distribution: Gm., Gr., Ind.

Irregular comparanda in Sanskrit, Greek, and Afro-Asiatic languages point to a non-Indo-European

origin. The borrowing must, however, be very early, as the other languages point to an initial velar

or post-velar plosive (borrowed as a subsequently lost laryngeal in Germanic) (Kroonen 2013).

*arto(n)- f. 'wagtail?' NIE?

Distribution: Gm., Sl., It., Gr.

Irregular comparanda point to a substratum origin, a position shared by de Vaan (2008) and Beekes

(2010). Initial a- may be a prefix (Kroonen 2013).

34

*arut- m. 'ore' NIE *arud-

Distribution: Gm., It.

Comparison with Lat. raud- seems to point to the non-Indo-European a-prefix, while the root noun

inflection is another argument for this lexeme's substratum origin. Similar to Sum. urud(u) 'copper'

(Kroonen 2013).

*arwīt- f. 'pea' NIE *arw-id-


Greek comparanda ὄροβος and ἐρέβινθος point to irregular correspondences and the non-IE suffix

*-id- (Kroonen 2013).

*aspo- ~ *apso- f. 'aspen' NIE *aps-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl.

The distribution of this lexeme matches the distribution of the tree and has comparanda in Turkic

and Uralic languages (Kroonen 2013).

*aþala- n. 'nature' GM *h2/3et-olo-

Distribution: Gm.

While Kroonen (2013) merely classifies this lexeme as Germanic, Boutkan (1998: 105-108)

considers it a borrowing from a substratum language based on vocalic variations between a and i in

the various Germanic languages.

*awadī- f. 'eiderduck' NIE?

Distribution: Gm.

Apparently connected to SaaN hávda, SaaL ávdda. These may be loans from Germanic, but there is

no IE etymology, so a substratum origin for both is likely (Kroonen 2013).

*baira- m. 'boar' WEUR/NIE

Distribution: Gm., Celt.

Both Polomé (1986) and Schrijver (1997) agree this lexeme is very likely of substratum origin.

*balika/on- m./f. 'coot' NIE


Formal discrepancies with Lat. fulica (disagreement of voicing in suffix, non-matching first vowel)

point to a substratum origin (Kroonen 2013).

*bauno- f. 'bean' EUR/NIE *bɦau(-neh2)-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., It., Gr., Arm., Alb.

Latin and Slavic forms point to the root *bɦabɦ-, while the Greek and Armenian forms points to the

root *bɦaḱ-. This alternation suggests a substratum origin (Kroonen 2013).

35

*bebura- m. 'piece of skin, cloth' GM


While the lexeme does not exhibit any peculiar alternation in Germanic (Kroonen 2013), the

(possible) Latin equivalent fibra exhibits a variant f. pl. form fimbriae. As a result, de Vaan (2008)

proposes it as a possible loanword. Note that the variation of b ~ mb is common in Pre-Greek (i. e.

Greek substratum) (Beekes 2010).

*benuta- m. 'bentgrass' GM/NIE

Distribution: Gm.

Irregular intra-Germanic correspondences (*e ~ *eu) point to a non-IE origin (Kroonen 2013).

blīwa- n. 'lead' NIE *mlīuo-


Possibly connected to Gr. μόλυβδος, μόλιβος, βόλιμος 'lead' (Kroonen 2013). Beekes (2010)

interprets the Greek forms as possible loans from Anatolian and rejects their connection with Lat.

plumbum; the β ~ μ variation is due to metathesis and dissimilation. Still, whether the connections

be to Greek or Italo-Celtic, the lexeme exhibits enough irregular correspondences to be considered

of substratum origin.

*dawen- l. v. 'to marvel' EUR *dɦh2u-eh1-

Distribution: Gm., Gr.

The root is formally identically to that of Gr. θαῦμα. EDG establishes that its variants are highly

irregular and display alternations characteristic of Pre-Greek, so an Indo-European origin is

unlikely. It thus follows that the Germanic verb is of non-IE origin as well (Kroonen 2013).

*dragjo- f. 'dregs' EUR *dɦragɦ-ieh2-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., It.

Kroonen (2013) rejects the connection with Lat. fraces, but both de Vaan (2008) and Derksen

(2008) affirm it and attribute the phonetic irregularities between the forms in different languages to

a substratum origin. The a-vocalism likewise affirms this proposition.

*drenan- m. 'drone' EUR *dɦr-en-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., Gr.

Lith. tranas, SCr. trût, and other Balto-Slavic forms point to an initial *t (Kroonen 2013), while Gr.

τενθρήνη, according to Beekes (2010), exhibits many variant forms, which point to a Pre-Greek

origin. These irregularities make it clear we are dealing with a substratum word.

36

*ebanþ- ~ *ebund- m. 'evening' IE? *h1eh1pt-ont-

Distribution: Gm.

Beekes (1996) considers this lexeme to be of substratum origin based on the presence and absence

of medial -t- and the accompanying variation in the length of the initial vowel. Kroonen (2013)

proposes the reconstruction *h1eh1pt(-nt)- > WGr. *eb- (with dissimilation of *t) and *h1h1pt- >

NGr. *aft-, but deems the etymology and derivation to be problematic.

*ebura- m. 'boar' NIE *epr

Distribution: Gm., Sl., It.

The Italic forms seem to point to PIt. *apro-, and the Slavic forms to PSl. *vepri- (Kroonen 2013).

While de Vaan (2008) proposes PG *h1ep-r- and PIt. *h1pr-o-, the initial PSl. *v remains

problematic. I therefore agree with the assesment of Kroonen that this lexeme is a loanword from a

substratum language.

*ewwadjon- f. 'tit' NIE

Distribution: Gm.

The similarity to *awadī and Imandra Saa. avigʒine point to a possible substratum origin (Kroonen

2013).

*fata- n. 'vat, vessel' NIE *podo-


Lith. púodas is likewise derived from *podo-, while there are also numerous comparanda in the

Uralic languages (Collinder 1955: 47). While these may be loanwords into Uralic from PIE, the

northern distribution makes it more likely to be a substratum word.

*gait- f. 'goat' WEUR *gɦaid-


Both Latin haedus and the Germanic forms (with root noun inflection) point to a-vocalism, so

Kroonen (2013) and de Vaan (2008) assign this lexeme a substratum origin. Also similar is PSem.

*gadi. Kroonen proposes that both the Italo-Germanic and the Proto-Semitic forms were borrowed

from a third language.

*gazda- m. 'prickle' WEUR *gɦazdɦ-

Distribution: Gm., Celt., It.

Latin and Old Irish comparanda point to a root-final alternation of a voiced and voiceless cluster,

which can only be attributed to a substratum origin (Kroonen 2013).

37

*gersto- f. 'barley' EUR/NIE? *gɦersd-eh2-

Distribution: Gm., It., Gr., Arm., Alb.

While the Germanic and Latin forms correspond nicely, the Armenian, Greek, and Albanian

comparanda exhibit variation between presence and absence of final *-sd-. Also uncertain is the

plain or palatal nature of the initial velar (Kroonen 2013).

*habuka- m. 'hawk' NIE *kabɦu-k/g-

Distribution: Gm., Sl., It.

The Slavic reflexes point to *kabɦuk-, and the Latin and Etruscan reflexes to Pre-Italic *kapu-. The

presence of *a, these variations, and the presence of both a voiceless and voiced aspirated stop in

the root (in violation of PIE root restrictions) point to substratum origin. Kroonen (2013) proposes

we are dealing with a Wanderwort.

*hafra- m. 'billy goat, buck' NIE *kap-ro-

Distribution: Gm., Celt., It., Gr.

The variation between Germanic, Greek, and Italic *kapro- and Celtic *gabro- points to a

substratum origin (Kroonen 2013).

*hakan- m. 'hook' GM *kh2/3k-on-(?)

Distribution: Gm.

Boutkan (2000) proposes a substratum origin for this problematic word. Fin. hanka, which couldn't

have been borrowed from Germanic, seems to be related as well.

*haleþ- ~ *haluþ- m. 'man, hero' NIE? *ḱhxl-et-

Distribution: Gm., Celt. (?), Toch. (?)

A connection with Toch. B kalśke, kalyśke 'youth, young brahmin' is possible, however, if this

lexeme is related to OIr. caur 'warrior, hero' < *karut-, the irregular correspondences point to a

substratum origin (Kroonen 2013).

*hanipa- m. 'hemp' NIE *kanib-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., It., Gr.

Gr. κάνναβις seems to point to *kannabi-, while Rus. konopljá points to *kanapi-. Kroonen (2013)

proposes that it is a Pre-IE Wanderwort.

*hargu- m. 'sacrificial mound?' NIE *kark-ú-


The Celtic and Germanic forms do not regularly correspond (Kroonen 2013).

38

*hemero- f. 'hellebore' NIE *kem-er-eh2-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., Gr.

Gr. κάμ(μ)αρος has a-vocalism and an unexpected variation of single vs. double μ, so it is likely we

are dealing with a borrowing from a substratum (Kroonen 2013).

*hnippon- l. v. 'to pinch' NEUR? *knibɦ-néh2-


The Baltic and Germanic forms point to an unexplained alternation of initial *ǵ vs. *k. Additionally,

the k-bɦ root structure is in violation of PIE root constraints (Kroonen 2013).

*hokīna- n. 'kid, young goat' NIE *ko/og(ɦ)-


The Germanic and Slavic forms cannot be reconciled into a single proto-form, so we are likely

dealing with a borrowing (Kroonen 2013).

*hringa- m. 'ring, circle' NEUR/NIE *kringɦ -o-


The root is in violation of PIE root constraints, while the Slavic and Germanic forms point to a

vowel alternation of *o vs. *i (Kroonen 2013).

*hrugan- m. 'fishroe' NEUR *kr(h1)k-on-


Polomé (1986) proposes a non-IE origin.

*hulisa- m. 'holly' WEUR/NIE *kuli-

Distribution: Gm., Celtic

The forms do not regularly correspond (Kroonen 2013).

*humara- m. 'lobster' NIE *kumar


The Greek forms exhibit a variation of μ vs. β, so it seems we are dealing with a substratum word

(Kroonen 2013).

*humelan- m. 'hops' NEUR

Distribution: Gm.

Lookalikes in the Finno-Ugric and Turkish languages point to a Wanderwort of Eastern origin

(Kroonen 2013).

*hwerhwetjo- f. 'gourd' NIE *kuerkuet-


Lat. cucurbita 'gourd' cannot be formally reconciled with the Germanic forms (Kroonen 2013).

39

*katton- f. 'cat' NIE

Distribution: Gm., It. (?)

While usually considered to be borrowed from an Afro-Asiatic language through Latin, evidence

points to an old Germanic n-stem *gat-. This can then be compared to PFU *käδ'wä 'female (fur

animal)' (Kroonen 2013).

*kisila- m. 'gravel' NIE *ǵis-o-(?)


Connected to forms in several Uralic languages and Georgian. This peripheral distribution points to

a substratum origin (Kroonen 2013).

*kizna- m. 'pine tree' NIE *gis-nó-


Possibly connected to several Uralic forms deriving from PU *ku/ose (Kroonen 2013).

*krabita- m. 'crayfish' NIE?


Appears to be connected to Gr. κάραβος, which exhibits many irregular variants (Kroonen 2013).

*kuban- m. 'shed' GM *gubɦ-on-(?)


Close to Gr. γύπη, which has long υ; this formal discrepancy may point to a non-IE origin (Kroonen

2013).

*kumb/pan- m. 'basin, bowl' NIE

Distribution: Gm., Celt., Gr., Ir., Ind.

Due to numerous irregular correspondences with forms in various IE languages it seems we are

dealing with a Wanderwort (Kroonen 2013).

*kuta- n. 'shed' NIE

Distribution: Gm.

Apparently connected to PFU *kota (Kroonen 2013).

*laiwizakon- m. 'lark' NIE?


Lat. alauda-, borrowed from Gaulish, points to an alternation of Germanic *laiwaz and Celtic

*alauz-. The a-prefixation obviously points to a substratum word (Kroonen 2013).

*lauba- m./n. 'leaf, foliage' EUR *loubɦ-o-

Distribution: Gm., Bal., Sl., It., Gr. (Beekes 1996)

Beekes (ibid.) points to a connection with Gr. ὀλόπτω/ὀλούφω of non-IE origin and the evidence for

root-final variation of *p ~ *bɦ.

40

*lītila- adj. 'small' GM

Distribution: Gm.

The root displays an alternation of *līt-, *lut-, and *lutt- (Kroonen 2013). In my opinion, this points

to a substratum origin.

*magan- m. 'stomach' EUR/NIE *mok-on-

Distribution: Gm., Bal., Sl., Celt.

Kroonen (2013) proposes that a plain *k points to a substratum origin, while Matasović (2009)

reconstructs the root with an *a.

*magaþi- f. 'girl, maiden' DRV *magɦ-ot-i-

Distribution: Gm., Celt. (Boutkan 2003)

Boutkan (ibid.) proposes that this lexeme is of substratum origin and reconstructs it as *mag-a/iþ-.

*maldjo- f. 'saltbrush, orache' NIE? *molt-ieh2-(?)

Distribution: Gm., Gr. (?), Fin. (?)

Gr. βλίτον, βλῆτον 'purple amaranth' points to a proto-word with variants *melt-, *mlit-, and *mlet-

(Kroonen 2013).

*managa- adj. 'many' NIE *monogɦ-o-

Distribution: Gm., Sl., Celt., Fin.

Various forms point to a variation of the first vowel (*o ~ *e ~ *u) and final consonant (*gɦ ~ *kk)

(Kroonen 2013). Boutkan (1998) also proposes a non-IE origin and reconstructs the Proto-

Germanic form as *man-a/ig-.

*murhon- f. 'wild carrot' NIE *mrk- ~ *brk-

Distribution: Gm., Gr., Sl.

Both the Greek and Germanic forms exhibit non-IE alternations, so a substrate origin is likely

(Kroonen 2013).

*pagila- m. 'measuring stick?' EUR/NIE *bak-


The various European forms all point to initial *b and medial *a, while the Celtic forms display

final *kk, so a substratum origin is practically certain (Kroonen 2013).

*pakka- n. 'bundle, pack' EUR/NIE


The European forms point to a variation of initial *b and *bɦ, a medial *a, and root final variation of

*k ~ *g ~ *kk (Kroonen 2013).

41

*pola- m. 'pool' NIE *ba/al-(?)

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., It., Alb.

The various forms do not agree in the medial vowel, while some of them point to an additional *-t-

suffix (Kroonen 2013).

*reupon- f. 'grouse' DRV

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl. (Derksen 2000)

“Old Icelandic jarpi 'hazel-grouse', rjúpa 'ptarmigan' and Their Germanic and Balto-Slavic

Cognates” (Derksen 2000) deals exclusively with the origin of this lexeme and concludes it is a

loanword from a substratum, reconstructing a root alternation *reb- ~ *reub-.

*robjon- f. 'turnip' NIE *ra/ap(h)-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., Celt., It., Gr.

The various European forms show many formal discrepancies, while the Celtic variants exhibit the

a-prefix (Kroonen 2013).

*sahaza- m. 'sedge' NEUR/NIE *sákas-o-

Distribution: Gm., Sl., Celt.

The Slavic forms point to the a-prefix, while the Celtic and Germanic forms are formally

irreconcilable as well (Kroonen 2013).

*samda- m. 'sand' NIE *sam-ndɦ-


The various forms point to a non-IE origin and the *-ndɦ- suffix is non-IE as well (Kroonen 2013).

*semeþa/o- n./f. 'rush' WEUR/NIE? *sem-


Nordic forms point to a variation of *seb- ~ *sem- (Kroonen 2013).

*silubra- n. 'silver' NIE *silubɦr-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., Celt., Basq. (?)

Apparently a non-IE Wanderwort (Kroonen 2013).

*smelhwo- ~ *smelwo- f. 'hair-grass' NEUR/NIE *smelku-


The three IE branches exhibit different root-final consonants: *ku ~ *g ~ *ǵ (Kroonen 2013).

*smerjon- f. 'clover' WEUR/NIE *smēr-(?)


The Germanic and Celtic forms point to a different position of the vowel (*smmVr- ~ *sVmmr-),

possibly pointing to a shift in stress in the source language (Kroonen 2013).

42

*steura- m. 'bull' NIE

Possibly connected with PG *þeura- and extra-Gm. *tauro- (Lat. taurus (de Vaan 2008)) and Gr.

ταῦρος (Beekes 2010)). Similar to various Semitic forms.

*sturja/on- m./f. 'sturgeon' NEUR/NIE *str-


Slavic and Germanic forms display a variation of *asetr- ~ *str-, indicating the presence of a-

prefix, which is characteristic of substratum lexemes (Kroonen 2013).

*swamb/ppan- m. 'sponge, mushroom' NIE *sguɦonguɦ- (own reconstruction)

Distribution: Gm., Sl., It., Gr., Arm.

The various connected lexemes in other IE languages point to variations of presence vs. absence of

initial *s and labialization or plainness of both the initial (or post-*s) and final velar. Kroonen

(2013) proposes a Pre-IE lexeme with a European distribution. Also note similarities with Georg.

dialectal cumpva- 'to saturate with water', Mingr. do-cumpua 'to bespatter with mud', and Laz o-

cumpu 'id.'.

*swebla- m. 'sulfur' NIE *sue(l)plo-

Distribution: Gm., Sl., It., Arm.

The Germanic forms point to three distinct proto-forms, with *suelplo as the apparently most

archaic. Latin sulpur seems to be derived from the same source (although de Vaan (2008) proposes

an uncertain IE proto-form *solp-r- 'fat', related to *selpos 'oily substance'). Also note similarities

with Hebr. gofrít, Tur. kükürt, Mong. xyx3p 'all id.'. In light of this, interpretation as a Wanderwort

is more likely (Kroonen 2013).

*tafna- n. 'sacrificial meat' IE/NIE *dh2p-no-

Distribution: Gm., It., Gr., Arm., Anat.

While the various IE comparanda appear to be regularly derived from *dh2p-, Semitic lookalikes

Akk. zību, Ugar. dbh, Hebr. zebah point to a possible non-IE connection (Kroonen 2013). Beekes

(2010) likewise proposes a Pre-Greek origin for δάπτω (< *dh2p-j-).

*tigon- f. 'goat' EUR *dig(ɦ)-eh2-

Distribution: Gm., Gr., Arm., Alb.

The Balkan and pre-PG proto-forms point to *dig and *digɦ - respectivelly (Kroonen 2013).

*trabo- f. 'fringe' NEUR? *drop-éh2-


The Balto-Slavic cognates point to root final *b, which cannot be reconciled with the Germanic

forms. This variation, as well as presence of *b in the Balto-Slavic forms, point to a substratum

origin (Kroonen 2013).

43

*þahsu- m. 'badger' WEUR/NIE *taks-


Certain Celtic proper names point to a (Pre-)Proto-Celtic form *tazg-, so a non-IE connection seems

likely (although Matasović (2009) proposes the IE etymology *tosko-) (Kroonen 2013).

*þeura- m. 'bull' NIE

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Sl., It., Gr., Alb.

Likely connected to PG *steura- and to various European lexemes, all ultimately deriving from

*tauro- (see above). The variation of initial *st ~ *t may be due to borrowing of original initial *þ;

due to non-IE origin, s-mobile is highly unlikely. Semitic comparanda Akk. šuru, Arab. tawr, Hebr.

šor point to PSem. *tawr (Kroonen 2013).

*ufna- m. 'oven' NIE *upno-

Distribution: Gm., Balt., Gr., Anat.

The Germanic proto-forms and connected lexemes in other IE languages (displaying a variation of

initial *h2e-, *i-, and *um-) point to a prehistoric European Wanderwort (Kroonen 2013).

*waizda- n. 'woad' NIE *uaisd-


The meaning of several forms is that of a blue-violet colour; the technique of dyeing with woad

spread from SW Asia and the Mediterranean basin, so Kroonen (2013) proposes a non-IE origin. Gr.

ἴσατις and the Germanic form point to a non-IE variation of *uisat- ~ *uaisd-.

*waldo- f. 'dyer's rocket' WEUR/NIE *uolt-éh2-(?)


This lexeme signifies a European plant for dyeing. The connection with Lat. lutum would point to a

variation of PG *uolt- and Lat. *(u)lout-, thus pointing to a post-PIE borrowing into both languages

(Kroonen 2013).

*wisund- m. 'wisent' NEUR/NIE *uisond(ɦ)-


The Germanic and Balto-Slavic forms point to numerous irreconcilable proto-forms, which are

indicative of a substratum origin. EDPG proposes *dzomb(ɦ)- ~ *dzond(ɦ)- as the original proto-form,

which could be prefixed with *wi-. The lexeme may have been a root noun, again pointing to a

substratum origin; also note possible presence of non-IE suffix *-Vd(ɦ)- and Caucasian comparanda

Oss. dombaj 'aurochs', Abkh. a-dəwp-èy 'id.' (Kroonen 2013).

44

5E A Quantitative Analysis of Selected Proto-Germanic

Lexemes and Its Interpretation

5E.1 Methodology

This quantitative phonological analysis was performed by separating each lexeme into a number of

phonological segments and giving each a code of its own. I counted diphthongs and geminates as

individual segments, since they behave in that manner. This results in phonemes not being overly

represented due to a misanalysis of, for example, gemination. Every different type of alternation

was given its own specific code as well. Most of these phonological alternations may be easily

explained by examining the sound laws in chapter 2 or consulting EDPG; the nature of these

alternations, however, is not relevant for the quantitative analysis itself, only for its interpretation.

All analized lexemes are given in appendices 1 and 2, along with some extra information to

establish context.

The computational part of this analysis was performed with EVA, a computer program written by

Primož Jakopin.

45

5E.2 An Overview of the Results of the Quantitative Analysis

# % # % # %

1. a 603 13.45 27. eu 25 0.56 53. h ~ g 3 0.07

2. n 352 7.85 28. hw 21 0.47 54. d ~ tt 2 0.04

3. r 312 6.96 29. q 19 0.42 55. m ~ mm 2 0.04

4. u 250 5.58 30. p 16 0.36 56. l ~ ll 2 0.04

5. ō 192 4.28 31. ū 16 0.36 57. au ~ eu 2 0.04

6. s 187 4.17 32. nn 15 0.33 58. k ~ g 2 0.04

7. e 181 4.04 33. þ ~ d 11 0.25 59. ō ~ u 2 0.04

8. t 171 3.81 34. ww 10 0.22 60. ō ~ ū 2 0.04

9. w 168 3.75 35. ll 8 0.18 61. y 2 0.04

10. l 164 3.66 36. b ~ pp 6 0.13 62. g ~ kk 2 0.04

11. j 163 3.64 37. kk 6 0.13 63. tt 2 0.04

12. h 155 3.46 38. t ~ tt 5 0.11 64. w ~ ww 1 0.02

13. i 152 3.39 39. eu ~ ū 5 0.11 65. h ~ w 1 0.02

14. m 147 3.28 40. a ~ u 5 0.11 66. r ~ rr 1 0.02

15. d 139 3.10 41. jj 5 0.11 67. j ~ jj 1 0.02

16. g 120 2.68 42. k ~ kk 4 0.09 68. k ~ kw 1 0.02

17. a ~ ō 119 2.65 43. e ~ u 4 0.09 69. g ~ b 1 0.02

18. f 108 2.41 44. rr 4 0.09 70. l ~ r 1 0.02

19. k 101 2.25 45. s ~ z 4 0.09 71. ĕ ~ ē 1 0.02

20. þ 97 2.16 46. a ~ e 4 0.09 72. e ~ i 1 0.02

21. b 92 2.05 47. p ~ b 3 0.07 73. o ~ au 1 0.02

22. ē 59 1.32 48. r ~ n 3 0.07 74. a ~ i ~ u 1 0.02

23. z 58 1.29 49. ĭ ~ ī 3 0.07 75. hw ~ w 1 0.02

24. ai 57 1.27 50. gw 3 0.07 76. z ~ zz 1 0.02

25. ī 48 1.07 51. ss 3 0.07 77. o 1 0.02

26. au 40 0.89 52. mm 3 0.07 78. gg 1 0.0

Table 7: Segment frequencies in Proto-Germanic lexemes of undisputed Indo-European origin

The ratio of vowels to consonants is 100:152 (vowels comprise 39,61%).

The ratio of resonants to other consonants (fricatives and stops) is 101:10 (resonants comprise

50,33%).

The ratio of voiced to voiceless consonants (excluding resonants) is 100:212 (voiced consonants

comprise 32,04%).

46

# % # % # %

1. a 90 19.74 16. d 11 2.41 31. b ~ pp 1 0.22

2. n 36 7.89 17. w 10 2.19 32. a ~ i 1 0.22

3. r 28 6.14 18. p 7 1.54 33. p ~ b 1 0.22

4. ō 24 5.26 19. j 7 1.54 34. a ~ u 1 0.22

5. l 22 4.82 20. ī 6 1.32 35. hw ~ w 1 0.22

6. u 21 4.61 21. þ 6 1.32 36. ww 1 0.22

7. h 19 4.17 22. z 5 1.10 37. e ~ u 1 0.22

8. s 18 3.95 23. ai 5 1.10 38. tt 1 0.22

9. b 18 3.95 24. f 4 0.88 39. q 1 0.22

10. t 17 3.73 25. a ~ ō 4 0.88 40. pp 1 0.22

11. i 16 3.51 26. eu 3 0.66 41. þ ~ d 1 0.22

12. e 16 3.51 27. ē 3 0.66 42. kk 1 0.22

13. m 15 3.29 28. au 2 0.44 43. s ~ z 1 0.22

14. k 14 3.07 29. a ~ i ~ u 2 0.44

15. g 12 2.63 30. hw 2 0.44

Table 8: Segment frequencies in Proto-Germanic lexemes of likely substratum origin

The ratio of vowels to consonants is 100:134 (vowels comprise 42,76%).

The ratio of resonants to other consonants (fricatives and stops) is 100:118 (resonants comprise

45,79%).

The ratio of voiced to voiceless consonants (excluding resonants) is 100:191 (voiced consonants

comprise 34,4%).

The most obvious difference between the two sets is that lexemes of substratum origin demonstrate

an almost complete lack of consonantal alternations (with only slightly more than 1% of segments).

Geminates are likewise uncommon, as those present in Proto-Germanic are mostly derived from

nasal stems and Kluge's law (Kroonen 2009). Verner alternations are almost entirely non-existent,

which points to a static accent. With the exception of ō, the vowels tend to be short and likewise

exhibit few alternations; those present are rather uncommon (such as e ~ u). This may indicate that

the substratum had no vowel length and possibly had at least one vowel phoneme unknown to

Proto-Germanic. The length of ō can be easily explained as the borrowing of a non-native *o, which

was nativized with [+length], as PG had no short *o. Other examples of length, as well as the

alternation of a ~ ō, may simply be the result of speakers of Proto-Germanic borrowing original

subphonemic vowel length as their own phonemic length.

47

The ratio of vowels to consonants appears to be similar, but it should be noted lexemes of

substratum origin demonstrate a slightly higher percentage of vowels. This will become significant

in an analysis of syllable structure.

As is to be expected, lexemes of IE origin exhibit more resonants than their counterparts. The

distribution of voiced and voiceless occlusives is very similar in both sets. I thus propose that the

substratum language distinguished at least two types of consonants, which were interpreted as

voiced and voiceless by speakers of Proto-Germanic.

# % # %

1. s 115 11,64 12. r 39 3,95

2. a 101 10,22 13. d 38 3,85

3. f 86 8,7 14. k 35,5 3,59

4. h 83,5 8,45 15. n 31 3,14

5. w 79 8 16. u 20,5 2,07

6. m 70 7,09 17. e 16,5 1,67

7. t 52 5,26 18. hw 14,5 1,47

8. b 48 4,86 19. j 11 1,11

9. þ 45 4,55 20. kw 7,5 0,76

10. l 44 4,45 21. i 6 0,61

11. g 42 4,25 22. ō 3 0,3

Table 9: Initial frequencies of PG lexemes of undisputed Indo-European origin

# % # %

1. a 15 17,65 l 3 3,53

2. h 14 16,47 p 3 3,53

3. s 10 11,74 t 3 3,53

4. k 7 8,24 w 3 3,53

5. b 6 7,06 14. r 2 2,35

6. m 5 5,88 þ 2 2,35

7. d 3 3,53 16. f 1 1,18

e 3 3,53 hw 1 1,18

g 3 3,53 u 1 1,18

Table 10: Initial frequencies of PG lexemes of possible substratum origin

48

As can be seen, the vowel a is by far the most common initial segment in lexemes of substratum

origin, being 6% more common as in those of Indo-European origin. Another peculiarity is the

relative frequency of initial h (twice as common as in IE lexemes) and plosives in lexemes of

substratum origin, while their Indo-European counterparts tend to exhibit more initial fricatives and

resonants. Initial h points to a substratum *x, while the presence of initial a is hardly surprising.

The most frequent bigrams in words of

undisputed Proto-Indo-European origin

The most frequent bigrams in words of

suspected substratum origin

# #

1. an 140 4,01 1. an 12 3.23

2. ra 66 1.89 ra 12 3.23

3. ma 55 1.57 3. ōn 10 2.70

4. er 51 1.46 4. na 8 2.16

ur 51 1.46 5. al 7 1.89

6. ar 44 1.26 ha 7 1.89

7. un 43 1.23 7. jō 6 1.62

8. la 41 1.17 la 6 1.62

9. ōn 39 1.12 9. ag 5 1.35

10. wa 38 1.09 ar 5 1.35

11. st 37 1.06 ma 5 1.35

12. na 35 1.00 ta 5 1.35

13. al 30 0.86 ur 5 1.35

ja 30 0.86 14. bu 4 1.08

15. sa 28 0.80 da 4 1.08

ta 28 0.80 ga 4 1.08

17. du 27 0.77 hu 4 1.08

18. ha 26 0.74 il 4 1.08

in 26 0.74 me 4 1.08

20. fa 25 0.72 pa 4 1.08

we 25 0,72 ut 4 1.08

wa 4 1.08Table 11: Frequency of the most common bigrams in lexemes of undisputed Indo-European and

suspected substratum origin

49

Most of these are derivational affixes, so the usefulness of this table is very limited. One notable

finding is that the only CC bigram among the first twenty is st from the IE collection. It seems

unnecessary to reproduce the entire frequency table of bigrams, as well as nigh impossible to deal

with in the scope of this thesis.

# Structure %

1. CVC 1041 41,6

2. CCV 472 18,86

3. VCV 461 18,42

4. VCC 430 17,18

5. CCC 86 3,44

6. CVV 8 0,32

7. VVC 5 0,2Table 12: Frequency of the structure of all trigrams in lexemes of undisputed Indo-European origin

# Structure %

1. CVC 122 42,81

2. VCV 76 26,67

3. CCV 47 16,49

4. VCC 36 12,63

5. CCC 3 1,05

6. CVV 1 0,35Table 13: Frequency of the structure of all trigrams in lexemes of suspected substratum origin

The most readily apparent difference between the two sets is that the structure CCV is much more

common in lexemes of Indo-European origin than in those of substratum origin. Even more, the

structure CCC is practically non-existent in the latter. As was previously noted, vowel segments are

also more common in lexemes of substratum origin. With these facts in mind, I propose that both

CCV- or -VCC were not permitted, while the most common syllable structure in the substratum

language was CV, the second most common being CVC. I emphasize that the substratum language

was not limited to open syllables only.

50

5E.3 An Interpretation of the Results of the Quantitative Analysis

I propose this rather typical possible phonetic system for the substratum language:

Vowels

Front Mid Back

High i > PG *i u > PG *u

Mid e > PG *e ə > PG *i, *e, *a, *u, (*ai?) o > PG *ō

Low a > PG *aTable 14: Vowels of Pre-Germanic

Consonants

Labial Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar

Voiceless

stop

p > PG *p t > PG *t k > PG *k, (*kw?)

Voiced stop b > PG *b D > PG *d g > PG *g

Fricative f > PG *f Þ > PG *Þ s > PG *s, *z h > PG *h

Nasal m > PG *m n > PG *n

Resonant w > PG *w, *hw l, r > PG *l, *r j > PG *jTable 15: Consonants of Pre-Germanic

Other features of the language include: a static accent (mostly likely on the first syllable), syllable

structures CV, VC, CVC, V, and vowel syncope.

These features seem to mostly point to Leiden School's A1 substratum layer, with its abundance of

fricatives, lack of distinctive vowel length, frequent vowel *a, frequent initial *k, and occasional

vowel variations. That there were no voiced stops in this language must be rejected, since the

relative frequency of these is no lower than in inherited Indo-European lexemes. Likewise, there are

almost no consonantal alternations of any kind, so it seems very unlikely that the stop systems of

Pre-Germanic and Proto-Germanic should be as dissimilar as proposed. Another possibility is of

course that the voiced stops were something else entirely in the substratum language, but were

subjected to a system-based substitution (for example aspirated → voiced). Nevertheless, due to

absence of consonant alternations, I find it more likely that consonants were borrowed on the

principle of the most similar native sound.

51

6E Conclusion

It has been demonstrated that lexemes of substratum origin display a different phonetic make-up

than their inherited Indo-European counterparts. Primary among these differences are less frequent

consonant clusters, the presence of an original vowel a, which was very common initially, non-IE

vowel alternations, and absence of consonant alternations. These facts point to the conclusion that

both languages had similar consonant systems, but dissimilar vowel and accentual systems.

These findings share some similarities with Leiden school's A1 substratum layer, the language of

bird names, but it should be noted the agreement is not complete and certain features of that

hypothesized substratum do not agree with the data collected here.

Due to the sheer magnitude of data, much research can still be done. Another possible avenue of

exploration might be to examine the internal morphological makeup of substratum lexemes,

determining at which point in the relative chronology of Proto-Germanic development were certain

lexemes borrowed, or the comparison of my proposed phonetic system with other Old European

languages, attested or reconstructed. Furthermore, such an analysis should be performed on every

other major branch of Indo-European and the results thoroughly compared with those in this thesis.

52

1S Uvod

Smiselno je predpostaviti, da so se govorci (pred)pragermanščine na območju, ki je kasneje postalo

njihova pradomovina, srečali z drugo kulturo (Mallory 1989: 145 et passim, 250 et passim). O

jeziku te kulture ni nobenih konkretnih zgodovinskih dokazov, vendar je ta predgermanski jezik

pred izginotjem pragermanščini dal več jezikovnih značilnosti, predvsem besedišča (Mallory 1989:

156). S pregledom sledi tega davno izgubljenega jezika v pragermanščini bomo morda lahko uzrli

boljšo sliko evropske jezikovne predzgodovine.

1S.1 Struktura

Cilj te naloge je definirati čimveč fonetičnih značilnosti predgermanščine. Najprej bo podan pregled

indoevropskega prajezika, pragermanščine in kratek pregled hipotez o pragermanskem substratu.

Jedro te naloge je analiza tistih pragermanskih leksemov v Etymological Dictionary of Proto-

Germanic (Etimološki slovar pragermanščine; odslej EDPG), ki so verjetno substratnega izvora. Ti

leksemi bodo podvrženi kvantitativni analizi fonemov. Na koncu so rezultati analize primerjani s

prej opisanimi hipotezami o pragermanskem substratu.

1S.2 Predstavitev dela Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic

Guusa Kroonena

Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic Guusa Kroonena je bil izdan leta 2013 v okviru Indo-

European Etymological Dictionary project (Projekt indoevropski etimološki slovar) z leidenske

univerze. Cilj projekta je nadomestiti zdaj že zastarel Indogermanisches etymologisches

Wörterbuch Juliusa Pokoryja (Kroonen 2013: vii).

EDPG vsebuje približno 2800 iztočnic in še enkrat toliko njihovih izpeljank (Brill 2015). Vsako

geslo vsebuje rekonstruiran pragermanski leksem (in njegove druge oblike), njegove slovnične

značilnosti, rekonstrukcijo pomena, seznam ustreznic v ostalih indoevropskih jezikih, njegovo

razporeditev ali izvor (indoevropski, evropski indoevropski, zahodni indoevropski, severni

indoevropski, germanski, neindoevropski ali označba, da gre za derivacijo ali očitno sposojenko) in

komentar o njegovi rekonstrukciji. Uvod dela vsebuje pregled vseh glasovnih sprememb, ki so

vodile k nastanku pragermanščine (glej razdelek 2.2).

53

Primer gesla:

“*snaiwa- m. 'snow' – Go. snaiws m. 'id.', ON snær, gen. snjóar m. 'id.', Far. snjógvur m.

'id.', Elfd. sniųo m. 'id.', OE snāw m. 'id.', E snow, OS snēo m. 'id.', Du. sneeuw c. 'id.', OHG

snē(o) m. 'id.', G Schnee m. 'id.' => *snoigwh-o- (IE) - OCS sněgъ, Lith. sniẽgas, Latv.

snìegs m. 'snow' < *snoigwh-o-; Lat. nix, nivis f. 'id.' < *snigwh-.

An o-grade thematic noun derived from the strong verb *snīwan- (q. v.).” (Kroonen 2013:

460)

V nalogi mi bo Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic služil za primarni vir, ki bo dana

prednost pred vsemi ostalimi. Kjer ne bo tako, bo to eksplicitno označeno.

1S.3 Opombe o terminologiji

Zavoljo jasnosti je potrebno definirati nekaj pojmov:

severnoevropski (kot je rabljeno v EDPG) – nanašajoč se na germanske in baltoslovanske jezike;

predgermanščina – (najverjetneje) neindoevropski predzgodovinski jezik, govorjen na področju, ki

so ga kasneje naselili govorci pragermanščine. Imenovan tudi (pra)germanski substrat;

predpragermanščina – zgodnejša različica pragermanščine, časovno med poznim praindoevropskim

dialektom, ki se je razvil v pragermanščino, in pragermanščino kot tako;

pragermanščina – zadnji skupni prednik germanskih jezikov;

zahodnoevropski (kot je rabljeno v EDPG) – nanašajoč se na germanske in italokeltske jezike.

54

2S Pregled indoevropskega prajezika in pragermanščine

2S.1 Proto-Indo-European Phonology

Da bi lahko prepoznali lekseme neindoevropskega izvora, moramo najprej definirati osnovne

fonetične značilnosti indoevropskega prajezika. Čeprav je rekonstrukcij in interpretacij mnogo, sam

uporabljam verzijo tako imenovanega tradicionalnega modela (kot je, denimo, opisan v Clackson

2007: 34 et passim; Meier-Brüger 2003: 71 et passim; Fortson 2005: 48–66).

2S.1. 1 Konzonanti

Labiali Koronali Palatovelarji Velarji Labiovelarji Laringali

Nezveneči zaporniki p t ḱ k ku

Zveneči zaporniki (b) d ǵ g gu

Pridihnjeni zaporniki bɦ dɦ ǵɦ gɦ guɦ

Priporniki s h1, h2, h3

Rezonanti l, r

Nosniki m n

Polvokali i uTabela 1: Konzonanti indoevropskega prajezika

Sledim tistim avtoritetam, ki zavračajo glotalno teorijo (Clackson 2007: 48; Meier-Brüger

2003: 125–126; Melchert 1994: 46–47; contra Beekes 1995: 132–133), in kontrast

'zveneč' : 'zveneč pridihnjen' vidim kot kontrast dveh različnih načinov ozvenenja

(Clackson 2007: 48).

V skladu z akademskim konsenzom predpostavljam obstoj treh laringalov, ki so obarvali

sosednje in podaljšali predhodne vokale (Beekes 1995: 142–147; Meier-Brüger 2003: 106–

124; in mnogi drugi; contra Szemerényi 1996: 121–130, 134–142).

55

2S.1.2 Vokali

Sprednji Zadnji

Visoki i u

e, ē o, ō

Nizki (a), (ā)

Diftongi ei, eu, oi, ou, (ai), (au)

Tabela 2: Vokali indoevropskega prajezika

Obstoj fonema *a je vprašljiv (Clackson 2007: 36; Lubotsky 1989), vendar je bil, če je

obstajal, nedvomno manj pogost kot *e ali *o. V poznem obdobju indoevropskega prajezika

se je pojavljal mnogo bolj pogosto kot posledica laringalnega obarvanja *e-ja, anaptikse

laringalnega izvora in, morda, sposojenk.

Ne vidim razloga za rekonstrukcijo fonemov **ī in **ū; najbolje ju je razumeti kot *ihx in

*uhx (Fortson 2005: 60–61). V tej nalogi je ta interpretacija obrobnega pomena.

2S.1.3 Koreni

Pomembna lastnost indoevropskega prajezika, ki bo precejšnjega pomena pri presojanju izvora

leksemov, so omejitve pri strukturi korenov. Večina avtorjev se glede osnovnih lastnosti korenov

strinja (Fortson 2005: 70–73; in mnogi drugi), zato bom sledil njihovim predpostavkam o njihovi

sestavi in omejitvah:

Koreni ne morejo imeti strukture KeK, če sta oba konzonanta nepridihnjena zveneča

zapornika.

Koreni ne morejo imeti strukture KeK, če je en konzonant nezveneč, drugi pa pridihnjen

zveneč zapornik (vendar lahko imajo v tem primeru strukturo sKeK).

Zelo malo korenov se začne z dvema zapornikoma.

Zvenečnost segmentov raste do vokala, potem pa začne padati.

56

2S.2 Od indoevropskega prajezika do pragermanščine

Ta razdelek je povzetek uvoda EDPG, kjer so opisane glasovne spremembe, ki so vodile od

indoevropskega prajezika do pragermanščine (Kroonen 2013: xvii–xli).

2S.2.1 Vokalizem

Pgerm. *a

pide. *a, *h2e, *h5 > predpgerm. *a

◦ pide. *bait-éh2- > pgerm. *paidō- 'plašč, srajca'

◦ pide. * h2ep-ó- > pgerm. *aba 'od, z'

◦ pide. *ph2-ter- > pgerm. *fader 'oče'

pide. *o, *h3e, *hxo > predpgerm. *o

◦ pide. *pot-í- > pgerm. *fadi- 'gospodar'

◦ pide. *h3embɦ -on- > pgerm. *amban- 'trebuh'

◦ pide. *h2oid-o- > pgerm. *aita- 'čir, gnoj'

predpgerm. *a, *o > pgerm. *a

Pgerm. *e

pide. *e, *h1e > pgerm. *e

◦ pide. *bɦer-e- > pgerm. *beran 'nesti'

◦ pide. *h1ed- > pgerm. *etan- 'jesti'

Pgerm. *i

pide. *i > pgerm. *i

◦ pide. *pisk-o- > pgerm. *fiska- 'riba'

pide. *e / _N. > pgerm. *i

◦ pide. *bɦéndɦ-e- > pgerm. *bindan- 'vezati'

5 Znak predstavlja simbol za anaptikso laringalnega izvora in ne vokalizacije laringala.

57

Pgerm. *u

pide. *u > pgerm. *u

◦ pide. *ǵul-o- > pgerm. *kula- 'premog'

pide. *R > pgerm. *uR

◦ pide. *plh1-nó- > pgerm. *fulla- 'poln'

Pgerm. *ē

pide. *ē, *eh1 > pgerm. *ē

◦ pide. *seh1-tí- > pgerm. *sēdi- 'seme'

Pgerm. *ō

pide. *ā, *eh2 > predpgerm. *ā

◦ pide. *meh2-tér- > pgerm. *mōder- 'mati'

pide. *ō, *eh3, *ohx > predpgerm. *ō

◦ pide. *pōd- > pgerm. *fōt- 'stopalo'

◦ pide. *deh3gɦ-on- > pgerm. *tōgan- 'veja' (Kroonen 2013: 519)

◦ pide. *dɦoh1-mo- > pgerm. *dōma- 'odločitev, sodba'

predpgerm. *ā, *ō > pgerm. *ō

Mahlowov zakon

predpgerm. *ōu > pgerm. *ō

◦ pide. stéh2u-ro- > pgerm. *stōra 'velik'

Pgerm. *ī

pide. *ihx, *ei > pgerm. *ī

◦ pide. *suhx- + *-īna- > pgerm. *swīna- 'svinja'

◦ pide. *stéigɦ-e- > pgerm. *stīgan- 'dvigniti'

Pgerm. *ū

pide. *uhx > pgerm. *ū

◦ pide. *muhxs- > pgerm. *mūs- 'miš'

58

Pgerm. *ai, *au, *eu, *ia

predpgerm. *ai > pgerm. *ai

◦ pide. *snoiguɦ-o- > pgerm. *snaiwa- 'sneg'

predpgerm. *au > pgerm. *au

◦ pide. *h1roudɦ-ro- > pgerm. *rauda- 'rdeč'

predpgerm. *eu > pgerm. *eu

◦ pide. *ǵéus-e- > pgerm. *keusan- 'poskusiti, izbrati'

predpgerm. *ia > pgerm. *ia6

◦ pide. *skh1i-or-i- > pgerm. *skiari- 'svetel'

Osthoffov zakon

predpgerm. *ē / _R > pgerm. *e

◦ pide. *mēms-o- > pgerm. *mimza- 'meso'

predpgerm. *ōu / _{CC,#} > predpgerm. *ou > pgerm. *au

◦ pide. *neh2u-sth2-o- > pgerm. *nausta- 'ladja v funkciji hiše'

Dybojev zakon

predpgerm. *V / _R-' > pgerm. *V

◦ pide. *gɦloh3-nó- > pgerm. *glana- 'svetiti'

2S.2.2 Konzonantizem

Raskovo pravilo7

pide. *p, *t, *k, *ku > pgerm. *f, *þ, *h, *hu

◦ pide. *kómp-o- > pgerm. *hamfa- 'pohabljen'

◦ pide. *kuó-ter-o- > pgerm. *hwaþera- 'kdo od dveh?' pide. *b, *d, *g, *gu > pgerm. *p, *t, *k, *ku

◦ pide. *bait- > pgerm.*paidō- 'plašč, srajca'

◦ pide. *drḱ-to- > pgerm. *turhta- 'svetel'

◦ pide. *ǵn-eu- > pgerm. *knewa- 'koleno'

◦ pide. *engu-on- > pgerm. *inkwan- 'izboklina'

6 Zapisan tudi kot *e2.7 To glasovno spremembo imenujem Raskovo pravilo (in ne Grimmov zakon, kot je bolj pogosto poimenovana), da

priznam doprinos jezikoslovca, ki je glasovni zakon prepoznal prvi.

59

pide. *bɦ, *dɦ, *gɦ, *guɦ > pgerm. *b ([β] ~ [b]), *d ([ð] ~ [d]), *g ([ɣ] ~ [g]), *gu ([ɣu]~ [gu])

◦ pide. *bɦondɦ-o- > pgerm. *banda- 'veza'

◦ pide. *bɦerǵɦ-o- > pgerm. *berga- 'gora'

◦ pide. *lenguɦ -o- > pgerm. *lingwa- 'jesenska vresa'

Razvoj *gu

pgerm. *gu > pgerm. *u

◦ pide. *guɦor-mo- > pgerm. *warma- 'topel' pgerm. *gu / #_{u,r} > pgerm. *g

◦ pide. *guɦu-tó- > pgerm. guda- 'bog' ?predpgerm. *guɦ > pgerm. *b

◦ pide. *guɦodɦ-éie- > pgerm. *bedjan- 'vprašati, moliti' pgerm. *gu / _i > pgerm. *g

◦ pide. *dɦonguɦ-éie- > pgerm. *dangjan- 'tepsti' pgerm. *gu / °a°._i > pgerm. *gu ( > *u, ?*b)

◦ pide. *h2eku-iéh2- > pgerm. *aujō- 'močvirje, otok'

Vernerjev zakon

predpgerm. *f, *þ, *h, *hu, *s / {_.-}, {-.-._} except #_ > pgerm. *β, *ð, *ɣ, *ɣu, *z

◦ pide. *h1upéri > pgerm. *uberi 'nad'

◦ pide. *ph2-tér- > pgerm. *fader- 'oče'

◦ pide. *mh2ḱ-ró- > pgerm. *magra- 'vitek'

◦ pide. *kue-kul-ó- > pgerm. *hweula- 'kolo'

Asimilacija *m-ja

predpgerm. *md > pgerm. *nd

Epenteza *f-ja

predpgerm. *mþ > pgerm. *mfþ

◦ pide. *sóm-tu- > pgerm. *samþu- 'mehek' > OE sēfte; OHG samfti, semfti

60

Asibilacija dentalnih skupin

Pre-pide. *-TT- > pide. *-tst- > pgerm. *-ss-

◦ pide. *guet-ti- > pgerm. *kwessi- 'soglasje'

Klugejev zakon

predpgerm. *b.n-, *d.n-, *g.n- > predpgerm. *bb-, *dd-, *gg- > pgerm. *pp, *tt, *kk

◦ pide. *ḱuit-nó- > pgerm. *hwitta- 'bel'

Geminirani rezonanti

predpgerm. *ln, *rn > predpgerm. *ll, *rr

◦ morda le v *{_n-}

◦ pide. *h2el-nó- > pgerm. *alla- 'vse'

predpgerm. *zm > pgerm. *mm

◦ pide. *h1es-mi > predpgerm. *ezmi > pgerm. *immi 'sem'

predpgerm. *zl > pgerm. *ll

◦ predpgerm. *gizla > pgerm. *gilla 'prekinjena mavrica'

predpgerm. *dl > pgerm. *ll

◦ predpgerm. *knudla- > pgerm. *knulla- 'izboklina'

predpgerm. *nu > pgerm. *nn

◦ predpgerm. *minu- > pgerm. *minna- 'majhen'

Holtzmannov zakon

predpgerm. *VuV, *ViV > predpgerm. *VuuV, *ViiV

◦ pide. *dɦh1-oi-éie- > pgerm. *dajjan- 'dojiti'

Krajšanje podaljšanih dolgih zlogov8

predpgerm. *VC: > pgerm. *VC

◦ pide. *h2eidɦ-lo- > predpgerm. *ailla- > pgerm. *aila- 'ogenj'

8 Gre za ad hoc poimenovanje, saj uveljavljen slovenski termin ne obstaja.

61

2S.2.3 Relativna kronologija

Indoevropski prajezik

ā > ō Rask 1

↓ ↓

Mahlow Verner

↙ ↓ ↙ ↓ ↘Dybo Osthoff gui > gi Kluge

↓ ↘ ↓ ↙ ↓ ↓

Holtzmann o > a zm > mm Rask 2

↓ ↙ ↓ ↙enK > inK VKK > VK

Pragermanščina

Diagram 1: Rahlo spremenjena kopija diagrama relativne kronologije glasovnih sprememb iz

EDPG (Kroonen 2013: xli)

62

2S.3 Pragermanska fonologija

2S.3.1 Konzonanti

Labiali Koronali Palatali Velarji Labiovelarji

Nezveneči zaporniki p t k ku

Nezveneči geminirani zaporniki pp tt kk

Zveneči zaporniki / priporniki b ~ β d ~ ð g ~ ɣ ɣu ~ (u)

Zveneči geminirani zaporniki /

priporniki

bb? dd? gg?

Nezveneči priporniki f þ h [x] hu [xu]

Nezveneči geminirani priporniki ff? þþ? hh?

Sibilanti s, z

Geminirani sibilanti ss, zz?

Rezonanti m n, r, l

Geminirani rezonanti mm nn, rr, ll

Polvokali i u

Geminirani polvokali ii uu

Tabela 3: Konzonanti pragermanščine (Kroonen 2013: xvi)

2S.3.2 Vokali

Sprednji Zadnji

Visoki i, ī u, ū

e ō

Nizki ē [æ] a

Diftongi ai, au, eu, iaTabela 4: Vokali pragermanščine (Kroonen 2013: xvii–xxiv)

63

2S.4 Prostorska in časovna umestitev pragermanščine

Čeprav ni nikakršnih neposrednih sledi pragermanščine, ki bi nam omogočile, da njene govorce

umestimo v prostor in čas, lahko pri iskanju izvora pragermanske kulture uporabimo jezikovne,

arheološke in zgodovinske dokaze. Prvi neposredni dokazi o germanskih jezikih so runski napisi, ki

se pojavljajo od leta 150 n. št. dalje. Tacit germanska ljudstva prvega stoletja n. št. opisuje v svoji

Germaniji, medtem ko Pitej posreduje nekaj informacij iz tretjega stoletja pr. n. št. Prav tako obstaja

neposredna arheološka kontinuiteta med pojavom germanskih ljudstev v zgodovinskih zapisih in

železnodobno kulturo Jastorf, ki se prvič pojavi v petem stoletju pr. n. št. Na podlagi tega se je

vzpostavil konsenz, da je bila pragermanščina govorjena okoli šestega stoletja pr. n. št. na območju

današnje severne Nemčije in južne Skandinavije (Mallory 1989: 85–87). Jastorfska kultura je

neposredno nadaljevanje predhodne pozne bronastodobne kulture na istem področju, zato lahko

priselitev Indoevropejcev pomaknemo še nekaj stoletij nazaj, do leta 1000 pr. n. št. ali še dlje ( ib.).

Kako lahko jeziku te dobe rečemo – zgodnja pragermanščina, predpragermanščina ali pozna

zahodna praindoevropščina – je stvar interpretacije.

Jezikovni sosedje (pred)pragermanščine v predzgodovinskem obdobju, ko so se njeni govorci že

naselili na prej omenjenem področju, so bili baltoslovanski dialekti na vzhodu in keltski dialekti na

zahodu in jugu (Mallory 1989: 108), ugrofinščina pa je pomemben neindoevropski sosed (McEvedy

1967: 28 et passim).

64

Slika 1: Etnična slika severne Evrope leta 1200 pr. n. št. (McEvedy 1967: 39)

Slika 2: Germanska plemena v 1. stoletju n. št. (O'Brian 2007: 56)

65

3S Jezikovni stiki in hipoteze germanskega substrata

3S.1 Jezikovni stiki

V določeni meri so jeziki vedno, brez izjeme, v stiku z drugimi jeziki ali dialekti (Hock 1991: 380).

Najopaznejša posledica teh stikov je izposojanje besed, prihaja pa tudi do drugih oblik izposoje:

izposoja morfemov, morfoloških pravil, fonemov, fonoloških pravil, kolokacij in idiomov ter

morfosintaktičnih procesov (Hock 1991: 382).

Kadar sta dva jezika v stiku in si medsebojno izposojata, pride do pomembnega procesa

nativizacije (Hock 1991: 390-397). Prav zaradi tega procesa je težje prepoznati primere jezikovnih

stikov, ki bi bili sicer jasno razvidni. Najbolj omembe vreden princip nativizacije je zamenjava

fonoloških segmentov z »najbolj podobnim domačim glasom« (na primer zamenjava angleškega /þ/

s /t/, /s/ ali /f/ v jezikih, ki ga nimajo). To ne velja nujno samo za posamezne glasove, temveč tudi za

glasovna zaporedja (glej primer *steura- in *þeura- < *teura, ki morda posnema tuj *þ, navedena v

podpoglavju 4.1.4. spodaj). Opis, kaj »najbolj podoben domač glas« pomeni, je izmuzljiv in

subjektiven – ni razloga za predpostavko, da bi vsi govorci isti glas dojemali za najbolj podobnega

tujemu. Kljub temu pa je mogoče z zadostno mero gotovosti določiti, kateri domači glasovi so

kandidati za zamenjavo. Variacije pri izbiri lahko prav tako kažejo, kateri glas je bil prvotno tuj.

Drugi princip fonološke nativizacije je zamenjava na sistemski ravni, pri kateri se segmente

določenega fonološkega razreda, ki jih v domačem jeziku ni, redno zamenjuje s segmenti domačega

fonološkega razreda, ki jih ni v tujem jeziku. Jeziki indijske podceline na primer redno zamenjujejo

tuje pripornike s svojimi pridihnjenimi priporniki (Hock 1991: 393). Ta princip je lahko

medsebojno izključujoč s principom zamenjave z “najbolj podobnim domačim glasom”.

Na tej točki je potrebno omeniti, da je eden izmed možnih vzrokov za glasovne spremembe vpliv

substrata (Mallory 1989: 156). Glasovne spremembe, ki so posledica vpliva predgermanskega

jezika, si bomo ogledali kasneje, tu pa je treba poudariti, da je malo verjetno, da bi bilo Raskovo

pravilo posledica vpliva substrata. Kot je lucidno prikazal Hock (1991: 484), verižni premik *t, *d,

*dh > *þ, *t, *d kot posledica substrata ni verjeten, saj premik *t > *þ ni smiseln, če je /t/ prisoten

tudi v substratu. Tak premik krši princip zamenjave z najbolj podobnim domačim glasom; isto velja

za *d > *t.

Pomemben princip nativizacije je tudi prilagoditev izposojenih leksemov fonotaktični strukturi in

fonološkim pravilom domačega jezika. V konzonantne skupke, ki v domačem jeziku niso

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dovoljene, so na primer vstavljeni samoglasniki, s čimer se uskladijo z domačimi zlogovnimi

strukturami. Ko so zadostno nativizirani, postanejo leksemi tudi predmet sinhronih fonoloških

pravil (Hock 1991: 394-395).

Proces nativizacije seveda ni takojšen, a lahko v našem primeru predpostavimo, da je prišlo do

nativizacije v zadostni meri, da so leksemi, ki izvirajo iz substrata, do te mere konformirani za

sinhrona fonološka pravila, da le-ta za njih veljajo popolnoma. Ta predpostavka izhaja iz dveh

razlogov: a) časovni razpon je dovolj velik, da je do tega lahko prišlo; b) vsi pragermanski leksemi

so usklajeni s sinhronimi fonotaktičnimi in fonološkimi pravili.

Zadnji pojem, ki moramo razložiti, je prestiž (Hock 1991: 409-411). Pri stiku dveh jezikov se

pojavi eden izmed teh treh odnosov: superstratni, adstratni ali substratni. Superstrat je jezik, ki ima

večji prestiž kot domači jezik, adstrat ima približno podoben status, substrat pa nižjega, pri čemer

pa lahko pride do zmede, saj se substrat pogosto uporablja kot krovni pojem za vse tri. Če na

domači jezik vpliva superstrat, bodo običajno izposojeni leksemi konceptov večjega prestiža, ob

vplivu substrata pa bo do izposoje običajno prišlo iz potrebe po poimenovanju neznanih pojmov ali

takih, ki so manjšega prestiža; vendar pa so to le tendence in nikakor ni gotovo, da bo prišlo do

izposoje leksemov zgolj v teh kategorijah. Medtem, ko je nemogoče napovedati, kateri jezik bo

sčasoma prevladal (možno je, na primer, da tuj substratni jezik izrine domači jezik z večjim

prestižem in obratno), pa lahko na podlagi značaja izposoj predpostavimo, da sta bila pragermanski

in predgermanski jezik v superstratno-substratnem (v tem zaporedju) odnosu (glej podpoglavje 4. 1.

4. spodaj).

Ker je mogoče, da je izposoja slovničnih in derivacijskih morfemov posledica jezikovnih stikov

(Hock 1991: 400), bi jo bilo treba raziskati, ko govorimo o substratnih vplivih, vendar bi to

presegalo okvire tega diplomskega dela, zaradi česar razpravo v tej smeri opuščam.

3S.2 Staroevropska hidronimija

» […] lastnoročno in brez znanih predhodnikov je ustvaril teorijo o stari evropski hidronimiji.«

(Vennemann 2003: 141)

Čeprav njegova teorija ni splošno sprejeta, je Krahe nesporno odkril, da so si mnogi hidronimi v

Evropi podobni in da si očitno delijo derivativno morfologijo (za razporeditev teh hidronimov glej

sliko 3). Po njegovi interpretaciji so imena teh rek po značaju indoevropska in naj bi pripadala do

tedaj neznanemu zahodnemu indoevropskemu jeziku v času do prve polovice drugega tisočletja pr.

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n. št. (Krahe 1963). Njegovo pionirsko odkritje je mnogokrat omenjeno v delih, ki obravnavajo

zgodnje evropske jezike. V nadaljevanju prilagam primer razpredelnice ujemanj; ker so avtorji

leidenske šole in Vennemann te podatke poznali in jih uporabljali v svojih širših hipotezah (čeprav

so jih interpretirali drugače), spuščanje v podrobnosti na tem mestu ni potrebno.

Slika 3: Evropska rečna imena, ki se začnejo z Al-/Alm- (Vennemann 2003: 143)

Slika 4: Sufiksi in struktura staroevropskih rečnih imen (Vennemann 2003: 150)

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3S.3 Leidenska šola

Medtem ko so mnogi raziskovalci (Beekes, Boutkan, Kuiper, Matasović, Schrijver, …) prispevali k

hipotezi leidenske šole o predindoevropskem substratu v Evropi, smatram Boukanov uvod k tej

temi v njegovem Etymological Dictionary of Old Frisian (Boutkan, 2005) za najboljši prikaz

hipoteze leidenske šole. Leidenska šola razlikuje med štirimi plastmi substrata. Te so:

A1 – Ta plast ima mnoga imena – evropska, atlantska (glej spodaj), jezik imen za ptice …

Jezik naj bi imel razširjeno predpono a-, ki jo spremlja samoglasniška sinkopa, več

pripornikov in nepogost diftong (ki se v germanščini pojavlja kot ai). Potrjuje se v

germanščini, italščini in keltščini. Med drugim je zanj značilno, da nima zvenečih

zapornikov, ima pa pogost samoglasnik *a (pogosto kot naglašen prefiks in spremljan s

sinkopo), sistem zapornikov, ki se v indoevropskih jezikih odražajo v konzonantnih

variantah, pridihnjene zapornike, pripornike (kot so f, x, þ), v germanskih in keltskih

jezikom neznan diftong, da ni fonemske dolžine samostalnikov, prevojni sistem

neindoevropskega tipa ter vzglasni *k (Boutkan 2005).

A2- Ta plast je prisotna v severni Evropi. Od tega substrata, znanega tudi kot »jezik

geminat«, so si izposojali indoevropski in uralski jeziki. Dovoljuje začetne skupine

soglasnikov, zaradi česar je očitno neuralski jezik. Opozoriti je treba, da je Guus Kroonen v

svoji disertaciji pogostost germanskih geminat pripisal Klugovemu zakonu, s čimer ta

geminat poln substrat ni več potreben za njihovo razlago (Boutkan 2005).

A3 – Ta plast je Krahejeva staroevropska hidronimija. Leidenska šola ta jezik razume za

neindoevropskega in mu večinoma pripisuje omejen vpliv na indoevropske jezike v Evropi

(Boutkan 2005).

Predgrščina – Ta substrat je prisoten v Sredozemlju in je imel velik vpliv na pragrški jezik

(Boutkan 2005). Za podrobnosti glej Beekesov Etymological Dictionary of Greek, v katerem

je predstavljen celovit pregled tega jezika (Beekes 2010: xv-xlv).

3S.4 Hipoteza vaskonskega substrata Thea Vennemanna

Hipoteza Thea Vennemanna o predindoevropskem substratu v Evropi je predstavljena v zbirki

njegovih del pod naslovom Europa Vasconica – Europa Semitica (Vennemann, 2003). Pri svojem

delu je izhajal iz Krahejeve staroevropske hidronimije, ki jo je reinterpretiral in jo razširil na

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evropske toponime na splošno. Njegov najbolj izčrpen članek je Linguistic Reconstruction in the

Context of European Prehistory (Vennemann 2003: 139–201), v katerem je podal splošen pregled

svojega dela na področju jezika evropskih toponimov.

Na začetku svojega dela je izhajal iz Krahejevih razpredelnic, prikazanih zgoraj. Zabeležene

pripone razlaga kot prevokalizirajoče (vendar pa je potrebno poudariti, da sta tako on kot Krahe

upoštevala samoglasniško sinkopo), ne pa kot postvokalizirajoče (-am-a:-ma), zaradi česar jeziku

pripisuje aglutinativno morfologijo. Po njegovem mnenju to dokazuje, da jezik toponimov ni

indoevropski. Na podlagi zbranih podatkov je predlagal sledeč fonološki sistem za jezik rečnih

imen:

Sprednji ZadnjiVisoki i u

e oNizki a

Diftongi (ai), (au), (eu)Tabela 5: Sistem samoglasnikov jezika toponimov, kot ga je rekonstruiral Vennemann (2003: 167)

Labiali Koronali Velarji LaringaliNezveneči p t kZveneči b d gPriporniki s χNosniki m nRezonanti r, lTabela 6: Sistem soglasnikov jezika toponimov, kot ga je rekonstruiral Vennemann (2003: 167)

Vennemann podatke razlaga na način, ki sugerira, da je bil naglas vedno na prvem zlogu in da je

imel jezik prevoj neindoevropskega tipa. Za samoglasnik *a, ki je v praindoevropskem jeziku

izrazito redek ali celo popolnoma odsoten, se zdi, da je bil najbolj pogost. Vennemann je nato celo

poskušal določiti nekatera sintaktična pravila za jezik toponimov – denimo, da je bil jezik tipa SOV;

to tezo je izpeljal iz lingvistične tipologije in dejstva, da je bil jezik sufiksalno-aglutinativnega tipa.

Na podlagi mnogih podobnosti v zaključku članka izpelje, da je jezik evropskih toponimov soroden

staremu akvitanskemu jeziku in baskovščini; med temi podobnostmi so fonetski inventar, struktura

besedja, kvantitativna analiza fonoloških segmentov, morfologija in sintaksa. To jezikovno družino

(h kateri sodijo še baskovski, iberski in ligurijski jezik, jezik hidronimov ter drugi) imenuje

vaskonska družina, njen prajezik pa pravaskonščina.

Še ena značilnost Vennemannove hipoteze je, da ob vaskonskem in indoevropskem jeziku

predvideva, da je v Evropi obstajal še tretji jezik oziroma jezikovna skupina – imenuje ga atlantski

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jezik in predvideva, da je semitskega izvora. Po Vennemannu je ta skupina govorcev odgovorna za

nevaskonske toponime ob atlantski obali, na Britanskem otočju in celo na Danskem, ko je bila v

superstratni poziciji in tako vplivala na vaskonske in germanske jezike, pri slednjih predvsem na

mitologijo in širjenje nekatenativne morfologije (Vennemann xvi-xxi).

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4S Pragermanski leksemi

V tem poglavju so za našo analizo relevantni leksemi v EDPG razdeljeni v dve skupini: v lekseme

gotovega indoevropskega izvora in lekseme verjetnega substratnega izvora. Najprej je treba določiti

kriterije za to razdelitev. Sledi seznam leksemov možnega substratnega izvora in njihov opis.

Naslednje poglavje vsebuje kvantitativno analizo obeh skupin leksemov.

4S.1.1 Razdelitev pragermanskih leksemov v dve skupini

Kot je bilo že omenjeno v razdelku 1.2, vsebuje vsako geslo v EDPG tudi podatke o razširjenosti in

izvoru leksema; obstaja osem kategorij, v katere lahko leksem spada glede na svojo strukturo ali

razširjenost ustreznic v drugih jezikih (Kroonen 2013: xiii)9:

indoevropsko (IE),

evropsko indoevropsko (EIE),

severnoevropsko indoevropsko (SEIE),

zahodnoevropsko indoevropsko (ZEIE),

germansko (GM),

neindoevropsko (NIE),

sposojenka (SP),

derivacija (DRV).

Leksemi iz kategorije DRV (ki jih je preko 2,500) so lahko v veliki meri izključeni iz te analize.

Njen glavni cilj je namreč ugotoviti fonetične lastnosti predgermanskih sposojenk; vsaka

notranjegermanska derivacija je po definiciji sekundarni morfološki razvoj in bi tako samo zakrila

prejšnje sposojanje. Prav tako so lahko izključeni leksemi iz kategorije SP. Ta majhna kategorija

vsebuje samo lekseme, ki so očitno sposojeni in kjer je izvorni jezik znan. Takšne sposojenke niso

uporabne pri dani temi, razen če je leksem že v izvornem jeziku samem substratnega izvora.

4S.1.2 Leksemi gotovega indoevropskega izvora

Kriterij za vključitev leksema v to kategorijo je preprost: njegova razširjenost ali izvor mora biti v

9 Enemu leksemu je lahko dodeljenih tudi več kategorij ali pa je kategorija označena kot negotova (z ?), če podatki v določeno smer ne kažejo enoznačno.

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EDPG označena kot indoevropska (IE) ali evropska indoevropska (EUR). Prav tako ne sme imeti

dveh ali več od prvih štirih značilnosti (za lekseme v tej kategoriji je značilnost 5 iz očitnih

razlogov izvzeta), ki kažejo na substratni izvor (glej razdelek 4.1.3). Ker je število leksemov, ki

ustrezajo tem kriterijem, več kot dovoljšno za kvantitativno analizo, lahko izključimo vse negotove

kandidate, vključno s tistimi, katerih kategorija razširjenost ali izvora je označena za negotovo.

Glej Dodatek 1 za ves seznam leksemov v tej kategoriji.

4S.1.3 Leksemi verjetnega substratnega izvora

Kot opozarja Beekes (1996: 215), je metodološko smiselno predpostaviti indoevropski izvor

leksema v indoevropskem jeziku; če indoevropske etimologije ni moč najti, lahko imamo za možen

vir tudi sposoje iz substrata. Ker se s to pozicijo strinjam, smatram, da je vsako geslo v EDPG brez

indoevropske etimologije možnega substratnega izvora. Za potrebe te kategorije predpostavljam, da

imajo leksemi označeni z IE ali EUR indoevropsko etimologijo; čeprav lahko to morda izključi

nekaj substratnih besed s seznama, bi bila kontaminacija celotnega seznama s skupino formalno

indoevropskih leksemov mnogo večji problem. Prav tako je potrebna določena mera

konzervativnosti – če lahko leksem (vsaj potencialno) razumemo kot indoevropski, mora biti dana

prednost tej interpretaciji.

Ker le odsotnost indoevropske etimologije ne more biti dovoljšen dokaz za sposojanje iz substrata,

je treba dodati dodatno serijo kriterijev, s katerimi bo seznam ovrednoten. Kuiper (1995), Beekes

(1996) in Schrijver (1997) so vzpostavili pet kriterijev, ki kažejo na substratni izvor leksema.

Lubotsky jedrnato povzame:

“Kot so ti strokovnjaki pokazali, je etimon verjetno sposojenka, če ima katero od naslednjih

značilnost: 1) omejena geografska distribucija; 2) fonološka ali morfonološka

neregularnost; 3) nenavadna fonologija; 4) nenavaden princip besedotvorja; 5) specifična

semantika, tj. beseda spada v semantično kategorijo, ki je nagnjena k sposojanju.”

(Lubotsky 2001)

Kot opozarja Schrijver (1997), leksem, ki izkazuje le eno ali dve od teh značilnosti, ni nujno

substratnega izvora; temu zaključku ponavadi botruje kombinacija večih značilnosti.

Pri določanju možne substratne besede je po mojem mnenju peta značilnost marginalnega pomena.

Odločanje, katere kategorije so bolj nagnjene k sposojanju, je večinoma arbitrarno in subjektivno,

zato ne bom niti poskušal definirati semantičnih področij (vendar glej Polomé (1986: 661–663), ki

ima za nagnjena k sposojanju sledeča semantična področja: živali, živalski produkti, rastline,

preprosta orodja, lastnosti okolja, človeški občutki in percepcije ter človeške dejavnosti). Menim, da

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so edini primeri, kjer semantika igra vlogo pri določanju izvora pragermanskega leksema, tisti

leksemi, ki označujejo realije, ki so bile Praindoevropejcem neznane. Sicer jo nameravam kot faktor

zanemariti.

Kot je bilo opisano zgoraj, prepoznava leidenska šola v Evropi štiri substratne plasti, vendar nas to

pri ukvarjanju z germanščino ne zadeva pretirano. Smiselno se mi zdi predpostaviti, da je imela

pragermanščina en substrat; območje, kjer je bila govorjena, je bilo majhno, zato se mi zdi

postuliranje treh ali celo štirih jezikov v nasprotju z jezikoslovnim zdravim razumom. Po drugi

strani so substratni jeziki vplivali na različne skupine Indoevropejcev (prav tako na različne načine),

zato ne trdim, da je bil na območju Evrope le en substratni jezik ali jezikovna skupina.

4S.1.4 Pregled leksemov verjetnega substratnega izvora

*ahurna- m. 'javor' NIE *akr-no-

Razširjenost: germ., ital., gr.

Kroonen (2013) in de Vaan (2008) ta leksem povezujeta z lat. acer, -eris in predlagata substratni

izvor. Povezava z gr. ἁκαστός ni gotova (primerjaj Kroonen (2013), de Vaan (2008) in Beekes

(2010). V vsakem primeru kaže vzglasni vokal a na substratni izvor.

*aik- f. 'hrast' EIE *aiǵ-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., ital., gr.

Dejstvo, da gre za korenski samostalnik, in a-vokalizem kažeta na substratni izvor. Grške, italske in

baltske ustreznice so geografsko problematične in kažejo na praobliko *aiǵ-, kar to sposojanje

potiska v čas pred delovanjem Raskovega pravila (Kroonen 2013).

*akrana- n. 'sadež, želod' EIE/NIE? *ag-r

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., kelt.

Medtem ko Kroonen (2013) predpostavlja substratni izvor, Matasović (2009) predlaga derivacijo iz

indoevropskega korena *h2eg- 'jesti'. Glede na obskurno derivacijo in možen a-vokalizem se

strinjam s Kroonenom.

*akwesī- f. 'sekira' NIE? *h2eguis-ih2-(?)


Neregularno ujemanje z gr. ἀξίνη in lat. ascia kaže na substratni izvor (Kroonen 2013).

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*albut- f. 'labod' NIE *albɦVd-

Razširjenost: germ., slovan.

Neregularne slovanske ustreznice, dejstvo, da gre za korenski samostalnik, in možen sufiks *-Vd(ɦ)-

(znan iz drugih substratnih leksemov) kažejo na substratni izvor (Kroonen 2013). Sam dodajam a-

vokalizem kot dodaten argument.

*alh- m. 'tempelj' NIE *alk-

Razširjenost: germ., balt.

Geografska razširjenost in dejstvo, da gre za korenski samostalnik, kažeta na substratni izvor

(Kroonen 2013).

*alis/z- m. 'jelša' EIE *alis-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., ital.

Različne oblike kažejo nepojasnjeno variacijo med vzglasnima a in e ter sufiksalno variacijo med

-s- in -is- (Kroonen 2013). De Vaan (2008) predlaga substratni izvor.

*amslon- f. 'kos' NIE *a-msl-

Razširjenost: germ., kelt., ital.

Variacija pgerm. *amsl- in pitalkelt. *mesal- z a-prefiksom in sinkopo očitno kaže na substratni

izvor (Kroonen 2013).

*apan- m. 'opica' NIE *hxab-on-

Razširjenost: germ., gr., ind.

Neregularne ustreznice v sanskrtu, grščini in afro-aziatskih jezikih kažejo na neindoevropski izvor.

Sposojenka mora biti zelo zgodnja, saj ostali jeziki kažejo na začetni velarni ali post-velarni

zapornik (ki je bil v germanščino sposojen kot kasneje izgubljen laringal) (Kroonen 2013).

*arto(n)- f. 'pastirica?' NIE?

Razširjenost: germ., slovan., ital., gr.

Neregularne ustreznice kažejo na substratni izvor, s čimer se strinjata tudi de Vaan (2008) in Beekes

(2010). Vzglasni a- je morda prefiks (Kroonen 2013).

*arut- m. 'ruda' NIE *arud-

Razširjenost: germ., ital.

Podobnost z lat. raud- kaže na neindoevropski a-prefiks, medtem ko je dejstvo, da gre za korenski

samostalnik, še en argument za substratni izvor. Podobno sumer. urud(u) 'baker' (Kroonen 2013).

*arwīt- f. 'grah' NIE *arw-id-


Grški ustreznici ὄροβος in ἐρέβινθος kažeta na neregularna ujemanja in neindoevropski sufiks *-id-

(Kroonen 2013).

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*aspo- ~ *apso- f. 'trepetlika' NIE *aps-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan.

Razširjenost leksema ustreza razširjenosti drevesa in ima ustreznice v turških in uralskih jezikih

(Kroonen 2013).

*aþala- n. 'narava' GM *h2/3et-olo-

Razširjenost: germ.

Medtem ko Kroonen (2013) ta leksem označuje za germanskega, Boutkan (1998: 105-108) meni, da

gre za sposojenko iz substratnega jezika na podlagi vokalne variacije med a in i v različnih

germanskih jezikih.

*awadī- f. 'vrsta race' NIE?


Očitno povezano z sevlap. hávda, llap. ávdda. Lahko bi šlo za sposojenke iz germanščine, vendar ni

indoevropske etimologije, zato je substratni izvor bolj verjeten (Kroonen 2013).

*baira- m. 'divja svinja' ZEIE/NIE

Razširjenost: germ., kelt.

Tako Polomé (1986) kot Schrijver (1997) menita, da gre najverjetneje za leksem substratnega

izvora.

*balika/on- m./f. 'liska' NIE


Formalno neujemanje z lat. fulica (zvenečnost sufiksa, neujemanje prvega vokala) kažejo na

substratni izvor (Kroonen 2013).

*bauno- f. 'fižol' EIE/NIE *bɦau(-neh2)-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., ital., gr., arm., alb.

Latinske in slovanske oblike napeljujejo na koren *bɦabɦ-, medtem ko grške in armenske oblike

napeljujejo na *bɦaḱ-. Ta alternacija kaže na substratni izvor (Kroonen 2013).

*bebura- m. 'kos kože, blaga' GM


Medtem ko leksem ne izkazuje nobenih alternacij v germanščini (Kroonen 2013), ima (možna)

latinska ustreznica fibra v množini varianto fimbriae. Iz tega razloga jo de Vaan (2008) razume kot

sposojenko. Variacija b ~ mb je pogosta v predgrščini (tj. v grškem substratu) (Beekes 2010).

*benuta- m. 'vrsta trave' GM/NIE


Neregularne notranjegermanske korespondence (*e ~ *eu) kažejo na neindoevropski izvor

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(Kroonen 2013).

blīwa- n. 'svinec' NIE *mlīuo-


Morda povezano z gr. μόλυβδος, μόλιβος, βόλιμος 'svinec' (Kroonen 2013). Beekes (2010) razlaga

grške oblike kot možne sposojenke iz anatolščine in zavrača njihovo povezavo z lat. plumbum.

Variacija med β ~ μ je posledica metateze in disimilacije. Ne glede na povezanost izkazuje dovolj

neregularnosti, da ga lahko označimo kot substratnega izvora.

*dawen- l. v. 'čuditi se' EIE *dɦh2u-eh1-

Razširjenost: germ., gr.

Koren je formalno identičen z gr. θαῦμα. Glede na delo Etymological Dictionary of Greek (Beekes

2010) so njegove variante zelo neregularne in izkazujejo alternacije, značilne za predgrščino, zaradi

česar je malo verjetno, da bi bile indoevropskega izvora. Iz tega sledi, da je tudi germanski glagol

neindoevropskega izvora (Kroonen 2013).

*dragjo- f. 'usedlina' EIE *dɦragɦ-ieh2-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., ital.

Kroonen (2013) zavrača povezavo z lat. fraces, čeprav jo priznavata tako de Vaan (2008) kot

Derksen (2008) in fonetične neregularnosti med oblikami v različnih jezikih pripisujeta

substratnemu izvoru. Ta predlog potrjuje tudi a-vokalizem.

*drenan- m. 'trot' EIE *dɦr-en-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., gr.

Lit. tranas, srbhr. trût in druge baltoslovanske oblike kažejo na začetni *t (Kroonen 2013), medtem

ko po Beekesu (2010) gr. τενθρήνη izkazuje mnoge variacije, kar kaže na predgrški izvor. Zaradi

teh neregularnosti je jasno, da imamo opravka s substratno besedo.

*ebanþ- ~ *ebund- m. 'večer' IE? *h1eh1pt-ont-


Beekes (1996) na podlagi prisotnosti in odsotnosti vmesnega -t- ter spremnih variacij v dolžini

začetnega vokala meni, da ima ta leksem substratni izvor. Kroonen (2013) predlaga rekonstrukcijo

*h1eh1pt(-nt)- > zahgerm. *eb- (z disimilacijo *t) in *h1h1pt- > sevgerm. *aft-, vendar meni, da sta

etimologija in derivacija problematični.

*ebura- m. 'merjasec' NIE *epr

Razširjenost: germ., slovan., ital.

Italske oblike kažejo na pital. *apro-, slovanske oblike pa na pslovan. *vepri- (Kroonen 2013).

Medtem ko de Vann (2008) predlaga pgerm. *hlep-r- in pital. *hlpr-o-, pa začetni pslovan. *v ostaja

problematičen, zaradi česar se strinjam z oceno Kroonena, da je ta leksem sposojenka iz

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substratnega jezika.

*ewwadjon- f. 'sinica' NIE


Podobnost z *awadī in Imandra lap. avigʒine kažeta na možen substratni izvor (Kroonen 2013).

*fata- n. 'kad, posoda' NIE *podo-


Lit. púodas je prav tako derivacija iz *podo-, številne ustreznice pa najdemo tudi v uralskih jezikih

(Collinder 1955: 47). Čeprav je možno, da so to sposojenke iz indoevropskega prajezika, pa je

zaradi severne distribucije bolj verjetno, da gre za substratno besedo.

*gait- f. 'koza' ZEIE *gɦaid-


Tako latinski haedus, kot tudi germanske oblike (korenski samostalniki) kažejo na a-vokalizem,

zaradi česar Kroonen (2013) in de Vaan (2008) temu leksemu pripisujeta substratni izvor. Podobno

je tudi psemit. *gadi. Po Kroonenu je bila italsko-germanska in prasemitska oblika sposojena iz

tretjega jezika.

*gazda- m. 'trn' ZEIE *gɦazdɦ-

Razširjenost: germ., kelt., ital.

Latinske in staroirske ustreznice kažejo na končno alternacijo zvenečega in nezvenečega skupka,

kar je lahko posledica le substratnega izvora (Kroonen 2013).

*gersto- f. 'ječmen' EIE/NIE? *gɦersd-eh2-

Razširjenost: germ., ital., gr., arm., alb.

Medtem ko se germanska in latinska oblika ujemata, pa armenske, grške in albanske ustreznice

izkazujejo variacijo med prisotnostjo in odsotnostjo končnega *-sd-. Prav tako je negotovo, če je

začetni velar palatalen ali ne (Kroonen 2013).

*habuka- m. 'jastreb' NIE *kabɦu-k/g-

Razširjenost: germ., slovan., ital.

Slovanski refleksi kažejo na *kabɦuk-, latinski in etruščanski pa na praitalski *kapu-. Prisotnost *a-

ja, teh variacij in nezvenečega in pridihnjenega zapornika v korenu (v nasprotju z omejitvami

indoevropskega prajezika) kaže na substratni izvor. Kroonen (2013) predlaga, da gre za

Wanderwort.

*hafra- m. 'kozel' NIE *kap-ro-

Razširjenost: germ., kelt., ital., gr.

Variacije med germanskim, grškim in italskim *kapro- in keltskim *gabro- kažejo na substratni


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*hakan- m. 'kavelj' GM *kh2/3k-on-(?)


Boutkan (2000) tej problematični besedi pripisuje substratni izvor. Zdi se, da je sorodna tudi fin.

hanka, ki ne more biti sposojenka iz germanščine.

*haleþ- ~ *haluþ- m. 'mož, junak' NIE? *ḱhxl-et-

Razširjenost: germ., kelt. (?), toh. (?)

Možna je povezava s toh. B kalśke, kalyśke 'mladec, mlad brahmin', vendar v primeru, da je ta

leksem soroden stir. caur 'bojevnik, heroj' < *karut-, neregularno ujemanje kaže na substratni izvor

(Kroonen 2013).

*hanipa- m. 'konoplja' NIE *kanib-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., ital., gr.

Gr. κάνναβις kaže na *kannabi-, rus. konopljá pa na *kanapi-. Kroonen (2013) predlaga, da gre za

predindoevropski Wanderwort.

*hargu- m. 'žrtvena grmada?' NIE *kark-ú-


Med keltskimi in germanskimi oblikami ni regularnega ujemanja (Kroonen 2013).

*hemero- f. 'teloh' NIE *kem-er-eh2-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., gr.

Gr. κάμ(μ)αρος ima a-vokalizem in nepričakovano variacijo enojnega in dvojnega μ, zaradi česar

gre najverjetneje za sposojenko iz substrata (Kroonen 2013).

*hnippon- l. v. 'ščipati' SEIE? *knibɦ-néh2-


Baltska in germanska oblika kažeta na nepojasnjeno alternacijo med začetnima *ǵ in *k. Ob tem

korenska struktura k-bɦ krši korenske omejitve v praindoevropskem jeziku (Kroonen 2013).

*hokīna- n. 'kozlič' NIE *ko/og(ɦ)-


Germanske in slovanske oblike ni mogoče rekonstruirati v enotno prvotno obliko, zaradi česar gre

verjetno za sposojenko (Kroonen 2013).

*hringa- m. 'obroč, krog' SEIE/NIE *kringɦ -o-


Koren krši praindoevropske korenske omejitve, slovanske in germanske oblike pa kažejo na

vokalno alternacijo med *o in *i (Kroonen 2013).

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*hrugan- m. 'ribje ikre' SEIE *kr(h1)k-on-


Polomé (1986) predlaga neindoevropski izvor.

*hulisa- m. 'bodika' ZEIE/NIE *kuli-


Med obema formama ni regularnega ujemanja (Kroonen 2013).

*humara- m. 'jastog' NIE *kumar


Grška oblika izkazuje variacijo med μ in β, zaradi česar gre verjetno za substratno besedo (Kroonen

2013).

*humelan- m. 'hmelj' SEIE


Podobne besede v ugrofinskih in turških jezikih kažejo na Wanderwort z vzhoda (Kroonen 2013).

*hwerhwetjo- f. 'buča' NIE *kuerkuet-


Lat. cucurbita 'buča' ni mogoče oblikovno uskladiti z germanskimi oblikami (Kroonen 2013).

*katton- f. 'mačka' NIE

Razširjenost: germ., ital. (?)

Čeprav se običajno smatra, da je bila preko latinščine sposojena od afroazijskih jezikov, dokazi

kažejo na staro germansko n-deblo *gat-. To je mogoče primerjati s pugrofin. *käδ'wä 'samica

(kosmate živali)' (Kroonen 2013).

*kisila- m. 'gramoz' NIE *ǵis-o-(?)


Povezan z več oblikami v uralskih jezikih in gruzijščini. Ta periferna distribucija kaže na substratni


*kizna- m. 'bor' NIE *gis-nó-


Možna je povezava z več uralskimi oblikami, ki so derivacija pural. *ku/ose (Kroonen 2013).

*krabita- m. 'rečni rak?' NIE?


Videti je, da je povezan z gr. κάραβος, ki izkazuje več neregularnih variacij (Kroonen 2013).

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*kuban- m. 'lopa' GM *gubɦ-on-(?)


Blizu je gr. γύπη, ki ima dolgi υ. Ta formalna diskrepanca morda kaže na neindoevropski izvor

(Kroonen 2013).

*kumb/pan- m. 'skleda' NIE

Razširjenost: germ., kelt., gr., iran., ind.

Zaradi mnogih neregularnih ujemanj z oblikami iz različnih indoevropskih jezikov gre verjetno za

Wanderwort (Kroonen 2013).

*kuta- n. 'lopa, koča' NIE


Zdi se, da je leksem povezan s pugrofin. *kota (Kroonen 2013).

*laiwizakon- m. 'škrjanec' NIE?


Lat. alauda, sposojenka iz galskega jezika, odraža alternacijo germanskega *laiwaz in keltskega

*alauz-. A-prefiksacija jasno kaže na substratno besedo (Kroonen 2013).

*lauba- m./n. 'list, listje' EIE *loubɦ-o-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., ital., gr. (Beekes 1996)

Beekes (ibid.) opozarja na povezavo z gr. ὀλόπτω/ὀλούφω, ki je neindoevropskega izvora, in na

dokaze o končni variaciji *p ~ *bɦ.

*lītila- adj. 'majhen' GM


Koren kaže alternacijo *līt-, *lut-, in *lutt- (Kroonen 2013). Po mojem mnenju to kaže na substratni

izvor.

*magan- m. 'želodec' EIE/NIE *mok-on-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., kelt.

Kroonen (2013) meni, da navaden *k kaže na substratni izvor, Matasović (2009) pa koren

rekonstruira z *a.

*magaþi- f. 'dekle, devica' DRV *magɦ-ot-i-

Razširjenost: germ., kelt. (Boutkan 2003)

Boutkan (ibid.) meni, da je ta leksem substratnega izvora in ga rekonstruira kot *mag-a/iþ-.

*maldjo- f. 'metlikovka, loboda' NIE? *molt-ieh2-(?)

Razširjenost: germ., gr. (?), fin. (?)

Gr. βλίτον, βλῆτον 'vijolični amarant' kaže na prabesedo z variacijami *melt-, *mlit-, in *mlet-

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(Kroonen 2013).

*managa- adj. 'mnogi' NIE *monogɦ-o-

Razširjenost: germ., slovan., kelt., fin.

Različne oblike kažejo na variacijo prvega vokala (*o ~ *e ~ *u) in zadnjega konzonanta (*gɦ ~

*kk) (Kroonen 2013). Boutkan (1998) prav tako predlaga neindoevropski izvor in rekonstruira

pragermansko obliko kot *man-a/ig-.

*murhon- f. 'navadno korenje' NIE *mrk- ~ *brk-

Razširjenost: germ., gr., slovan.

Ker tako grška kot germanska oblika izkazujeta neindoevropske alternacije, gre verjetno za

substratni izvor (Kroonen 2013).

*pagila- m. merilna palica?' EIE/NIE *bak-


Mnoge evropske variacije kažejo na začetni *b in srednji *a, med tem ko keltske oblike izkazujejo

zadnji *kk, zaradi česar gre skoraj zagotovo za leksem substratnega izvora (Kroonen 2013).

*pakka- n. 'snop, sveženj' EIE/NIE


Evropske oblike kažejo na variacijo začetnih *b in *bɦ, srednji *a in končno variacijo *k ~ *g ~ *kk

(Kroonen 2013).

*pola- m. 'tolmun' NIE *ba/al-(?)

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., ital., alb.

Različne oblike se razlikujejo v srednjem vokalu, nekatere pa kažejo na dodaten *-t- sufiks

(Kroonen 2013).

*reupon- f. 'divja kura' DRV

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan. (Derksen 2000)

Derksen (2000) “Old Icelandic jarpi 'hazel-grouse', rjúpa 'ptarmigan' and Their Germanic and

Balto-Slavic Cognates” obravnava izključno izvor tega leksema ter pride do zaključka, da je

sposojenka iz substrata z rekonstrukcijo alternacije korena *reb- ~ *reub-.

*robjon- f. 'repa' NIE *ra/ap(h)-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., kelt., ital., gr.

Mnoge evropske oblike imajo veliko formalnih diskrepanc, keltske variacije pa izkazujejo a-prefiks

(Kroonen 2013).

*sahaza- m. 'šaš' SEIE/NIE *sákas-o-

Razširjenost: germ., slovan., kelt.

Slovanske oblike kažejo na a-prefiks, medtem ko so keltske in germanske oblike prav tako

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formalno neskladne (Kroonen 2013).

*samda- m. 'pesek' NIE *sam-ndɦ-


Mnoge oblike kažejo na neindoevropski izvor; *-ndɦ- sufiks je prav tako neindoevropski (Kroonen

2013).

*semeþa/o- n./f. 'loček' ZEIE/NIE? *sem-


Nordijske oblike kažejo na variacijo *seb- ~ *sem- (Kroonen 2013).

*silubra- n. 'srebro' NIE *silubɦr-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., kelt., bask. (?)

Verjetno gre za neindoevropski Wanderwort (Kroonen 2013).

*smelhwo- ~ *smelwo- f. 'vrsta trave' SEIE/NIE *smelku-


Vse tri navedene indoevropske skupine izkazujejo različne končne konzonante: *ku ~ *g ~ *ǵ

(Kroonen 2013).

*smerjon- f. 'detelja' ZEIE/NIE *smēr-(?)


Germanska in keltska oblika kažeta na različno pozicijo vokala (*smmVr- ~ *sVmmr-), kar morda

kaže na premik naglasa v izvornem jeziku (Kroonen 2013).

*steura- m. 'bik' NIE

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., ital., gr., alb.

Možna je povezava s pgerm. *þeura- in izvengermanskim *tauro- (lat. taurus (de Vaan 2008) in gr.

ταῦρος (Beekes 2010)). Podobne so tudi mnoge semitske oblike.

*sturja/on- m./f. 'jeseter' SEIE/NIE *str-


Slovanske in germanske oblike izkazujejo variacijo *asetr- ~ *str-, kar kaže na prisotnost a-

prefiksa, ki je značilen za substratne lekseme (Kroonen 2013).

*swamb/ppan- m. 'goba, gljiva' NIE *sguɦonguɦ- (lastna rekonstrukcija)

Razširjenost: germ., slovan., ital., gr., arm.

Mnogi povezani leksemi v drugih indoevropskih jezikih kažejo na variacijo med prisotnostjo in

odsotnostjo začetnega *s in na labializacijo ali navadnost obeh velarjev. Kroonen (2013) meni, da

gre za predindoevropski leksem z evropsko distribucijo. Podobno z dialektalno gruz. cumpva-

'napiti z vodo', mingr. do-cumpua 'ometati z blatom', in lazovskim o-cumpu 'id.'.

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*swebla- m. 'žveplo' NIE *sue(l)plo-

Razširjenost: germ., slovan., ital., arm.

Germanske oblike kažejo na tri različne praoblike, od katerih je najstarejša *suelplo. Latinski

sulpur je verjetno derivacija iz istega izvora (čeprav de Vaan (2008) predlaga negotovo

indoevropsko praobliko *solp-r- 'mast', povezano s *selpos 'mastna snov'). Podobnosti obstajajo

tudi s hebr. gofrít, tur. kükürt, mong. xyx3p 'vse id.'. V luči tega je najverjetnejša razlaga, da gre za

Wanderwort (Kroonen 2013).

*tafna- n. 'žrtveno meso' IE/NIE *dh2p-no-

Razširjenost: germ., ital., gr., arm., anat.

Medtem ko so indoevropske ustreznice običajno derivacije iz *dh2p-, pa semitske podobnice akad.

zību, ugar. dbh in hebr. zebah kažejo na možne neindoevropske povezave (Kroonen 2013). Beekes

(2010) za δάπτω (< *dh2p-j-) prav tako meni, da je predgrškega izvora.

*tigon- f. 'koza' EIE *dig(ɦ)-eh2-

Razširjenost: germ., gr., arm., alb.

Balkanske in predpragermanske oblike kažejo na rekonstrukcijo *dig- and *digɦ- (Kroonen 2013).

*trabo- f. 'rese' SEIE? *drop-éh2-


Baltsko-slovanske ustreznice kažejo na končni *b, ki ga ni mogoče uskladiti z germanskimi

oblikami. Ta variacija in prisotnost *b v baltoslovanskih oblikah kažejo na substratni izvor

(Kroonen 2013).

*þahsu- m. 'jazbec' ZEIE/NIE *taks-


Nekatera keltskaimena kažejo na (pred)prakeltsko obliko *tazg-, zaradi česar je verjetna

neindoevropska povezava (čeprav Matasović (2009) predlaga indoevropsko etimologijo *tosko-)

(Kroonen 2013).

*þeura- m. 'bik' NIE

Razširjenost: germ., balt., slovan., ital., gr., alb.

Verjetno je povezan s pgerm. *steura- in ostalimi evropskimi leksemi, ki so vsi derivacije iz *tauro

(glej zgoraj). Variacija začetnega *st ~ *t bi lahko bila posledica sposoje izvornega začetnega *þ;

zaradi neindoevropskega izvora je s-mobile le malo verjeten. Semitske ustreznice akad. šuru, arab.

tawr in hebr. šor kažejo na psemit. *tawr (Kroonen 2013).

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*ufna- m. 'peč' NIE *upno-

Razširjenost: germ., balt., gr., anat.

Germanske praoblike in povezani leksemi v drugih indoevropskih jezikih (ki izkazujejo variacijo

začetnega *h2e-, *i-, in *um-) kažejo na predzgodovinski evropski Wanderwort (Kroonen 2013).

*waizda- n. 'silina' NIE *uaisd-


Več oblik pomeni modro-vijolično barvo. Tehnika barvanja s silino se je razširila iz jugozahodne

Azije in Sredozemlja, zaradi česar Kroonen (2013) predlaga neindoevropski izvor. Gr. ἴσατις in

germanske oblike kažejo na neindoevropsko variacijo *uisat- ~ *uaisd-.

*waldo- f. 'reseda' ZEIE/NIE *uolt-éh2-(?)


Ta leksem označuje evropsko rastlino, iz katere so pridobivali barvilo. Povezava z lat. lutum bi

kazala na variacijo pgerm. *uolt- in lat. *(u)lout-, kar bi kazalo na poindoevropsko sposojenko v

obeh jezikih (Kroonen 2013).

*wisund- m. 'zober, bizon' SEIE/NIE *uisond(ɦ)-


Germanske in baltsko-slovanske oblike kažejo na mnoge neskladne praoblike, kar kaže na

substratni izvor. EDPG predlaga *dzomb(ɦ)- ~ *dzond(ɦ)- kot izvorno praobliko, ki je lahko imela

prefiks *wi-. Ta leksem spada je korenski samostalnik, kar je lahko znak substratnega izvora.

Opozoriti velja tudi na možno prisotnost neindoevropskega sufiksa *-Vd(ɦ)- ter kavkaški ustreznici

oset. dombaj 'tur' in abh. a-dəwp-èy 'id.' (Kroonen 2013).

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5S Kvantitativna analiza izbranih pragermanskih leksemov in

njena interpretacija

5S.1 Metodologija

Za kvantitativno fonološko analizo je bil vsak leksem razdeljen na posamezne fonološke segmente,

ki jim je bila dodeljena lastna koda. Diftonge in geminate sem štel za samostojne segmente, ker se

tako tudi obnašajo. Zaradi tega fonemi niso preveč reprezentirani zaradi napačne analize, denimo,

geminacije, ki bi se sicer odrazila kot zaporedje dveh istih fonemov. Vsak tip alternacije je prav

tako dobil svojo kodo. Večino teh alternacij lahko pojasnimo s pomočjo glasovnih sprememb, ki so

opisane v drugem poglavju, ali s pomočjo EDPG; narava teh alternacij sicer ni relevantna za

kvantitativno analizo samo, temveč le za njeno interpretacijo. Vsi analizirani leksemi z nekaj

dodanimi informacijami so podani v dodatkih 1 in 2.

Analiza je bila opravljena s programom EVA avtorja Primoža Jakopina.

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5S.2 Pregled rezultatov kvantitativne analize

# % # % # %

1. a 603 13.45 27. eu 25 0.56 53. h ~ g 3 0.07

2. n 352 7.85 28. hw 21 0.47 54. d ~ tt 2 0.04

3. r 312 6.96 29. q 19 0.42 55. m ~ mm 2 0.04

4. u 250 5.58 30. p 16 0.36 56. l ~ ll 2 0.04

5. ō 192 4.28 31. ū 16 0.36 57. au ~ eu 2 0.04

6. s 187 4.17 32. nn 15 0.33 58. k ~ g 2 0.04

7. e 181 4.04 33. þ ~ d 11 0.25 59. ō ~ u 2 0.04

8. t 171 3.81 34. ww 10 0.22 60. ō ~ ū 2 0.04

9. w 168 3.75 35. ll 8 0.18 61. y 2 0.04

10. l 164 3.66 36. b ~ pp 6 0.13 62. g ~ kk 2 0.04

11. j 163 3.64 37. kk 6 0.13 63. tt 2 0.04

12. h 155 3.46 38. t ~ tt 5 0.11 64. w ~ ww 1 0.02

13. i 152 3.39 39. eu ~ ū 5 0.11 65. h ~ w 1 0.02

14. m 147 3.28 40. a ~ u 5 0.11 66. r ~ rr 1 0.02

15. d 139 3.10 41. jj 5 0.11 67. j ~ jj 1 0.02

16. g 120 2.68 42. k ~ kk 4 0.09 68. k ~ kw 1 0.02

17. a ~ ō 119 2.65 43. e ~ u 4 0.09 69. g ~ b 1 0.02

18. f 108 2.41 44. rr 4 0.09 70. l ~ r 1 0.02

19. k 101 2.25 45. s ~ z 4 0.09 71. ĕ ~ ē 1 0.02

20. þ 97 2.16 46. a ~ e 4 0.09 72. e ~ i 1 0.02

21. b 92 2.05 47. p ~ b 3 0.07 73. o ~ au 1 0.02

22. ē 59 1.32 48. r ~ n 3 0.07 74. a ~ i ~ u 1 0.02

23. z 58 1.29 49. ĭ ~ ī 3 0.07 75. hw ~ w 1 0.02

24. ai 57 1.27 50. gw 3 0.07 76. z ~ zz 1 0.02

25. ī 48 1.07 51. ss 3 0.07 77. o 1 0.02

26. au 40 0.89 52. mm 3 0.07 78. gg 1 0.0

Tabela 7: Frekvence segmentov v pragermanskih leksemih gotovega indoevropskega izvora

Razmerje med vokali in konzonanti je 100:152 (vokalov je 39,61%).

Razmerje med rezonanti in ostalimi konzonanti (zaporniki in priporniki) je 101:100 (rezonantov je

50,33%).

Razmerje med zvenečimi in nezvenečimi konzonanti (izključujoč rezonante) je 100:212 (zvenečih

konzonantov je 32,04%).

87

# % # % # %

1. a 90 19.74 16. d 11 2.41 31. b ~ pp 1 0.22

2. n 36 7.89 17. w 10 2.19 32. a ~ i 1 0.22

3. r 28 6.14 18. p 7 1.54 33. p ~ b 1 0.22

4. ō 24 5.26 19. j 7 1.54 34. a ~ u 1 0.22

5. l 22 4.82 20. ī 6 1.32 35. hw ~ w 1 0.22

6. u 21 4.61 21. þ 6 1.32 36. ww 1 0.22

7. h 19 4.17 22. z 5 1.10 37. e ~ u 1 0.22

8. s 18 3.95 23. ai 5 1.10 38. tt 1 0.22

9. b 18 3.95 24. f 4 0.88 39. q 1 0.22

10. t 17 3.73 25. a ~ ō 4 0.88 40. pp 1 0.22

11. i 16 3.51 26. eu 3 0.66 41. þ ~ d 1 0.22

12. e 16 3.51 27. ē 3 0.66 42. kk 1 0.22

13. m 15 3.29 28. au 2 0.44 43. s ~ z 1 0.22

14. k 14 3.07 29. a ~ i ~ u 2 0.44

15. g 12 2.63 30. hw 2 0.44

Tabela 8: Frekvence segmentov v pragermanskih leksemih verjetnega substratnega izvora

Razmerje med vokali in konzonanti je 100:134 (vokalov je 42,76%).

Razmerje med rezonanti in ostalimi konzonanti (zaporniki in priporniki) je 100:118 (rezonantov je

45,79%).

Razmerje med zvenečimi in nezvenečimi konzonanti (izključujoč rezonante) je 100:191 (zvenečih

konzonantov je 34,4%).

Najbolj očitna razlika med obema skupinama je ta, da leksemi verjetnega substratnega izvora ne

izkazujejo skoraj nobenih konzonantnih alternacij (teh je le malo več kot 1% vseh segmentov). Prav

tako so redke geminate, ki v pragermanščini izvirajo iz nazalnih debel in Klugejevega zakona

(Kroonen 2009). Vernerjevskih alternacij skorajda ni, kar kaže na statično naglasno mesto. Z izjemo

ō-ja so vokali kratki in izkazujejo malo alternacij; tiste, ki so prisotne, so precej nenavadne (kot je

denimo e ~ u). To lahko kaže na dejstvo, da substratni jezik ni imel vokalne dolžine in je imel vsaj

en vokalni fonem, ki je bil pragermanščini neznan. Dolžino ō-ja lahko pojasnimo kot sposojenje

nedomačega *o, ki je bil nativiziran z [+dolžina], ker pragermanščina ni imela kratkega *o. Ostali

primeri dolžine, kot je denimo alternacija a ~ ō, so lahko rezultat sposoje originalno subfonemske

dolžine v pragermanščino.

Razmerje med vokali in konzonanti je podobno, vendar je potrebno opozoriti, da imajo leksemi

88

verjetnega substratnega izvora malce večji odstotek vokalov. To dejstvo bo pomembno pri analizi

strukture zlogov.

Kot je bilo pričakovati, imajo leksemi indoevropskega izvora več rezonantov kot tisti verjetnega

substratnega izvora. Razporeditev zvenečih in nezvenečih pripornikov in zapornikov je pri obeh

skupinah približno enaka. Zato sklepam, da je substratni jezik ločil med dvema skupinama

konzonantov, ki so bili s strani govorcev pragermanščine interpretirani kot zveneči in nezveneči.

# % # %

1. s 115 11,64 12. r 39 3,95

2. a 101 10,22 13. d 38 3,85

3. f 86 8,7 14. k 35,5 3,59

4. h 83,5 8,45 15. n 31 3,14

5. w 79 8 16. u 20,5 2,07

6. m 70 7,09 17. e 16,5 1,67

7. t 52 5,26 18. hw 14,5 1,47

8. b 48 4,86 19. j 11 1,11

9. þ 45 4,55 20. kw 7,5 0,76

10. l 44 4,45 21. i 6 0,61

11. g 42 4,25 22. ō 3 0,3

Tabela 9: Frekvence vzglasnih segmentov pri pragermanskih leksemih indoevropskega izvora

# % # %

1. a 15 17,65 l 3 3,53

2. h 14 16,47 p 3 3,53

3. s 10 11,74 t 3 3,53

4. k 7 8,24 w 3 3,53

5. b 6 7,06 14. r 2 2,35

6. m 5 5,88 þ 2 2,35

7. d 3 3,53 16. f 1 1,18

e 3 3,53 hw 1 1,18

g 3 3,53 u 1 1,18

Tabela 10: Frekvence vzglasnih segmentov pragermanskih leksemov verjetnega substratnega izvora

89

Kot lahko vidimo, je vokal a daleč najbolj pogost segment pri leksemih verjetnega substratnega

izvora, saj je kar 6% bolj pogosto kot pri tistih indoevropskega izvora. Prav tako je zanimiva

relativna pogostnost vzglasnega h (ki je dvakrat bolj pogost kot pri indoevropskih leksemih) in

zapornikov, medtem ko indoevropski leksemi izkazujejo več vzglasnih pripornikov in rezonantov.

Vzglasni h kaže na substratni *x, medtem ko pogostnost vzglasnega *a ne more biti presenetljiva.

Najbolj pogosti dvojčki v leksemih

indoevropskega izvora

Najbolj pogosti dvojčki v besedah substratnega

izvora

# #

1. an 140 4,01 1. an 12 3.23

2. ra 66 1.89 ra 12 3.23

3. ma 55 1.57 3. ōn 10 2.70

4. er 51 1.46 4. na 8 2.16

ur 51 1.46 5. al 7 1.89

6. ar 44 1.26 ha 7 1.89

7. un 43 1.23 7. jō 6 1.62

8. la 41 1.17 la 6 1.62

9. ōn 39 1.12 9. ag 5 1.35

10. wa 38 1.09 ar 5 1.35

11. st 37 1.06 ma 5 1.35

12. na 35 1.00 ta 5 1.35

13. al 30 0.86 ur 5 1.35

ja 30 0.86 14. bu 4 1.08

15. sa 28 0.80 da 4 1.08

ta 28 0.80 ga 4 1.08

17. du 27 0.77 hu 4 1.08

18. ha 26 0.74 il 4 1.08

in 26 0.74 me 4 1.08

20. fa 25 0.72 pa 4 1.08

we 25 0.72 ut 4 1.08

wa 4 1.08Tabela 11: Frekvenca najbolj pogostih dvojčkov v leksemih indoevropskega in substratnega izvora

Večina dvojčkov je derivacijskih afiksov, zato je uporabnost te tabele precej omejena. Eno omembe

vredno dejstvo je, da je edini KK dvojček med prvimi dvajsetimi najbolj pogostimi st iz

90

indoevropske skupine. Zdi se mi nesmiselno reproducirati celotno tabelo dvojčkov, ker bi jo bilo

nemogoče pregledati v okviru te naloge.

# Struktura %

1. KVK 1041 41,6

2. KKV 472 18,86

3. VKV 461 18,42

4. VKK 430 17,18

5. KKK 86 3,44

6. KVV 8 0,32

7. VVK 5 0,2Tabela 12: Frekvenca strukture vseh trojčkov v leksemih indoevropskega izvora

# Struktura %

1. KVK 122 42,81

2. VKV 76 26,67

3. KKV 47 16,49

4. VKK 36 12,63

5. KKK 3 1,05

6. KVV 1 0,35Tabela 13: Frekvenca strukture vseh trojčkov v leksemih verjetnega substratnega izvora

Najbolj očitna razlika med obema skupinama je, da je struktura KKV mnogo bolj pogosta pri

leksemih indoevropskega izvora. Prav tako je pri leksemih verjetnega substratnega izvora struktura

KKK skoraj neobstoječa. Kot je bilo omenjeno prej, so pri besedišču verjetnega substratnega izvora

vokali bolj pogosti. Sklepam, da strukturi KKV- in -VKK nista bili dovoljeni, medtem ko je bila

najbolj pogosta struktura zloga v substratnem jeziku KV, druga pa KVK. Poudarjam, da substratni

jezik ni imel le odprtih zlogov.

91

5S.3 Interpretacija rezultatov kvantitativne analize

Predlagam sledeč, precej tipičen, glasovni sistem za substratni jezik:

Vokali

Sprednji Zadnji

Visoki i > pgerm. *i u > pgerm. *u

e > pgerm. *e ə > pgerm. *i, *e, *a, *u, (*ai?) o > pgerm. *ō

Nizki a > pgerm. *aTabela 14: Vokali predgermanščine

Konzonanti

Labiali Dentali Alveolarji Palatali Velarji

Nezveneči

zaporniki

p > PG *p t > PG *t k > PG *k, (*kw?)

Zveneči

zaporniki

b > PG *b d > PG *d g > PG *g

Priporniki f > PG *f Þ > PG *Þ s > PG *s, *z h > PG *h

Nazali m > PG *m n > PG *n

Rezonanti w > PG *w, *hw l, r > PG *l, *r j > PG *jTable 15: Konzonanti predgermanščine

Ostale značilnosti jezika so sledeče: statično naglasno mesto (najverjetneje na prvem zlogu),

zlogovne strukture KV, VK, KVK, V in vokalna sinkopa.

Te značilnosti se ujemajo s substratno plastjo A1 leidenske šole, ki ima veliko pripornikov, pogost

vokal *a, pogost vzglasni *k-, in občasne vokalne variacije. Treba je zavrniti predpostavko, da v

jeziku ni bilo zvenečih zapornikov, saj relativna frekvenca le-teh ni nič nižja kot pri besedju

indoevropskega izvora. Prav tako ni skoraj nikakršnih konzonantnih alternacij, zato se zdi zelo malo

verjetno, da sta si bila glasovna sistema obeh jezikov tako malo podobna, kot je predpostavljeno.

Možno je seveda, da so bili zveneči zaporniki v substratnem jeziku nekaj povsem drugega in so bili

podvrženi zamenjavi na sistemski ravni (denimo aspirirani → zveneči). Glede na odsotnost

konzonantnih alternacij se zdi bolj verjetno, da so bili konzonanti sposojeni po principu najbolj

podobnega domačega glasu.

92

6S Zaključek

Prikazano je bilo, da imajo leksemi substratnega izvora drugačno fonološko sestavo kot podedovani

indoevropski. Med razlikami so najbolj pomembne manj pogosti konzonantni skupki, prisotnost

originalnega vokala a, ki je bil zelo pogost na vzglasju besed, vokalne alternacije neindoevropskega

tipa in odsotnost konzonantnih alternacij. Ta dejstva vodijo k zaključku, da sta imela oba jezika

podoben konzonantni, vendar drugačen vokalni in akcentuacijski sistem.

Te ugotovitve izkazujejo nekaj podobnosti z A1 substratno plastjo leidenske šole, jezikom ptičjih

imen, vendar je treba opozoriti, da sovpadanje ni popolno in da se nekatere značilnosti

predpostavljenega substrata leidenske šole ne ujemajo z zbranimi podatki.

Zaradi velike količine podatkov bi bilo možno opraviti še mnogo raziskav. Nekatere izmed takih

možnosti so pregled notranje morfološke zgradbe substratnih leksemov, ugotavljanje, kdaj v

relativni kronologiji razvoja pragermanščine so bili leksemi sposojeni, ali primerjava mojega

predloga glasovnega sistema z drugimi staroevropskimi jeziki, naj bodo ti rekonstruirani ali

izpričani. Prav tako bi bilo podobno analizo dobro izvesti na vsaki večji skupini indoevropskih

jezikov in rezultate primerjati s prikazanimi v nalogi.

93

7E Appendix 1: List of Proto-Germanic Lexemes of Indo-

European Origin

7S Dodatek 1: Seznam pragermanskih leksemov indo-

evropskega izvora

Proto-Germanic

lexeme /

Pragermanski

leksem

PIE reconstruction /

Praindoevropska

rekonstrukcija

Word

class /

Besedna

vrsta

Reconstruction of

meaning in

English /

Rekonstrukcija

pomena v angleščini

Reconstruction of

meaning in

Slovenian /

Rekonstrukcija

pomena v

slovenščini

aba h2ep-ó praep.,

adv.

away, off od, z

abra- h3ep-ró- adj. fierce silovit

abuha- h2epo-h3ku-o- adj. turned the wrong

way

obrnjen v napačno

stran

adesan- hxodɦ-es-on- m. adze sekiri podobno

orodje

afera- h2ep-er-o praep.,

adj.

behind, later kasneje, za

afla- h3ep-lo- n. strength, power moč, sila

after(i) h2ep-tero- pred., adj. behind za

agana- h2eḱhx-ono- n. bait vaba

agiz- h2égɦ-es- n. fear strah

agjō- h2eḱ-ieh2- f. edge, blade rob, rezilo

agla- h2egɦ-lo- adj. painful boleč

ahanō- ~ aganō- h2ek(ḱ?)-ón-eh2- f. chaff, awns pleva

ahila- ~ agila- h2eḱ-il-eh2- m. awn pleve

ahiz- h2éḱ-es- n. ear uho

ahslō- h2eks-(i)l-eh2- f. shoulder, armpit rama, pazduha

ahsō- h2eḱs-eh2- f. axle os

ahtau- h3eḱt-eh3u num. eight osem

94

ahtudan- h2eḱt-h3u-thxo- num. eighth osmi

aida- h2eidɦo- m. pyre grmada

aigan- h2óik-(?) praet.-

praes.

to own, possess imeti

aiginþ- h2eik-ent-(?) n. shoot, barb poganjek

aikjan- h2oig-éie- l. v. to irritate motiti

aima- h1oi-mo- m. steam, smoke para, dim

aina- hxoi-hxn-o- num. one ena

ainja- h1oi-n-io- m. juniper brin

airi h2ei-er-i adv. early zgodaj

airiz h2ei-er-is adv. earlier prej

airō- h3eihx-r-eh2- f. oar veslo

aisō(ja)n- h1ois-eh2(-ie)- l. v. to rush hiteti

aistēn- h2eisd-eh1-ie- l. v. to respect spoštovati

aiwa/ō- h2ei-u- m./f. eternity, age večnost, vek

aiwiska- h2eiguɦ-isk-o- adj. shameful sramoten

aiza- h2éi-es- n. ore, brass ruda, medenina

aizō- h2ois-éh2- f. respect,

benevolence

spoštovanje,

dobrotljivost

ajja- h2ōu-ió- n. egg jajce

ajuki- h2oi-u-guih3- adj. eternal večen

akan- h2éǵ-e- a. v. to drive; to push,

shove

voziti; potisniti

akan- h2/3éǵ-e- a. v. to ache boleti

akra- h2egu-ro- m. field polje

ala(n)- h1oh1-ló-(?) m. awl šilo

algi- h1ohl-ḱ-i- m. elk los

algōjan- h2elk-eh2-ie-? l. v. to protect braniti

alīnō- hxeh3l-én-eh2- f. forearm, cubit podlaket

alja- h2el-io- pron. someone else drug

aljana- n. zeal vnema

amban- h3émbɦ-on- m. belly trebuh

am(m)ōn- h3emh3-neh2- l. v. to irritate motiti

ampra- hxom-ro- adj. sharp, sour oster, kisel

amsa- h3ém-so- m. shoulder rama

95

ana h2enh2 praep.,

adv.

on(to), to, by na, k, ob

anad- h2énh2-et- f. duck raca

anan- h2énh1-e- a. v. to breathe dihati

andiz h2ent-is adv. earlier, rather prej, raje

andja- h2ent-ió- m. end, extreme konec

andura- h1ondɦ-ur- m. snow-shoe, skid krplje

angan- h2enk-ón- m. curve, neck vrat

angaza- h2émǵɦ-os-o- m. worry skrb

angula- h2enk-ul-ó- m. hook, tip konica

angwu- h2emǵɦ-u- adj. narrow ozek

anhula- h2énk-ul-o- m. shoot, tip konica

anhulō- h2enk-ul-eh2- f. strap trak

ankula- h2eng-ul- m. ankle gleženj

ankwan- h3ngu-n- m. butter maslo

ansjō- h2ens-ieh2- f. handle, ring, eyelet ročaj, prstan

ansu- h2ems-u- m. god bog

anþara- h2en-tero- adj., num. the other (of two),

the second)

drugi

anþja- h2énti-o- m. forehead čelo

anþō- ~ andō- h2enhxt-h2- f. antechamber preddverje

aran- h3ér-on- m. eagle orel

arba- h3orbɦ-o- m., n. working animal,

worker

živina, delavec

arduga- h3erdɦu-ko- adj. steep strm

arga- h3orǵɦ-o- adj. unmanly nemožat

arjan- h2erh3-ie- a. v. to plow plužiti

arma- h2erhx-m- m. arm roka

arnja- adj. serious resen

arsa- h1ors-o- m. arse zadnjica

arþōn- h2er-teh2-(?) f. crupper (?) repni jermen (?)

arþra- h2erh3-tro- m. scratch plow vrsta pluga

arwa- h2/3er-uo- adj. ready, fast hiter

arwiz- h2/3eru-es- n. scar brazgotina

at h2ed praep. at, to pri, k

96

atiska- n.(?) grainfield polje žita

atjan- h3od-éie- l. v. to incite spodbadati

atjan- h1od-éie- l. v. to make eat napraviti, da jé

attan- atta m. father oče

auda- hxeu-dɦh1-o- m. riches bogastvo

audana- hxéu-dɦh1-e- adj. granted dano

augōn- h3oku-n- n. eye oko

aukan- h2éug-e- a. v. to grow rasti

auke h2eu-ǵe conj.,

adv.

and, again, but in, ampak

aula ~ eula(n) h2eul-o- m. stalk (of angelica) pecelj (angelike)

austera- h2eus-tero- adv. east, eastwards vzhod, vzhodno

austrōn- h2eus-reh2- f. Easter velika noč

auþja- h2eu-tio- adj. empty, void,

desolate

prazen

auþu- h2eu-tu adj. easy lahek

auzōn- h2e/ous-n- n. ear uho

awa/ōn- h2euh2-on- m., f. grandparent stari starš

awi- h3éu-i- f. ewe ovca

awidja- h3eui-dɦh1-io- n. flock of sheep čreda ovac

awiz h2éu-is adv. obvious očiten

azani- h1os-on-i- f. harvest žetev

ba- bɦo- num. both oba

badja- bɦodɦ-io- n. bed, bedding postelja

badōjan- l. v. to frighten prestrašiti

bagma- bɦh2ǵɦ-mo- m. beam, tree deblo, drevo

balgi- bɦolǵɦ-i- m. skin bag vreča iz kože

balgjan- bɦolǵɦ-eie- l. v. to make swell, make

angry

napraviti jezno

bandjan- bɦondɦ-éie- l. v. to bend (a bow) napeti (lok)

banjō- bɦon-ih2- f. wound rana

bannan- bɦó-n-h2-e- a. v. to command,

summon

priklicati

barku- bɦorh1ǵ- m. bark lubje

batiz bɦhxd-is adv. better boljše

97

baugjan- bɦougɦ-éie- l. v. to (make) bend zviti

baza- bɦos-ó- adj. naked, visible gol, viden

bebura- bɦe-bɦr- m. beaver bober

belgan- bɦélǵɦ-e- a. v. to swell zateči

beran- bɦér-e- a. v. to bear, carry, give

birth

nositi, roditi

berga- bɦerǵɦ-o- m., n. mountain gora

berhta- bɦerh1ǵ-to- adj. bright svetel

berkō- bɦerh1ǵ-eh2- f. birch-tree breza

beudan- bɦéudɦ-e- a. v. to command, to

offer

ukazati, ponuditi

beugan- ~ būgan- bɦéugɦ-e- a. v. to bow, bend zaviti, zviti

bīan-(?) bɦéihx-e- a. v. (?) to forsee (?), worry

(?)

videti vnaprej (?),

skrbeti (?)

bibēn- bɦi-bɦoih2- l. v. to tremble tresti se

bindan- bɦéndɦ-e- a. v. to bind vezati

bītan- bɦéid-e- a. v. to bite, be sharp gristi

blauta- bɦloudh2-o- adj. soft mehek

blauþu- mlóu-tu- adj. soft, weak, timid mehek, šibak

bōan- ~ būan- bɦéh2u- a. v. to live, dwell živeti, bivati

bōgu- bɦeh2ǵɦ-u- m. shoulder, upper arm rama, zgornji del

roke

bōnjan- bɦeh2- l. v. to decorate okrasiti

bragna- mrógɦ-no- m. brain možgani

breman- ~ brimman- bɦrém-e- a. v. to drone, hum brneti, mrmrati

brēwō- h3bɦrēuhx-e/oh2- f. eyebrow obrv

brinka- bɦrong-o- m. edge rob

brinnan- bɦré-n-wh1-e- a. v. to burn goreti

brōka- bɦroh1ǵ-o- n. spot, speckle (?) pika (?)

brōþer- bɦreh2-ter- m. brother brat

brū- h3bɦruhx- f. bridge most

brummōn- bɦrm-néh2- l. v. to drone, hum brneti, mrmrati

brunna(n)- bɦreh1u-r/n- m. well, spring vodnjak, izvir

bru(w)ī- ~ brujjō- h3bɦruhx-ih2- f. bridge most

budman- ~ buttman- bɦudɦ-mén- m. bottom dno

98

bukka(n)- bɦuǵ-on- m. billy-goat kozel

bukkōn- ~ bugōn- bɦugɦ-néh2- l. v. to bend zviti

būra- bɦuh2-ro- n. cabin, hut koča, lopa

burg- bɦrg/ǵɦ- f. fortified place, town utrjen kraj, mesto

burjan- bɦr-ie- l. v. to raise, to come to

pass

zgoditi se

buwwēn- bɦuh2-éh1- l. v. to dwell, to form,

build

bivati, zgraditi

daga- dɦoǵɦ-o- m. day dan

dajjan- dɦh1-oi-éie- l. v. to suckle sesljati

darran- dɦr-io- m. hinge tečaj

daujan- dɦouh2/3-ié- a. v. to die umreti

dauma- dɦouh2-mo- m. vapor para

dauna- dɦouh2-no- m. smell vonj

dawwa/ō- dɦouh2-e/oh2- m./f. dew rosa

dēan- dɦéh1-e- a. v. to suckle sesljati

dēdi- dɦeh1-tí- f. deed, action dejanje

dekō- dɦeh1-l-eh2-ie- f. nipple bradavica

denra- dɦen-r- m. hollow hand odprta roka

derka- dɦerg-o- adj. dark temen

dīan- dɦh1-éi-e- a. v. to suck sesati

dĭ/īgan- dɦéiǵɦ- a. v. to knead oblikovati

dīka- dɦeiǵɦ-nó- n. dam, ditch jez

dimban- ~ dimpan- dɦémbɦ-e- a. v. to fog megliti se

dinkwa- dɦengu-o- adj. dark temen

dōgera- ~ dōgena- dɦōǵɦ-r/n- n. a full day, twenty-

four hours

cel dan

dōjan- dɦōu(hx)-éie- l. v. to exhaust utrujati

dōn- dɦóh1-e- a. v. to do storiti

dranga- dɦrongɦ-o- m. post položaj

drauga- dɦrougɦ-o- m. ghost duh

dreugan- dɦréugɦ-e- a. v. to mislead zavajati

dugan- dɦugɦ- praet.-

praes.

to be fit, avail biti pripravljen

duhter- dɦugh2-ter- f. daughter hči

99

dūjan- dɦúhx-ie- l. v. to tremble tresti se

dumpōn- dɦmbɦ-néh2- l. v. to suffocate (?) zadušiti se (?)

dūna- dɦuh2-no- m. down (of a bird) puh

dunkla- ~ dunkra- dɦngu-lo- adj. dark temen

dunsta- dɦuns-to- n. (?) powder, dust (?) prah, prašek (?)

duppōn- ~ dubōn- dɦubɦ-néh2- l. v. to dip pomočiti

dura- dɦur-o- n. gate, (single) door (enojna) vrata

durī- dɦur-ih1- f. pl. door vrata

durrōn- dɦr-io- f. stick palica

dursti- dɦrs-ti- f. courage pogum

durzan- dɦors- ~ dɦrs- praet.-

praes.

to dare, be brave upati, biti pogumen

du(w)ēn- dɦuh2-eh1- l. v. to be misty (?),

windy (?)

biti meglen (?),

vetroven (?)

dwīnan- dɦguɦéi-ne- a. v. to diminish zmanjšati

ebna- em-no- adj. even, level enako raven

edara- h1edɦ-ro- m. edge, fence rob, ograja

edi h1eti conj. again spet

egila- h1eǵɦ-i-lo- m. hedgehog, sea

urchin

jež

ehwa- h1eḱ-uo- m. horse konj

ek(a) h1eǵ-hx-om pron. I jaz

elha(n)- h1el-ḱo(n)- m. elk los

ēlō- h1éh1l-eh2- f. awl šilo

ēmōn- h1éh1-mon- f. erysipelas erizipel

ĕ/ēnu- h2ēnu praep. without brez

erpa- h1erbɦ-nó- adj. light brown svetlo rjav

erzja- h1ers-io- adj. stray klateški

ēsa- h1ēd-so- n. dead meat, bait vaba

etan- h1éd- a. v. to eat jesti

ēþman- ~ ēdman- h1eh1t-mon- m. breath dih

ēþrō- ~ ēdrō- h1eh1t-r- f. vein, rivulet rečica

eudra- ~ ūdra- h1(e)uhxdɦ-r/n- n. udder vidra

fader- ph2-tér- m. father oče

fadi- pot-í- m. lord gospod

100

fadurwjan- ph2-tr-u-ion- m. paternal uncle,

father's brother

očetov brat

fagjan- pok-éie- l. v. to please zadovoljiti

fagra- ph2ḱ-ró- adj. fit (good, beautiful) dober, lep

fahiz- póḱ-es- n. sheep ovca

fahsa- poḱ-so- n. hair of the head las (na glavi)

fahti- poḱ-ti- m. fleece runo

faigi- adj. bound to die ki bo umrl

faiha- póik/ḱo- adj. hostile sovražen

faiha- póiḱo- adj. colored obarvan

faima(n)- m. foam pena

faj(j)a- poih2-o- adj. fat (?) debel (?)

faka- ph2ǵ-o- n. enclosure, section razdelek

fakkōn- ~ fagōn- l. v. to become sleepy biti zaspan

fallan- h2pó-h3lh1- a. v. to fall pasti

falōn- polh2-eh2- f. plain planjava

falþan- pól-t-e- a. v. to fold, ply prepogibati

falwa- pol-uo- adj. pale bled

faran- pór-e- a. v. to go iti

fargjan- h2po-h2ork-éie- l. v. to push (down) potisniti

farha- porḱ-o- m. farrow, pig prašič

farna- ptorhx-no- m. fern praprot

farwa- porḱ-uó- adj. colorful barvit

fastu- ph2sth2-o- adj. firm, solid trden

faujan- pouhx-éie- l. v. to let rot pustiti, da gnije

faujan- pouh2-éie- l. v. to sift pregledati

fēan- péh1-e- a. v. to blame kriviti

fedwar- kuét-uor- num. four štiri

fehan- péḱ-e- a. v. to rejoice veseliti se

fehu- péḱ-u- n. cattle živina

felþa- pélth2-o- m. field polje

felu- ~ fulu- pélh1-u- adj. much, many mnog

fergunja- perku-n-ieh2- n. mountain gora

ferrai per-n-oi- adv. far daleč

fersnō- trĕ/ērs-neh2- f. heel peta

ferudi pér-ut-i adv. last year lani

101

fesōn- f. chaff, fiber pleve

fetan- péd-e- a. v. to go, to fall iti, pasti

fetura/ō- ped-ur-e/oh2- m./f. fetter okovi

feþrō- péth2-r/n- f. feather pero

feuhtjōn- peuḱ-t-ih2- f. spruce smreka

fewurþ/dan- kuet-ur-to- num. fourth četrti

fi(j)ēn- ph1-i-eh1- l. v. to hate sovražiti

fimfe pénkue num. five pet

fimftan- penku-tó- num. fifth peti

fingra- penku-ró- m. finger prst

finþan- pént-e- a. v. to find, to feel najti, začutiti

flaizan- plóh1-is-on- comp. more več, bolj

flata- adj. flat raven

flauja- plou-io- n. ship ladja

flauma- plou-mo- m. stream tok

fleutan- pléud-e- a. v. to float, stream pluti

fneusan- ~ fnūsan- pnéus-e- a. v. to sneeze kihniti

fnuz(z)ōn- pnus-néh2- l. v. to sneeze kihniti

fōdra- peh2-dɦro- n. fodder krma

fōgjan- poh2ḱ-éie- l. v. to join together združiti

fōr- ~ fun- péh2-ur, ph2-uén-s n. fire ogenj

fōt- pōd- m. foot noga

fratōn- pord-néh2- l. v. to fart izločiti pline

frawa- prou-o- adj. quick, light hiter, lahek

frēgō- f. question vprašanje

frehnan- préḱ-ne- a. v. to announce, rumor razglasiti

freuþan- préuthx-e- a. v. to froth peniti se

fri(j)a- prihx-o- adj. free prost

fri(j)ōn- prihx-eh2- l. v. to love ljubiti

frōi próhx-i adv. early zgodaj

fruman prhx-mhx-on- num. former, first prejšnji, prvi

fūan- puhx-on- m. mold plesen

fuhōn- f. she-fox lisica

fuhsa- puk-so- m. fox lisjak

fūla- púhx-lo- adj. filthy, foul umazan

fulan- plhx-on- m. foal žrebe

102

fuldō- plth2-éh2- f. earth zemlja

fulla- plh1-nó- adj. full poln

fulla- pl-nó- n. cup skodela

fulmō- plh2-m-eh2- f. palm of the hand dlan

funhsti- pnku-ti- f. fist pest

furdu- pr-tú- m. ford plitvina

furh- pŕk- f. furrow brazda

furhnō- pŕḱ-neh2- f. trout postrv

furhta- prk-to- adj. fearful boječ

furhwōn- pŕku-eh2- f. fir jelka

furi prh2-i adv.,

praep.

in front of, for pred, za

fursa- pŕs-o- m. gush? brizg?

furtu- prd-u- m. fart izločiti pline

gaisjan- ǵɦois-éie- l. v. to terrify prestrašiti

gaista- ǵɦois-d-o- m. spirit, ghost duh

galla/ōn- ǵɦol(h3)-on- m./f. bile žolč

galra- ǵɦolhx-ro- m. swelling (?) povečanje (?)

ganazan- ǵɦh2en-os-on- m. gander gosak

ganēn- ǵɦh2-neh2- l. v. to open odpreti

gangan- ~ gungan- ǵɦóngɦ-e- a. v. to go iti

gans- ǵɦh2en-s- f. goose goska

ganuta(n)- m. gander gosak

garda- gɦordɦ-o- m. courtyard dvorišče

garp/bōn- ~

gurp/bōn-

gɦorbɦ-néh2- l. v. to gobble, to belch kavdrati

garwa- adj. ready, finished pripravljen

gata- gɦod-o- n. hole luknja

gatwōn- gɦod-ueh2- f. road, alley ulica

gauma- gɦouǵɦ-mo- m. heed, attention ozir

gaura- gɦour-o- adj. sad žalosten

geban- ḱo(m)-h1ep- a. v. to give dati

gebla(n)- ~ gabla- ǵɦebɦh2-l-o- m. top vrh

gelwa- ~ gulu- ǵɦ(e)lh3-u(o)- adj. yellow rumen

gēn- ǵɦeh1- suppl. to go iti

103

gerdan- gɦérdɦ-e- a. v. to gird opasati

gerna- ǵɦerh1-no- adj. desirous zaželjen

gestra- dɦǵɦ-es-ro- adv. the previous or next

day

včeraj, jutri

getan- gɦéd-e- a. v. to find (a way), to

be able

moči

gīgēn- ǵɦei-ǵɦh2-oi- l. v. to desire želeti

giwēn- l. v. to desire, long for želeti

giwōjan- ǵɦh2-ei-u-eh2-ie- l. v. to yawn zehati

gōīn- ǵɦi-ōm- f. late winter pozna zima

gōman- ~ gauman- ǵɦeh2u-mon- m. gum, palate dlesen, nebo

graban- gɦróbɦ-e- a. v. to dig kopati

gramjan- gɦrom-éie- l. v. to provoke, anger izzivati

grapp/bōn- gɦrobɦ-néh2- l. v. to grapple spopasti se s kom

grēdu- ǵɦreh1-tú- m. hunger, desire lakota

grētan- ǵɦréh1d-e- a. v. to wail tarnati

greujan- ǵɦreh1-u- l. v. to dawn daniti

grēwa- ǵɦréh1-uo- adj. grey siv

grimman- gɦr-én-m-e- a. v. to rage besneti

grōan- gɦróh1-e- a. v. to grow rasti

grōtjan- ǵɦroh1d-éie- l. v. to make shout, greet pozdraviti

grupp/bōn- gɦrbɦ-néh2- l. v. to dig kopati

gunþī- ~ gunþjō- guɦń-tih2- f. fight boj

gurdjan- gɦrdɦ-ié- l. v. to gird opasati

gut(t)ōn- ǵɦu-t-neh2- l. v. to pour, to spawn liti

hahsjō- koḱs-ieh2- f. ham, back of the

knee

šunka, notranja stran

kolena

haidra- koit-ró- adj. clear jasen, razločen

haima- ḱoi-mo- m. village, home vas, dom

hainō- ḱh3-ei-neh2- f. wheetstone brus

halan- ḱ/kolhx-on- m. tail, tip rep, konica

halma- ḱolh2-mo- m. blade of grass travna bilka

halōn- ~ hulōn- k(o)lh1-(n)eh2- l. v. to call klicati

hamala- ḱom-olo- adj. truncated (?) skrajšan (?)

hama(n)- ḱom-on- m. shape, physical forma, telesna

104

form pripravljenost

haman- ḱom-o- m. rod, shaft drog, gred

hamara- ḱh2-mor-o- m. hammer kladivo

ham(m)ō- konh2-m-éh2- f. shank golen

hanhan- ḱónk-e- a. v. to hang obesiti

hanhila(n)- kón-k-o- m. heel peta

hardu- kort-ú- adj. hard, severe težek, resen

harja- kor-io- m. host, troop, army gostitelj, četa,

vojska

harma- pḱor-mo- m. harm, sorrow škoda, žalost

harta- ḱord-o- n. resin, pitch smola

harwa- kor-uo- adj. bitter grenek

hatjan- ḱh2d-ie- l. v. to hate sovražiti

haþu- ḱ/kh3-tu- f. battle bitka

hauha- kóuk-o- adj. high visok

haupa- kohxup-nó- / kouhxp-

nó-

m. pile, heap kup

hawēn- kouh1-eh1- l. v. to observe opazovati

hawwan- kóuh2-e- a. v. to hew, chop obsekati, nasekati

hazjan- ḱh1s-ié- l. v. to praise hvaliti

helan- ḱél-e- a. v. to conceal, hide skriti

helman- kelhx-mon- m. rudder krmilo

hemina- ~ hemna- h2eḱ-mon- m. heaven nebesa

hēra- ḱĕ/ēs-ró- n. hair las

herdō- kerdɦ-eh2- f. herd čreda

hersan- ~ herzan- ḱérh2-s-on- m. brain možgani

hersja(n)- ḱerh1-s-io(n)- m. millet proso

hertōn- ḱerd-n- n. heart srce

heru- ḱer-u- m. sword meč

hesan- ~ hazan- ḱes-on- m. hare zajec

heuhman- kéuk-mon- m. mass, heap,

multitude

gmota, mnoštvo

hēwja- ḱiéh1-uo- adj. dark blue (?) temnomoder (?)

hezdōn- kes-dɦh1-eh2-? f. flax fibers lanena vlakna

hi- ḱi- pron. this, these ta, ti

105

hihelōn- ḱi-ḱelh1-eh2-(?) f. hoarfrost slana

hindō- ḱem-teh2- f. hind košuta

hīwōn- ḱei-uo- n. married couple,

household

zakonski par,

gospodinjstvo

hlaiwa- ḱloi-uo- n. barrow, funeral

mound

tumulus

hlauni- ḱlou-ni- f. loin, buttock ledja, zadnjica

hleuman- ḱléu-mon- m. hearing sluh

hleuþa- ḱleu-to- n. listening poslušanje

hlewa- ḱleh1-uó- n. shelter (from wind) zavetje (pred

vetrom)

hlēwa- ḱléh1-io- adj. lukewarm mlačen

hlinēn- kli-n-eh1- l. v. to lean nagibati se

hlōan- ḱlóh1-e- a. v. to low, bellow tuliti

hlusēn- ḱlus-eh1-ie- l. v. to listen poslušati

hluza- ḱlus-ó- n. listening poslušanje

hnekkan- ~

hnakka(n)-

knek-on- m. neck vrat

hōfa- ḱohxp-o- m. hoof kopito

hōhan- ḱok-h2- m. plow plug

hōra- keh2-ro- m. adulterer prešuštnik

hrairja- ḱr-oi-ri- adj. rear zadnji

hraiwa- krou(h2)-io- n. dead body, death truplo, smrt

hrawa- krouh2-o- adj. raw surov

hrefiz- krép-es- n. stomach želodec

hreþan- krit-é- a. v. to sift presejati

hrīdra- krei-dɦro- n. sieve sito

hrinþiz- ~ hrunþiz- ḱr-ént-es- n. cow, bovine krava, govedo

hrōza- ḱrohx-s-ó- adj. motile premikajoč se

hrōzjan- krohxs-éie- l. v. to touch, move, stire dotikati, premikati

hufa- khxúp-o- n. hillock grič

hufra- khxúp-ro- m. bump, hillock grbina

huk(k)ōn- kuk-néh2- l. v. to squat, cower počepniti, pritajiti se

hula- ḱuhx-ló- (with

pretoniḱ shortening)

adj. hollow votel

106

hul(l)ōn- k/ḱlhx-néh2- l. v. to move, fetch (?) premakniti, prinesti

(?)

hunanga- knh2-onḱ-o- m. honey med

hunda- dḱm-tó- n. hundred stotica

hunda- ḱu-on- m. dog pes

hungru- knk-rú- m. hunger lakota

hunsla- ḱunt-slo- n. sacrifice žrtvovanje

hūpan- kuhxp-on- m. pile, heap kup

hupp/bōn- kp-néh2- l. v. to move backwards,

retreat

premikati se nazaj,

umakniti se

hurha- kŕḱ-o- adj. lean suh, vitek

hurjan- krh2/3-ie- l. v. to repeat (?) ponoviti (?)

hurna- ḱrn-o- n. horn rog

hut(t)ōn- k/kuud-néh2- l. v. to run teči/bežati

hūzjan- kuhxs-ié- l. v. to hire najeti

hwa- kuo- pron. who? what? kdo? kaj?

hwaja- ~ huja- tku-oi- m. whey sirotka

hwar- kuo-r adv. where kje

hwarbjan- kuorp-éie-? l. v. to make turn zaviti

hwata- kuh1d-o- adj. quick hiter

hwaþera- kuo-t(e/o)r-o- pron. who of two? kateri izmed?

hwaþōn- kuothx-eh2- f. foam pena

hwehla- ~ hweula- kue-kul- n. wheel kolo

hwera- kuer-o- m. kettle posoda

hwēsan- ḱuÉs-e- a. v. to wheeze hropeti

hwīlō- kuih1-l-eh2- f. while čas

hwinda- m. greyhound hrt

hwīta- ~ hwitta- ḱu(e)it-nó- adj. white bel

hwōsan- kuéh2s-e- a. v. to cough kašljati

hwōtjan- kuoh1d-éie- l. v. to bore, to threaten vrtati, groziti

i- h1i- pron. he/she, that one ona/on, tisti

idōjan- h1i-t-eh2-ie- l. v. to move about

restlessly

nemirno se

premikati

in(i) h1en(-i) praep. in v

inkwa(n)- engu-on- m. lump gruda, kepa

107

instra- h1en-sth2-ro- n. intestinal fat črevesne maščobe

inþera- h1en-tero- n. entrails drobovje

jazjan- ios-éie- l. v. to make ferment narediti, da nekaj

fermentira

jeka(n)- ieǵ-o(n)- m. ice led

jēra- ieh1-ro- n. year leto

jesan- iés-e- a. v. to ferment fermentirati

jewan- ieuhx-on- m. creeping insect (?) neleteče žuželke (?)

juka- iug-o- n. yoke vprega

jumja- imhx-io- m. divine twin (?) božanski dvojček

(?)

junga- h2iu-nḱ-ó- adj. young mlad

jūz iuhx-s pron. you (pl.) vi

jut iud pron. you (dl.) vidva

ju(w)unþi- h2iu-hxn-ti- f. youth mladost

kaizwjan- g/ǵois-u-éie- l. v. to turn, direct obrniti, voditi

kamba- ǵombɦ-o- m. comb glavnik

karō- ǵoh2r-éh2- f. worry, care skrb

kaujan- gouhx-eie- l. v. to call, shout klicati

kelka(n)- m. jawbone čeljustnica

kelōn- guelh1-eh2- f. throat grlo

kelorō- guelh1-ur- f. throat grlo

kerla- ~ karla- ǵerh2-ol- m. man, freeman mož, svobodnjak

kernan- ǵerh2-n-on- m. kernel, core jedro

keusan- ǵéus-e- a. v. to trial, select preizkušati, izbirati

kewan- géuhx-e-(?) a. v. (?) to cry jokati

kewwan- ǵiéuhx-e- a. v. to chew žvečiti

kimbōn- ǵembɦ-on- f. crest, ridge vrh, sleme

kindi- ǵenh1-tí- f. kind vrsta, skupina

kinnu- ǵen(hx)-u f. cheek lice

kinþa- ~ kinda- ǵenh1-to- n. child otrok

klajja- gloi-(i)o- m. clay glina

knēan- a. v. to know vedeti

knewa- ǵn-eu-o- n. knee koleno

knīēn- ǵnh3-ei- l. v. to investigate poizvedovati

108

knōdi- ǵnoh1-tí- f. lineage poreklo, rod

kō- ~ kū- gueh3-u- f. cow krava

krana/ōn- gr-on-(?) m./f. crane žerjav

kratt/dan- grothx-on- m. basket, wickerwork

container

košara, pletenina

kudja- guh3-u-dɦh1-io- n. herd čreda

kula- ǵulhx-o- n. coal, charcoal premog, oglje

kumbra- gm-ro- m. sorrow, burden žalost, breme

kunda- ǵnh1-to- adj. born rojen

kunja- ǵnh1-io- n. clan klan

kunja- ǵnh3-io- n. omen znamenje

kunnan- ǵonh3-neh2- praet.-

praes.

to know (how), be

able

vedeti (kako), biti

sposoben

kunþa- ǵńh3-to- adj. known znan

kurþra- ~ kurdra- h2ǵr-tro- n. flock jata

kuru- gurh2-ú- adj. heavy težek

kussjan- kus-ie- l. v. to kiss poljubiti

kwedu- guet-ú- m. resin smola

kweman- ~ kuman- gu(é)m-e- a. v. to come priti

kwenōn- guén-h2- f. woman, wife ženska, žena

kwernu- guerh2-nu- f. mill, millstone mlin, mlinski kamen

kwīnan- guéi-n-hx-e- a. v. to wither, dwindle hirati, skrčiti se

kwisti- gues-ti- f. damage, destruction škoda, uničenje

kwiwa- ~ kwikwa- gui-guh3-(u)ó- adj. alive živ

kwumþi- f. arrival prihod

lagjan- logɦ-éie- l. v. to put postaviti

laibjan- loip-éie- l. v. to leave over, leave

behind

prepustiti, pustiti za

seboj

laidjan- loit-éie- l. v. to lead voditi

laikan- lóig-e- a. v. to jump skočiti

laiman- h2loih1-mon- m. clay glina

laiza- h2loih1-es- n. clay glina

lambiz- h1l-on-bɦ-es- n. lamb jagnje

landjō- londɦ-ih2- f. lower part of the

back, kidney, loin

ledje

109

langa- dlonh1gɦ-o- adj. long dolg

lasiwa- losi-uo- adj. weak, feeble šibek, slaboten

lata- lh1d-o- adj. lax, sluggish površen, len

laþōjan- h2lot-eh2-ie- l. v. to invite povabiti

lauda- h1loudɦ-o- m. man moški

launa- louh2-no- n. reward, recompense nagrada, povračilo

lauþra- lh3-eu-tro- n. lather pena

law(w)a- lh3-ou-o- n. oak bark, tan hrastovo lubje,

čreslovina

lawwō- louhx-éh2- f. groove reža

leg(j)an- legɦ-ie- a. v. to lie lagati

lesan- lés- a. v. to pick, select izbrati

leuba- leubɦ-o- adj. dear, beloved drag, ljubljen

leudan- h1léudɦ-e- a. v. to grow gojiti

leudi- h1leudɦ-i- m. man, people človek, ljudje

leuhada- leuk-ot- n. light svetloba

leuhman- léuk-mon- m. beam of light snop svetlobe

leuhna- léuk-no- n. lightning strela

leuhsa- leuk-so- adj. light, bright svetel

leukan- ~ lūkan- léug/ǵ-e- a. v. to close, to pull zapreti, vleči

leusan- léus-e- a. v. to lose izgubiti

lewan- léuh1-on- m. scythe kosa

lēwjan- l. v. to deliver, betray dostaviti, izdati

līban- léip-e- l. v. to stay ostati

librō- ieku-r/n- f. liver jetra

līhwan- léiku-e- a. v. to loan posojati

likkōn- liǵɦ-néh2- l. v. to lick lizati

likkōn- lig-néh2- l. v. to jump skočiti

līma- h2leih1-mo- m./n. clay, mud, lime glina, blato, apno

lingwan- h1lénguɦ-e- a. v. to succeed, make

progress

uspeti, napredovati

līþan- léit-e- a. v. to go (by), pass iti mimo

līþu- l(é)h3i-tu- n. strong drink, cider krepka pijača, mošt

luba- lubɦ-o- n. praise (po)hvala

ludja/ō- h1ludɦ-io- n./f. face obraz

110

lund(j)ō- lndɦ-(i)eh2- f. fat maščoba

lungōn- h1lnguɦ-on- f. lung pljučno krilo

lungra- h1lnguɦ-ro- adj. quick, light hiter, lahek

magra- mh2ḱ-ró- adj. lean vitek

maida- moi-to- m. post steber

maidjan- moith2-éie- l. v. to damage, hurt poškodovati, raniti

maina- kom-moi-no- adj. common navaden

mairja- moi-r-io- n. mooring-post privezni steber

maisa- mois-o- m. backpack nahrbtnik

maiwa- moihx-uo- adj. slim, narrow ozek

maizan- meh2-is-on- comp. more več

malan- mólh1-e- a. v. to grind drobiti

malta- mold-o- adj. soft, gone bad (?) mehek, izprijen (?)

maltjan- mold-éie- l. v. to make dissolve raztopiti

malwjan- l. v. to crush, pound zdrobiti, udarjati

mandula- m. handle on a grinding

mill

ročaj bruslinega

koluta

mangō- monk-éh2- f. lack pomanjkanje

manja- mon-io- n. necklace ogrlica

mannan- dɦǵɦm-on- m. man mož

manō- mon-eh2- f. mane, neck griva, vrat

markō- morǵ-eh2 f. boundary, region ločnica, območje

marzjan- mors-éie- l. v. to impede ovirati

maska- mozg-o- m. mesh, stain (?) luknja, madež (?)

masta- mosd-o- m. mast, fruit of forest

trees

želod

mati- mod-i- m. food hrana

matjan- mh2d-ie- l. v. to lap oblivati?

maura- mour-o- m. ant mravlja

mazga- mozgɦ-i/o- m. marrow buča

mēan- h2méh1-e- a. v. to mow kositi

medi met-i praep. with z

medja- medɦ-io- adj. middle srednji

medu- medɦ-u- m. mead, alcoholic

liquor of honey and

medica

111

water

meduma- medɦ-mh2-eh2- comp. middle, midmost sredinski

mekila- meǵ-el- adj. large, great, much velik

mēla- n. point in time trenutek

mēla- meh1-lo- n. measure, amount mera, količina

melda- melh2-tó- adj. pleasant, mild prijeten, blag

meliþ- meli-t- n. honey med

meltan- méld-e- a. v. to dissolve, be

digested

raztopiti, prebaviti

meltja- n. milt, spleen vranica

meluk- h2mélǵ- f. milk mleko

mel(u)kan- h2mélǵ- a. v. to milk molsti

mēnan- meh1n-os- m. moon luna

mēnōþ- meh1n-ot- m. month mesec

merkwu- mergu-u- adj. dark temen

metan- méd-e- a. v. to measure, evaluate izmeriti, oceniti

mēþi- méh1-ti- f. measure mera

meurjōn- meur-ieh2- f. ant mravlja

mīgan- h3méiǵɦ-e- a. v. to pass water

(usually of animals)

urinirati (običajno

pri živalih)

mimza- mēms-ó- n. meat meso

mīna- h1meino- pron. my moj

minna- mi-nu-o- adj. small majhen

minniz mi-n-u-is comp. less manj

miskan- miǵ-ske- a. v. (?) to mix mešati

mittōn- l. v. to cut rezati

mizdō(n)- misdɦ-eh2- f. reward nagrada

mōder- meh2-tér- f. mother mati

mōjan- meh3-ie- l. v. to tire utruditi

mōnjan- mōn-ie- l. v. to tower preseči

mōsa- n. food hrana

mōtan- praet.-

praes.

to approach,

concede to (?)

pristopiti, pristati (?)

mōtjan- l. v. to meet srečati

mugan- m(o)gɦ- praet.- to be able biti zmožen

112

praes.

mulkōn- h2mlǵ-néh2- l. v. to milk molsti

multōjan- mld-u- l. v. to become soft postati mehek

mulwēn- l. v. to soften omehčati se

mump/bōn- mmbɦ-neh2- l. v. to stain umazati,

omadeževati

munan- m(o)n- praet.-

praes.

to think, remember,

intend

misliti, spominjati

se, nameravati

mundi- mn-ti- f. memory, mind spomin, um

mundra- mn-dɦh1-ro- adj. lively živahen

murgu- mrǵɦ-u- adj. short kratek

murþa- mŕ-to- n. murder umor

mūs- muhxs- f. mouse, muscle miš, mišica

nablan- h3nobɦ-l-on- m. navel popek (na telesu)

nabō- h3nobɦ-eh2- f. nave središče kolesa?

nagl- h3noguɦ-l-o- m. nail žebelj

naht- noku-t- f. night noč

nakwe/ada- nogu-e/ont- adj. naked gol

namōn- h3nh3-men- n. name ime

nasō- ~ nusō- nh2-s-eh2- f. nose nos

nauþi- neh2u-tí- f. compulsion, distress prisila, stiska

nawi- nh2u-i- m. corpse truplo

nazjan- nos-éie- l. v. to save, heal rešiti, ozdraviti

ne ne adv. not ne

nebala- dɦnebɦ-(e/o)l-o- m. fog megla

nefan- nép-ot- m. nephew, cousin nečak, bratranec

neftī- nep-t-ih2 f. niece, cousin nečakinja, sestrična

neman- kom-h1ém-e- a. v. to take vzeti

nesan- nés-e- a. v. to save, heal, to be

saved

rešiti, ozdraviti, biti

rešen

neþan- nét-e- a. v. to grant safety (?) zagotoviti varnost

(?)

neþja- nét-io- m. relative sorodnik

nēþō- nēt-eh2- f. mercy, safety milost, varnost

neuja- neu-io- adj. new nov

113

neura/ōn- neguɦ-r-on- n./m. kidney ledvica

newun- h1néun num. nine devet

newunþ/dan- h1neun-thxó- num. ninth deveti

nikwas/za- m. water monster vodna pošast

nista- ni-zd-o- n. nest gnezdo

niþera- ní-tero- adv. down dol

nō- neh2u- m. ship ladja

nū nu adv. now zdaj

nugan- h2noḱ- praet.-

praes.

to suffice zadostovati

nurþera- h1nŕ-tero- adv. north, northwards severno

nut(t)ōn- nud-néh2- l. v. to drive voziti

ōgjan- l. v. to scare plašiti

ōhs(t)nō- f. armpit pazduha

ōsa(n)- h1/3éh1/3-es- m. (?) mouth of a river,

estuary

ustje reke

rada- hxrot-ó- adj. fast (?) hiter (?)

radō- hxrh1dɦ-eh2- f. row vrsta

rahna- hxrók-no- n. booty plen

raizjan- h3rois-éie- l. v. to cause to rise,

raise

povzročiti

naraščanje, narasti

raka- h3roǵ-o- adj. straight raven

rakjan- h3roǵ-eie- l. v. to stretch raztegovati

rakkan- hxroḱ-on- m. parrel obroč, s katerim je

deblo pripeto na

jambor

ranka- h3r-on-ǵ-o- adj. erect pokončen

raþa- hxrót-h2-o- n. wheel kolo

raubjan- hxroup-éie- l. v. to break (off), tear

off, rob

odlomiti, odtrgati,

oropati

rauda- h1roudɦ-o- adj. red rdeč

rautōjan- hxroud-eh2-ie- l. v. to roar (?) rjoveti (?)

rawwō- hxrouhx-ó- f. (plucked) wool (surova) volna

razdō- hxros-dɦh1-eh2-(?) f. voice glas

rebja- h1rebɦ-io- n. rib rebro

114

rēdan- hxréh1dɦ-e- a. v. to decide odločiti se

rēfiz- h1rēp-es- n. roof beam strešni nosilec

rehta- h3reǵ-to- adj. straight raven

rekan- h3réǵ-e- a. v. to rake up, pile up nagrabiti

rekwiz- h1regu-es- n. darkness tema

rēma- h1réh1-mo- adj. hoarse hripav

remiz- h1rem-es- n. quiet, tranquility tišina, spokojnost

reuda- h1reudɦ-o- adj. red rdeč

reudan- h1réudɦ-e- a. v. to make red rdečiti

reufan- hxréup-e- a. v. to break (off) odlomiti

reuman- ~ rauma(n)- hxre/oug(ɦ)-mon- m. cream smetana

reutan- hxréud-e- a. v. to cry jokati

rewan- hxréuhx-e-(?) a. v. (?) to tear, jerk, fight trgati, suniti, boriti

se

rīma- n. number, calculation število, izračun

rinnan- h3ri-nu-e- a. v. to run teči

rīrēn- l. v. to tremble tresti

rīsan- h3réis-e- a. v. to rise, get up vstati

rōan- h1róh1-e- a. v. to row veslati

rōdjan- h2roh1dɦ-éie- l. v. to speak govoriti

rudēn- h1rudɦ-eh1- l. v. to redden pordečiti

rukjan- hxrug-ie- l. v. to chew the cud,

ruminate

prežvekovati

rūma- hxruhx-mo- adj. roomy, spacious prostoren

rupp/bōn- hxrup-néh2- l. v. to tear off odtrgati

rut(t)ōn- hxrud-néh2- l. v. to lament žalovati za čim

sada- sh2-tó- adj. satiated, sated, full potešen, poln

sadula- sod-tló- m. saddle sedlo

safjan- sop-ie- a. v. to perceive zaznati

sagja- sokuhx-ió- m. man, hero mož, heroj

sagō- sok-éh2- f. saw žaga

sahsa- sok-so- n. knife nož

saikjan- l. v. to make drip narediti, da nekaj

kaplja

saila/ō- sh2oi-lo- n./f. rope vrv

115

sakan- sh2g-e- a. v. to charge napasti

salbō- solp-éh2- f. ointment mazilo

saltan- a. v. to salt (down),

pickle

konzervirati s soljo,

vlagati

sama(n)- somhx-o- adj. the same isti

samþu- sóm-tu- adj. soft mehek

sankwjan- l. v. to cause to sink potopiti

sanþa- h1s-ónt-o- adj. true resničen

satjan- sod-éie- l. v. to put postaviti, odložiti

sauza- h2sous-ó- adj. dry suh

sawwa- sou-ó- n. juice sok

sēan- séh1-e- a. v. to sow sejati

sebjō- sebɦ-ieh2- f. kinship sorodstvo

sebun- septḿ num. seven sedem

sebunþ/dan- septm-thxó- num. seventh sedmi

sēdla- seh1-tló- n. sieve, riddle sito, rešeto

segiz- seǵɦ-es- n. victory zmaga

sehs seḱ-s num. six šest

sehtan- seḱ-thxo- num. sixth šesti

sehwan- séku-e- a. v. to see videti

sēman- séh1-men- m. seed seme

senīga- sen-o- adj. senior starejši

senuwō- senh1-ueh2- f. sinew kita

serþan- ~ serdan- sért-e- a. v. to hit, to violate

sexually

udariti, posiliti

sessa- sed-to- m. seat, bench sedež, klop

set(j)an- sed-ie- a. v. to sit sesti

setla- sed-tlo- m. seat sedež

sidu- m. custom običaj

sīhwan- séiku-e- a. v. to percolate precejati

sikkōn- siku-néh2- l. v. to trickle pronicati

singwan- sénguɦ-e- a. v. to sing peti

siujan- sihxu-ie- l. v. to sew šivati

skamō- skoh3-méh2- f. shame sram

skarna- sḱ-or-no- n. dung, muck gnoj, umazanija

116

skawa- skou-ó- adj. observant (?) oprezen (?)

skeljan- skelhx-ie- l. v. to separate,

distinguish

ločiti, razločiti

skeuban- ~ skūban- kséubɦ-e- a. v. to shove riniti

skīnan- a. v. to shine sijati

skinkan- ~ skankan-

~ skunkan-

skéng-on- m. shank, ham bočnik, šunka

skufta- (s)ḱupt-o- m. shoulder blade of

cows or horses

lopatica krave ali

konja

skupp/bōn- ksubɦ-néh2- l. v. to shove poriniti

skuwwan- sku-ón- m. mirror zrcalo

smahrja- smoḱ-ru- m. lip ustnica

snaiwa- snoiguɦ-o- m. snow sneg

snawwa- ksnou-ó- adj. bald plešast

snīwan- snéiguɦ-e- a. v. to snow snežiti

snuzō- snus-éh2- f. daughter-in-law snaha

sōda- seh2-tó- n. satiation sitost

sōel- séh2u-l/n- n. sun sonce

sunnōn- séh2u-l/n- n. sun sonce

sōkjan- seh2g-ie- l. v. to seek, find,

demand

iskati, najti,

zahtevati

spadan- sph2-dɦ-on- m. spade lopata

spaitan- a. v. to spit pljuvati

spara- sph1-ro- adj. sparing, frugal gospodaren, varčen

spenan- psten-on- m. nipple bradavica

spika- spig-o- m. bacon slanina

spīwan- spéihxu-e- a. v. to spit pljuvati

spōan- spóh1-e- a. v. to succeed uspeti

spring/kan- spré-n-gɦ-e- a. v. to break out, leap pobegniti, skočiti

spurdi- sprdɦ-i- f. track, course pot, smer

spurnan- spr-nhx-e- a. v. to kick, spurn brcniti, odbiti

stadi- sth2-tí- m./f. place, town kraj

stalla- sth2-dɦlo- m. standing, stand,

stall, stable

stojnica,

postajališče, hlev

standan- a. v. to stand stati

117

staþla- sth'2-tlo- m. standing, shed staja

stautan- stóud-e- a. v. to hit, jab, thrust udariti, suniti

stekan- stig-e- a. v. to stick prilepiti

stelan- tsél-e- a. v. to steal, to go

stealthily

ukrasti, skrivati se

stēn- a. v. to stand stati

sterōn- ster-ieh2- f. sterile woman neplodna ženska

ster(r)a/ōn- h2stér-on- m./f. star zvezda

stik(k)ōn- stig-néh2- l. v. to stick zalepiti

stimbiza- stémbɦ-es- n. firmness čvrstost

stimnō- stem-n-eh2- f. voice glas

stōla- stéh2-lo- m. chair, seat stol, sedež

stōra- ~ stura- stéh2uro- ~ sth2uró- adj. big velik

strauma- srou-mo- m. stream tok

strudu- sru-tú- f. river reka

stullōn- tsl-néh2- l. v. to steal ukrasti

sturnēn- str-néh2- l. v. to stand out izstopati

sufan- sup-e- a. v. to sleep spati

sū- ~ suw- suhx- f. sow svinja

suhturwjan- suḱ-tr-u-io- m. brother's son bratov sin

sulha- slk- f. plow plug

sūli- suhx-l- f. pillar, column steber

suma- smhx-o- pron. some(one) neki, nekdo

sumara- smhx-oro- n. summer poletje

sundjō- h1s-nt-ieh2- f. transgression, sin kršitev, greh

sunja- h1s-nt-io- adj. true resničen

sunu- suhx-nú- m. son sin

surgō- surgɦ-eh2- f. grief, sorrow, worry žalost, skrb

swabjan- suop-éie- l. v. to cause to sleep povzročati spanje

swaita- suoid-o- m./n. sweat znoj

swe- sue- praef. self- samo-

swē adv. as, like, so kot

swefna- suép-no- m. sleep spanje

swēgura- suēḱuró- m. brother-in-law svak

swegru- sueḱr-ú- f. mother-in-law tašča

swehra(n)- suéḱur-o(n)- m. father-in-law tast

118

sweljan- (?) suel-ion- m. sister's husband sestrin mož

sweltan- suéld-e-(?) a. v. to dwindle, starve,

perish

skrčiti se, stradati,

propadati

sweran- suér-e- a. v. to ulcerate, gather gnojiti se, zbirati

swester- sués-or- f. sister sestra

swīnan- a. v. to dwindle, decrease skrčiti, zmanjšati se

switjan- suid-ie- l. v. to sweat znojiti se

swīþan- (hx)suéit-e- a. v. to burn, ache boleti

swōtu- sueh2d-u- adj. sweet sladek

swurrōn- sur-néh2- l. v. to buzz, crackle (?) brenčati, prasketati

(?)

tabjan- dobɦ-éie- l. v. to delay, hinder odlašati, ovirati

taihwō(n)- ~

taiwō(n)-

doiḱ-ueh2- f. toe prst

taik/gōn- doiḱ-néh2- l. v. to show kazati

taikwer- deh2i-uer- n. brother-in-law svak

tala- dolhx-o- n. number, speech število, govor

talga/ō- dolgɦ-e/oh2- m./n./f. tallow loj

talō(n)- f. speech, recount govor, ponovno

štetje

tamjan- domh2-éie- l. v. to tame krotiti

tangan- donǵɦ-on- m. tip, blade (?) konica, rezilo (?)

tangō- donḱ-éh2- f. tongs klešče

tangra- dónḱ-u- adj. tough vzdržljiv

tanþ- ~ tunþ- h3dont- m./f. tooth zob

tarbjan- dorbɦ-éie- l. v. to roll kotaliti se

tarhjan- dorḱ-éie- l. v. to mark označevati

taujan- l. v. to do, make narediti

tawō- dóu-eh2- f. pair par

tawwa- dh1-uó- n. rope vrv

tehun- deḱ-m- num. ten deset

tehunþ/dan- deḱm-thxo- num. tenth deseti

teman- dém(hx)-e- a. v. to suit, befit ugajati, koristiti

teran- dér(hx)-e- a. v. to tear trgati

ternō- dér-n-eh2- f. pond tolmun

119

terwa/ōn- der-ue/oh2- n./f. tar katran

tetru- de-dr-u- m. tetter vrsta bolezni

tēwō- dēḱ-uéh2- f. order red

tīdi- dh2i-tí- f. time čas

tīhan- déiḱ-e- a. v. to point out pokazati

tīlō- dh2-i-l-eh2-(?) f. row veslati

tīman- dh2i-mon- m. time čas

timbra- dem(hx)-ro- n. timber, lumber hlod

tinda- h3dent-ó- m. jag, tip konica

tingan- dénḱ-e- a. v. to press upon,

throng

pritisniti

titrōn- di-dr-eh2- l. v. to tremble tresti se

tīwa- dei-uo- m. Tyr Tyr

treman- drém-e- a. v. to waver omahovati

trewa- dréu-o- n. tree drevo

trinnan- drénu-e a. v. to separate oneself ločiti se

truga- dru-kó- n. trough korito

truma- dru-mo- m. root (?) koren, korenina (?)

truma- adj. reliable zanesljiv

tulgu- dlh1gɦ-u- adj. firm trden

tumfeti- dm-ped-i- / dḿ-ti- f. foundation temelj

tungōn- dnǵɦ-ueh2- f. tongue jezik

turba- drbɦ-o- m./n. turf, peat trata

turhta- drḱ-to- adj. bright svetel

turnan- dr-nh2-e- a. v. to separate oneself,

tear oneself away

ločiti se, odtrgati se

turþi- dŕ-ti- f. destruction uničenje

tuskjan- dh2u-ske- l. v. to be burning goreti

tuz- dus- praef. apart, asunder narazen

twa- duo- num. two dva

twīfla- duei-plo- m. doubt dvom

twis dui-s adv. twice dvakrat

þa- to- pron. that, those tisti, oni

þaka- tog-o- n. roof streha

þak(k)ōn- th2g-néh2- l. v. to touch dotakniti se

120

þanhōn- tonk-eh2- f. clay glina

þanhtu- tonk-tu- m. thread nit

þanjan- ton(h2)-éie- l. v. to stretch, extend raztegniti, razširiti

þanka- tong-o- m. thanks zahvala

þansjan- tons-éie- l. v. to move back premakniti nazaj

þarbō- torp-éh2- f. need, want, lack potreba,

pomanjkanje

þarzjan- tors-éie- l. v. to make dry napraviti suho

þedura- tetr(-uo)- m. wood grouse,

capercaillie

divji petelin

þemestra- temh1-es-ró- adj. dark, dusky temen

þemra- témh1-ro- m. darkness tema

þerhwe ~ þurhwe térh2-h3ku-e praep.,

adv.

through skozi

þersan- térs-e- a. v. to be dry biti suh

þīna- t-ihxno- pron. your tvoj

þīnan- téi-nh1-e- a. v. to become moist postati vlažen

þinhla- ténk-lo- n. curds (?) skuta (?)

þinhtu- tenk-tu- adj. dense, tight, close gost, tesen

þinnō- ~ þunnō- ténh2-uh2- f. forehead, temple čelo, sence

þinsan- téns-e- a. v. to stretch raztegniti

þranha- trónḱ-o- adj. dirty umazan

þrawjan- tróuhx-ie- l. v. to grow rasti

þrewan- tréuhx-e- a. v. to grow, thrive rasti

þrī- trei- num. three tri

þridjan- tri-tihxo- num. third tretji

þruban- trup-on- m. cluster skupek

þū tuhx pron. you ti

þuk(k)ōn- tuk-néh2- l. v. to shove potisniti

þuna- tnh2-(n)o- adj. stretched raztegnjen

þunhjan- túnk-ie- l. v. to press pritisniti

þunkjan- tng-ié- l. v. to think misliti

þunnu- tnh2-u- adj. thin tanek

þurfan- trp- praet.-

praes.

to need potrebovati

121

þurjan- turhx-ie- l. v. to sweep pomesti

þurna- tr-no- m. thorn, briar trn

þurstu- trs-tu- m. thirst žeja

þurzēn- trs-eh1- l. v. to be dry biti suh

þurzjan- trs-ié- l. v. to be thirsty biti žejen

þurzu- trs-ú- adj. dry suh

þusiþa- tus-i-to- adj. silent tih

þweran- tuérhx-e- a. v. to swirl vrteti se

þwerha- térku-o-(?) adj. cross jezen

þwīnan- a. v. to abate, disappear izginiti

þwinhan- tuénk-e- a. v. to force prisiliti

uba h1up-ó praep. under, above pod, nad

uber- h1uperi adv.,

praep.

above, over nad

ufuman- h1up-mhxo- comp. upmost, highest najvišji

uhsan- hxuks-en- m. ox vol

umbi- h2nt-bɦi praep. around, about okoli, o

unda h2nt-ó praep. until do

under- (hx)ndɦer- / h1n-tér- adv.,

praep.

under, among pod, med

unhta- h1u-n-k-to- adj. accustomed vajen

unhtwōn- nku-tu- f. last part of the night zadnji del noči

unka(n)- h2nguɦ-on- m. snake kača

unnan- praet.-

praes.

to grant podeliti

unsti- h2nh1-sti- m./f. storm nevihta

unþī- ~ unþjō- h2n-tih2- f. wave val

urba- h3rbɦ-o- n. inheritance dediščina

urzan- rs-én- m. black grouse,

capercaillie

ruševec

ūt ud adv. out zunaj

utra- ud-r-o- m. otter vidra

u(w)ur- uh1-r n. drizzle pršenje

uz ud-s praep. out (of) iz

uznan- hxus-néh2- l. v. to become warm postati topel

122

wadja- hxuodɦ-io- n. pledge, surety zakletev

wagjan- uoǵɦ-éie- l. v. to shake, move tresti, premakniti

wagna- uoǵɦ-no- m. wagon voz

wahan- uóku-e- a. v. to remark pripomniti

wahsa- uoḱs-o- n. wax vosek

wahs(j)an- h2uég-s- a. v. to grow rasti

wai uai interj. woe joj

waiza- n. seaweed morska trava

wajju- uh1i-ú- m. wall zid

wakan- uh2ǵ-e- a. v. awaken zbuditi

wakjan- uoǵ-eie- l. v. to awaken zbuditi

wakk/gōn- uoǵɦ-néh2- l. v. to move, shake premakniti, tresti

wala- uolh3-o- n. the slain pobit

waldan- h2ulh1-t- a. v. to rule, have

authority over

vladati

waljan- uolh1-éie- l. v. to choose izbrati

wallan- a. v. to well up, boil,

seethe

zavreti, privreti

wal(l)ōn- l. v. to roll kotaliti se

walu- uolh1-u- m. lump, staff palica

walwjan- uolh1-u-eie- l. v. to roll kotaliti se

wana- uh2-no- / ueh2-nó- adj. lacking, missing,

void

manjkajoč, prazen

wana- hxuonh1-o- adj. accustomed vajen

wara- uor-o- adj. aware zavéden

wardjan- uort-éie- l. v. to cause to

degenerate

povzročiti, da

degenerira

warjan- h2uor-éie- l. v. to hinder, prevent preprečiti

wasra- ~ wazra- uos-r/n- n. spring izvir

watar- ~ watan- uod-r/n- n. water voda

wazjan- uos-éie- l. v. to dress obleči

wēan- h2uéh1-e- a. v. to blow pihati

weban- h1uébɦ-e- a. v. to weave tkati

wedan- (hx)uedɦ-e- a. v. to join pridružiti se

wegan- uéǵɦ-e- a. v. to move, carry premakniti, nesti

123

weljan- uelh1- a. v. to want hoteti

weni- hxuenh1-i- m. friend prijatelj

wēni- hxuēnh1-i- f. expectation pričakovanje

wera- h2uer-o- n. fishing weir jez za ribarjenje

werka- uerǵ-o- n. labor, work, act delo, dejanje

werkan- h2uérg-e- a. v. to bend, warp zaviti

werōn- uerhx-eh2- f. style, pustulle pustula

werpan- uérgu-e- a. v. to warp, sling,

throw

vreči, zalučati

werþan- uért-e- a. v. to come about,

happen, become

zgoditi se

wesan- h2ués-e- a. v. to be biti

wesan- ués-e- a. v. to consume, feast uživati

wetman- h1uéd-mon- m. dowry dota

weþru- uét-ru- adv. (male) lamb,

yearling

jagnje

wīa- h2uei-(i)o- n. egg (?), brood (?) jajce (?), zalega (?)

wīda- h1uei-dɦh1-o- adj. wide, distant širok, oddaljen

widu(w)ōn- h1ui-dɦh1-uh2- f. widow vdova

wiggan- uegɦ-on- f. weevil (?) Curculionoidea (?)

wikōn- f. sequence, week teden

wīkwan- h3uéig-u-e- a. v. to give away, to turn

(away)

dati proč, obrniti se

proč

wīman- ueh1i-mon-(?) m. osier, wattle protje

winda- h2uéh1-ent-o- m. wind veter

winnan- uénu-e- a. v. to suffer trpeti

wira- uihx-ró- m. man mož

wissa- uid-to- adj. certain gotov

wit- uid pron. we (du.) midva

witan- uoid- praet.-

praes.

to know vedeti

wītan- uéid-e- a. v. to see, to blame videti, kriviti

witēn- uid-éh1- l. v. to watch, heed paziti

witt/dōn- uit(h2)-néh2- l. v. to tremble tresti se

wiþra- h1ui-tro- praep. toward, against k, proti

124

wĭ/īwan- uéi-ou- m. kite (papirnat) zmaj

wīz ueies pron. we mi

wōkra- h2uōg-ro- m. growth rast

wōrja- h2uohx-r-io- adj. intoxicated pijan

wraiha- uróiḱ-o- adj. crooked kriv

wraikwa- uroihx-uo-(?) adj. crooked kriv

wratjōn- urod-ieh2- f. madder Rubia tinctorum

wrekan- (hx)urég-e- a. v. to pursue slediti

wrēþu- uréh1-tu- m. herd (of swine) čreda (svinj)

wrĭ/īhan- uréiḱ-on- m. instep nart

wulan- ulhx-e- a. v. to well up, boil,

seethe

zavreti

wulfa- uĺku-o- m. wolf volk

wulgī- ~ wulbjō- ulku-íh2- f. she-wolf volkulja

wulhja- uĺk-i- m. haze meglica

wullō- hxulh1-néh2- f. wool volna

wuna(n)- hxunh1-on- adj. accustomed vajen

wurkjan- urǵ-ie- l. v. to work, produce,

effect

delati, napraviti

wurmi- urm-i- m. worm črv

125

8E Appendix 2: List of Proto-Germanic Lexemes of Likely

Substratum Origin

8S Dodatek 2: Seznam pragermanskih leksemov verjetnega

substratnega izvora

Proto-Germanic

lexeme /

Pragermanski

leksem

Word

class /

Besedna

vrsta

Reconstruction of

meaning / Rekonstrukcija

pomena

Distribution or

origin according

to EDPG /

Distribucija ali

izvor glede na

EDPG

Proposed proto-

form / Predlagana

praoblika

*ahurna- m. maple / javor NIE *akr-no-

*aik- f. oak / hrast EUR / EIE *aiǵ-

*akrana- n. tree fruit, acorn / sadež,

želod

EUR/NIE? /

EIE/NIE?

*ag-r

*akwesī- f. axe /sekira NIE? *h2eguis-ih2-(?)

*albut- f. swan /labod NIE *albɦVd-

*alh- m. temple / tempelj NIE *alk-

*alis/z- m. alder / jelša EUR / EIE *alis-

*amslon- f. blackbird / kos EUR / EIE *a-msl-

*apan- m. monkey, ape / opica NIE *hxab-on-

*arto(n)- f. wagtail? / pastirica? NIE?

*arut- m. ore / ruda NIE *arud-

*arwīt- f. pea /grah NIE *arw-id-

*aspo- ~ *apso- f. aspen / trepetlika NIE *aps-

*aþa/il- n. nature / narava GM *h2/3et-olo-

*awadī- f. eiderduck / vrsta race NIE?

*baira- m. boar / divja svinja WEUR/NIE /

ZEIE/NIE

*balika/on- m./f. coot / liska NIE

*bauno- f. bean / fižol EUR/NIE /

EIE/NIE

*bɦau(-neh2)-

126

*bebura- m. piece of skin, cloth / kos

kože, blaga

GM

*benuta- m. bentgrass / vrsta trave GM/NIE

*blīwa- n. lead / svinec NIE *mlīuo-

*dawēn- l. v. to marvel / čuditi se EUR / EIE *dɦh2u-eh1-

*dragjo- f. dregs / usedlina EUR / EIE *dɦragɦ-ieh2-

*drenan- m. drone / trot EUR / EIE *dɦr-en-

*ēbanþ- ~ *ēbund- m. evening / večer IE? *h1eh1pt-ont-

*ebura- m. boar / merjasec NIE *epr

*ewwadjon- f. tit / sinica NIE

*fata- n. vat, vessel / kad, posoda NIE *podo-

*gait- f. goat / koza WEUR / ZEIE *gɦaid-

*gazda- m. prickle / trn WEUR / ZEIE *gɦazdɦ-

*gersto- f. barley / ječmen EUR/NIE? /

EIE/NIE?

*gɦersd-eh2-

*habuka- m. hawk / jastreb NIE *kabɦu-k/g-

*hafra- m. billy goat, buck / kozel NIE *kap-ro-

*hakan- m. hook / kavelj GM *kh2/3k-on-(?)

*haleþ- ~ *haluþ- m. man, hero / mož, junak NIE? *ḱhxl-et-

*hanipa- m. hemp / konoplja NIE *kanib-

*hargu- m. sacrificial mount? /

žrtvena grmada?

NIE *kark-ú-

*hemero- f. hellebore / teloh NIE *kem-er-eh2-

*hnippon- l. v. to pinch / ščipati NEUR? / SEIE? *knibɦ-néh2-

*hokīna- n. kid, young goat / kozlič NIE *ko/og(ɦ)-

*hringa- m. ring, circle / obroč, krog NEUR/NIE /

SEIE/NIE

*kringɦ -o-

*hrugan- m. fishroe / ribje ikre NEUR / SEIE *kr(h1)k-on-

*hulisa- m. holly / bodika WEUR/NIE /

ZEIE/NIE

*kuli-

*humara- m. lobster / jastog NIE *kumar

*humelan- m. hops / hmelj NEUR / SEIE

*hwerhwetjo- f. gourd / buča NIE *kuerkuet-

*katton- f. cat / mačka NIE

*kisila- m. gravel / gramoz NIE *ǵis-o-(?)

127

*kizna- m. pine tree / bor NIE *gis-nó-

*krabita- m. crayfish? / rečni rak NIE?

*kuban- m. shed / lopa GM *gubɦ-on-(?)

*kumb/pan- m. basin, bowl / skleda NIE

*kuta- n. shed / lopa, koča NIE

*laiwizakon- m. lark / škrjanec NIE?

*lauba- m./n. leaf, foliage / list, listje EUR / EIE *loubɦ-o-

*lītila- adj. small / majhen GM

*magan- m. stomach / želodec EUR/NIE /

EIE/NIE

*mok-on-

*mag-a/iþ- f. girl, maiden / dekle,

devica

DRV *magɦ-ot-i-

*maldjo- f. saltbrush, oracle /

metlikovka, loboda

NIE? *molt-ieh2-(?)

*managa- adj. many / mnogi NIE *monogɦ-o-

*murhon- f. wild carrot / navadno

korenje

NIE *mrk- ~ *brk-

*pagila- m. measuring stick? /

merilna palica?

EUR/NIE /

EIE/NIE

*bak-

*pakka- n. bundle, pack / snop,

sveženj

EUR/NIE /

EIE/NIE

*pola- m. pool / tolmun NIE *ba/al-(?)

*reupon- f. grouse / divja kura DRV

*robjon- f. turnip / repa NIE *ra/ap(h)-

*sahaza- m. sedge / šaš NEUR/NIE /

SEIE/NIE

*sákas-o-

*samda- m. sand / pesek NIE *sam-ndɦ-

*semeþa/o- n./f. rush / loček WEUR/NIE? /

ZEIE/NIE?

*sem-

*silubra- n. silver / srebro NIE *silubɦr-

*smelhwo- ~

*smelwo-

f. hair-grass / vrsta trave NEUR/NIE /

SEIE/NIE

*smelku-

*smērjon- f. clover / detelja WEUR/NIE /

ZEIE/NIE

*smēr-(?)

*steura- m. bull / bik NIE

128

*sturja/on- m./f. sturgeon / jeseter NEUR/NIE /

SEIE/NIE

*str-

*swamb/ppan- m. sponge, mushroom /

goba, gljiva

NIE *sguɦonguɦ- (own

reconstruction)

*swebla- m. sulfur / žveplo NIE *sue(l)plo-

*tafna- n. sacrificial meat / žrtveno

meso

IE/NIE *dh2p-no-

*tigon- f. goat / koza EUR / EIE *dig(ɦ)-eh2-

*trabo- f. fringe / rese NEUR? / SEIE? *drop-éh2-

*þahsu- m. badger / jazbec WEUR/NIE /

ZEIE/NIE

*taks-

*þeura- m. bull / bik NIE

*ufna- m. oven / peč NIE *upno-

*waizda- n. woad / silina NIE *uaisd-

*waldo- f. dyer's rocket / reseda WEUR/NIE /

ZEIE/NIE

*uolt-éh2-(?)

*wisund- m. wisent / zober, bizon NEUR/NIE /

SEIE/NIE

*uisond(ɦ)-

129

9E References

9S Viri

Robert S. P. BEEKES, 1995: Comparative Indo-European Linguistics: An Introduction.

Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Robert S. P. BEEKES, 1996: Ancient European Loanwords. Historische Sprachforschung 109, 215-

236.

Robert S. P. BEEKES, 2010: Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Leiden/Boston: Brill.

Dirk F. H. BOUTKAN, 1998: On Gothic magaþ ~ Old Frisian megith and the Form of Some North

European Substratum Words in Germanic. Historische Sprachforschung 111, 11-27.

Dirk F. H. BOUTKAN et Sjoerd Mmichiel SIEBINGA, 2005: Old Frisian Etymological Dictionary.

Leiden/Boston: Brill.

Brill, 2015: Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic. Available at/dostopno na:

http://www.brill.com/etymological-dictionary-Proto-Germanic (19. 5. 2015)

James CLACKSON, 2007: Indo-European Linguistics: An Introduction. New York: Cambridge

University Press.

Björn COLLINDER, 1955: Fenno-Ugric Vocabulary: An Etymological Dictionary of the Uralic

Languages. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells.

Rick DERKSEN, 2000: Old Icelandic jarpic 'hazel-grouse', rjúpa 'ptarmigan' and their Germanic

and Balto-Slavic cognates. Language Contact: Substratum, Superstratum, Adstratum in Germanic

Languages. Amsterdamer Beiträge fur Älteren Germanistik 54, 75-87.

Rick DERKSEN, 2008: Etymological Dictionary of the Slavic Inherited Lexicon. Leiden/Boston:

Brill.

130

Benjamin W. FORTSON IV, 2005: Indo-European Language and Culture: An Introduction. Maiden:

Blackwell Publishing.

Hans H. HOCK, 1991: Principles of Historical Linguistics. Berlin/New York/Amsterdam: Mouton

de Gruyter.

Hans KRAHE, 1963: Die Struktur der alteuropäischen Hydronymie. (Akademie der Wissenschaften

un der Literatur [in Mainz], Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschafilichen Klasse 5.)

Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner.

Guus KROONEN, 2009: Consonant and Vowel Gradation in the Proto-Germanic n-stems. Leiden.

Guus KROONEN, 2013: Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic. Leiden/Boston: Brill.

F. B. J. KUIPER, 1995: Gothic bagms and Old Icelandic ylgr. Nowele 25, 63-88.

Alexander LUBOTSKY, 1989: Against a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a. The New Sound of

Indo-European, 53-66. Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

Alexander LUBOTSKY, 2001: The Indo-Iranian substratum. Mémoires de la Société Finno-

ougrienne 242, 301-317. Helsinki.

Ranko MATASOVIĆ, 2009: Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden/Boston: Brill.

J. P. MALLORY, 1989: In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology and Myth.

Thames and Hudson.

Colin McEVEDY, 1967: The Penguin Atlas of Ancient History. Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd.

Craig MELCHERT, 1994: Anatolian Historical Phonology. Amsterdam/Atlanta: Rodopi.

Patrick K. O'BRIEN, 2007: Philip's Atlas of World History: Concise Edition. London: Philip's.

131

Edgar C. POLOMÉ, 1986: The non-Indo-European component of the Germanic lexicon. o-o-per-ro-

si: Festschrift für Ernst Risch, 661-672. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Peter SCHRIJVER, 1997: Animal, vegetable and mineral: some Western European substratum

words. Sound and law Analogy, 293-316. Amsterdam/Atlanta: Rodopi.

Oswald J. L. SZEMERÉNYI, 1996: Introduction to Indo-European Linguistics. Oxford: Clarendon

Press.

Michiel de VAAN, 2008: Etymological Dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages.

Leiden/Boston: Brill.

Theo VENNEMANN, 2003: Europa Vasconica - Europa Semitica. Berlin/New York: Mouton de

Gruyter.

132

10E Index

This index includes lexemes from sections 1–6, but without Proto-Germanic or Proto-Indo-

European reconstructions.

10S Indeks

Ta indeks vsebuje lekseme iz razdelkov 1–6 brez pragermanskih in praindoevropskih rekonstrukcij.

Indo-European / Indoevropsko

Greek / Grško

ἁκαστός 33, 74

ἀξίνη 34, 74

βλῆτον 41, 81

βλίτον 41, 81

βόλιμος 36, 77

γύπη 40, 81

δάπτω 43, 84

ἐρέβινθος 35, 75

θαῦμα 36, 77

ἴσατις 44, 85

κάμ(μ)αρος 39, 79

κάνναβις 38, 79

κάραβος 40, 80

μόλιβος 36, 77

μόλυβδος 36, 77

ὀλόπτω 40, 81

ὀλούφω 40, 81

ὄροβος 35, 75

ταῦρος 43, 83

τενθρήνη 36, 77

Latin / Latinsko

acer 33, 74

alauda 40, 81

133

ascia 34, 74

cucurbita 41, 80

fibra 36, 76

fracēs 36, 77

fulica 35, 76

haedus 37, 78

lutum 44, 85

plumbum 36, 77

raud- 35, 75

sulpur 43, 84

taurus 43, 83

Other Indo-European / Drugo indoevropsko

NGr. / sevgerm.*aft- 37, 77

PIt. / pital. *apro- 37, 77

OIr. / stir. caur 38, 79

Oss. / oset. dombaj 44, 85

WGr. / zahgerm. *ēb- 37, 77

OIc. / stisl. jarpi 42, 82

Toch. B / toh. B kalśke, kalyśke 38, 79

Pre-Italic / predital. *kapu- 38, 78

Rus. / rus. konopljá 38, 79

PIC / pitalkelt. *mesal- 34, 75

Lith. / lit. púodas 37, 78

OIc. / stisl. rjúpa 42, 82

Lith. / lit. tranas 36, 77

SCr. / srbhr. trût 36, 77

PSl. / pslovan. *vepri- 37, 77

Non-Indo-European / Neindoevropsko

Caucasian / Kavkaško

Abkh. / abh. a-dəwp-èy 44, 85

Georg. dial. / gruz. dial. cumpva 43, 83

134

Mingr. / mingr. do-cumpua 43, 83

Laz / lazovsko o-cumpu 43, 83

Semitic / Semitsko

Ugar. / ugar. dbh 43, 84

PSem. / psemit. *gadi 37, 78

Hebr. / hebr. gofrít 43, 84

Hebr. / hebr. šor 44, 84

Akk. / akad. šuru 44, 84

Arab. / arab. tawr 44, 84

PSem. / psemit. *tawr 44, 84

Hebr. / hebr. zebah 43, 84

Akk. / akad. zību 43, 84

Uralic / Uralsko

SaaL / llap. ávdda 35, 76

Imandra Saa. / Imandra lap. avigʒine 37, 78

Fin. / fin. hanka 38, 79

SaaN / slap. hávda 35, 76

PFU / pugrofin. *käδ'wä 40, 80

PFU / pugrofin. *kota 40, 81

PU / pural. *ku/ose 40, 80

Other non-Indo-European / Drugo neindoevropsko

Tur. / turš. kükürt 43, 84

Mong. / mong. xyx3p 43, 84

Sum. / sumer. urud(u) 35, 75

135

Pre-Germanic: A tentative description of the substratum language in Proto-Germanic based on Guus...

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Transcript of Pre-Germanic: A tentative description of the substratum language in Proto-Germanic based on Guus...