Proto-Tol (Jicaque)

Proto-Tol (Jicaque)Author(s): Lyle Campbell and David OltroggeSource: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 46, No. 3 (Jul., 1980), pp. 205-223Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1264738Accessed: 24/02/2010 18:09

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PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

0. 1. 2.

3. 3.1. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

LYLE CAMPBELL

STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK, ALBANY

Introduction Geography and sources Graphic conventions and phonological considerations Proto-Tol phonology Sound correspondences Problems and residue Philological documentation Cognate lists Loanwords Jicaque and Hokan

0. Our purpose in this article is to present our reconstruction of Proto-Tol (Proto-Jicaque) phonology and vocabulary with considerations of Tol (Jicaque) historical linguistics generally.

1. Tol (Jicaque, Xicaque, Torrupan, Turrupan) is actually a family of two languages. The language of El Palmar (near Chamelec6n in western Honduras) is now extinct. It is known only from a short vocabulary list collected by Antonio S. Maradiaga in 1890 and published by Mem- breiio in 18971 and reprinted by Lehmann.2 Our data for the Jicaque of El Palmar are entirely from Membrefio; we have retained his orthography in the examples we present. We call the language of El Palmar Western Jicaque (henceforth WJ), following Con-

1 Alberto Membreino, Hondurenismos: Vocabu- lario de los provincialismos de Honduras, 2d ed. (Tegucigalpa: Tipografia Nacional, 1897).

2 Walter Lehmann, Zentral-Amerika, pt. 1, Die Sprachen Zentral-Amerikas (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1920).

[IJAL, vol. 46, no. 3, July 1980, pp. 205-23] ? 1980 by The University of Chicago. 0020-7071/80/4603-0006 $01.58

DAVID OLTROGGE

SUMMER INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS

zemius.3 Conzemius also presented some WJ forms, but gave no indication of how or where they were obtained. At least some appear to be extracted from the Membreio list, with confusing orthographic changes; others may be guesses based on forms from the other Jicaque language. In any case, Conzemius's transcriptions of the other Jicaque language are so inconsistent and inaccurate that his rendition of WJ probably should not be trusted either. For that reason, we have ignored Conzemius's WJ forms in our reconstruction, but include them for reference's sake in our cognate lists.

The other Jicaque language, Tol, here called Eastern Jicaque (EJ) after Conzem- ius, is spoken by about 300 persons in La Montafia de la Flor (MF) near Orica, Department of Francisco Morazan, Hon- duras. It is also still spoken by a very few old persons in scattered locations in the Department of Yoro, but is quite moribund there. Our MF data are from Oltrogge's notes, collected while doing fieldwork with the Summer Institute of Linguistics from 1960 to 1967; from Campbell's notes, collected during a brief visit to La Mon- tafia de Flor in 1974; and from data gener- ously shared by Ronald Dennis of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, who is currently doing fieldwork in La Montafa de la Flor. We have made much less use of the Jicaque of Yoro (JY) data, which is largely identical to MF. The JY sources are Campbell's field notes from La Pati near El Negrito, Dennis Holt's field notes

3 Edward Conzemius, "The Jicaques of Hon- duras," IJAL 2 (1922): 163-70.

205

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

from Cabeza de Vaca near San Francisco Locomapa, Conzemius from various parts of the Department of Yoro,4 Carlos Torres from an unspecified location in Yoro,5 Sapper and Squier (published in Leh- mann),6 Benigno Sosa from Lagunita,7 and the archaic material from Lean and Mulia.8

MF and JY are almost identical, with only slight dialect differences. This close- ness is explained by MF's interesting history. The Tols (Jicaques) of La Mon- tafia de la Flor have been there only a little more than 100 years. Shortly after 1865, when forced labor was reinstituted among the Indians of the mission towns of Yoro, members of three families fled Yoro, crossed the Sierra de Sulaco, and settled in La Montafa de la Flor, where their descendants make up the current, still largely isolated population.

When the Spanish arrived, Jicaque distribution was much different. Early documents report Jicaques in locations east of the Ulua River along the Carribean Coast to the area of Trujillo between the Lean and Cuero rivers and in the Sierra de Mulia (now called Sierra de Nombre de Dios). The Jicaques did not lose their contact with the coast until the early part of the nineteenth century, as the Jicaques retired more to the interior to avoid Spanish sub- jugation. In 1855, when the Spanish priest Father Jose Manuel (Jesuis de) Subirana began to convince many to move into the mission centers, the Jicaques were scattered throughout the Sierra de Pijol and Sierra de Sulaco, especially along the tributaries of the Cuyamapa River. The Indians of the Department of Yoro today have all but lost the Jicaque language.

4 Ibid. 5 Published in Membreio, pp. 231-44. 6 Published in Lehmann, pp. 654-66. 7 Published in Membrefio, pp. 221-22. 8 In Central America en el Siglo XVIII, ed. J.

Fernandez (San Jose, 1892), pp. 93-103.

Father Subirana died in 1864; in 1865 the governor of the Department of Yoro, Jesus Queroz, requisitioned the Indians into extremely difficult service as the labor force for the sarsaparilla commerce. For this reason, the ancestors of the MF Tols left to escape the "sarsaparilla slavery" in 1865. Chapman9 reports that they were Pedro, his wife Petrona, their daughter Juana; Polinaria, Pedro's sister and her husband Juan; Francisco, brother of Petrona and his wife Caciana; and Le6n, who later married Juana. From these eight people, four couples, stem the approxi- mately 300 MF Tols of the present. Judy Oltrogge was told by Abran (who had known them) that Pedro's wife was Fran- cisca (not Petrona) and Pedro's sister (Juan's wife) was Polonia (not Polinaria). These differences are not great.

The recency of their departure from Yoro accounts for the extremely close relationship between MF and JY.

2. Before we present the sound correspondences and reconstruction, it will be helpful to consider WJ orthography (i.e., aspects of the record of WJ available to us). WJ transcription frequently has phonetic values which are not obvious.

The vowels are in general the same in both languages in all instances where the WJ orthography transcription can be interpreted unambiguously. Apparent differences are readily explained. Unstressed vowels in MF tend to be weakened and centralized. A similar phenomenon in WJ could account for nonidentical correspon-

9 This account of Jicaque history follows that of V. W. von Hagen, TheJicaque(Torrupan) Indians of Honduras, Indian Notes and Monographs, no.

53, Museum of the American Indian (New York: The Heye Foundation, 1943), and Anne Chap- man, Les Enfants de la Mort: Univers Mythique des Indiens Tolupan (Jicaque) (Mexico: Mission Archaeologique et Etnologique Francais Au

Mexique, 1978).

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dences in unstressed positions. Since these correspondences in unstressed positions show considerable variation and seem quite unsystematic, we may attribute the WJ variation to the perceptual difficulty that the Spanish-speaking recorders of WJ encountered with centralized vowels. In MF, stress falls on the last vowel before the last consonant (exceptions are marked): v -V/ (C(V)#.

Another vowel difference involves the morphophonemic change of Ya and Wa to e and o respectively in certain contexts. The infixed Y signals second-person possessive pronoun; infixed w signals third-person possessive pronoun; a similar ablaut is evidenced in verb paradigms. When WJ ablauted forms are compared to EJ un- ablauted roots, the vowels may seem nonidentical, but are in fact identical when ablauted forms are compared (e.g., WJ poo, MF phak to hear, but phoki he hears).

The vowel we interpret as /i/ in WJ is represented written as <eu>, <ue>, and more rarely <o, u, or i>. This variation is probably due to its perception by Spanish speakers and to its lack of any ready equi- valent in Spanish orthography. It is uncertain whether <u> and <o>, which are found in the environment of labial consonants, represent a sound change (i > u or o/labial ) or whether they represent the perception of i in this environment. The other vowels, i, e, a, o, u, have essentially the same value as in Spanish and present no difficulties in graphic interpretation; they are basically identical in the two languages.

Though the data available in Membrefio are insufficient to determine for certain, we note the possibility that WJ forms for which a final nasal consonant is written may actually represent a nasalized vowel or perhaps a velar nasal. (A frequent feature of both local Spanish and indigenous languages in Central America is the realization

of final nasals as velars.) The evidence for vowel nasalization is (1) goain uncle, said to have ain as in French (compare MF [igokham] my uncle with final m); (2) hung thorn, said to be pronounced as if it were English (compare MF ham thorn, ax); and (3) chin hair, yo-ochi root, both derived from the same root (compare MF ?'il hair, root), but one with and the other without the nasal consonant. Admittedly, this is slim evidence for any conclusion; it could all be unsystematic and accidental. Therefore, we leave open the possibility that final VN became a nasalized vowel in WJ.

There is apparently no intended contrast among Membrefio's <k>, <c>, <qu->, and <ck>. Compare <kre> bone and <la-cre> skinny (root = bone); <kanda) to cough and <canda> cough (noun). The <qu-> appears only before i and e, as in Spanish spelling conventions for /k/.

Membrefio's forms with initial <g> correspond to EJ inalienably possessed forms (body parts and kinship terms). It is probable that they contained n- my, accounting for the voicing, since plain stops are voiced after nasals (see below). Some examples are gut daughter, goain uncle, guere nephew, gurane son-in-law, etc.

Membrefio's <ou>, <u>, <ue>, and <w> syllable-initially before a vowel are all interpreted as w.

Membrefio's <h> and <j>, and <g> before i or e (approximating Spanish conventions) are all taken to represent h.

We interpret Membrefio's <ch> as [c] and <sh> as [s] generally, though it is not always clear what is intended. For example, in some cases Membrefio says "ch as in French" (i.e., s). One might guess that all of Membrefio's <ch> forms were meant to reflect [s], which in some cases would make for more reasonable sound changes (e.g., *s > S, instead of *s > c). Nevertheless, Membrefio clearly writes <ch> initially and

NO. 3 207


<sh> after consonants, for example, chuvene river, but pshu water, both with the root for water. Thus, unless Membrefio specifically says otherwise in individual cases, we interpret his <ch> as [c] and his <sh> as [s].

A good question is, what does Mem- breno's <nn> represent? We have assumed here that it merely represents [n], though there may be more to it than that.

Other differences for which graphic considerations are important involve the level of representation. The MF information is presented here in the underlying form (or at least phonemic representation) of roots, though several phonological rules apply to these forms to make their actual phonetic forms appear to be different. On the other hand, the WJ forms seem generally to represent the surface phonetics, but with the limitations imposed by Spanish orthographic conventions and by the perception of the Spanish-speaking recorder. WJ, however, appears to be subject to many of the same phonological processes as EJ. Thus, a comparison of EJ underlying roots with WJ representations approaching something like surface phonetics shows apparent, but unreal differences. Some of these differences are explained in the following rules of EJ. Vowel ablaut has already been mentioned. Plain stops are voiced after nasals (apparently in both languages). EJ /1/ has an [r] allophone intervocalically and in variation with [1] in other positions except initially, where it is always [1]. WJ seems to have the same rule.

WJ seems to have the general rule that plain stops are voiced when preceded by a voiced consonant and optionally a vowel

(i.e., stop-> [ + voiced]/ C (V) )

[ + voiced] or when followed by a stressed vowel in a polysyllabic word.

Finally, MF appears to have undergone

TABLE 1

p t ? k i i u ph th kh e o p' t' ?' k' a (s)* s m n w y h

* The B is problematic and is discussed later.

some specific changes after its separation from the other JY dialects. Monosyllabic roots beginning in s or ? acquire an initial epenthetic vowel identical to the root vowel (0 -> V1/# . (s VC0o) (see water,

coals, etc.). Similarly, CVCV roots where the two consonants are identical lose the first consonant (C1 --> 0/# VC1V) (see agouti, ashes, land, roasting ear, rope, etc.). Finally, it appears that u became i in words where the next vowel was a stressed u (u -> i/ iCu) (see monkey, dog, parrot).

3. Our inventory of Proto-Tol (henceforth PJ) segments is shown in table 1.

3.1. Here we present our proposed reconstructions of PJ phonology, with the sound correspondences between EJ and WJ. EJ forms are presented first, followed by WJ forms. We present only a few rep- resentative examples in support of each correspondence set here, but we indicate additional examples from the numbered list of cognates presented below. The correspondence sets show our phonetic inter- pretations of WJ orthographic symbols, though the examples presented show the original orthography.

*pp :k/ # v/V V

f C )

/[ + voiced]

_ V [+ voiced]J p / elsewhere

208 VOL. 46

PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

Examples: p: p: pe : pe stone, pis : pit meat (18, 51, 83, 89, 140, 161, etc.). p:b: kampa: camba far, long, alpa:arbaa above (37, 69, 75, 79, 122, 161, 202, 205, etc.).

Perhaps there is no real difference between b and v, since there is no contrast in Spanish; both b and v are used to represent fricative / intervocalically and stop b in most other positions. There appears to be a general process which voiced stops in WJ when they were preceded by a voiced consonant and vowel; thus 128 lip:-rug lip illustrates basically the p: k correspondence, but the k is voiced to g in this process. p: v: no&tepe?e Iforgot:: noteuve (55, 63, 223, etc.). p:k: kep: kec woman, hip: ick you (102, 108, 117, 128, 226, 230, 239, etc.).

C *t t : d/[+voiced] (V)

t / elsewhere

Examples: t: d: manti: manda buzzard (40, 55, 64, 77, etc.). t:t: te: te black, tek: tec leg (24, 37, 58, 63, 94, 105, 126, 133, etc.).

*k k :k

Examples: kep: kec woman, tek: tecleg (15, 17, 34, 46, 92, 109, 126, 129, 131, 137, 149, 153, 156, 196, 203, 207, 226, etc.).

p ph : b /{[ +

voiced] (V)

pf, f, ff/# i,e,a P /# o, i, u

Examples: liphi: lubu wind, mpha' : umbad

my ear, phe : pfe white, phi: put all (2, 5, 8, 15, 67, 69, 88, 95, 109, 110, 159, 166, 213, 228, 229, etc.).

*th th : t

Examples: pethel: peten wasp (29?, 174?, 224). Though there are not many examples, *th is clearly established by the few existing examples in the data available to us and by

the fact that it fits the pattern of aspirated consonants.

*kh kh : g [+voiced] (V) . (V - V J

k / elsewhere

Examples: khul: cun fish, khol: ptu-gongo grind (1, 16, 32, 80, 86, 104, 164, 184, 186, 221 ?, etc.).

*p p' :p

Examples: p'is : puet deer (30?, 62, 135?, 197?, etc.). (If 30 body is a true cognate, perhaps the p:b correspondence is due to the inalienable possession of body parts- in this case perhaps it had n- my.)

*tt' t: t

Examples: t'i : ute to cut, tit': tet louse (57, 124, 133, 220, etc.). *kk' k'/ #

0 or ? / elsewhere:

C g / [+voiced]

Vk/ V k / elsewhere

(V) }

Examples: ?as : kat blood, sok': choc tail, pi a-he: pugaje cougar (13, 27, 84, 99, 121 ?, 193, 204, 242?, etc.).

tv / v s/C tl #

Examples: ?olim: chorin salt, naCa?a: noonsha mine, noo? : nochot fly (28, 59, 62,91,97,127, 140,150,157,169,175,190, 212?, 216, 241, etc.).

*?h ?h : S / # c/V V

Examples: ?heme: sheme horn, -?hek:

NO. 3 209


cochechek coals (46, 48?, 65, 74?, 114, 178, 181 ?, 189, 202, etc.).

*?'' :t/ # c / elsewhere

Examples: m-pha': umbad my ear (t voiced to d by regular process of voicing after a voiced consonant and optional vowel), so?': chot owl, ?'il: chin hair (69, 106, 119, 141 ?, 158, 161, 170,185, 203, 211, 235, etc.).

*ss : s/C t/ #

/ elsewhere

Examples: -si: pshu water, sok' : choc tail, pis:pit meat (in mus:nemud smoke, WJ t is voiced to d by the regular process of voicing after a voiced consonant and optional vowel. The WJ correspondences are illustrated well in roots derived from water: s in pshu [MF -si] water, c in chuvene [MF si pone] river; cf. also thirsty 208.) (111, 135, 169, 176, 194, 204, 208, 225, etc.).

*mm :n/ # m / elsewhere

Examples: mol : moun cloud, kom : coun liver (WJ yom man is an exception to the m to n change in final position.) (7, 9, 31 ?, 40, 45, 70, 78, 92, 103, 107, 114, 116?, 129, 131, 138, 143, 155, 156, 172, 175, 190, 210, 211, 215, 220, 221, etc.).

*n n : n

Examples: pine : peune big (3, 16, 18, 22, 40, 88, 91, 95, 107, 117, 150, 159, 169, 179, 185, 193, 202, 208, 209, 242?, etc).

*11 :n/ # r/V V dor l/ # 1 / elsewhere

Examples: khul: cunfish, [mbelam]: beran my tongue, lu : duj yellow, lulu : luru navel

(4?, 5, 11, 17, 32, 34, 45, 58, 60, 71, 86, 93, 95, 97, 102, 106, 119, 120, 127, 128, 139?, 148, 149, 152, 153, 158, 170, 172, 175, 180, 186, 187, 192, 195, 203, 215, 224, 229, 233, 237, etc.). (The 1: r correspondence is really phonetically identical, since MF and EJ generally have r intervocalically as the phonetic realization of 1. The initial d of WJ seems to vary with the initial 1, see, for example, lararuc cold and dararuc ice, where there is probably no real semantic difference.)

*ww :w

Examples: wa: wua house (35, 85, 93, 97, 101, 112?, 115, 125, 127, 189, 195,207,216, 233, 238, etc.).

*y y :y

Examples: yo : yo tree (6 ?, 36 ?, 65 ?, 80 ?, 179, 213, 214?, 217, 239, 240, etc.).

*hh :0/V V h / elsewhere

Examples: pehey : pue egg, he : pge red, halek : jarec bow (34, 38?, 51, 72, 102?, 108?, 111, 113, 168, 188,210,211,235,etc.).

,f (see below). Vowels: i:i (1, 106, 125, 148, 156, 170,

175, 195, etc.). e:e (5, 24, 32, 34, 37, 46, 114, etc.). a:a (3, 16, 21, 27, 34, 40, 67, 69, etc.). o:o (13, 17, 22, 45, 48, 138, etc.). u:u (15, 28, 59, 95, 102, 108, etc.).i: i (2, 8, 18, 51, 62, 85, 103, 128, 143, 144, 171, 211, 229, etc.).

4. We believe that there can be little controversy with the reconstruction we have presented, since it is rather straightforward. However, there remain a few problematic aspects of Jicaque historical phonology which we discuss here. In a few cases, we have either been unable to reach a solution or have reached conflicting decisions upon which we are not in full agreement.

210 VOL. 46

PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

The main case concerns fi in MF. Oltrogge, followed by Fleming and Dennis,10 analyzes MF with a phoneme /b/ (i.e., /8/), which contrasts with /w/. Campbell acknowledges no such contrast. In favor of the distinctive /b/ its propo- nents mention the minimal pair be tamale, we crop (offowl). Campbell has [b] as an (allophonic) variant of /w/, doubting the proposed contrast on several grounds. First, the distribution of b is limited (it does not occur before i, u, w, nor after a, o, i, u; basically it occurs before i, e and in free variation with w in most other environ- ments, though after nasals a b may occur). Second, the b is clearly in alternation (either allophonic in Campbell's view, or morphophonemic in the other view) with w (e.g., [bij] frog, [hu-wij] his frog; [wa] house, [bYa] your house). Generative theo- ries of phonology would clearly require uniting the two into a single underlying seg- ment. Third, b is aberrant in that it is the only voiced fricative; the lack of pattern congruity makes it very suspicious. Finally, the existence of so few minimal pairs suggests that more investigation would be able to eliminate those proposed. For example, it is possible that because body parts are inalienably possessed, crop appears almost invariably with the third- person possessive form, where the infixed -w- of third person determined w in the root as opposed to the usual b before i.

Because of our differing analysis of b, for the present we leave open the question of whether Proto-Jicaque had *f. If MF should prove to have a significant con- trastive b, then it corresponds to WJ w everywhere except before i, where WJ sometimes has b. If Campbell should eventually prove right, we would reconstruct *w. If Oltrogge proves right, we would reconstruct *b to show the contrast

10 "Tol (Jicaque): Phonology," IJAL 43 (1977): 121-27.

with *w (based on w: w correspondences).1l

5. Some aspects of our reconstruction receive additional support and refinement from the Lean and Mulia forms recorded in 1788. Apparently LM represents a stage of the language before certain sound changes took place, and thus LM forms preserve information confirming some proposed changes.

EJ stress is generally on the last vowel before the last consonant (V -> [+ stress]/

C(V)#), though there are several exceptions which have stress on the final vowel where there is no following final consonant. Internal reconstruction suggests that the exceptional forms with stress on the last vowel but with no final consonant may have at one time had a consonant, that the stress rule may have been com- pletely regular, but that certain former final consonants have been lost. When we examine the LM forms, we find that many of the modern exceptional forms do indeed have final consonants in those data. Some examples are: set : isi water, leopuc : liph wind, lup : lu (WJ duj) yellow, pec : phe (LP #e?) white, log : la name, lo his name, chigyj : ?'ihi worm, puc : iphi ash, dust, tec: te (LP te?) black (see also 71, 172, etc.).

Since final stops, at least in MF, are aspirated as they are generally in indigenous languages of Central America, it would be nice to be able to say that the occurring final stops are structurally to be

11Another potential problem involves the analysis of [n]. Oltrogge analyzes this as phonemic /r/, noting some forms that appear to show a contrast with [n], e.g., win you walk, [bir] frog, [t'arj] yesterday, [khan] bed, and [t'ant'an] stretched tight. Campbell considers this at best a marginal contrast. In any case, [r] is limited to final position and is not at all frequent. Perhaps it, too, may eventually need to be taken into account in our reconstructions. For now we treat it as though it can be derived directly from /n/. Perhaps ultimately another protocontrast will need to be recognized.

NO. 3 211


equated with the plain stops, and that the underlying aspirated stops do not occur in final position. This would allow us to pro- pose that the LM stops in these aberrant forms represent earlier aspirated stops and h which do not occur contrastively in the modern dialects in final position. Thus, we would see a development Ch -- h / #, then later final h from earlier aspirated stops and from original h would be lost. We interpret LM <j> and <g> as h in this position.

This development would explain much. It would account for the exceptionally stressed words in modern EJ; it would account for the lack of contrast between plain and aspirated stops in EJ in final positions; and it would provide some reason for the LM consonants which do not appear in the modern language. Given all this, we suspect that this is indeed the explanation. Nevertheless, it is not as straightforward as we would hope.

There are two potential problems for our analysis equating LM final consonants with former but now lost EJ aspirated consonants and h. One is that some words which end in final (phonetically aspirated) stops change the consonant to h, while others do not (e.g., noph corn, noh way it is corn, but sith avocado, sit way it is

avocado). Since we have limited information on these forms, for the present we can only raise the problem; it is possible that those which become h with added suffixes represent true underlying aspirated stops, the others plain. The other difficulty is that certain other forms which have phonetically aspirated final stops in final position retain the aspiration when suffixes are added, while others do not (e.g., sith avocado, sithin; luph hail, luphuk; but keph woman, kepan). The difficulty is not helped by the fact that in the first case above, avocado would appear to reflect an underlying plain stop while in this case an aspira-

ted stop. It may also be significant that both avocado and corn are loanwords. In any case, we register these potential problems for our analysis of final consonants, but we suspect that, if the information were complete, our analysis would hold true.

The LM information may also provide documentation for the *k' which by our analysis was lost or became ? medially in EJ, as, for example, in LM tec, EJ -te?ay, WJ tega to give, where LM seems to preserve information on the k' with its orthographic <c>.

There is a possible correspondence of y:z, however, there are too few examples to be certain (see, for example, khiyu: cuju parrot, where WJ j is said to be like French). The only examples are 55, 164, 167, but these are not clear.

6. The following abbreviations are used in the cognate lists. Where reasonably clear, the Proto-Tol (Jicaque) form is recon- structed first. WJ forms are presented next, followed by the EJ data. Emphasis is given only to Membrefio's WJ and our own EJ data. PJ = Proto-Tol (Jicaque), WJ = Western Jicaque (Jicaque of El Palmar), Conz WJ = El Palmar forms presented by Conzemius, MF = Montafia de la Flor, JY = Jicaque de Yoro (from Lehmann and Membrefio), Conz JY = Conzemius's Yoro forms, CV = Jicaque from Cabeza de Vaca (Holt's notes from near San Fran- cisco Locomapa), LP = La Pati (Camp- bell's notes), Lag = Lagunita, LM = Lean and Mulia.

1. agouti Conz WJ keke; ekh ; Conz JY ke.

2. all PJ *phi(t); WJ put; MF phi. 3. always PJ *han-; WJ jangecha; MF

hanmak. 4. ant WJ kere; MF laksay, lakasay; JY

laquesay; CV lakasay; LP khre; Lag lacasay, LM laesai (error for lacsai ?).

212 VOL. 46

PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

5. arm, back, shoulder PJ *phel; WJ pein, peintaj; MF phel arm, mphel my arm, yo phWel branch (lit. tree's arm); JY fel, yopuel branch; CV pher back; Lag umbeera arm. (The WJ form has p rather than the expected (p)f, we believe, because body parts are inalienably possessed and this then quite probably had the n- of my before it, which produced a different reflex.)

6. armadillo Conz WJ yukuts; MF yuku??(i); Conz JY yukuts (borrowed from Mangue nyukui).

7. arrow PJ *?imea (?); WJ chimea; Conz WJ tsima bow: JY semea, ausemea; Conz JY tsemea bow.

8. ashes PJ *phiphih; WJ pubuj; Conz WJ pubu; MF iphi; JY ampu; Conz JY p6; CV phi; LP ui, #upuih (cf. dust; these forms also mean dust).

9. aunt WJ nomo; MF hamap(h), napap(h) my aunt; CV namap.

10. avocado Conz WJ tsit; MF sit; Conz JY tsit (ultimately borrowed from Western Mayan ?i? small avocado).

11. bark Conz WJ prot; MF lotot; Conz JY lotot.

12. bat Conz WJ hamu; MF ?'ul (u)?'ul; Conz JY tsurutsut (if Conzemius is correct in his WJ form, then the WJ and EJ forms are not cognates).

13. to be PJ *k'os (?); WJ got, MF ?os I sit, am (cf. also hak and hat); JY ahos; LM quisus.

14. bean Conz WJ tsing; MF ohin; Conz JY tsing (ultimately borrowed from West- ern Mayan cinak').

15. beard WJ pyuk; perhaps cognate with MF hayphuk head (cf. 109 head).

16. bed PJ *khan; WJ cand; Conz WJ kan; MF khan; Conz JY kan; Lag cahm (perhaps ultimately a borrowing from Spanish cama bed).

17. belly PJ *-kol; WJ ung6n (un as is in English); Conz WJ gon; MF kol; JY col; Conz JY kol; LM col (probably the WJ form is actually my belly, cf. WJ /n-kol/

[rigol], since body parts are inalienably possessed in Jicaque as well as in most other Mesoamerican languages).

18. big PJ *pineh (?); WJ peune (eu as in French); Conz WJ p6ne; MF pine, pone; JY ampune; Conz JY pune; CV pine; LP pine; LM pones.

19. bird (curassow) Conz WJ maru; MF takmalay bird species (small, yellowish); Conz JY mara.

20. bird (yellow-tail) Conz WJ urup; Conz JY uruk.

21. to bite WJ ptra; MF la; JY autrea; CV (n)tera bite, naYselia chew (cf. 71 to eat).

22. bitter WJ laconne; MF ?ona, ?ono; JY hono; CV ono.

23. bixa (achiote) Conz WJ wang; Conz JY wal.

24. black PJ *te(kh) (?); WJ te; Conz WJ te; MF te; JY aute; Conz JY te; CV te; LP te(Q); LM tec.

25. bland WJ narwave; MF nap'nap', napnap, lu?luy; JY anluluy (perhaps the forms with nasal and labial consonants are cognates, but this is not obvious).

26. to blow WJ moji6 (j as in French); MF hon; JY yustej6; CV hastyo (uncertain whether forms involve cognates).

27. blood PJ *k'as; WJ kat; Conz WJ kat; MF ?as; JY as; Conz JY ats; CV as; LM ays.

28. blue PJ *?u(h) (?); WJ chuj; Conz WJ tsu; MF ?u; JY ansu; Conz JY tsu; CV cu; LP c'up/syup; LM chu crudo, chuci verde, cuuc azul (scribal error for chuc?).

29. boa constrictor Conz WJ teng; MF them; Conz JY tem.

30. body PJ *p'i(y); WJ bueravene; MF p'iy; JY puey; LM puey (cf. MF p'Wiy his body).

31. to boil WJ minguid6; MF molk; JY tomeolgo (past tense); CV myorko (cognacy not certain).

32. bone PJ *khele; WJ kre, MF khele; JY quere; CV k're; LM ckli (cf. 186 skinny).

NO. 3 213


33. to be born WJ punmotovara to be born, untevana to give birth to; MF manun, ma?an; JY antaap; CV naYsi t'ap't'(i).

34. bow (of bow and arrow) PJ *halek; WJ jarec; MF halek; JY jarec.

35. boy WJ wea; MF ohikway; LM guay.

36. brother WJ yihi; MF hathay man's younger brother (nathay my...), hatham man's elder brother (natham my...); JY natans; LP ?ikhi; LM natam (cognacy uncertain).

37. to burn PJ *tV-pWe (?); WJ toboe; MF tapwe (past tense); JY tupues; CV tepwe.

38. "bush" (forest) PJ *hok'-la; WJ hora: Conz WJ hobi: MF hok' montana, hok'la campo; CV hokra; LM joc, coda.

39. breast WJ chorom6; JY soropa (cf. MF ?o?').

40. buzzard PJ *manti; WJ mande; Conz WJ mande; MF manta, manti; JY mante; Conz JY mante, mande; CV manti; LP mantu.

41. cane (wild) Conz WJ minde; Conz JY minde.

42. cave WJ dalluu (the u is hardly pronounced); Conz WJ nahu, momo hu hole in the ground; MF hul; JY aulajul; Conz JY ma hue; CV hul; LM jul (probably ultimately a loan from Mayan, cf. Proto-Mayan *xul).

43. chicken Conz WJ kastre; MF kast- lea; JY kastre; Conz JY kastre (borrowed from Spanish castellano, the source of words for chicken in many Mesoamerican languages).

44. chile (chili pepper) Conz WJ tsere; Conz JY tsele (a loan from Nahua cilli, perhaps via Spanish chile).

45. cloud PJ *mol; WJ moun; MF mol; MY mor6n; CV lemr6h, demroh; LM mol.

46. coal(s) PJ *?hek; WJ cochechec; Conz WJ tsetsek; MF p?ehek; JY tsek, sec; Conz JY tsek; CV tsek.

47. coatimundi Conz WJ tsotson; MF

?'ol; JY tsol (ultimately from Western Mayan *?'u?'um).

48. cold (to be) WJ sozi, zozi, sossi; MF ?hohosi, ?ho, ?hohosa; JY sois; CV tsoys; LP s6isi; LM chosi.

49. cold (chilly, frost) WJ lararuc hel- ada, dararuc hielo; MF ?ho; JY auso (not cognates).

50. cotton Conz WJ tring; MF tinim; Conz JY tunim (loan from Mayan, cf. Proto-Mayan *tir)am, Cholan tinim).

51. cougar PJ *pik'a(-he); WJ pugaje; MF pi7a jaguar, pi?a-he mountain lion (lit. red jaguar); JY buaje; CV pu?a; LP pi?a jaguar; Lag unbuah; LM puage leon.

52. coyolpalm Conz WJ yugu; MF yuku; Conz JY juku (borrowed from Lenca yuku).

53. crab WJ cocj (the cj is pronounced like the German ch in Buche); MF hop; JY yop; CV hoph; LM jop (cognacy doubtful) (perhaps borrowed from Chorti hopop).

54. cricket WJ condyi; MF titi (cognacy uncertain).

55. to cry. WJ ladeuvij (French eu and the j as at the end of German Buch); MF (li)piyu [lipiyu]; JY aulatepiui; CV lipyiu, talipyui is crying.

56. custard apple (anona) Conz WJ tsun- goy; Conz JY tsungkwoy.

57. to cut WJ ute rendena; MF t'i; JY mojoca; LM teeg (uncertain cognacy).

58. to dance WJ weranati; CV werarati. 59. daughter PJ *(ku)kus; WJ gut; MF

kukus, kuku; JY cucusuay; LM cucus (cf. MF kukus, JY gucuis daughter-in-law).

60. to descendWJ prautu; MF pala down; JY praugiiisca; CV para/as (uncertain cognacy).

61. deaf WJ potoc; MF ma phok (lit. doesn't hear); JY pad6p.

62. deer PJ *p'is; WJ puet; Conz WJ pu6s; MF p'is; JY pues; Conz JY pu6s; CV p'us; LP p'is; Lag puss.

63. to die PJ *pi(?); WJ pteve tepebu

214 VOL. 46

PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

death; MF piP, pe?, pa? (tepe?e he died); JY autepe, autipuey; CV tepe, tepe?e; LP tepe, LM tepe.

64. to do, make WJ nindadi; MF le-hay; JY aulatey; CV lat'imi (uncertain cognacy).

65. dog PJ *?hiyo(h); WJ shio (la i apenas se pronuncia); MF ?hiy6; JY soy6; CV co, n-tsuy6 my dog; LP; si6; Lag shoy6; LM choyo.

66. to drink PJ *mi?; WJ pteme; MF mi?, mis (timi?i he drank); JY semues; Conz JY mu6s; CV t'imipi; LM temie.

67. (to) dry PJ *pha; WJ taffd dry, plepea to dry; MF pha dry, to dry (taphaha it dried out); JY ampa dry, autopa to dry; CV t'aphg.

68. dust WJ larabama (cf. earth); MF iphj; CV phi; LM pumam dust, puc vapor (cf. 70 earth).

69. ear PJ *pha?'; WJ umbad; Conz WJ bat; MF pha?' (mpha?' my ear, pho?' his

ear); JY pacs; Conz JY pats; CV pats'; Lag umpost; LM poks (oreja), pacas (oido) (cf. 110 hear).

70. earth, land PJ *(a)ma(h) (?); WJ moma; Conz WJ momo; MF ama; JY mua; Conz JY ma; CV mah; LP ma; LM maa.

71. to eat PJ *la (?); WJ npda; MF la, la(h); CV (ta)triah, kyenla; LM telea to eat, las comida.

72. egg PJ *pehey; WJ pue; Conz WJ pue; MF pehey; JY casticboay; Conz JY pehey; CV pe:y; LP pee; Lag pepey; LM puegei.

73. to end, run out WJ tigoho-a; MF kawa, tekYawaha (past tense); JY tequiabua; CV tYeka/a.

74. evil spirit, devil Conz WJ tsatse; MF Chii, Z?ii; Conz JY tsii.

75. excrement PJ *pi(y); WJ mumbed (u as in French); PM piy; JY autupues; CV pya.

76. eye WJ und; Conz WJ wut; MF hun his eye, hin your eye, nan my eye; JY nau; Conz JY hin; CV hin, hun; Lag ujman; LM vm eye, vncechil pestanas.

77. to fall WJ pradi; MF tili (cf. pala down); JY truucus; CV paratyadk.

78. far PJ *kampa; WJ camba; MF kampa; JY camba; LM campa (cf. 131 long).

79. father PJ *(pa)pa(y) (?); WJ baa; Conz WJ ba, babay; MF papay ([mbapay] my father, popay his father, pyapay your father); JY bapay; Conz JY papay; CV papay; LP peyapay; Lag papay: LM peapay.

80. to fear WJ deghia; MF lekheya he is afraid; JY auliquiya.

81. to fight WJ ptigom6; MF (le)palan; JY tupueras, lateohon (uncertain cognacy).

82. finger WJ pnamachichiric (ch as in French); MF mas?ipal; JY masaicifracsas.

83. fingernail Conz WJ pet; MF pep (Oltrogge peph); JY pep; Conz JY pep; LM pep casco.

84. fire PJ *k'awa; WJ couf (u apenas se pronuncia); Conz WJ ko; MF ?awa; JY aua; Conz JY auafire, awa warm; CV awi; LP u:; Lag haaba.

85. firewood PJ *wi(t); WJ wue; MF wit; JY aiiguet; CV wit; LP mbit my firewood; Lag uhuat; LM guet.

86. fish PJ *khul; WJ cun; MF khul; JY cul; CV khur; LP khur; Lag kul; LM cul.

87. fish poison (vine), (pate) Conz WJ tse; Conz JY tse; MF se.

88. five WJ pevebane; MF mas-phani (archaic); JY comasopeni; CV komaso4ni; LM cumasopni.

89. flea PJ *pel; WJ pen (ligerisima se pronuncia para no confundir la con espal- da); Conz WJ pen; MF pel; JY pel; Conz JY pel; CV pel; Lag pel.

90. flower WJ tidi; MF ?'itus or ?'utus, Cutus, tyuti; CV (nasa)titi; LM tutus (the t: (') correspondence is irregular, though the t:t forms have appropriate correspondences).

91. fly PJ *no?o?; WJ nochot; Conz WJ notsot; MF no?o?; JY nosocs; Conz JY notsots.

215 NO. 3


92. foreigner Conz WJ mak ladino, mak te negro, mak peforeigner; MF mak ladino; Conz JY mak te negro, mak pe foreigner (cf. Conz WJ mukusus, Conz JY mukusus ladino).

93. forehead PJ *wala; WJ nouvourwa (u apenas se pronuncia); MF wala; JY guarequesa; CV mbarakasa my forehead, mbara, my face, LM bolacasac forehead, guala face.

94. toforget PJ *-pi?; WJ noteuve (eu algo parecido a la francesa); MF no?-pi?, -pe, -pa? (no?tepe?e Iforgot); JY noctobe; CV nkaptep'ee.

95. four PJ *(y)uluphana; WJ urubana; MF yuluphan(a); JY diurupana; CV yuru- <ainya; LP dYurukana.

96. frog, toad Conz WJ bi; MF win (Oltrogge bir); Conz JY wing.

97. fruit PJ *wolas; WJ wurut; MF wolasfruit; Conz JY wurax; LM bolasfruit.

98. girl (little girl) WJ kea; MF kep ?hikway (lit. little woman) (possible cognate ?).

99. to give PJ *-tek'a (?); WJ tega (te ligerisima); MF ?ya, ?eya, 2oya; JY meeca; CV ent'eaiy; LM tec.

100. to go WJ purun; MF hum I go, leave, mis I go (to), hay you go, leave; JY nasun; LM mis ir, mys vete, temue fue.

101. good PJ *wi(k) (?); WJ wooj; MF wi ok (acquiesence), ?ik good, >isis pretty, JY auhec; CV ususyam; LP ?ip; LM hue good, huec well (separate etyma involved in the EJ forms).

102. grain (cf. maize) PJ *hulup; WJ guruc; MF hulup pit, fruit; CV hurup fruit; LM vlup seed.

103. grandmother,female PJ *(mi)miy; WJ mui, mue; MF mimiy; JY cabuiyu munnuy (mistake for mumuy ?).

104. to grindPJ *khol (?); WJ ptugongo; MF khol, khok(h); JY auquiolc; CV min-

kor, khyoko. 105. to group, put together WJ tevee;

MF pay to put up; CV tep(')ey%ma.

106. hair PJ *?'il; WJ chin; Conz WJ tsin; MF ?'il; JY auchil; Conz JY tsil; CV ts'ir; LM chil (cf. 170 root).

107. hand PJ *mas (?); WJ pnama; Conz WJ namat; MF mas, namas my hand; JY mas; Conz JY mas; CV mas; LP meat your hand, Lag mass; LM mas.

108. he, that PJ *hup; WJ uuc that; Conz WJ huk; MF hup he, she; CV hup.

109. head PJ *ha(y)phuk; WJ navuk; MF hayphuk, nayphuk my head; JY naipuc; CV aypuk; LP e6u; Lag naipuc; LM aypui (cf. 15 beard).

110. to hear PJ *phak; WJ poo; MF phak, phoki he hears; JY ampocas I hear, CV tipik (cf. 69 ear).

111. heart PJ *has-; WJ hochuruc; MF has, hos his heart, nahas my heart; JY nahas; CV hos; LM osum chest, jos heart, josum stomach.

112. (to) heat WJ lavevue heat, lapue hot, addevin (v as in German) to heat; MF ?yawa heat, hot (cf. fire); JY puneau heat, aneaua hot (po&in ?iyawa); CV astipyu to heat, iyawi heat; LM puc burning (ardi- ente), eagu hot (uncertain relationship).

113. his Conz WJ huktsa; MF huCa2a; Conz JY huputsa (cf. 108 he).

114. horn PJ *?heme; WJ sheme; Conz WJ tseme; MF ?heme; JY seme; Conz JY tseme, LP seme; LM zeme.

115. house PJ *wa; WJ wua; Conz WJ wa; MF wa, [mba]/[nwa] my house, /wYa/ [3ea] your house, wo his house; JY guai; Conz JY wa; CV mba; LP ba, bo, i/iai; Lag uha; LM gua.

116. husband WJ kevan; MF weyum, woyum (cf. kepan woman); JY kevan; LM guayo (probably two etyma involved, one derived from house + man (wa-yom), the other somehow from woman, kep).

117. I PJ *nap (?); WJ noc; Conz WJ nak; MF nap (Oltrogge naph); JY nap; Conz JY nap; CV naph(i); LM nape yo, nap yo soy.

216 VOL. 46

PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

118. iguana Conz WJ hubue; MF hepwe; Conz JY hupue.

119. intestines PJ *?'ul; WJ ochoun (u apenas se pronuncia); Conz WJ tsun; MF ?'ul; JY sul; Conz JY tsul; CV ts'ul.

120. Jicaque (Indian) Conz WJ tol, tor; MF tol singular, tol(o)pan plural; Conz JY tol, tor.

121. to kill WJ ptegueno; MF ?inan, ?in (mi?nanka I'm going to kill it); JY auticuau/n; CV nasatini.

122. (to) kiss WJ queambi kiss; MF lupise I kiss.

123. knee PJ *tik'-; WJ ticorac; Conz WJ dik; MF tik'; Conz JY dik; CV t'ik'; LM tic.

124. late WJ puntea; MF t'awa (po?in t'ya it's very late in the day); JY nasetia it's later already; CV ant'Ya; Lag taubona; LM teana.

125. to laugh PJ *wi?; WJ ui (como separando la u de la i); MF wi?; JY autuis; CV -wi?; LM vy.

126. leg PJ *tek; WJ tec; Conz WJ tek; MF tek; JY tec; Conz JY tek; CV tek; LP tep.

127. to lie (prevaricate) WJ chiviri; MF luCuwila; JY chiabil; CV cYa/ri.

128. lip PJ *lip; WJ nourug; Conz WJ uruk; MF lip; JY lup; Conz JY lup; CV -lam lip, mouth; LM lep lip, cheek.

129. liver PJ *kom; WJ coun (la u apenas se pronuncia); Conz WJ kong; MF kom; JY com; Conz JY kom; CV kom.

130. lizard Conz WJ komodut small lizard; Conz JY modut; MF imitit.

131. long PJ *kampa; WJ camba far; MF kampa; JY aucamba; CV kamphi; LP sonkhambo tall; LM campaynelonco tall, campa longitud (cf. 78 far).

132. to look for PJ *pal-; WJ ottorom- bara; MF (le)pal ka-m-pala you (pl.) will look for it; JY miscalampal; CV mihnam- bar.

133. louse PJ *tit'; WP tet;Conz WJ tut; MF tit'; JY autut; Conz JY tut; CV tit'.

134. lungs WJ pumbuj; Conz WJ pum- buy; MF p'oyp'oy; JY popoy; Conz JY popoy; CV p'op'Woy.

135. macaw PJ *p'isa(h) (?); WJ podcha (la d apenas se pronuncia) guacamayo; Conz WJ patsa; MF p'isa, pWisa large parrot; JY pasa; Conz JY pasa (cf. Conz WJ pisik toucan) (cf. MF pisey, pWise quetzal).

136. maize WJ duc; Conz WJ duk; MF nop (Oltrogge noph); JY nop; Conz JY nop; CV nop; LP nop; Lag nap (a Mangue loanword from Chiapanec nYopo).

137. male, grandfather PJ *(ko)koy; WJ cui, coho; MF kokoy; CV kokoy old man; Lag cocoy muy old man; LM cocoy old man.

138. man PJ *yom; WJ yom; Conz WJ yom; MF yom; JY yom; CV yom; LP jom; Lag iiom; LM yom.

139. manioc, cassava Conz WJ k6n; MF khewel; Conz JY k6al.

140. meat PJ *pis; WJ pit; MF pis; JY ampisis; CV pis; LM guisis, guaca.

141. monkey (black-faced) Conz WJ tsiau; MF ?'iyu; Conz JY suyu.

142. monkey (white-faced) Conz WJ markang; Conz JY marakang; MF mala- kan ?'iyu.

143. moon PJ *mimiy; WJ mumue; Conz WJ mumuy moon, month, female; MF mimiy; JY mumuy; Conz JY mumuy moon, month,female; CV miy; LP mumuy; LM mumy (cf. 144 month).

144. month PJ *miy-phini(h); WJ mumue- fini; JY muipini; CV miyphini; (lit. one moon).

145. mosquito Conz WJ hene; MF hene; Conz JY hene.

146. mother Conz WJ namay; MF hamay, namay my mother; Conz JY namay.

147. mountain Conz WJ nen; MF newen slope; JY aunen; Conz JY nen.

148. mouth PJ *lala; WJ darai; Conz WJ dara; MF lala; JY lama; Conz JY lam; LM lala.

217 NO. 3


149. much PJ *pilik; WJ la-pruc; MF pilik; JY ambrec; CV pirik.

150. my, mine PJ *naCa? (?); WJ noonsha; Conz WJ nantsa; MF naCa?a; JY napuasa; Conz JY napatsa (cf. 117 I).

151. name MF la to be called (named), lo he's called; JY aula; LM log.

152. navel PJ *lulu; WJ luru; Conz WJ luru; MF lulu; (hululu his navel); JY luru; Conz JY luru; CV ururu.

153. nephew PJ *kelew (?); WJ guere (gue is pronounced fast); MF kelew (Oltrogge kele/); JY guereb; Conz JY kerep; CV nkere my nephew.

154. net Conz WJ mongkoy; Conz JY mongkoy; MF monkhoy.

155. no PJ *ma-; WJ mangat; MF ma-; LP ma.

156. nose PJ *mik; WJ nimik; Conz WJ mik; MF mik, nimik my nose.

157. to nurse PJ *?o?; WJ pch6o; MF

?yo?o he (i.e., an infant) nurses; JY ausiots; CV co?(o).

158. oak PJ *?'olol; WJ pshoron (sh as in German); Conz WJ tsoron; MF ?'olol he (encino, ?'olol roble); JY solol; LM cholorge.

159. one PJ *phani(h); WJ pfani, fini (la p apenas se pronuncia); MF phani; JY pani; CV phani; LP <ani; LM pani.

160. opossum WJ wud; Conz WJ but; MF hue (Oltrogge huCh); JY yuts; Conz JY huts; CV huts; LP hut (loanword from Mayan, cf. PM *huht', Quichean *huhc').

161. owl WJ chot; MF so?'; JY sots (loanword from Mayan, cf. PM *so:c').

162. paca (tepescuinte) Conz WJ poyom; MF poyom, peyom; Conz JY poyom.

163. pants Conz WJ kansong; Conz JY kalsong (loanword from Spanish calz6n; if Conzemius's WJ form could be trusted, it might be taken as evidence that the change of 1 to n in WJ was late, later than the Spanish Conquest, after which this word was borrowed).

164. parrot PJ *khuyu(h); sWJ cuju(j a in French); MF khiyu; CV kuyuh.

165. peccary Conz WJ sai, savya; MF say, sayba; Conz JY sai, savya (cf. local Spanish sayba).

166. peccary Conz WJ namfe; MF nam, namph ; Conz JY nam.

167. pine WJ cohed6 pine, cojobrug pine grove (pinar) (j as in French) (literally pine + much?); Conz WJ koyo; MF ?iy6, ?ey6; JY oyolo; Conz JY oyo; CV oy6h; LP oy6 (the nature of the relationship here is not clear; the k:0 correspondence for PJ *k' occurs only medially; perhaps we could clarify this if we had more data).

168. red PJ *he(h) (?); WJ pge (la p apenas se pronuncia); Conz WJ he; MF he; Conz JY he; CV heh; LP he?; Lag unjee red, jee yellow; LM ge.

169. river WJ chuvene; MF ?isi pone(s); JY ausui; Lag kxu; LM susm6 (cf. 225 water).

170. root WJ yo-ochi (cf. 217 yo tree, 106 chin hair); MF yo-?'il (lit. tree hair) ?'wil (lit. its hair); JY yocsil; CV siy, si?i; LP c'ir; LM yochil (cf. 106 hair).

171. rope, vine Conz WJ pub6; MF ipi; Conz JY b6h.

172. round PJ *mul- (?); WJ kommorue; MF mul blowgun pellets; JY auhumul; CV umir; LM tumuluc ball (bola).

173. rubber Conz WJ dey; Conz JY suy (possible cognates ?).

174. saliva, spit WJ datsut; MF tut, thut(h); JY tut (cognacy uncertain; perhaps correspondences obscured by onomato- poeia).

175. salt PJ *?olim; WJ chorin, pchan; Conz tsarin; MF ?olim; Conz JY tsarin; CV tsorim; LP sorim; Lag shorin.

176. sand WJ chichic; Conz WJ tsitsuk; MF sus; JY sus; Conz JY sus; CV sis.

177. sandal, shoe PJ *?ompit; WJ chom- bii; Conz WJ tsombit; MF ?ompit(e); CV gambit; LM chempit.

178. scorpion PJ *Chew (?); WJ shee;

218 VOL. 46

PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

MF Chew (Oltrogge ohep); JY cheb; Conz

tseb; CV tshe. 179. to see PJ *nu(k); WJ teni6; MF

nuk, tinyuk Isaw; JY nucca; CV t'inyuk'u? to see, nyuku sight (vista); LM teniucui to see, sight (vista).

180. shade, shadow WJ zoroc; Conz WJ tsoro; JY s6ra; Conz JY tsoro; CV s6ro.

181. shell WJ donjue; MF o?h6 snail (cf. lokham shell); JY cotat; CV ?o (cognacy uncertain).

182. shirt Conz WJ askip; MF haskip clothing (ninkip my clothing); Conz JY askip.

183. sick WJ chumb6 sick, pchumbuc get sick; CV biyah; cf. MF bya pain.

184. to sigh, pant, breathe hard (resollar) WJ pteguegue; MF nikhisk I pant; JY nequesque.

185. to sing WJ tenege (g as in French); MF ni?', ne?e; JY netesca; CV t'enets'i.

186. skinny PJ *khele; WJ la-cre; Conz WJ kre; MF khele; JY cree; Conz JY kere; CV k*re; LP kh(r)e (cf. 32 bone).

187. sky PJ *alpa; WJ arbaa; Conz WJ arba; MF alpa above; JY arlepaas; LM acleaopa.

188. sleep PJ *han-; WJ cajanebe, jani; MF han-, haniwe (hanife) be sleepy; JY anjanibe; LP hanige (?); LM ycanigua.

189. small WJ coch6a; MF ?hik-way; JY chicuay.

190. smoke PJ *mus; WJ nemud; Conz WJ namut, komusut; MF mus; JY mus; Conz JY musk; CV myusk(u).

191. snake WJ weran; Conz WJ lats; MF la? (Oltrogge laCh), yuwalan snake species; JY lacs; Conz JY lats, laks; CV lats; Lag lats; LM lack.

192. to snore PJ *-hol-; WJ jeror6; MF hYo?lo; CV hYoro.

193. sour WJ conne agrio, laconne amargo; MF ?ono, 2ona.

194. to sow, plant PJ *sin-; WJ pchina plantar, chichina sembrar; MF sin, sina you plant; JY ausiu/n(?); CV -sin; LM sina.

195. to speak PJ *wele; WJ tuere; MF wele (Oltrogge fele), tewele ([tefele]) you (pl.) spoke; JY autebere; CV t'Uweremi/a; LM hecpavere voice; tevele to speak, pluctevele razonamiento (cf. 233 word).

196. spider PJ *kolok; WJ koroc; Conz WJ korok; MF kolok (Oltrogge kolokh); JY croc; Conz JY korok; CV korok; LM cloc.

197. to spit WJ tubilla; MF p'u?('); JY antepiots; CV t'up'yu?'i.

198. squash (ayote) Conz WJ nu; MF nu; Conz JY nu.

199. squirrel Conz WJ gutsu; MF ihi; Conz JY tsu.

200. star WJ arbagachoc (cf. 187 sky); Conz WJ tsibrak; MF pul, pulak lucero; JY bul; Conz JY p6l; LM pulac.

201. stone PJ *pe(h); WJ pe; Conz WJ pe; MF pe; JY pe; Conz JY pe; CV peh; LP pe; Lag pejj; LM pe.

202. summer PJ *?hikin; WJ chikindu- vera (u as in French); Conz WJ tsikin duvera; MF ohikin; JY chiquine; CV c'ikina; LM chiquinna.

203. sun PJ *lo?'ak; WJ luchoc; Conz WJ latsak sun, day; MF (lo)?'ak; JY loc- sac; Conz JY laksak, loksak sun, day; CV lots'ak; LM lochac.

204. tail PJ *sok'; WJ choc; Conz WJ tsok; MF sok'; JY soc; Conz JY tsok; CV sok'; LP sop'.

205. tamale Conz WJ bi tortilla, tamal; MF we (Oltrogge fe) tamal, nixtamal; Conz JY we tamal.

206. tapir Conz WJ til; MF til; Conz JY til (loanword from Mayan, cf. Proto- Mayan *til1, Cholti til, etc.).

207. there is/are not (no hay) PJ *kuwa; WJ cod; Conz WJ kua; MF kuwa; Conz JY kua; LP kwa.

208. to be thirsty WJ chini, shini; MF ?isi niwe [?isi ni,Be] I am thirsty; JY ausen- ibe; CV nsinife; LP si? niwi I am thirsty.

209. this, that WJ queunny (eu as in French), queunna this, that; MF nona that; LM na.

NO. 3 219


210. thorn PJ *ham(?); WJ hung (as if English); Conz WJ ham; MF ham thorn, ax; JY aujam; CV ham thorn, ax; LP ham ax; Lag jom.

211. tick WJ chombue; Conz WJ tsum- bue; MF hom-pihiy (Oltrogge), ?'im- phihiy (Campbell); JY sempuey; Conz JY tsumpue; Lag chumpujuy.

212. to tie PJ *?upa-; WJ chubue; MF ?upap; JY supap; CV ts'yup', 'iuip'u.

213. tobacco Conz WJ pia; MF phiya; Conz JY puya.

214. tomorrow WJ Iluubda; MF yaya; JY yaye, auyaya; Conz JY yay; CV yah; Lag yai-; LM ya (uncertain cognacy).

215. tongue PJ *pelam; WJ beran; Conz WJ berang; MF pelam, [mbelam] my tongue; pwelam his tongue; JY peran; Conz JY perang; CV pweram his tongue; Lag behlam; LM puelam.

216. tooth PJ *wis; WJ ouit (oui as in French); Conz WJ bit; MF wis (Oltrogge /Bis); JY vis, wix; CV wis; Lag umbish; LM vis, uis.

217. tree PJ *yo(h); WJ yo, yooi; Conz WJ yo; MF yo; JY auyo; Conz JY yo; CV yoh; LPJo; LM yo.

218. tuber (malanga) Conz WJ kamuey; MF hemWe, himWe; Conz JY humoy.

219. turkey (wild) Conz WJ yus; MF yus; Conz JY yus.

220. two PJ *mat'i; WJ pmata; Conz WJ mata; MF mat'a, mat'i; JY mata; CV mat'ya; LP mat'a, mat'i; LM matiaa.

221. uncle PJ kokham (?); WJ goain (ain as in French); MF kokham, [rjgokham] my uncle; JY cocam; CV kokam; Lag unca- com.

222. to urinate WJ pcheuro (eu as in French); MF ?us; JY ausius; CV Chusu urine (uncertain cognacy).

223. to wash WJ chinduve; MF pa?, pe?, pa?; JY tepeaes; CV -mbats.

224. wasp PJ *pethel; WJ peten; Conz WJ peten; MF pethel; Conz JY petel.

225. water PJ *si(th); WJ pshu (casi

parecida la pronunciaci6n a la jou francesa, con semi-pronunciaci6n de la p precedente); Conz WJ ts6; MF ?isi; Conz JY ts6; CV si; LP si; LM set.

226. we PJ *-kup; WJ cuuc; MF kup (Campbell nkup); CV kup; LM cup.

227. when WJ yan; MF ?ona(n), na, nay(a); JY canlepai (cognacy uncertain).

228. white PJ *phe(kh); WJ pf6 (la p apenas se pronuncia); Conz WJ pe; MF phe; JY pe; Conz JY pe; CV pheh; LP

Oe?; LM pec. 229. wind PJ *liphi(kh); WJ lubui; Conz

JY lubu; MF liphi; JY lupu; Conz JY lupu; CV liphnu linli huracdn, tsiripun wind; LM leopuc wind, leopuac uracan.

230. woman PJ *kep; WJ kec; MF kep; JY quep; CV kep; LP kep; Lag quep.

231. woodlouse Conz WJ tsugoy; Conz JY tsuey.

232. woodpecker Conz WJ tsektereng; MF sektelem; Conz JY tsekterem.

233. word PJ *wele; WJ veure (eu as in French); wele (wele to speak, wele word, wele voice) (Oltrogge /ele); JY autin (cf. 195 to speak).

234. world WJ navedidou; MF nosis (doubtful cognate).

235. worm, caterpillar PJ *?'ihih; WJ chij; Conz WJ tsey; MF ?'ihi; JY chig; Conz JY peretsey; CV c'ii, ts'ihi; LM chigyj.

236. yam (camote) Conz WJ muin; MF mina; Conz JY muts (loanword from Mixe-Zoquean, cf. Proto-Mixe-Zoquean *minE).

237. yellow PJ *lu(ph);' WJ duj; Conz WJ lu; MF lu; JY anlu; Conz JY lu; CV luh; LM lup.

238. yes WJ ui, uiss; MF wi; LM ac ac (cf. 110 good).

239. you PJ *hip; WJ ick; Conz WJ hik; MF hip; JY yip; Conz JY hip; CV hip; LM yp.

240. you (plural) WJy unudagat; MF nun.

220 VOL. 46

PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE)

TABLE 2

(a) 1:1 (1) *alpa above: luba above, on (2) custard apple: p'olosos -bole? (3) bone: *khele -gal (4) tongue: *pelam -fule- (5) clothes: pilil -boPi? (6) fight: palan -fule- (7) polok skin, leather: -bit' skin (human) (8) many: *pilik; S-pela' (much)

(c) p:f (1) big: *pine(h), -pan; ifungi fat (2) excrement: *pi(y); fay (3) pinole: pikiy; -f'aya? (4) play: p'wele toy; -f'il to play (5) to tie: *(?u-)pa?; -fi?e (6) to be sick: WJ pte-ve sick, EJ pe7, pa? die;

-tafba sick; -fwana sick (e) k:g

(1) beard: (d) (2) bone: (a) (3) charcoal: (d) (4) cheek: phok; -beg6

241. yours WJ ickchaa; Conz WJ hiktsa; MF hiCa?a; JY yipisai; Conz JY hiktsa.

242. zapote Conz WJ kan; MF ?an; CV an (relationship unclear).

7. Tol (Jicaque) has many loanwords from other native languages. We identify those known to us with their sources here.

1. armadillo MF yuku??(i) - from Man- gue nyukui (cf. 6).

2. atol MF hul - from Western Mayan (WM) *?ul.

3. avocado MF sit-from WM *?i? (cf. 10).

4. bean MF ?hin(ak) - from WM *cinak' (Proto-Mayan *ki:naq') (cf. 14).

5. cacao MF khaw - from Proto-Mixe- Zoquean (PMZ) *kakawa.

6. cat MF misti - from Nahua misto.n, perhaps ultimately from Spanish.

7. cave, hole MF hul- from Proto- Mayan *xul (cf.42).

8. cloud MF mol - (?) compare Mayan month name mol (cf. Huastec molow humid; cf. 45).

9. coatimundi MF ?'ol, Conz tsotson - from WM *?'u?'um (cf. 47).

10. cotton MF tinim- from Cholan tinim, cf. PM *tirjam (cf. 50).

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

(1) (2) (3) (4)

(1) (2) (3)

(b) p:b above: (a) clothes: (a) tongue: (a) skin: (a) egg: *pehey; -biPe

(d) O/ch:s blue: *?u(h); -suih beard: ?'ik; -sigo charcoal: *?hek; -unluak cold: *?hohsi; a-?ida

(f) m:m to boil: molko; -mule? worm: mos centipede; -musak worm species feather: pom; -bimi

11. coyol palm MF yuki - from Lenca yuku, cf. Cacaopera yukui, Salvadorian Lenca yugu (cf. 52).

12. crab MF hop - perhaps from Chorti hopop (cf. 53).

13. gourd (guacal) MF sem - from PMZ *?ima.

14. hawk (small) MF liklik- from PM *lik(lik).

15. hog plum (jocote) MF milak - from Lenca murak.

16. hummingbird MF t'unun - from PM *?'u: nu?n.

17. to light, burn MF sami - from PMZ sam to heat something.

18. maize MF nop(h)-from Mangue nYopo (cf. 136).

19. opossum MF hue - from PM *huht', cf. Quichean *huhc' (cf. 160).

20. owl (lechuza) MF so?'-from PM *so: '

(cf. 161). 21. owl (tecolote) MF mu-perhaps from

Yucatecan muwan (also month name). 22. paired sibling MF ?ipe - cf. Quichean

*'i'ip last child, Xinca 'i: pi last child. 23. pozol MF ma?' - from PM *ma:'. 24. tamal, nixtamal MF we- (similar

forms are widespread in Mesoamerica) (cf. 205).

NO. 3 221


25. tapir MF til-from PM *tisl, cf. Cholti til (cf. 206).

26. yam (camote) MF mina - PMZ *minE.

27. buzzard MF tunkhuta - from Man- gue tinkute, cf. Cacaopera tinkute.

8. We end our discussion of Tol historical linguistics with a brief consideration of its broader affiliations. Since Greenberg and Swadesh,12 Jicaque has generally been assumed to have Hokan affinities. It is sur- prising, however, that the Jicaque-Hokan hypothesis received such a warm welcome, given Greenberg and Swadesh's fragmen- tary data and "liberal" methods. Their evidence barely suggests the hypothesis, falling far short of demonstrating any remoter relationships. They presented a list of sixty-eight lexical similarities (with Jicaque not represented in every case) and made no attempt to distinguish material from the two Jicaque languages.

Today, there is considerable doubt con- cerning Hokan as a genetic grouping. At best, the hypothesis is still only suggestive for most of the proposed Hokan entities. We take no stand here on Hokan generally (though we believe much of traditional Hokan to be doubtful). However, with improved Jicaque and Tequistlatec (Chon- tal of Oaxaca) data,13 the probable relationship between these two languages seems very strong. Since Tequistlatec has been considered part of Hokan almost from the beginning of the Hokan hypothesis, a Jicaque-Tequistlatec relationship would circumstantially link Jicaque with the rest of Hokan. Since the evidence to date for relating Tequistlatec to other pro-

12 "Jicaque as a Hokan Language," IJAL 19 (1953): 216-22.

13 See especially Paul R. Turner and Shirley Turner, Chontal to Spanish-English/Spanish to Chontal Dictionary (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1971).

TABLE 3

(1) above (table 2) (2) custard apple (table 2) (3) arm, back *phel; -s-pula7 (4) ash, dust phiphi(h); -abi dust, ash, -ifu? dust (5) beard (table 2) (6) big (table 2) (7) blood *k'as; -hwa?' (8) blue (table 2) (9) skin (table 2)

(10) to boil (table 2) (11) bone (table 2) (12) to burn -pe; -bi? (13) buttocks -pi; -biCula', -biwo (14) charcoal (table 2) (15) worm (table 2) (16) cheek (table 2) (17) clothes (table 2) (18) cold (table 2) (19) deer *p'is; -wisgi (20) meat *pis; -abit' (21) dog *?hiyo(h); -?iki (22) ear *pha?'; -s?mas (23) egg (table 2) (24) excrement1 (table 2) (25) excrement2 ?'ilik; -?'i defecate (26) feather (table 2) (27) forehead *wala; -bali (28) good ik; ak'a (29) fat (table 2) (30) head *hayphuk; -hwak (31) husband WJ kevan; -guwe' (32) iguana hepwe; -webo? (33) to join -pey; -fol(wo) (34) land *(a)ma(h); -ama? (35) leaf lo; -la (36) louse *tit'; -tal (37) male *kokoy; -guwe? (38) no *ma-; ma (39) pinole (table 2) (40) play (table 2) (41) pot pasti; -bisu (42) river si-pones, -bana? (43) seed setel; giCala? (44) shell -ho; -bof-?'o (45) sick (table 2) (46) sing ni?; -nak' (47) skin (table 2) (48) worm p'el slug, pele?' worm; -beldugwi' big

striped worm (49) to speak wele; -balay- (50) squirrel iChi; ?eCei (51) stone pe(h); -bik (52) agouti peyom; -s-piyami-coati (53) to tie *?u-pa?; -fi7e? (table 2) (54) tongue (table 2) (55) to wash -pa7; -ba- (56) white *phe (kh); -fuh- (57) who phak; bi, bee-

posed Hokan languages is far from com- pelling, we prefer to defer on this question. Thus, regardless of the ultimate outcome of distant genetic research involving Hokan generally, we believe the Jicaque-Tequist-

222 VOL. 46

correspondences are illustrated in the short list of probable cognates, given in table 3.

Based on this evidence alone, we would conclude that the case for a Jicaque- Tequistlatec relationship is strong enough to suggest that the hypothesis is certainly worth much additional investigation.

University of Texas, 1977); Lyle Campbell, "The Jicaque-Hokan Hypothesis" (manuscript, SUNY, Albany, 1974).

NO. 3 PROTO-TOL (JICAQUE) 223

latec relationship will hold up. In table 2, we present only a few probable cognates illustrating a few recurrent sound correspondences. (For the full information, see our papers.)14 Jicaque material is presented first, Tequistlatec second. These and other

14 David F. Oltrogge, "Proto Jicaque-Subtiaba- Tequistlateco: A Comparative Reconstruction," in Two Studies in Middle American Comparative Linguistics, Summer Institute of Linguistics Publications in Linguistics, no. 55 (Arlington:

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