AbstractIntroductionDefinitions

Chapter 1:The wavesThe first waveSecond waveThird wave

Chapter 2: The HazeChapter 3: The [Inverted] GazeChapter 4: The mazeConclusionBibliography

Postfeminism;The haze, the gaze and

the maze.By Andrea Berryman

Abstract

In this paper I will explore post­feminism in order to theorize that the

prefix ‘post’ is the implication that post­modern theory combined with

feminism, claims to create discourse for women to negotiate spaces of

inequality when in fact i will present evidence that post­modern theory

cannot recognise the term ‘feminism’ because feminism is a socio­

political power relations discourse ,and therefore a term that is not

recognised by a theory renders an empty discourse,in this case,

post­feminism. Spaces of conflict are a consequence of the slow

uptake of successful legal challenges by the second wave of feminism

such as the Equal Pay Act (1970) and the Sex Discrimination Acts

(1975 & 1983), and third wave feminism seeks to close this gap.

Post­feminism denies that inequality is due to men’s oppression of

women but rather claims it as a consequence of essentialising of the

sexes. I will show that this space is, in fact, created by the patriarchy

through acts of reasserting dominance over women (also coined as ‘the

backlash’ by Fauldi 1992). I will show these patriarchal acts are a

system of interchangeable steps that pressurise women back into

traditional gender roles. These steps I have called the haze

(post­feminism), the gaze (the inversion of the phallic gaze) and the

maze (the conditions of society influenced by the media and institutions

of state).

I will demonstrate that consequences of post­modern (patriarchal)

society are that women are isolated from support and campaigning

networks; suffer the self­reflexivity imperative and are reconstructed by

a media which implements `ironic’ sexism into consumer culture and the

depiction of what is to be a woman in contemporary times. The intense

individualisation of women from networks which were built by women in

founding the Women's Liberation Movement leads to women’s isolation.

These networks were and are success in applying pressure to social

and political institutions to instigate social change that benefited women

and men. Concurrently, post­modernity demands self reflexivity, the

notion that one must constantly reflect and change oneself in order to

negotiate the modern world. I will argue that women have difficulty with

this flux because, unlike men, women have never had the chance to just

‘be’, therefore, it has always been that women change and adapt in

order to gain economic and socio­political goals. Finally, I will also

show that the aim of full equality under the conditions of post­feminism

is only possible for a media dominated construction of what it means to

be a ‘woman’, namely, conforming to patriarchal beauty standards,

being (and appearing) sexually available to men, de­politicised, a

product for the consumer and a product that is a consumed.

Introduction

In this paper I will explore the discourse known as post­feminism in both

the contexts of feminist theory and whether this discourse is useful to

the ongoing Women’s Movement in achieving the goal of emancipation

and empowerment.

In Chapter One (The Waves) I will give a brief overview of the 1st, 2nd

and 3rd waves of feminist activism, to show distinct paths of

progression from wave to wave. It is important to put into context the

gains made by coalitions under the movement and to contest the

assumption made by postmodern theory that the women’s movement

is of a homogeneous nature. In this context I will also to identify that the

steps of the Haze, Gaze and Maze were always a part of the conflict

between the genders and indeed a part of conflict within the Movement

itself. I will to show that these steps came into dominance once equality

rights, such as the Equal Pay Act and Sex Discrimination Act, were

legally gained and feminism became part of mainstream academic

discussion.

Also in this chapter I will to show the differences between third wave

feminism and post­feminist rhetoric. Third Wave feminism organises

and campaigns on equality issues (such as the gender pay gap, which

still hasn’t closed even though legislation prohibits the practice) using

networks to consciousness­raise and mobilise. Post feminism, on the

other hand, is the assumption that full equality has been reached and it

is necessary to compete as an individual rather than a group, therefore

removing the need for collective action/campaigning on equality issues.

Within Chapter Two, the Haze I will look at the origins of the term

post­feminism and examine the notion of a feminism when applying the

lens of post­modern theory. Using radical feminist critique i will show

that post­modernism does not differentiate between genders and

therefore gender is an homogeneous term but then criticises feminist

common ground as essentialist.

I will also show that within post­modern theory binary language is to be

avoided and therefore there is no discourse regarding oppression/

dominance and thereby no room to discuss power relations. Using

post­feminist perspectives I will look at how they try to utilise this

fragmented theory in order to empower the individual rather than the

collective empowerment of women.

It will be deduced that post­modernism cannot be seen as political in

the feminist sense because it does not acknowledge patriarchy

because the term is of a meta­narrative nature and also

post­modernism cannot account for commonality among women. For

the purposes of this paper, the Haze will refer these small and seemly

insignificant particles of patriarchal action and influence which actually

serve to obscure the clear sky (full emancipation of women and equality

between the genders).

Within Chapter Three, I argue that as part of this ‘Haze’ effect demands

an inversion of the phallic or masculine Gaze which therefore proposes

and condones women viewing other women under a set of patriarchal

conditions that define what can be deemed a feminine a body or

essence. The Gaze involves the de­feminisation of women who do not

fit into these conditions e.g, refuse to perform for men, either sexually

or by conforming to societal norms of beauty, refuse to bear children or

live with same sex partners (through tropes such as feminist

man­haters, lesbians or “fuglies”).

I will explore notions of being seen using Berger’s (1972) work which

argues that “The way we see things is affected by what we know or

believe” (pg8) and will show that this inversion of the gaze is affected by

education and acculturation of individuals through a patriarchal managed

media, social and political systems.

As example of this, I will explore the phenomena of women as sexual

consumers (for example women buying pornography and visiting strip

clubs) and as sexual commodities (presenting themselves as a

‘pleasing to the eye’ for the male gaze) using the post­feminist polemic

presented by Kate Roiphe (1993) to reflect on explanations of how

feminism has increased divisions and barriers regarding the site of the

body and sexual relations. In contrast I will look at the premise behind

Ariel Levy’s (2005) investigation which explores the idea that the gaze

of phallic (or power) applies only to women as opposed to men

because images of the nude male is not a commodity.

These texts support my overall argument that patriarchy reasserts its

dominant position as instigator and observer over women’s bodies and

sexuality as a site of control. The reassertion of the gaze is an act which

absolves men and renders women as nothing more than a pliable

object.

In the context of this paper the Maze (Chapter Four) consists of societal

and political conditions which act as barriers to women within the path of

life and the path to emancipation.The maze in this context is, “An

intricate, usually confusing network of interconnecting pathways, a

labyrinth” Farlex (2009). The context of the labyrinth is discussed by

Somer Brodrib (1992) as a white western male construct, created to

dismiss, confuse and alienate women from men and women’s relations

with each other.

In mythology a labyrinth is a maze in which there is only one entry point

and the quest is to reach the centre in order to find ones way back to the

entrance point. Since the maze is a patriarchal construct, as Brodrib

suggests, I argue that feminism could allow women to negotiate a path

to the centre by breaking down legal and societal barriers, to effectively

veer off the path that has been set for them by patriarchy.

Within the conclusion we will take stock of the chapters and find that the

constructs of the Haze and the inverted Gaze are tools in which the

patriarchy use to set women back on their ‘designated’ course, through

the maze constructed by the patriarchy. However these tools are not

visible as means of oppression because these oppressions are

marketed as choice for women.

For example women are free to be working mothers , in order to be a

consumer you must earn money, however in order to do this you may

neglect your children, but if you stay at home to look after your children,

you are conforming to a traditional role and cannot participate in

consumer society and therefore you are invisible.In this instance the

waves were successful in gaining the right for women to work but also

the right to be seen as an independent economic unit, then we find the

haze manipulates dilemma of to work/not to work, modern/traditional

role of motherhood in society.

The gaze invokes your performance as a mother/ worker and the maze

is societal and political ‘norms’ to be negotiated in order to be seen as a

‘successful’ and empowered member of society.

Definitions

At this point i shall outline the definitions for terms contained within this

paper using. I begin with the waves.

The waves: The 1st, 2nd and 3rd waves of feminism which sought and

seeks to empower women and achieve full equality between the

genders.The first two waves achieved legal status for women to and

the third seeks to ensure legal obligation and full equality is achieved.

Post­feminism: A dichotomous discourse which seeks to both

empower women negotiate the contemporary world and yet

disenfranchise women from feminist solidarity in order to do it.Also

referred to in this paper as the haze.

The movement : The women’s movement . I use this term

interchangeably with the term ‘umbrella of feminism’ as the Movement

has conflicting groups within for example,anti­porn and pro porn

feminists they may have conflicting views but both support the

empowerment of women.

Patriarchy : A framework of social relations in which men dominate

women.In the realms of this paper is seen as a meta narrative by post

modern theory and therefore is dismissed because post modern theory

does not recognise gender relations nor power structures.

Societies (NUWSS) presided over by Millicent Fawcett, sought peaceful

means to engender reform. However , other groups disagreed that this

could bring about reform and in 1903 the Women’s Social and Political

Union (WSPU) was formed by Emmeline Pankhurst, advocating militant

direct action such as window smashing, arson, clashing with police and

disrupting political meetings. This militant action was called to halt

during the First World War, in which women went out into the workplace

in lieu of the men who were fighting.

This forced the government to acknowledge women as independent

economic units, however it was still two years after the war that wives

and women over thirty gained the vote and a further 10 years (1928)

when full equal franchise was won that women over the age of twenty

one gained the vote (in line with men).

It is within the above period, according to Brabon & Genz (2009)

postfeminism is first mentioned “In 1919 a group of female literary

radicals [...] declared that moral, social, economic, and political

standards ‘should not have anything to do with sex‘ [and] promised to

be ‘pro­woman without being anti­man’ and called their stance

post­feminism” (p10).

Chris Bolt surmises that “The Women’s Movement in the 1920’s is

commonly presented as being gripped by a conflict between the old,

equal rights feminism and a new feminism which acknowledged and

Chapter 1:The wavesIn this Chapter I will look at the first, second and third waves of feminist

activism. I do this to trace the historical context of the Waves, how they

extend on from each other and show that modernist style of

campaigning for equal rights/emancipation has been successful and

the factor of a gender gap is the workings of the patriarchy in a bid to

reassert itself in light of feminist gains. I intend to show that

contemporary criticisms of women’s campaigning for equal and social

rights and the so­called apathetic attitudes from women (“I am not a

feminist but...” for example) have always been a feature of the Women’s

Movement.

The first wave

The first wave of feminism was a response to centuries of patriarchal

attitudes towards women, in which women were the property of their

fathers or husbands with no legal rights to their children, to purchase

property, to hold a bank account or to engage with the political system

through the right to vote. According to Chris Bolt (1993) definite roots

of the patriarchal framework can be viewed as far back as the early

enlightenment/ modern period. “From the 1600`s patriarchal attitudes

shaped all society attitudes, literature itemised and instructed how

women behaved in the public and private sphere” (1993, pg13).

Women’s ‘natural’ attributes were itemised as “modesty, quietness,

passivity, piety, generosity, chastity, domesticity, timidity, vanity and

ignorance’ ( 1993, pg13). One response and analyse of these

conditions and instructions was A Vindication of the Rights of Woman

by Mary Wollstonecraft (1792), this document, according to Bolt:

“... offered a compelling indictment of the enemies of women ...equality

and showed graphically ...that the subordination of women harmed both sexes

and the children who were women’s special charge... Female emancipation

could be seen as procuring the emancipation of the whole of society”(p29)

A hundred years after Wollstonecraft wrote Vindication, the women’s

suffrage movement began in the UK. Conducting the suffrage

campaign through “tried and tested methods of meetings, petitions

and political lobbying” (Bolt, 1993, p32), the National Union of

Women’s Suffrage sought to meet women’s distinctive needs and

interests’ (1993, p271).

In the first Wave we see conflict between courses of political action

and once the ‘core’ objective has been achieved we start to see now

familiar arguments involving what kind of feminism is needed now?

Second wave

The second wave of feminism was about the duality of women’s

presence in the private and the public sphere. In a burgeoning feminist

literature such as Betty Freidman’s (1963) The Feminine Mystique we

see a reflexive analysis on the conflict between having equal franchise

but still living under conditions of male oppression. The Mystique, as

Friedan found ‘after conducting a survey amongst fellow graduates, was

‘discontent’ (Siegel ,2007,pg 71) This discontent was the inner voices

of women being drowned out by patriarchal definitions of the role of

women . According to Humm (1993) ‘Second wave feminism was a

focus upon was a focus upon the body ,sexual and reproductive politics’

(pg 55). In order to facilitate this ‘new’ body politics ‘ ...a new language

[which contained] terms such as ‘conscious raising’, `sisterhood is

powerful’, ‘sexism’ and ‘the personal is political` were invented” (p55).

Along with this new language, theories about male domination over the

female body became a large area of discussion in order to establish

that everything we ‘know’ about of what it is to be a women is effectively

controlled by what men think a women should represent. For example,

Andrea Dworkin argues “male domination of the female body is the

basic material of reality of women's lives ...” (p83).

Also within this Wave we see the beginnings of the feminist

anti­capitalist strand such as the work of Shelia Rowbottom who argues

that “all conceptions of female nature are formed in cultures dominated

by men and like all abstract ideas of human nature are invariably used to

deter the oppressed from organising effectively against the most

unnatural of systems, Capitalism”. (p92).

Within this Wave we see that the correlation of new language and theory

gave the final push towards legislation that directly addressed women’s

specificity (their difference rather than their sameness) such as

contraception rights (1966); The Abortion Act (1967); the Sex

Discrimination Act (1975) and the Equal Pay Acts (1970 & 1983).

Third wave

The Third Wave according to Gillis et al (2007, xxiii) is “a definable shift

away from the politics of the individual, and the implicit problems

contained within the neo­liberalist individualist ideology”. The shift away

from the politics of the individual was demanded by the fact that most

third wavers have been born and raised in a period which sees women

with full equal (legal) rights. Yet the Third Wave is still directly linked to

Second Wave, according to Siegel (2007) “ third wavers saw the war for

women’s social, political and economic equality far from won” (p132).

As we will discuss in chapters 2, 3&4, the war is far from won due to

unequal conditions of pay and treatment within the workplace, not

enough female representation in government and business, casual

sexism which is internalized within the process i call the inverted gaze.

Third wavers effectively campaign around issues that are the basis of

the legal acts successfully gained by previous Waves, but also social

issues specific to their context such as the effects of neo­liberal

ideology and the use of women's body as advertising tools within

consumer society (see Chapters Three and Four).The discourse of

Identity politics within the Wave serve to acknowledge privilege which

had been invisible in previous Waves, that of the white, middle class,

heterosexual and western dominance of feminism , thus Third Wave

feminism allows an exploration of issues such as racism,

heteronormativity and women in the third world. The Third Wave

effectively negotiates the global as well as focusing on national issues.

This Wave has also combined new technologies such as the Internet

and communications technology, combined with traditional campaigning

tools such as pamphlets, zines, meetings and lobbying.

To conclude, I have traced that all three waves have dealt with the

patriarchy through change and transformation. First we see the struggle

for the vote and the different actions the NUWSS and the WSPU took in

order to gain equal franchise, the NUWSS in a peaceful legitimate

campaign and the NUWSS in militant gaining more attention because

they acted out of traditional role of woman. In the second wave we see

feminism explored as an inner voice that has been drowned out by

conforming to a traditional role, new language from feminists to write

feminist discourse about the male dominance and control over a

women’s body. In the third wave we see discourse has moved on to

confront issues such as privilege , racism and still the campaign against

sexism and the commodification of women’s bodies.

In the next two chapters I will show how the post­feminism differs from

the Women’s Movement to demonstrate how post­feminism is highly

individualized ideology concentrating on the premise that women have

full equality under the law in western society. It’s premise is that women

can achieve in a competitive employment market and any experience of

sexism other oppression demands only that women think reflexively to

get round the problem rather see it as systemic problem which

demands addressing from the roots. For post feminists the only

oppression they face is the legacy of oppression discourse (see

chapter 3) which they believe marks all women as victims instead of

strong, confident individuals.

Chapter 2: The HazeThe definition of ‘haze’ in meteorological terms is “a suspension in the

air of extremely small, dry particles invisible to the naked eye and

sufficiently numerous to give the air an opalescent appearance”.( Met

office,2007). The haze within the context of this paper is that these

invisible particles are in fact seemingly fragmented policies of the

patriarchy to trap, deter and ultimately confuse women. The haze is

much like a soft focus photograph: it is cosy and nostalgic but doesn't

show a true, sharp depiction of the image.

In essence, this Haze creates conditions of uncertainty and

disorientation through the maze , the maze being the institutions of

state. The haze suggests through the media that, de facto, equality has

been achieved. However, as Angela McRobbie (2009 p.2) states “the

young woman is offered a notional form of equality, concretised in

education and employment and through participation in consumer

culture and in civil society...” The haze is a tool of deception.

In this section I will look at the origins of the term Post­feminism

according to Susan Fauldi (1992) and Phoca and Wright (1999) and will

show that the term has it’s roots in both social constructionism and

post­structuralist theory. Using the work of Michele Barrett (2000) ,

Denise Thompson & Charlene Spretnak (1996) and Ben Bradbon &

Stephanie Genz (2009). I will use socialist, radical feminist and

post­modernist views on post­feminism to explore the arguments

around the use of post­modern theory when combined with feminism.

Post­feminism is a fragmented term and typically (at times) ironic within

its discourse and therefore cannot work as a discrete space/theory

because of entanglements relating to modern/postmodern societal

debates.

The discussion around these arguments will make clear the what the

actual phrase post­feminism means within post modern theoretical

discourse. These findings will help in identifying aspects of what may be

called as post­feminist actions/standpoints when exploring the notions

of the ‘gaze’ and the ‘maze’ in the chapters 3&4.

In Backlash Fauldi (1992 p14) argues that post­feminism was “a term

invented by the media in the 1980`s with a generation of younger

women as the participants who supposedly reviled the women's

movement”. The Backlash itself, she posits, is an assertion of power by

patriarchy (in respect of slow up take of legislation regarding equal

wages, equal opportunities and the eradication of sexism within the

workplace), “ ...the anti­feminist backlash had been set off not by

women’s achievement of full equality but by the increased possibility

that they might win it” (1992 p14). This attack on women is perpetuated

in sites of “so­called feminine crises...the infertility epidemic, the man

shortage” (pg 8­9). According to Faludi these ‘feminine crises’ are

constructions not rooted in the “actual conditions of women's lives but in

a closed system that starts and ends in the media”(1992 p9). Post­

feminism, in this case, “is the backlash” (Nolan, 1992 p15), the

reactionary current against feminism by the patriarchy.

Media created crises have always been used in order to destabilize

beliefs and ‘restore’ the societal norm (as the media sees fit); because

equality laws are present there is (according to society laws and norms)

no discourse to `complain’ publicly about sexism or women’s

oppression. The media creates the myth that legal gains won by the

Second Wave feminist movement are to blame for women's individual

crises.In contemporary times woman have choice,however, the media

depicts that feminism hold criteria for ‘membership’.The media depicts

stereotypes and therefore presents feminism/ feminist action as

another conformity cage which ignores the right to be feminine and an

active free agent within society. Stereotypes dictated by the media

include, the angry feminist (Kira Cochrane, 2009 ), the bra burner,the

egotistical man hater (Mail­online, 2006). In these examples we see

the purpose of post­feminism as a tool to beat back the societal gains

of women in the public and private spheres.In a further example i

present a newspaper article about a leisure centre forced to close down

a women's only swimming session (Male­Online, 2006) because of the

complaint that the session was sexist, the petitioner was a man. The

absence of a ‘man only’ session was the reason given by the council , a

prime example of of perceived unfair treatment for men , yet it has taken

nearly a century for women to be permitted into men only spaces

ranging from public bars to private men’s clubs. Why should we have

women only spaces when men do not ,its ‘political correctness gone

mad’! Political correctness however was originally a discourse” to

removing offence from our vocabulary and to recognise a broad range

and to recognise a broader range of experiences” (Siegel, 2000,

p24).Within the contemporary world the term has been distorted by the

patriarchy to diminish the notions of difference and oppressions.

Examining feminism within a post­modern context we find that, unlike

Fauldi, Phoca & Wright (1999 p.3) first cast off the assumed meaning

of post­feminism, “Post­feminism does not mean feminism is over. It

signifies a shift in feminist theory”. According to the authors this shift

was first marked by a group of French Feminists in 1968 who “marched

through the city with placards reading ‘down with feminism`”(p4). In this

case post­feminism is a discourse created by post­modern theory as a

response to the shift from modernity to post­modernity. In other words,

a discourse created by feminists reacting to the the perceived

homogeneous image of the second wave.

Modernity is a construction of the patriarchy and therefore this group of

French feminists identified that feminists are rooted in the modernity

because power relations, therefore to rescue feminism from modernity

the shift must include the obliteration of essentalist views of women. In

this context the authors argue that difference/différance `must be

celebrated’, and if difference/différance is not celebrated then the

modernist social construct of femininity remains the stumbling block in

the quest for social emancipation.

In post­modern language discourse there is a distinction between

between ‘difference’ and différance, as Micheal Drolet (2004) explains,

according to ‘Jacques Derrida in order to deconstruct an object,

difference is a preface and différance is the concept of the object’

(2004, pg120). In the context of this paper, ‘woman are equal’ is the

preface to deconstructing ‘woman’ where one must look at the

différance between men and women in order to find evidence of

equality.

Post­feminism for Phoca & Wright is therefore is a tool that, “...maps

out the contemporary experience of seismic crises in the foundation of

western modernity” (p85). The main problem with using post

modernism to ‘map’ out modernity is that post­modern theory sets out to

deconstruct the contemporary world. In feminist theory social structures

are of a modernist nature, the links between the political and the

personal are ‘concrete’ whereas in post­modern theory the world and

the individual is in ‘flux’.

Within these two perspectives we find (as I will argue in the next

chapters) that this is largely a debate between equality and difference:

“ ...the equality model, argued that there were no significant differences between

men and women other than those created in a sexist society...the task of

feminism was to bring about a social and economic order in which that

underlying equality was realised.The second model [ argued, by contrast, that

women ­ on account of their role in reproductiodiffrence]n ­ were different from

men and that social arrangements should ensure that they were different rather

than unequal” (Barrett, 1991, p49).

According to Charlene Spretnak (in Bell & Klein, 1996 p.322) “post

modern feminism seeks to protect women from ‘meta­narratives’ which

it maintains is oppressive to the individual”. These meta ­narratives are

essentialist statements made about women since the enlightenment

(see the first wave). Spretnak states that, “...any commonality among

women is to commit the ...post modern sin of ‘essential­ ism’, the failure

to perceive that every single aspect of human existence is supposedly

socially produced and determined in particular, localized circumstances

about which no generalisations can be made” (1996, pg322).

The conflict here between commonality amongst women and the

homogeneous perception of the women’s movement (more about

which I will discuss in Chapter Four, The Maze). However, the

discourse of identity politics play a useful role for feminists to find

common ground with other women (black feminists, queer feminists,

feminists of colour etc) and still function under the ‘umbrella’ of

feminism.

In Bradbon & Genz (2009) ,Seyla Benhabib tries to reconcile

post­modernism and feminism by suggesting feminists should tackle

‘weak’ post modernisms rather than strong post­modernisms:­

“...the complex interaction of postmodernism and feminism around the notion of

identity cannot be captured by bombastic proclamations of the ‘Death of the

Subject’...a way out of the Subject ­centered dilemma [is to advocate] a ‘weak’

version of this theory that situates the subject in relation to social, cultural and

discursive surroundings...Any attempt to link feminism with a ‘strong’

post­modernism can only engender incoherence and undermine all efforts at

effectively theorising and leading feminism to a passive stance...postmodern/

feminist meeting results in a predominately modern feminism infused with a

postmodern strain to create a more diverse politics for the contemporary age”.

(2009, pgs116­118).

Within Benhabib’s theory we come back to Phoca & Wright’s (1999

p.16) assertion that post­feminism discourse is a shift away from

modernist discourse and that “....feminism and post­feminism will not

stand as distinct ideologies but will be seen to characterize the evolution

of a multi­faceted discourse...which continues to seek the

empowerment of all women”. However, within this discourse is the

diluting of the Subject and the refusal to tackle the root of in­equality,

namely the patriarchy.

As I have discussed in Chapter One (The Waves), patriarchy can be

traced back to the Enlightenment and according to Denise Thompson

(in Bell & Klein 1996 p.325) “Post modernism sees itself as challenging

the enlightenment, modernity and western philosophy in general”, within

post­modernism thought, meta narratives are to be avoided within the

discourse because of the “linear, teleological, hierarchical, holistic, or

binary ways of thinking” (1996, pg 327). Patriarchy (as a framework of

oppression) is a meta ­narrative, there is therefore, no room to discuss

themes of oppression/dominance discourse, the “...inability to names

forms of domination, and in context to identify male domination as the

adversary challenged by feminism” (1997, pg 325).

According to Somer Brodrib (1992) it is vital to understand that post

modern “... writing had nominated as central masculine texts” (1992, ix).

This does not mean that feminist theorists should not examine

post­modern theory, we still need to find indicators of patriarchal

presence within discourses and challenge assumptions and statements,

just as women challenge in­equalities faced in public and private life.

As I have shown there is a tenuous link between postmodernism and

Feminism. Feminism is a socio­political discourse, built on the

foundations of a response to dominant patriarchal oppression. Post

modernism is a theory that seeks to avoid meta narratives and thereby

does not discuss power relations, it distorts difference by fragmenting

issues down to a purely individual level and thereby creating flux which

disables commonality and thus rendering women’s lives a haze. In the

next two chapters (The Gaze and The Maze) I will show that

post­feminism is a Haze which distorts efforts to create an equal

society.

Chapter 3: The [Inverted] GazeThis chapter will focus on the contemporary reassertion of the

patriarchal/male gaze upon the female body and how it operates in the

UK context of formal legal equality. This patriarchal/male gaze reasserts

itself as a centre of power within consumer culture that women can

appropriate by viewing and condemning other women bodies and

actions. The inverted gaze is a construct to disorientate women by an

illusion of divesting power i will use evidence suppiled by an

investigation into raunch culture by Ariel Levy (2005), a post­feminist

view of the gaze by Ellie Levinson (2009), a brief look at imagery in

mainstream media by Anglea Mccrobbie (2009) but first a explanation

about the construction of gaze by Somer Brodribb(1992).

Within Somer Brodribb’s work, attention is immediately drawn to the fact

that post­modern theory and discourse about women (or the Other) is

dominated by male authors (as we saw in The Gaze). Theory is written

with men as the Master moulding women as they see fit:­

“Derrida creates Veronica­ ‘true image’ in medieval Latin­ woman as

representation of the transparency of meaning.Then he deconstructs her while

denouncing feminists for defining her: Veronica must be his and must be

appearance only...Once satisfied to control her body and her movements , once

pleased to create images of her and then order her body to conform, the Master

of Discourse now aspires to the most Divine of tasks: to create her in his image,

which is ultimately to annihilate her” (1992,pgxvii)

Once woman has been created and moulded then He must destroy her

because the only thing he cannot control fully is her mind, we see here

symptoms of The Mystique (Siegel, 2007, pg 71) or discontent of being

controlled. The Master knows the Other is capable of logical thought

because He made her in his own image. So in this insistence the gaze

isn't merely about sexual desire it is about control of His subject.

According to Brodbribb “To desire a woman is in some sense to

recognise her, and this threatens a loss of control...” (1992, pgxx) and

to lose control is to lose power.

Psychoanalyst Susie Orbach (2009) and social theorist Zygmunt

Bauman (2000) both describe the body as a work in progress. Bauman

talks about the presentation of the body as a presentation of health

because it is “the proper and desirable state of the human body and

mind...to be healthy is to be employable” (2000, pg77). To be healthy

is therefore to be useful and successful, the production of the

presentation of usefulness is a major concern. “The individual is now

deemed accountable for his or her own body ‘looking after oneself’ is a

moral value. The body is akin to a worthy project”( Orbach, 2009,pg4).

Therefore this ‘moral value’ becomes a ‘norm’ within society because

the body can be (or imperatively should be) moulded by the consumer

through plastic surgery and other aesthetic procedures in order to

produce a useful body. So, who or what orchestrated this body project?

According to Orbach ‘late capitalism has changed the view of the body

as a tool of production to a tool that is produced by the individual’ (2009,

pg 5). Bauman states that it is “Life organized around

consumption...and must do without norms: it is guided by seduction”

(2000, pg76). Thereby, to do without norms is to be the judge, for

according to Brodbribb’s work, the Master sculpts the subject in his

desired construction.This body project is orchestrated by the Master, a

white western image:­

“His images, of himself and us, are before our eyes: the noxious narcissist has

placed a body of knowledge across our desire to know.I reach for my body ,but

this ‘male stream’ corpus has imposed itself between my experience and my

reflection.The access to formal knowledge is mediated by the

master”(Brodbribb, 1992, xviii).

As Brobribb explains, the gaze is about the control of the subject and

not the seduction of the subject by the Master. The site of power is the

gaze and feminist responses have been to assert that women should

be viewed as a ‘whole’ person and not just by appearance, that is

pleasing according to social ‘norms’. The Master reacts against this

assertion by appearing to fully disclose knowledge and thereby opening

up the site of power via images of the ideal image presented by female

celebrities, the postfeminist lcon in most literature is that of Madonna

(Wheleen, 2000, p38).

Madonna image is that of strong, ever changing,(in fashion and music)

to keep up or dictate the rhetoric of what is ‘hot’. ‘Hot’ in this context

interchanges with the term ‘sexy’. “Sexiness is no longer about being

about being arousing...it’s about being worthwhile” (Levy,2005,pg31).

The knowledge imparted by the Master is that to be worthwhile you must

constantly change and adapt. The distortion is that if requirements are

ever­changing how can women possibly use a flux as point of

reference? This creates conditions of confusion and doubt leads to

women requiring constant rules for the ‘correction’ of the body and so

look to the appearance and performance of other women using a

masculine gaze.

This confusion and doubt manifests itself in different ways, self

proclaimed feminist author Ellie Levenson (see notes)describes such a

situation:­

“ Do you ever walk past a building site and feel disappointed when your not

whistled at?...I do feel disappointed when I am in a situation where traditionally

men are supposed to fancy any woman who walks past, and i don’t hear a peep.

The thing is, though we shouldn’t have to be whistled at or acknowledged by men

to feel validated, sometimes that is exactly what we need, a confidence boost

that lets us know that we are attractive.(2009, pg131)

It is interesting that Levenson states that she has a positive body image,

is married and has a successful career and yet still feels the need to be

validated as attractive by men.Levenson describes herself as a feminist

but infact she indulging in post­feminist discussion ,within this lack of

affirmation by men she internalises the dilemma instead of dismissing

or not even noticing the ‘event’ in the first place.The knowledge

disclosed by Levenson is that women “who are so beautiful that they

don’t need to try hard at anything ...men flock to them... women want to

be their friend and become part of the glamorous set” (2009,

pg107).Beauty is made glamorous by social reaction to the surface of a

beautiful women . Levenson’s reflections upon beautiful women and

her own attractiveness is explained by John Berger (1972) in Ways of

Seeing :­

“ And so she comes to consider the surveyor and the surveyed within her as two

constituent yet always distinctive elements of her identity as a woman... The surveyor in

herself is male: the surveyed female.Thus she turns herself into an object ­ and most

particularly an object of vision: a sight” (1997, pgs 46­47).

The inversion of the gaze encourages an intensification of the seeing

and being seen, these reflections and the source of power is still that of

being an object that can be moulded to the requirements of men.

In Female Chauvinist Pigs (2005), Ariel Levy looks at the phenomena

of women indulging in raunch culture, the reflections of the women

featured are, again, an ironically confused state. The women state they

choose present themselves in two different lights, “Sherry and I, by day

we would wear these guy outfits, and then at night we’d get dressed up,

and people would be like, Oh my God!. Its like a card and let them look

at you and it takes it to a whole other level” (p97).

These women feel empowered by the fact that they hide and reveal

their attractiveness at will, apply hard and fast rules about revealing their

attractiveness. According to Levy, most of the female chauvinist pigs

take their clues about what is attractive from women depicted in male

orientated pornography, “I pick up Playboy because I want to see who

is on the cover, (said Shania), the other day Shannon Docherty was on

one and I just wanted to see what her breasts were like” (2005, p100).

Implying that these pornographically presented breasts are a normative

standard of attractiveness, therefore the power still lies within the

masculine gaze to set conditions for attractiveness. The crux lies within

this investigation of the relationship between sexual allure and power, as

one contributor states “Who wouldn't want to be a sex symbol?...if I had

a twenty three inch waist and a great body, I would be there in Playboy

...all those guys ,aww­ing at you. That must be real power” (2005,pg

103).

So, status as a sex symbol is powerful because you can render the

observer dumb with your allure, however, the female chauvinist pig

according to Levy abhors the very women they see as powerful

because the project of the presentation of the body, the project of

power in this case, is performed by “people who have nothing to think

about but the way they look” (2005, pg 101). This aberration leads us

back to Berger’s work about the identity as woman and also Brodbribb’s

statement about what is missing between experience of oneself and

ones reflection, the ‘corpus’ is a structural divide.

This divide is explained by Iris Marion Young as a tool of keeping

women divide through the processing of Othering:

“Other to herself, and the Other to the others, contingently fungible with them...In

the newspaper I read about a woman who was raped , and I empathize with her

because I recognise that in my serialized experience, I am rapeable, the

potential object of male appropriation. This awareness depersonalizes me,

constructs me as Other to her and Other myself in a serial interchangeability,

rather than defining my sense of identity”. (1949, pg 30).

The effects of Othering can also be found in the mainstream media,

Angela Mcrobbie describes fashion photography as a medium of the

inverted gaze, it is widespread throughout Western culture and you

don’t have to be a Female chauvinist pig or a post­feminist to access

the images. These images depict female models as “...pre­occupied,

neurotic...The images create an atmosphere of desire through the very

opacity of the needs of the women portrayed” (2009, pg 105) Hence

the search for knowledge, but if she is beautiful, the object of the

photograph then how are women viewing the image supposed to

identify with this definition of feminine beauty? “The logic of the fashion

image is that it speaks primarily to women viewers, it is thus mediated

through codes of femininity and it must address the nebulous or illegal

desires of women which are not specifically, in this genre at least,

focused on masculine approval”(2009, pg 105). What we

subconsciously take in from the image is not the beauty of the object,

per se, but the clues to what circumstances the object finds itself in,

again women are the surveyed and surveyor.

The inverted gaze is another tool for the Master to confuse and maintain

the fragmented state of ‘woman’ and thus a tool of power which seems

accessible to women but as I have shown is not. In the next chapter

The Maze i will show how the gaze contributes to the haze, in order to

obstruct, and confuse women when negotiating the maze.

Chapter 4: The mazeThe Maze is a patriarchal construct, many years in the making

throughout what I will call modernity, the enlightenment and the male

authors of it constructed norms for women to fit within the production

process in the infancy of capitalism, creating public and private spheres

and based on this premise constructed a cage of oppression for

women. Bars of the cage were prised open by women gaining legal

reform to vote, have control of their own bodies and the legal right not to

be oppressed by men, women were freed from the cage and now step

into the maze. The maze is society at large controlled by modern

institutions of state and, in the context,of my paper these institutions of

state depend on inequality between men,women, trans­men and

trans­women.

Even though all genders are recognised under the law with the same

legal rights, the patriarchy finds ways to distort the ease of passage

through the maze using the tools of the gaze and the haze as

discussed. In this chapter I will show instances of cultural phenomena,

Capitalism as an oppressive tool especially for women and the role of

the media as the instrument of the patriarchy.

Feminist gains regarding the right to be recognised as economic units

and the right to equal opportunity in the workplace is a site of conflict.

Within the maze the barriers to economic success for women are well

documented, as too is the feminization of labour sectors. In a report by

the TUC (2009) we find that ‘40% of women work part­time and the

part­time gender pay gap compared with men in low paid employment

stood at 36.6%; 19.5% of women do secretarial or administration work

compared with 5% of men; and women are more likely than men to be

employed in personal services’ (TUC 2009). It is no mystery why

feminzation of labour occurs, it is a direct link to societal norms of

traditional gender roles: the apparent traditional concerns of women

within the household ‘found a niche’ in the job market.

The Haze ensures that woman are diverted away from questioning why

these assumptions are made in employment ,or why gender gaps of

pay and opportunity still exist despite equality laws. The emphasis is

placed on gender performance and status, for the emphasis on a living

wage for women and the feminization of labour is addressed by

post­modernism as the need to move away from status being assigned

on an economic scale. Ellie Levenson (2009) surmises, “ ...women are

likely to remain the main holders of these [low paid, personal service]

jobs. Perhaps what we need to start to do is start valuing these jobs

more not just in monetary terms but in terms of status and

importance”.(2009, pg78). A fine sentiment to be sure, yet “...

post­modern society engages its members primarily in their capacity as

consumers rather than producers” (Bauman, 2000, pg 76). The

entanglement of status and importance is bound up by economic worth

in the contemporary world and presents what Patricia Mann (in Bradbon

& Genz, 2009) calls “ ...multi agency positions...a confusingly varied set

of motivations, obligations and the desire for recognition...that we

occupy in contemporary society...” (2009, pg 169). These ‘multi­agency

positions’ are a direct consequence of the distortion produced by the

patriarchy, we see continual fragments when discussing women as

economic agents.

In The illusions of Post feminism (Cappock et al 1995), the authors

outline multi agency positions within a chapter entitled ‘The Myth of

Equal Opportunities in the Workplace’ (1997, pg 75) women in different

professionals were interviewed about what they saw were inequalities

within the workplace, overwhelming it was the stereotyping of gender

roles, an unrecognised (by law) form of sexism, that blighted the

women’s professional lives. When dealing with professions that duties

of domestic work it was remarked by male colleagues that “...women

are better equipped to carry out certain domestic roles...” (1997,pg 80).

“Young women, remain discriminated against because they are seen as

unpredictable and a poor training investment” (1997, pg81) because the

assumption is that women will leave jobs to have children.” Most of the

women felt that they were expected to accept moody behaviour from

male colleagues, but if women showed their feelings they were labelled

hysterical” (1997, pg90). Therefore, “Female staff were expected to to

behave in a feminine and subordinate way” (1997, p90).

Patriarchal systems of oppression woven into the fabric of institutions

create conditions for sexism. Equal opportunities supposedly quashed

gender assumptions within the workplace, so why is it that officially

figures(TUC, 2009) and news media(Gentleman, 2009 & Cakeshott,

2009) revealed that during the recession(2008 onwards) more women

were made redundant than men? Gender assumptions about the

breadwinner as male and the economic dependent as female still

persist.

Under terms of post­modern theory gender is a homogeneous term

given that everyone is an individual and “Individualisation consists of

transforming human ‘identity’ from a given into a ‘task’ and charging the

actors with the responsibility for performing that task and for the

consequences (and also the side effects) of their performance.”

(Bauman, 2000, p31­32.)

Being charged with responsibility effectively absolves responsibility in

cases of aggressive domination namely the act of rape. Ellie Levenson

(2009) writes “Rape is always wrong” (pg 64), however the individual

must assess the degree and circumstances of rape as Levenson

describes internalised debate about what is and what is not rape:­

“Sex with someone I later decide I do not like may be embarrassing but it is not

rape. Changing my mind after penetration is not rape. Giving drunken consent to

someone I would never have slept with if I were sober...is not rape. Is it rape if

you’ve sucked him off willingly and then he’s tried to have full sex with you and

say no and he continues anyway? Yes. But is it as bad as being violently

attacked by a stranger down a dark alley and not knowing whether you will live or

die? No”. (pg 65)

The contentious thing is that Levenson chose to discuss rape in the

‘Sex’ section of her book suggesting that rape is about the sexual act

rather than an act of one individual exacting violent oppression over

another. The act of internalising crises leads to the silencing of the

individual, yet another facet of oppression. This silencing according to

Katie Roiphe (1993) is “...the passkey to the empowering universe of

the disempowered” (pg35) meaning that women who internalise crises

and do not feel able to speak out about rape or ‘get over it’ subject

themselves to ‘victim’ feminism.

The women described in Roiphe’ book do speak out about their

experiences with men and women at a ‘take back the night’ event (a

conscious raising event to highlight sexual violence) however Roiphe

see’s a pattern of essentialism within the stories told “The strange thing

is that all these different girls ...get up to give intensely personal

accounts, all of the stories begin to start the same” (pg 33).

Condemning these women as victims Roiphe misses the point that

“Those fearful of confining women to perpetual women­hood seem to

have forgotten the relief of hearing one’s oppression named as

oppression” (Thompson in Bell&Klein, 1996). Roiphe also misses the

point that sexual violence (in all its contexts) is an everyday phenomena

perpetuated by sexist oppression, the Othering process (the inverted

gaze)’ allows’ her to dissociate herself from women testifying to the

power taken away from them, she is too caught up with asserting

herself as a individual power who has the clarity to see through what she

sees as old, victim feminism.

According to Thompson (in Bell & Klein 1996) “...post modernist

feminism might be reluctant to talk about domination... [because

of]...intellectual boredom with, stale old talk about male dominance and

female subordination “ (1996, pg 325), there is ‘intellectual boredom’

simply because an oppression discourse does not ‘fit into’ post­modern

discourse, oppression isn't flexible, you can only identify different kinds

of oppression not dilute it.

The Haze and the inverted gaze is amplified when factoring in the role of

Media. As we saw Susan Fauldi sees the media as the tool that invented

the term post­feminism and through, films, music and the printed media

creates crises for women. Embedded in everyday life the media

dictates the body project (in the gaze), identity politics in a

sub­conscious manner, and amplifies trends. One such example to be

found in Fauldi’s work is that of how the media in America constructed

the crisis of marriage and the ‘Spinster boom’ and blamed it all on the

feminism movement:

“[New York Times ,1974 ] ‘women are more self assured, confident,secure’...The

women's movement , apparently is catching on...within just eight years the,

singlehood has emerged ...[as a] newly respectable style of American life...A

dozen years later, these publications were sending out the opposite signals.

Newsweek were now busy scolding single women for refusing to settle for

‘lesser’ males... On the front page of The New York Times the unwed woman

stalked the empty streets like Typhoid Mary; ‘though bright and accomplished’,

’she dreads nightfall, when darkness hugs the city and lights go on in warm

kitchens...Mary was an executive in a garment firm.Like most ailing single

women that the media of this time chose to pillory, she was one of the success

stories from the women’s movement now awakening to the error of her

independent ways “( Fauldi, 1993 pg119­121).

Feminism isn’t a trend but a social movement, it ‘caught on’ because of

successful lobbying and campaigning over a period of a century and

counting.

Drawing on feminist gains of equal opportunity the media machine

distorted the equality agenda falling back to the well worn ground of

traditional gender roles. We see this effectively portrayed within the

media today, the new feminist ‘icon’ is far different from the the spice

girls brand in the 90’s it is all about the über mummy. The spice girls

were young feisty and free to make and spend money, the current

media taste is for the über mummy, middle class women, who can cook,

entertain, work part­time, raise children and satisfy patriarchal beauty

‘norms’. According to Sarah Vine (times online, 2009) the two top

women female icons are Michelle Obama and Nigella Lawson, these

women are both from privileged backgrounds and undertake major

prepping before facing the media. Michelle is more famous for being

the wife of the American president and mother of his children than she

is of her own career and Nigella Lawson is feted as a ‘sexy’ über

mummy. “Feminism, leaderless as it has always been, never satisfied

the public’s thirst for figureheads and spokespeople, and therefore the

media make figureheads for themselves...”(Whelehan, 2000, pg78).

Figureheads are needed in order to ‘fix’ identities and ideas to provide

both role models and scapegoats and more so in the post­modern era

“What emerges from from the fading social norms is naked frightened,

aggressive ego in search of love and help.In the search for itself and an

affectionate societiality, it easily gets lost in the jungle of the self...”

[Beck in Bauman, 2000 P37).

The maze, when negotiated by women is conducted under conditions of

the haze and maze, tools of the patriarchy. Post modern theory does not

provide a place for a collective movement because in the post­modern

age the emphasis is on the individual. Distortion and disconnection is

masked by the media, the media portrays itself as common ground, a

voice of the people when in fact I have shown it manipulates in order to

maintain the status quo of gender in­equality.

ConclusionAs I have shown throughout, post­modern theory cannot intersect with

feminism, so called new feminism’s attempt to interact with the world of

now and thereby ‘post­feminism’ is merely a buzzword. The evidence

supplied about the haze and the gaze are proof of the elaborate

distortion by the patriarchy and the maze concludes how these tools are

employed within wide stream society. So whats next for feminism?

Feminism, embraces change and new ideas unlike the patriarchy and

therefore, that is where the power lies. The advent of identity politics

has strengthened the movement filling the gaps of individual

oppressions and formed a more commonality between women

because if it hadn't there wouldn't be a third wave movement. The third

wave must continue with its quest for full equality, but like the previous

waves, the instances in which push feminism aside such as war,

recession and mainstream political ideology. The new ‘war’ is that of

climate change, eco­feminism along with anti­capitalist feminism

challenges, campaigns and lobbies governments, companies alongside

other groups such as Greenpeace.

The advent of the Internet as a networking tool is invaluable as a way of

communicating women's stories, actions and ideas without the vetting of

the patriarchy, links of solidarity across the world are made.

Feminism does not suffer because women do not identify as feminists,

women have always fought for equality and to directly challenge

oppression, working class women for example, have always worked to

supplement family income, shared experiences and challenge

oppression by men. ‘Feminist’ sadly now is a label prescribed by the

patriarchy, but that does not stop women supporting the feminist

movement.

Women must still look at the theoretical discourses created by men that

‘explain’ the world around us and men should look at feminist discourse

with equal measure, for it is the only way for a true balance of equality to

occur.

My final note is that women should have the space to ‘Be’ rather than

‘Do’. The patriarchy has conditioned women to be in this constant state

of fixing, and the only way to be an individual, as post­modern theory

suggests we are, is to have time to reflect. With individual reflectiveness

combined with feminist story telling we can finally differentiate what is

dictated by the patriachy and what is original feminist thought and give

women the chance to ‘Be’ rather than ‘Do’.

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