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Transcript of Nature as Historical and Evolutionary
Nature as Historical, and Evolutionary
The Hyper-Focus on Evolution in Defending Modern Sci-ence
Today the theory of evolution, which is primarily viewed as a
matter of understanding the mechanics of evolution, since out-
side those with either a childish view of reality or a political
agenda evolution is viewed as simply an observable fact, is domi-
nated by the converged theories commonly referred to as
Neo-Darwinism.
The real argument is not the straw man argument of simplistic
atheists whose only means of argument is to oppose the ignorant
and childish views of a minority of the religious, and the corre-
sponding argument of the ignorant and childish which ignores
obvious observable reality. The more complex and interesting ar-
gument concerns a mechanics of evolution based on purely ran-
dom causality versus mainstream creation theories that origi-
nated as an attempt to supplement evolutionary mechanisms
with both a telic causality and an addendum to the mechanics of
much older evolutionary theories. The commonality between
both arguments, and the reason they are so easily confused by
the non-scientific public, stems from the hyper-focus in both
cases on evolutionary theory itself. Mainstream creation theories
largely are in alignment with Heisenberg’s statement on science
in general: “The first taste of the natural sciences will make you
an atheist, but God is waiting for you at the bottom of the glass.”
This isn’t a defense of creation theory, but rather a look at the
reasons underlying the hyper-focus on one scientific theory by
both sides. Lewontin has already dealt with the first argument
in terms of a political use of the childish views of certain sects of
Christianity to battle one of the last areas of states’ right in the
U.S., that of the states’ right to oversee education. As a result I
will focus on the second argument, that which takes place at a
much more complex level of argument between actual scientists,
of whom Lewontin himself is a reasonable example, and actual
theologians and scientists who see the same problems with
Neo-Darwinism as with old evolutionary theories whose limita-
tions led to the creationism of the Neo-Platonists, and see no new
solutions to those issues.
On the latter side, the focus on evolutionary theory comes out
of specific problems with Neo-Darwinist theory. On the former,
the focus arises both from a distaste for theological solutions to
scientific problems, and an underlying unease with Neo-Darwin-
ism as a solution that renders the theological addenda irrelevant.
A large part of the issue with Neo-Darwinism lies in its abroga-
tion of two of the fundamental insights of Darwin himself, in-
sights not available to the originators of evolutionary theory prior
to the theological addenda begun by the Neo-Platonists.
The first problem concerns the fact that Darwin’s idea of natu-
ral selection only deals with one of the two moments of evolution.
The second concerns the cause of evolution itself. Neo-Darwin-
ism ignores the first moment of the two which Darwin specifically
stated could not be explained by natural selection due to its issue
with the second, since the mechanistic assumptions on which it
is based does not allow for telic causality in any sense.
The two moments of evolution, well expressed by Bernard Lon-
ergan in the book Insight, concern the following:
1. The likelihood of specific schemes of recurrence actually oc-
curring, a phrase that covers the recurrence of examples of a
specific species and the likelihood of greater complexity arising
as those species change, and the recurrence of specific environ-
mental conditions.
2. The survivability of examples of schemes of recurrence as
specific species, which is largely dependent on the recurrence of
specific environmental conditions.
Natural selection is paramount only in the second of these two
moments. Rather than being a driver of evolution, it acts primar-
ily as a brake on the development of species into more complex
forms.
The difficulty for the Neo-Darwinists arises in finding any rea-
son for the historical increase in the complexity of species given
the relative success in terms of survivability of simpler forms of
life when compared with the more complex forms. Darwin him-
self was familiar with the most advanced currents in philosophy
of his time, in particular the ideas of Hegel in terms of historical
development and the mechanics of telic causality, and combined
with his religious upbringing saw no difficulty in a practical
sense in accounting for the mechanics of the historical increase
in complexity, but not the difficulty the Neo-Darwinists have in
accepting either nature as a historical development or the exis-
tence of telic causality itself. As a result, aside from stating in
the introduction that the development of new species could not
be a matter of chance or happenstance, he focused on the second
moment – the mechanics of survivability of specific species under
changing environmental conditions.
Darwin’s studies and resulting theories represented a major
advance in comparative zoology, made possible by technical ad-
vances in the ability to travel and therefore accomplish compara-
tive zoology on a larger and more varied scale, and represented
an advance, largely accomplished in the practical sense by others
but figuring largely in his theories, in terms of paleontology as a
means of dramatically extending the knowledge of the historical
aspect of nature. At the same time Darwin’s theories accom-
plished a leap back to the original ideas on evolution as a com-
plex interplay of telos and happenstance that over a historical pe-
riod led naturally to species admirably adapted to their environ-
ment. Natural selection provided a mechanics for the happen-
stance that is largely responsible for the survivability of existent
and new species, however it has no bearing on the telic causality,
which Darwin himself felt was too complex a topic to tackle at
the time of his writing.
The Neo-Platonists’ issue in terms of telic causality arose from
the development of the idea of a creator being initially by the
Stoics, and was simultaneously answered by the nature of the
creator being in question. If reality had a beginning intentional
telic causality was necessary to account for nature as natural his-
tory and the resulting need to account for the increase in the
complexity of life forms over a limited period. For Empedocles
the past was limitless, which was simply an assumption common
to his society. For later thinkers, in particular Aristotle, the tem-
poral infinity of the universe was a logical deduction based on
the notion that any beginning to the universe would create a situ-
ation of an infinite regression in terms of the cause of such a be-
ginning. The development of theories such as the Big Bang the-
ory of reality’s origin doesn’t fundamentally address the problem,
because the singularity at the beginning in fact replicates the
features of the creator being except for the intentionality of the
creator being, and the problematic issue that the singularity, as
no longer being, must be temporally tensed, and must therefore
itself have a cause. As a result the theory still prevalent of the
beginning of the universe complicates the situation for evolution-
ary theory, because the historical increase in complexity cannot
be accounted for by an intentional telic causality arising from the
intentionality of the creator being itself.
Evolution, then is neither a fact nor a theory, but the descrip-
tion of nature viewed as natural history. When nature is looked
at historically, even within the history of man, but more conclu-
sively when geological history is brought into play, it appears as
evolutionary. This history is determined by a complex interplay
of creativity and destruction, Self-organization and entropy,
Self-optimization and the limiting factors of the environment and
resulting natural selection. The renormalization of Darwin’s vi-
sion of natural history with the invalid assumptions of mechanis-
tic determinism, far from obviating creationism, render it neces-
sary in order to account for the deficiencies in applying their ex-
planation to the actual historical record of nature., as it was orig-
inally a necessary complement to the early evolutionary ideas in
order to account for the observed evidence.
Darwin’s full vision of natural history as evolutionary, however,
does not have the deficiencies present in either the original no-
tions of evolution nor the renormalization of Neo-Darwinism, and
as a result requires no complementary creationism to account for
nature’s historical development as evolutionary.
The Problems with Converged or Neo-Darwinist Ideas
Following on the notion of Darwin's ideas as a historical ac-
count of nature, in which, evidentially, nature presents itself as
historically evolutionary, we need to look more closely at what
this means in terms of the inadequacy of the most commonly ac-
cepted theories of nature as historical, usually inaccurately re-
ferred to as “theories of evolution”.
Neo-Darwinism and its variants purport to be a more concrete
extension of Darwin's ideas, expressed principally in On the Ori-
gin of Species. Darwin's ideas were an attempt, if only partial, to
look at the history of nature, to view nature as historical in pre-
cisely the meaning Hegel gave that term. Hegel's definition of
history as the “history of Spirit” doesn't initially give us much as-
sistance in seeing how Darwin applied the idea to nature, which
is generally viewed as precisely the opposite of anything “spiri-
tual”.
Evidentially, given not only the array of examples in Darwin's
own work but in the work of many brilliant researchers since,
from de Chardin to Lewontin, when nature is viewed historically
it appears as an evolutionary history. The question then arises as
to what makes a given history, the history of nature as we know
it in this case, an evolutionary history, rather than just a sequen-
tial listing of events and changes.
We can distinguish quite readily an evolutionary change from
a non-evolutionary change, as well as from a devolutionary
change. We also distinguish fairly easily between evolutionary
change and revolutionary change. Since evidentially the history
of nature has been predominantly evolutionary (although re-
search since Darwin has demonstrated revolutionary aspects to
the history of nature at different times – referred to in the litera-
ture often as 'punctuations') any theory that attempts to under-
stand the history of nature has to be able to distinguish between
these types of change, and provide sufficient reason for the pre-
dominance of evolutionary change, punctuated by revolutionary
change and occasionally halted and redirected by devolutionary
disaster.
Darwin is, of course, known for the idea of natural selection.
However Darwin himself did not feel comfortable with the focus
given to the idea, since on its own it doesn't provide sufficient
reason for what the evidence available to him, presented as a
steady evolutionary trend in the changes involved in nature
throughout its history. While not proposing another mechanism
himself, he does note in the introduction to On the Origin of
Species that whatever that mechanism might be it
Naturalists continually refer to external conditions, such as climate, food, etc., as the only possible cause of variation. In one very limited sense, as we shall hereafter see , this may be true; but it is pre-posterous to attribute to mere external conditions, the structure, for instance, of the woodpecker , withits feet, tail, beak, and tongue, so admirably adapted to catch insects under the bark of trees. In the case of the misseltoe, which draws its nourish-ment from certain trees, which has seeds that must be transported by certain birds, and which has flow-ers with separate sexes absolutely requiring the agency of certain insects to bring pollen from one flower to the other.
Darwin, Charles (2012-05-16). On the origin of species (p. 3). . Kindle Edition.
In criticizing the “naturalists” of his time, Darwin indirectly
levels a serious criticism at the Neo-Darwinists, mechanistic ge-
neticists, and other “convergence” theorists that believe they are
extending his work. Random change, by virtue of its being ran-
dom, cannot distinguish between evolutionary, revolutionary,
non-evolutionary and devolutionary change. While Darwin does
make the claim that natural selection is the “main” arbiter that
ensures change will, overall, operate in an evolutionary manner,
thus matching the evidence at his disposal, he does not claim
that it is the only agent of evolutionary change.
Going beyond Darwin, we have not only to provide a theory
that fully accounts for change that can be described as evolution-
ary, we have to account for the 'punctuations', revolutionary
changes that do not fit well with the slow, steady model of
change originally envisioned. As well, the theory of the history of
nature must provide a stronger accounting for an overall evolu-
tionary style of change capable of overcoming the devolutionary
disasters we have since discovered in the evidential record.
What, then, do we mean by evolutionary (and revolutionary as
a more sudden form of the former) versus non-evolutionary or
devolutionary change? We see nature's historical record as evo-
lutionary because we see evidence of a progression in terms of
diversity and complexity within nature. As Darwin noted there is
a fundamental difficulty in understanding
… how a simple being or a simple organ can be changed and perfected into a highly developed be-ing or elaborately constructed organ;
Darwin, Charles (2012-05-16). On the origin of species (p. 5). . Kindle Edition.
This difficulty obviously doesn't lessen when the requirement
of understanding how revolutionary increases in diversity and
complexity could occur, as they appear to have done relatively of-
ten in the geological record.
Diversity, while perhaps difficult to account for, is at least eas-
ier to initially understand than complexity. Natural selection, for
its part, has nothing to say on the latter. Complexity, as far as all
the evidence we have available, in and of itself shows no intrinsic
advantage in terms of survivability. When we add in the likeli-
hood of any particular scheme recurring, complexity inherently
makes chance recurrence less likely, while making intentional re-
currence (in the widest sense of intentionality) intrinsically more
difficult and costly in terms of energy utilization. The law of en-
tropy throws a further difficulty in the way, in that evolutionary
change appears to occur in spite of a necessary general tendency
towards simpler forms of organization with lower inherent en-
ergy requirements to maintain that form. Neo-Darwinism pairs
random genetic mutation as the driving force behind change,
with natural selection as the arbiter guaranteeing that change
overall will be evolutionary, but in practice random genetic muta-
tion doesn't occur often enough for sufficient favourable muta-
tions to occur, and thus doesn't provide a sufficient base from
which natural selection could select only the more favourable
mutations. While it's certainly true that mutations do occur, and
it's also perfectly possible that natural selection could ensure
that a favourable mutation survives, in general mutations are not
favourable, and while natural selection does, definitely, de-select
these changes from proliferating, the overall negativity of its ef-
fect makes it sufficiently unsuitable as a means of increasing di-
versity and complexity.
We also know far more about natural selection as a mechanism
than Darwin could have, in that it is both far more efficient than
he anticipated in a stable environment, where a given species
will reach its optimal configuration within three to four genera-
tions, and simultaneously radically inefficient in a rugged envi-
ronment, where no observable improvement can be expected in
an infinite number of generations. Given that the majority of en-
vironments where life is observed are sufficiently rugged to make
natural selection ineffective in distinguishing advantageous traits
from disadvantageous ones it's place as the main arbiter of
change is rendered at least highly questionable. At the same
time the much higher than anticipated efficiency in stable envi-
ronments renders it doubly problematic, since the diversity ob-
served in stable environments is magnitudes greater than should
be expected.
The reasonableness, then, of the converged Neo-Darwinist the-
ories only survives when natural history is looked at as a just-so
story. When the combination of random genetic mutations and
natural selection is applied predictively to a relatively stable en-
vironment, it would predict a much lower amount of diversity
than is actually observed. When it is applied to a more rugged
environment, the increase in adaptive traits is much higher than
would be predicted. Neo-Darwinist mechanisms do provide a
handy account of how unfavourable changes are prevented from
proliferating, but the overall predictive picture that emerges is
one of a general lowering of diversity and complexity over time,
which of course is in keeping with the mechanics of physics ex-
pressed in the law of entropy itself. Since this does not account
for the evidential history of nature, it does not suffice as a theory
of that history.
As I remarked earlier, complexity itself remains a problem, one
more difficult initially to fully understand than diversity. Why
there should be a steady tendency towards its increase, whether
in natural history or human history, remains a mystery as far as
mechanistic scientific accounts purport to explain the world as
we experience it. Diversity has obvious advantages in terms of
survivability both within a species and in terms of life itself.
Complexity, however, displays no obvious advantages in either re-
producibility or survivability, in fact it appears positively detri-
mental to both in the majority of cases.
Further, what complexity itself consists in is not well under-
stood. While it may be obvious in concrete instances which of
two systems is the more complex, defining precisely what makes
one system generally more complex than another is a less obvi-
ous task. Simple calculations such as size, number of parts, even
number of obvious relations, all fail radically when analyzing dif-
ferent types of systems, yet generally we intuitively understand
which of two systems is more complex (assuming a reasonable
basic understanding of both systems).
If we take living systems as examples, we could for instance
draw up a list of living systems of varying complexity:
• dog
• worm
• tree
• mouse
• sponge
• bacterium
It would be relatively easy, given a general knowledge of each
of these, to put them in order of complexity, while there might be
questions on certain of the examples (is a worm more or less
complex than a tree?) for the most part the ordering is fairly ob-
vious:
1. bacterium
2. sponge
3. worm
4. tree
5. mouse
6. dog
(It's my view that those who would put worm after tree are in-
trinsically biased in favour of animal life as inherently more com-
plex than plant life, which I have decided against in this case
since trees not only appear more structurally complex, in many
cases they display complex behaviour that many people don't as-
sociate with plants)
The question is, then, how did I quickly arrive at that particu-
lar ordering, and with one possible exception, why would the ma-
jority of readers agree with me with little to no hesitation? How
do we recognize more complex (living) systems almost without
thinking about it?
If we take two examples that, at least to an untrained eye, ap-
pear to be similarly complex in terms of number of parts and re-
lations, for instance the mouse and the tree, on what do we base
our intuition that the mouse is the more complex system? There
was a hint in the ellipsis above: we tend to view complexity as ei-
ther structural or behavioural. While the tree demonstrates a
high degree of structural complexity, we might initially say that it
doesn't display the behavioural complexity of the mouse. Even
this differentiation proves to be simplistic, however. While the
organs of the mouse are certainly more complex in their activi-
ties than the leaves or trunk of the tree, much of what we ascribe
as the behaviour of the mouse as a mouse, rather than as a col-
lection of more or less complex parts, involves not only its indi-
vidual behaviour but its behaviour as part of a group of mice with
which it lives and interacts. While trees also tend to be found in
groups and interact to a certain degree, the extent of and sense
to their interactions doesn't compare to that of a group of mice.
Complexity, then, isn't restricted to an individual system any
more than a subsystem of that system, and by the same logic is
not combined to a single group within a species, or a single
species, but to the complexity of all the interaction between all
the species. Darwin's vision of the evolutionary nature of the his-
tory of nature was a vision of nature as a whole. Only as nature
itself as a system gains in diversity and complexity do subgroups
and individuals gain in degrees of freedom, which is the funda-
mental manner in which we judge complexity. Insects, for in-
stance, have degrees of freedom in the way they interact that
sponges do not. Dogs have magnitudes greater degrees of free-
dom than insects in their social interactions, arising from the
complexity of having a world, even if in the main that is a semi-
otic, and not a linguistic world. Human beings have evolved the
means of evolution itself, where evolution is primarily a societal
rather than a biological matter, precisely supplementing natural
history with history proper. The rate at which the interplay in
human societies has increased outstrips that of natural history by
further magnitudes, and each increase in social complexity re-
sults in the potential for an increase in individual complexity, for
instance from mythical being to metaphysical being and beyond,
which in turn increases the possibility of gains in social complex-
ity.
The main failure of Neo-Darwinism is analogous to the failure
of social Darwinism, in that the focus on the individual, or the in-
dividual species / genus / people / nation, forgets the interplay
which allows any given individual or group to grow in complexity,
and the increase in diversity which allows that growth in interac-
tivity and sustains it. The history of nature as evolutionary is not
the history of the preeminence of any one species, but the in-
creasing diversity and complexity of nature as a whole made pos-
sible by the development of more complex species and individu-
als, which in turn makes the development of more complex
species and individuals possible. Thus any theory of natural his-
tory as evolutionary must be a dialectical theory – one that not
only handles seeming contradictory tendencies (e.g. development
of selfishness and altruism) but sees the interplay of these con-
tradictions as necessary to the development of either.
The final problems a theory of natural history must confront
are:
1. the problem of the seemingly inevitable tendency towards
such increase in complexity, which is not obviated by the
record of dramatic devolutionary catastrophes in the histori-
cal record, but in fact made stronger by them, in that natu-
ral history has remained evolutionary on the whole despite
such massive catastrophes
2. how an individual or species can posit itself as such, indeed
must do so, retroactively, in order to come into existence at
all. Simplistic linear cause and effect does not suffice for
this, but without it we have no conception of the necessary
ability of beings to found the (local and temporary) abroga-
tion of the law of entropy by becoming increasingly complex
and raising the local energy levels.
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 21
The Problems with Genetic Accommodation Theory
The theory of Genetic Accommodation, as expounded most
fully by Mary Jane West-Eberhard, is a tidy way of understanding
how a priori phenotypical changes become embedded in the
genome. For the sake of brevity and simplicity of understanding
I will quote the following succinct expression of the theory by
David Dobbs:
Genetic accommodation involves a three-step process.
First, an organism (or a bunch of organisms, a pop-ulation) changes its functional form — its phenotype— by making broad changes in gene expression. Second, a gene emerges that happens to help lock in that change in phenotype. Third, the gene spreads through the population.
Die, selfish gene, die
David Dobbs
While this is a seemingly natural way of understanding how a
phenotype’s reinterpretation of a gene is ‘written back’ into the
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 22
genome, the questions arise as to whether it a) really makes
sense, b) is at all likely and c) matches the available evidence.
The answer to all three, when the theory is thought through
sufficiently, is no.
In terms of whether the theory really makes sense, we need to
consider the following:
1. In the generations that follow the initial reinterpretation
of the gene, the phenotype has to remain as it was in the ini-
tial reinterpretation, awaiting a genetic mutation that hap-
pens to be useful to replicate the phenotypical change. No
means for this to occur is proposed in the model.
2. While the initial phenotypical change occurs through a
‘re-reading’ or reinterpretation of an existing gene, once the
proposed genetic mutation occurs, the new gene is read liter-
ally, and this is assumed to be more efficient at creating a sim-
ilar phenotype. In fact the theory requires that the new gene
produce a better phenotype than the initial reinterpretation
could.
The problems are compounded when the likelihood of the
above, and the other implications of the theory, are assessed:
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 23
1. The likelihood of an appropriate mutation occurring soon
after a given phenotypical change approximates the likelihood
of an appropriate mutation that is phenotypically advanta-
geous in standard converged evolutionary theory. That is,
phenomenally unlikely, which is the major logical objection to
converged theory.
2. The likelihood that the mutated gene somehow produces
a better adaptation than the initial reinterpretation, given
that the former is random and the latter environmentally
aware, is even lower than the case in (1.).
Lastly we need to assess whether the theory matches the
available evidence, again we run into significant problems:
The theory arose firstly in order to understand the identically
of the genomes of various wasp phenotypes, and the identically
of the genome in the very different phenotypes known as the
grasshopper and locust, the latter pair being able to reinterpret
the genome on the fly and change back and forth from one phe-
notype to another; secondly to understand the lack of significant
enough difference between the genomes of fundamentally differ-
ent species.
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 24
1. Since the genome is both of these cases is identical, the
assumption that the gene needs to somehow exist in the
genome is not always true.
2. The theory fails to account for the lack of sufficient dif-
ference in genomes between radically different species, since
were the majority of phenotypical changes ‘written back’ into
the genome, the genomes would be nearly as different as con-
verged theory would predict.
The question then arises as to why we need the second and
third parts of the theory, since the problems mentioned can be
adequately accounted for simply by the first part, i.e. that the
genome is interpreted differently depending on the environment
in a dynamic fashion. Other than maintaining the assumption of
some importance to the actual composition of the genome, it ap-
pears that the second and third parts are superfluous. It seems
unlikely, though, that decades of research that include the identi-
fication of some causally determinative genes, at least in similar
environments, has absolutely no relevance to genetic or evolu-
tionary theory. There is also the evidential issue that different
species do have different genomes, in fact the determination of a
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 25
species as unique is via the fact that two life forms with suffi-
ciently differing genomes can no longer effectively reproduce.
The answers to the latter two questions, although having fun-
damentally different assumptions than either converged theory
or genetic accommodation theory, are actually rather obvious in
terms of the requirements and available evidence.
We have evidence that organisms can and in fact do rewrite
the genome, at least temporarily, in the immune system. How-
ever immune system genome changes do not replicate between
generations. Given that the ability exists, though, and simultane-
ously is unnecessary for a large variety of phenotypical changes,
it’s unsurprising that we have no direct evidence of a rewritten
genome being passed on generationally. It simply isn’t required
often enough for us to have direct evidence of it.
Whether or not it is required (or at all advantageous) appears
to be dependent, evidentially, on whether the available variety in
the genome, without sacrificing reproducibility with others of the
species, is sufficient to maintain the phenotypical changes via
consistent reinterpretation. If the phenotypical changes require
more than reinterpretation for the phenotypical changes to reli-
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 26
ably ‘stick’ generationally, the ability to reproduce is sacrificed in
order to persist the genotypical changes that initially differenti-
ate species. Of course, this is inherently a difficult and risky
proposition, because it depends on a combination of genotypical
changes that sufficiently differentiate a species arising from
rewritten genes merged from two parents who could reproduce
with the origin species. These parents are not species differenti-
ated, but in combination their offspring may be. Precisely at this
point natural selection intervenes, acting as a brake on the sur-
vival of ineffective combinations, since there is a good chance
these offspring are sterile and cannot reproduce, and a good
chance that the merged, rewritten genomes do not produce a vi-
able new species.
This also answers another issue with standard converged evo-
lutionary theory that is not addressed by genetic accommoda-
tion: that the already low probability of any given genetic muta-
tion leading to an evolutionary advantage is rendered dramati-
cally lower in the case of a new species, since the number and
variety of available reproductive mates is reduced initially to off-
spring of the same parents. This disadvantage is generally
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 27
avoided, which helps to understand why immune system varia-
tions are generally not inherited - the advantages conferred are
for the most part overridden by the disadvantages. Only where a
sufficiently significant advantage is conferred do the parents re-
write their genomes, and only where mating results in a signifi-
cantly more viable species does the changed genome have suffi-
cient survivability to overcome the reproductive disadvantages.
While it seems simple common sense that causality works bot-
tom-up and forward temporally (past creates present) this 'com-
mon sense' became common based on a particular prevalent be-
lief-system or ideology. For Aristotle, the telic cause, i.e. the
goal, was the principle cause, since the other causes could be re-
placed with entirely different ones, yet accomplish the same re-
sult. However for this to be the case the cause has to posit the
effect top-down and retroactively. This became unthinkable to
common sense when phusis, or self-origination, was replaced by
techne, or production, as the mode of origin of all beings. Con-
verged and Neo-Darwinist theory, and the various modifications
of them that attempt to overcome the issues noted in the past
few chapters, fail for the most ironic reason imaginable. As tech-
Glynn / Horizons of Identity / 28
nical, mechanistic understandings, they are fatefully embedded
in a perspective on reality that has its basis and justification in a
creationist worldview. This can be easily demonstrated in the
history of science itself, from the abandonment of telic causality
made possible in the first place by theologians such as William
of Occam, who not only maintained the creationist notions of
common Christians that predated him, but re-posited the god of
that creation as an engineer that would obviously accomplish ev-
erything in the most efficient, simplest manner possible. Simul-
taneously, Occam and others posited all meaning as supernatu-
ral, the things of this world were precisely meaningless, hence
nominalist. This nominalism provided the theoretical framework
by which science could treat 'things' as meaningless objects,
which could be fully determined mathematically, and of course if
the other part of the theological change, that all meaning ad-
heres only in god, were simply dropped or forgotten, the result is
the meaningless reality of modern science.