MINING, MODERNIZATION, AND MOVEMENTS OF SOCIAL PROTEST IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA

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MINING, MODERNIZATION, AND MOVEMENTS OF SOCIAL PROTEST IN PAPUA NEW GUINEAAuthor(s): David C. HyndmanSource: Social Analysis: The International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice, No. 21(August 1987), pp. 20-38Published by: Berghahn BooksStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23169551 .

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Social Analysis No. 21, August 1987

MINING, MODERNIZATION, AND MOVEMENTS OF

SOCIAL PROTEST IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA*

David C. Hyndman

Introduction

This paper focuses on how indigenous Melanesian subsistence-oriented peoples have

responded to the intrusion of transnational mineral extraction projects on their culture

and homeland. Papua New Guinea currently has two large gold and copper projects. One

is Panguna (Fig. 1) located in the southern Bougainville cultural sphere and the other is Ok

Tedi (Fig. 1) located in the southern Mountain Ok cultural sphere. Panguna is situated on

Nasioi land and Ok Tedi is situated on Wopkaimin land.

The imposition of colonialism, statehood and being incorporated into larger regional, national and international socio-economic networks, stirred many social protest movements in Papua New Guinea (Brown 1966; May 1982) and they have arisen among the indigenous Mountain Ok and Bougainvillean peoples in response to the tensions, contradictions and transformations in their lives caused by the intrusion of transnational

mining projects. As is so common in the Third World (Drysdale and Watts 1976), the state

and transnationals either ignored the resistance and protest of indigenous peoples, or

treated it as a barrier to the diffusion of modernization but not as a response to it.

Panguna was developed during the 1960s worldwide boom in decolonization and

Third World development. Its impact is still being interpreted as a classic example of

modernization initiated by the introduction and spread of colonial rule and the stimulus of

foreign trade and investment (Treadgold 1978). Fisk (Ï964, 1971, 1975, 1978) has been

particularly influential in attempting to explain how indigenous peoples in Papua New

Guinea "progressed from stagnation to incorporation". Fisk attributes to indigenous subsistence-oriented peoples a condition of 'subsistence' (1971) or 'primitive' (1975) affluence where production is voluntarily limited by demand and not by productive

capacity. Treadgold (1978:2) views subsistence affluence as an evolutionary stage of

Bougainvillean peoples when they maintained acceptable living standards by inputs of

labour and natural resources that fell significantly short of available supplies. A central

assumption of this conventional modernization approach is that cash-earning activities

are not detrimental to subsistence-oriented peoples because of the existence of surplus land and labour in village systems. Grossman (1981, 1984) debunks this notion by

demonstrating that cash-earning activities through coffee and cattle undermined

subsistence in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea.

By the time Ok Tedi went operational in the 1980s dependency theorists (Frank 1969,

1979) were refuting the modernization premise that lack of development in the Third

World was caused by the absence of capitalism and were asserting instead that underdeve

lopment is the result of capitalism following its natural course (Hoogvelt 1982:150). The

world capitalist system (Wallerstein 1974) may be united into a single market but world

society is not united into a single homogenous capitalist milieu (Nash 1981:397). Modernization and dependency theories stress the Eurocentric inevitability of unilinear

cultural evolution (DeSouza and Porter 1974:10), but the move from reciprocal to post

reciprocal (Nietschmann pers. comm.) socio-economic systems actually involves a

process of continual interaction rather than unilineal change (Brookfield 1975:89). Self

interest capitalism does not inevitably destroy the reciprocal-moral (Scott 1976) economy of indigenous, subsistence-oriented peoples. In Papua New Guinea the coexistence of self

interest and reciprocal economic systems among classless peoples owning their own land

and practising subsistence does not conform to dependency theory (Gooch 1984). The desire for Western goods is not equivalent to the desire for the modernization

package (Gooch 1984). Hannett's (1975) observation that identification with the State is

20



Fig. 1 Location of Panguna and Ok Tedi Projects in Papua New Guinea.

21



secondary to indigenous autonomy in land, subsistence, culture, language, social forms

and value systems among Bougainvillians is equally true for Mountain Ok peoples. To

perceive the Mountain Ok and Bougainvillean peoples as affluent subsistence peoples

evolutionarily progressing from stagnation to incorporation into worldwide systems is to

ignore their active refusal to accept certain forms of change. Social movements have arisen among these indigenous peoples in response to grave

problems of ecocide and ethnocide caused by the intrusion of transnational mining. Gerlach and Hine's (1970:xvi) definition of social movements as "a group of people who

are organized for, ideologically motivated by and committed to a purpose which

implements some form of personal or social change; who are actively engaged in the

recruitment of others; and whose influence is spreading in opposition to the established

order within which it originated" is broad and cross-culturally applicable to the social

movements initiated by the Nasioi and the Wopkaimin.

Nasioi and Bougainville People's Response to the Panguna Project

Around the turn of the century a group of Alu islanders, defeated in war by Mono

islanders, sought sanctuary on the east coast of Bougainville (Oliver 1955:5). They forced

the Nasioi inland who, by 1911, resettled as foothill and mountain dwellers (Ogan

1972:13). Prior to W.W.II Nasioi socio-economic life was maintained by subsistence

cultivation of taro (Ogan 1972:23). After the taro blight of 1942-1944 they turned to sweet

potato as their staple cultigen (Connell 1978). Land is communally owned by co-resident matri-clan members and residence is

ideally uxorilocal (Nash 1974:7; Ogan 1966a:187). Age and gender distingush certain

statuses but emphasis is placed on individual achievement in an undifferentiated society

(Ogan 1966a: 187). Informal, formal and large-scale exchanges are governed by balanced

reciprocity and balanced property exchange is achieved through bilateral cross-cousin

marriage (Ogan 1972). The important economic innovation following W.W.II was cash-crop production; of

coconuts and cocoa among the men and of market vegetables among the women.

Treadgold (1978:6) describes cash-cropping as a routine modernization process. Closed

Bougainvillean subsistence societies were opened to colonial rule and the international

economy because of expanding primary exports and population growth. The incorpo ration of cash-cropping into Nasioi subsistence was a harmless process because:

In terms of resource requirements, it was made possible by the essentially subsis

tence-affluent state of the indigenous rural economy, which implied the existence

of unused surpluses of land and labour. The utilization of these surpluses permitted the expansion of production for export without any significance in terms of

subsistence output forgone. Moreover, the methods of cash crop production were

such that little change was needed in traditional modes of economic organization. In short, to apply Myint's (1973:74) phase, cash-cropping was a virtually riskless

operation, requiring no other cost than extra working hours (Treadgold 1978:16). The adoption of cash-cropping by the Nasioi (Ogan 1972:122, 183) and the Nagovisi

(Mitchell 1976:1) was disastrous because it created increasingly acute land shortages at

the expense of subsistence production and it provided low returns for labour input. Land

acquired for women's market vegetable production followed usual matrilineal patterns

(Moulik 1977:32, 34; Ogan 1972:116,129), whereas land acquired for men's coconut and

cocoa cash-crop production altered the economic system. Men already manipulated the

marriage system to gain and consolidate status (Ogan 1966a: 186). With cash-cropping several men worked together to establish groves but each assumed individual ownership of trees even though the communal land on which they planted often belonged to their

wives. By continuing to manipulate the marriage system and taking advantage of the

colonial Australian Administration bias towards patrilineal inheritance, men also passed their trees on to their sons in a matrilineal society that otherwise assigns inheritance to

land on which crops are planted to clan daughters (Ogan 1972:116, 129). As established

modes of economic organization were significantly altered, cash-cropping became much

more than a riskless operation requiring no other cost than extra working hours.

Big-men exchange among the Nasioi is conducted among kin or facilitated by putative

22



kinship relations and is primarily a social activity. After cash-cropping, big-men competed [or prestige in bisnis, Melanesian Tok Pisin for economic ventures leading to involvement

ivith the cash economy in virtually any capacity other than as wage earner (Moulik

1977:73). Bisnis became entirely an economic activity involving the impersonal exchange oiitems for cash (Ogan 1972:39). As men manipulated the marriage system it was reduced

to the level of the general economy (Nash 1981:2). Money entered prestations at marriage. Women became ranked according to purchased prestations and their sexuality was

ilienated from themselves and controlled by men. The whole cash-crop bisnis economy devalued women in the eyes of their men and themselves (Nash 1981).

Far from being a classic, trouble tree example of an affluent subsistence society

incorporating cash-earning activities into the void of surplus land and labour, cash

cropping and bisnis activities were an acute crisis to established socio-economic patterns

among the peoples of southern Bougainville. They responded to the crisis with kago, Melanesian Tok Pisin for the cargo cult belief that spiritual and material benefits are

obtainable through ritual activity. Kago competed with bisnis among most of the

indigenous peoples of Bougainville. The lack of a charismatic leader and colonial

Australian Administration prosecution of kago on the coast prevented a full-fledged kago movement from developing among the Nasioi (Ogan 1972:173). The people of southern

Bougainville used kago as a form of social protest. It was their reaction "to a form of social

change in the closed societies of Melanesia; social change brought about somehow by the

impact of Western civilization" (Jarvie 1967:119).

According to Burridge (1969) the many explanations for kago are due to the variety ot

cultural idioms within which they arise, but the kago movements among Bougainvillean

peoples seem better explained by Worsley's assertion that "Melanesians were profoundly disturbed by the impact of the European economy and its effects on their indigenous

economic arrangements" (1968:lvii). Among the Nasioi and their neighbours, cultural

contact and behavioural interaction with Europeans was effected through Catholic

missions which controlled the dispensation of inappropriate and inadequate schooling

until the 1960s (Ogan 1972). Catholic mission schools did not explore the dynamics of

colonialism and missionisation became the focus of kago resistance.

The link between Nasioi subsistence affluence and modernization is not the benign

use of their surplus land and labour but the cheapness of their labour and the

expropriation of their land that made the German and Australian colonial powers rich

(Gooch 1984). As suggested by Harris (1974:151), colonial exploitation of indigenous

peoples like the Bougainvilleans entitles them to products of the capitalist core. Since they

:ould not pay for them, kago became their social protest for redistributing the wealth. For

the Nasioi and their Bougainvillean neighbours, kago movements were their first major

critique of an alien cultural system and their first social protest for nationalism (Guiart

1951). The Nasioi were against the colonial Australian Administration long betöre the

Panguna project. W.W.II left the Nasioi with a very low opinion of the colonial Australian

Administration and thereafter they refused wage labour on European plantations. Ogan

(1972) points out that agricultural extension officers were not appointed until 1958 and

that they contributed little to the expansion of cash-cropping or bisnis. Bougainvilleans were neglected by the colonial Australian Administration before the intrusion of the

Panguna project (Duncan 1972:27).

Copper mineralization on Nasioi land was confirmed in 1960 by a geologist of the

colonial Australian Administration. The transnational Bougainville Copper Ltd. (BCL), an amalgamation of the Australian based companies Conzinc Rio Tinto and Broken Hill

Corporation, began prospecting in 1963. As BCL started test drilling in 1964, the Nasioi

reacted to the prospectors as trespassers (Bedford and Mamak 1977:7-10). From 1969

1972 the colonial Australian Administration granted BCL leases over 12,500 ha. for a

mine site, access roads, and waste disposal (Bedford and Mamak 1977:27; Fig. 2). All land

acquisition was vigorously opposed by the Nasioi, Nagovisi, Banoni, Eivo and Torau

landowners1.

All through the exploration, construction and operation phases ot Panguna, the

Nasioi were hostile and active in their resistance to the State and BCL because their rights

23



Fig. 2 Land leased from Southern Bougainvillean People for the Panguna Project.

24



as landowners were ignored (Dove etal. 1974:184). Although 55% of the work force were

Papua New Guineans when the construction phase peaked at 10,500, only 2,300 Bougain villeans worked at Panguna (Treadgold 1978:22). Among the landowners only 8% of the

adult Nasioi men worked at the mine (Moulik 1977:47). The Nasioi and their neighbours

largely refused to accept mining employment or compensation (Bedford and Mamalc

1977:8-11; Stent 1970:7-8). Personal financial gain was rejected for self-determination

and autonomous control of land and resources (Moulik 1977:83). The post W.W.II

pattern of social protest characterized by rejection of plantation wage-labour and the

competition between cash-cropping, bisnis and kago was replicated when miningdissatis faction culminated in another major social protest movement.

Napidokae Navitu became the Nasioi social protest movement for autonomy and

identity. It had its inception as a protest meeting against resumption of Arawa plantation in 1969. The Nasioi used Napidokae Navitu as a militant protest movement for autonomy in land and resources. By 1972 the movement attracted 8,000 followers and became the

social protest focus for Bougainvillean secession and nationalism (Bedford and Mamak

1977:22; Griffin 1982; Mamak et al. 1974:9). By the peak of the construction boom Europeans accounted for 6.2% of the

Bougainville population, 4% higher than average in Papua New Guinea, and 13% of the

population was urban, also 4% higher than average (Treadgold 1978:37). The few

landowners working at the mine initially resented northern Bougainvilleans receiving

higher paid positions, but Bougainvilleans soon shared a common resentment against

Europeans (Bedford and Mamak 1974:13) and 'redskins', the term of reference black

Bougainvillean's use for mainlanders (Griffin 1982:119). From the beginning Bougain villeans initiated labour unrest at Panguna (Bedford and Mamak 1979:76). Labour unrest

was part of their social protest against the large and uncontrolled influx of mainlanders.

The payback killing of two Bougainvillean civil servants after a motor accident in the

Highlands in 1973 (Griffin 1982:135) accelerated social protest for secession and

repatriation of mainlanders (Hannet 1975:290). Labour unrest and inter-ethnic hostilities

culminated in a violent strike against BCL causing damage to infrastructure and

production at Panguna. The self-governing Papua New Guinea Administration punitively withheld Bougainville investment royalties. Bougainville officially seceded only days before Papua New Guinea became a new State. Bougainville affiliation was accomplished with restoration of their royalties and creation of provincial government autonomy

(Bedford and Mamak 1977:88-89, 1979:74-85). During these developments Napidokae Navitu continued as a Bougainvillean focus for development, education and autonomy

(Griffin 1982; Oliver 1973:172-76). Kago and bisnis continued to increase after prospecting started in 1964 (Bedford and

Mamak 1977:81). At least 50 bisnis projects to service Panguna were located among the

Nasioi between 1969-1974 before BCL made any substantial compensation payments

(Moulik 1977:58-9). Many failed through continued lack of education in management,

costs, profits, and market fluctuations (Oliver 1973:169,195). Nasioi and Bougainvillean direct participation in and ownership and control of service bisnis is a substantial part of

their autonomy from the State and from BCL employment. The Panguna Development Foundation was established by BCL in 1972 to liaise with community and agricultural extension teams and further encourage service bisnis development among Nasioi and

other Bougainvilleans (Oliver 1973:159; Treadgold 1978:28). Bisnis entrepreneurs financed themselves through cash-crops and compensation payments. Personal monetary

gain through direct wage-labour at the mine is not as prestigious as bisnis.

Environmental destruction caused by mining seriously disrupted subsistence and

cash-cropping. Expansion of cash-cropping became feasible only at the expense of

subsistence production (Mitchell 1976:1; Moulik 1977:44-5; Ogan 1972:122-83; Ward

1975:97-101) which placed an ever greater reliance on bisnis as a source of cash earning.

Compensation provides cash but it is a very contentious issue because of the severe

consequences of land appropriation and environmental degradation. The 1970 colonial

Australian Administration decision to flush all waste rock, silt and chemical residue down

the Karewong and Jaba Rivers (Fig.2) continues to be socially and ecologically disastrous.

In the decade up to 1983 some 768 million tonnes of ore and waste were processed, about

half was deposited as waste into the Karewong and the other half as tailings into the Jaba

25



with half this amount flowing into Empress Augusta Bay (Fig.2). Tailings are chemically contaminated with 800-1000 ppb copper (acute and chronic effects of soluble copper may be felt down to 5ppb), the Jaba has risen 30m and the entire valley is under 60m of

sediment. All aquatic life is killed and remobilization of heavy metals ensures ecocide will

continue long after the mining is completed (Chambers 1985:180). With an overall

population density of 7.6 km2 (Treadgold 1978:31), the Nasioi, Nagovisi and Banoni are,

by lowland Papua New Guinea standards (Allen 1983), densely settled along these rivers.

They rely heavily upon the surrounding aquatic and terrestrial resources (Mitchell

1976:6). Compensation for the horrendous extent of social and ecological damage was not

even standardized before the commencement of mining, nor were the procedures for

claims (Bedford and Mamak 1977:30). Separate claims were heard before the Mining Warden's Court until 1969. Thereafter, a compensation schedule was created for

subsistence resources, but compensation for destroyed or damaged cash-crops remained

unsatisfactory (ibid: 1977:31-33). The BCL agreement was renegotiated in the first year of

Papua New Guinea independence but landowner compensation continued to come

annually until BCL signed a new Compensation and Occupation Fees Agreement with the

Panguna Landowners Association in 1980 (Doble 1981). Compensation is now indexed

and fees are paid for bush and physical disturbance, river and fish destruction and social

inconvenience.

The Nasioi are being forced into bisnis specialization because environmental

destruction caused by the Panguna project has interrupted expansion of subsistence and

cash-crop production while simultaneously creating a demand for service bisnis.

Treadgold (1978:66) interprets this specialization as moving substantially into what Myint

(1973:35) typifies as the second phase of peasant modernization when some families

specialise and devote the whole of their available resources to export production. Unless

real income gains are made from this specialization shift Treadgold concludes that

Bougainvilleans "may collapse into the reality of stagnant technological dualism charac

terized, on the one hand, by a foreign-owned, capital-intensive advanced enclave (copper

mining) offering limited scope for factor substitution'and hence limited employment

opportunities and, on the other hand, by a larger (in terms of labour absorption) traditional rural sector using primitive and highly labour-intensive technologies to yield a

marginal product of labour approaching zero" (1978:67).

Treadgold's synopsis of Bougamvillean modernization fails to recognize the historical

momentum of continued Nasioi and Bougainvillean ethno-nationalism against colonial, State and BCL intrusion. As Panguna became operational the Nasioi and other Bougain villeans responded by electing anti-mining, anti-administration and pro-secessionist

representatives (Hastings 1976; Oliver 1973:170-82). In contrast to Treadgold's bleak

modernization scenario, Griffin concludes that by the mid-1970s Napidokae Navitu

followers had achieved their social protest objectives: . . . land disputes of 1969 and other compensatory issues were adequately

settled; a moral victory was scored over the colonial Administration; the

mining agreement was drastically renegotiated to the chagrin of the intrusive

transnational company (another moral victory); the full one and a quarter per cent royalties were paid to the provincial government; the North Solomons was

united under a provincial government with real powers; local government councils were abolished and traditional authority sanctioned through village

government; attempts were being made to foster traditional culture in schools

and through provincial agencies; education came under substantial provincial control and Northern Solomonese maintained a high level of access to

positions throughout Papua New Guinea in tertiary institutions, public service, church and business, and privileged access on the North Solomons itself; the

elections of 1977 and 1982 saw Mola and Lapun eliminated and all four MPs

committed to the one party, the radical Melanesian alliance, led by John Momis

(1982:138). The Nasioi have responded to cash-cropping with kago and to mining with

Napidokae Navitu, a more successful protest movement achieving compromise,

modifying the power of BCL and providing a degree of local autonomy.

26



Wopkaimin and Mountain Ok People's Response to the Ok Tedi Project

For the Mountain Ok people of central New Guinea, Australian colonial invasion

started when a patrol post was opened in 1948 in the Ifitaman Valley, homeland of the

Telefolmin and the Telefolip, the region's most sacred cult house and supreme object of

cultural identity. The Australian Baptist Missionary Society arrived shortly after in 1950.

By 1953 ritual leaders of the Telefolip organized an eradication of the colonial invaders

and 33 Telefolmin men were imprisoned for 10 years in retaliation (Quinlaven 1954). Social protest for autonomy and cultural identity focussed on the Telefolip was

established in the region well before the arrival of prospectors. The Wopkaimin were well aware of Australian reprisal against the 1953 protest

movement and refrained from attacking Patrol Officer Booth's expedition from

Telefolmin in 1957. Olsobip patrol post was opened to administer the Wopkaimin and

other southern Mountain Ok peoples in 1964. In that year Patrol Officer Hoad (1964) declared that the Wopkaimin were "so far removed from and devoid of resources that they

simply have no potential for development". The first complete census was attempted by Patrol Officer Young (1966) and his patrol came to have the most enduring and profound effect on the Wopkaimin because he noted in his report that the streams below the

Hindenberg Wall seemed to contain deposits of copper. Early in 1968 the American

transnational Kennecott, without consulting the Wopkaimin, took out prospecting authorities on their land; by late 1968 Patrol Officer Eggleton (1968) found that Western

clothing, tobacco, steel axes and knives and Melanesian Tok Pisin had spread rapidly

among the Wopkaimin, as well as dysentery which had killed five to six percent of the

population. Kennecott started test drilling on Mt. Fubilan in 1969, the location now commonly

referred to as the "Pot of Gold" (Jackson 1982). The Wopkaimin distanced themselves

from the prospectors and maintained their own subsistence autonomy because Mt.

Fubilan and the Kennecott base camps were well away from their Kam Basin homeland.

Bultem hamlet in the Kam Basin is the permanent site of the Futmanam, which, like the

Telefolip, is the Wopkaimin's most sacred cult house and supreme source of cultural

identity. By the peak of exploration in 1971 Kennecott employed over 45 whites and 500

indigenous workers, but few of the latter were Wopkaimin or other Mountain Ok men.

Negotiations between Kennecott and the interim colonial Australian Administration for

an agreement to mine at Ok Tedi started in 1970. By March 1975 Kennecott abandoned

the Ok Tedi project. Negotiations failed because of disagreements over tax and arbitration

provisions, not over environmental concerns or land owner protection (Jackson 1982:40

72; Pintz 1984:32-49). Papua New Guinea established an interim Ok Tedi Development Company in 1975

and after the-1976 Agreement pushed for the Ok Tedi project to proceed relatively quickly. It was the soaring gold prices in 1979 which accelerated the push to make the mine

operational. The transnational Ok Tedi Mining Limited (OTML) consortium was finally formed in 1981 with the State taking a 20 percent share; BHP and Amoco taking 30

percent each and a German industrial consortium taking 20 per cent (Pintz 1984:14). The Ok Tedi project is exempted from the Environmental Protection Act of 1978

because the 1982 Ok Tedi Environmental Study (OTES) is considered tobe more environ

mentally appropriate. The fifth volume of the OTES outlines the resource base of

indigenous peoples impacted by the project (Hyndman 1982; Pernetta and Hyndman 1982; Frodin and Hyndman 1982). The OTES predicted some 200 million tonnes of

sediments would enter the Fly River system from waste dumps and dissolved copper would

increase up to 200ppb at Ningerum over 100km below the mine and the State initially insisted upon 50ppb of peak soluble copper at Ningerum (Chambers 1958:181, 182).

At first the State considered it was not politically feasible to permit the Ok Tedi project to repeat the scale of pollution that occurred with the earlier Panguna gold and copper

project located on Bougainville. Therefore, they negotiated in the 1976 Agreement for a

permanent tailings dam on the Ok Ma to prevent mining wastes, sediments, and chemicals

from entering the Fly River. The State's definition of "excellent environmental protection"

(.Pacific Islands Monthly 1984:29) meant that the Ok Mani River near the mine would be

contaminated for human consumption for two decades and that aquatic life from the Ok

27



Tedi would be contaminated downstream to Ningerum (Pintz 1984:93). They decided for

the Wopkaimin and other indigenous peoples of the Ok Tedi region that their natural

resources were to become national resources.

A long series of ecocide disasters starting in 1984 made such a mockery of environ

mental protection plans that natural resources sustaining over 50,000 indigenous peoples of the Ok Tedi and Fly Rivers are now endangered2 (Fig.3). The transnational construction

giant Bectel was contracted for the infrastructure phase of the Ok Tedi project. As early as

1982 Bectel began incurring major schedule delays and cost overrides. A year later in

Mianmin

^OUNtWS* OK ^Ngalum)K?"^^falmin«^

*°%7,

>— iNingerum

.OWLANDu; y / 1 V#

"elefolmiiTy om

tsapmin

Bimin

J^&s/ S¿ S?'* ^ ¡tí

O km i i

100

Waruna

GOGODALAjJg

U« ^ !<t

TRANS-FLY

: Lewada,

Balamula j^0l '^vX^iwai

I Gidra

Fig. 3 Peoples of the Ok Tedi and Fly Rivers.

28



October-November 1983, OTML presented the State with an 'Accelerated Gold

Production Scheme' (AGPS) based around an interim tailings dam. Initially the request was rejected and Prime Minister Somare issued a strong reprimand stating that "it is

important that developers understand the strong view the government has on environ

mental protection. They must also understand that the government expects developers to

adhere to agreements" (Pacific Islands Monthly 1984:29). In January 1984 a 50 million tonne, one kilometre long landslide on the Ok Ma

destroyed all prospects of a permanent tailings dam as a solution to pollution problems and threatened closure of the project in a matter of months. After the Ok Ma landslide the

then General Manager of OTML, Irwin Newman, stated that "it will be impossible to build

a safe dam in the area" (ibid:31), thus forcing the State to reconsider OTML's AGPS offer.

The State accepted the scheme knowing it involved releasing undesirably larger quantities of sediment, tailings, and chemical wastes into the river system. Quite independent of

potential impacts from cyanide (4-700ppb), suspended sediments (50-800 mg/1) and

other metals (lead 4-140ppb, zinc 3-8ppb, cadmium 0.12-0.2ppb), it introduces vastly excessive concentrations of copper (2400-4400ppb) into the Ok Tedi (Chambers

1985:182) which, according to the State's own independent report, are: "10,000%, two

orders of magnitude, over reasonable criteria; 7500% over predictions for the original

tailings dam; and 650% over the maximum total from all sources predicted in the original environmental study and rejected by the State as excessively high" (AMDEL 1984:42). As

a 20 percent shareholder in the Ok Tedi project the State is compromised in protecting the

health, well being and resources of the Wopkaimin and other Fly River peoples and has

stipulated peak soluble concentrations up to 230ppb (Chambers 1985:182). Ecocide

problems are being solved at the expense of ethnocide.

While the AGPS operation was polluting the headwaters end of the Ok Tedi and Fly River systems, a barge transporting OTML chemicals overturned 15km east-north-east of

Umuda Island in the Fly River estuary on 14th June, 1984. In all 2700, 60 litre drums of

cyanide and 26 cylinders of hydrogen peroxide were lost (Post Courier 19, 20 June, 1984) and, according to a report from the University of Papua New Guinea, they represented the

single largest loss ever of the world's most dangerous poison and constituted a significiant environmental and human health risk (Times of Papua New Guinea, 5 July, 1984). On

3rd July, 1984 over 500 protesters marched on the Western Province offices of Premier

Aitawai, protesting that OTML had recovered only 117 cyanide drums and declared the

others to be unsalvageable. On 4th July, Mr. Pusal, then Minerals and Energy Minister,

temporarily shut down the AGPS operation because of a second cyanide spill which

OTML was silent about for two weeks until dead fish, prawns, turtles, and crocodiles started floating downstream of the mine as far as Ningerum. A by-pass valve opened for

two hours and 12 minutes on 19th June, 1984 released 1000 cubic meters of highly concentrated cyanide waste into the Ok Tedi River (Post Courier 4 July, 1984).

OTML acknowledges their Degussa hydrogen peroxide detoxification system failed

but is completely silent about the unsalvaged drums of cyanide and concludes that the

"magnitude of environmental impact was not great during this period and the fishing resources of the Lower Ok Tedi were generally unaffected (OTML PA/03/85-5:25).

Ningerum people are not so confident about the "Degussa Environmental Protection

Service", especially when two young girls died shortly after they had accompanied their

parents on an official OTML tour of the system. The Ningerum began spreading the

rumour that they had used their magic to destroy the tailings dam.

Finally in January 1985 the State refused to renew the OTML interim operating licence not because of pollution but for contractual failure to develop a long-term copper mine. Initially the State wanted OTML to vacate Ok Tedi by the end of February but the

closure deadline was extended until June 1985. The State continued negotiating with

OTML to meet their contractual obligations while considering an offer from China to form a joint venture but eventually permitted OTML to resume full operations in April 1985.

The project has been plagued by renegotiations and the sixth supplemental agreement allowed the second stage of mining to be launched in September 1986. A 170 kilometre

copper slurry pipeline was constructed and rolling and grinding mills salvaged from

derelict copper mines in the United States, were installed to process 30,000 tonnes of gold and 70,000 tonnes of copper per day. Unbelievably the project goes ahead without a

29



permanent tailings dam, hydroelectric scheme or ocean port and makes a complete

mockery of the 1982 OTES. Minerals and Energy Minister, John Kaputin, somehow finds

the optimism to thank OTML general manager, Roy Shipes, for his "magic leadership"

(Times of Papua New Guinea, 19 September, 1986), even though it directs Papua New

Guinea towards gold export dependency and the Wopkaimin towards resource

degradation and ethnocide.

Wopkaimin culture was founded by the 'great mother' ancestress Afek. After she built

the Telefolip she built the Futmanam, the second most important Mountain Ok cult house.

The Futmanam integrates the Wopkaimin into a male initiatory cult. It is a permanent sacred site where youth are housed and transformed into men. Great mother Afek nutures

her Wopkaimin children as they maintain the sacred relics and make animal sacrifices to

the ancestors inside the Futmanam. The house takes its name from the painted houseboards displayed at the entrance and since it is built in pandanus and thatched in

sago fronds it is regularly refurbished and reconstructed. '

The Futmanam symbolizes Wopkaimin identity and sociality. The nurturance of Afek

and the ancestral spirits is conditional upon the performance of ritual and sacrifice.

Reciprocity among initiated men ensures prosperity for all. The Futmanam excludes

women and validates the separation of the sexes. A cultural pervasiveness of gender distinctions among the Wopkaimin is created by exclusive male ritual obligations. Hamlet

sociality is divided by gender and residentially segregated into women's houses and the

men's house. Men and women do not sleep together and families are not commensal units.

Elaborate food prohibitions specify food acquisition and consumption by gender

(Hyndman 1984). Hamlet reciprocity, abipkagup, is mediated through the men's house/

cult complex. Abipkagup denies household autonomy and separates the sexes.

Ancestral land to Wopkaimm men is a sacred geography collectively experienced and

understood through religion and ritual. Land and resource use are perceived through the

cultural filter of the men's house/cult complex. The State and OTML do not seriously

appreciate that far more than loss of hunting, fishing and gardening are at stake with the

instrusion of the Ok Tedi project. When the prospectors invaded, the Wopkaimin surrendered small portions of communally owned land in expectation of receiving Western food, medicine, money and beer. They continued to do so willingly because they

perceived impending wage-earning, education and health facilities as beneficial, but they had no clear idea of the land requirements of the Ok Tedi project or of the substantial

impact it was to have on their way of life. Total land leases appropriated for the Ok Tedi

project amount to 16,530 ha (Fig.4). The Wopkaimin alone lose 7000 ha to the Ok Tedi

project. Monetary compensation for losing over seven percent of their land amounts to a

projected cash payment of K115.000 and a projected trust account sum of K104,000 for

social inconvenience (Jackson et al. 1980:150, 180). Compensation money is allocated

annually and amounts to about one kina daily per person. Male business groups formed

around residence and descent have collectively used compensation money towards

purchase of vehicles but most have been wrecked.

Coffee, cattle and bisnis, so widespread across the highlands, are absent throughout the Mountain Ok region. The previous lack of cash earning activities among the

Wopkaimin relegates them to a peripheral, unskilled wage-earner role in the Ok Tedi

project. Although over half of the Wopkaimin men worked for Bectel during the

construction phase (Jackson and Have 1983:26), it did not prevent movements of social

protest. In early 1983 the Wopkaimin went on strike and OTML shut down the project and

emergency airlifted out all white women and children. The strike was a social protest

against foreigners and other nationals taking semi-skilled employment they perceived themselves as capable of performing and against the Tabubil town plan which forced their

families off the land as whites and other nationals moved in with their families. The

Wopkaimin returned to work after receiving higher wages but their other grievances remain unsettled.

The death of a construction worker from the central highlands precipitated another

social protest by the Wopkaimin. The man was killed when he was thrown from his

seatbeltless and doorless vehicle during a road accident. Wopkaimin workers went on

strike with other nationals demanding immediate improvement in safety conditions and

compensation for the dead man. For the Wopkaimin the confrontation was an occasion

30



Fig. 4 Land leased from Ok Tedi People for the Ok Tedi Project.

31



for social protest against status inequality. Control and direction exercised by OTML is

their first experience of new authority relations and they are interpreted as arbitrary and

unfair. Their earlier complaints over safety concerns infuriated them because they were

dismissed with "yu husat manki", meaning they were boys and not entitled to complain.

Safety helmets symbolically mark status; yellow ones are worn by unskilled Wopkaimin workers and the white ones are worn by white bosses. During the protest the Wopkaimin made the whites throw their helmets in the mud and asserted that "helmets are for safety not for status, therefore we will talk bareheaded".

Once Bectel departed in 1984 with the phasing out of construction and the phasing in

of gold processing, Ok Tedi became known to the Wopkaimin as the "place without work".

However, even before gold processing started many Wopkaimin men became dissatisfied

with the role of unskilled wage earner. Realization that vast disparities in wealth and

status separated them from the whites effectively removed the prestige and satisfaction

initially associated with wage earning. The Wopkaimin started expanding former sago groves at Woktemwanin and Finalbin

into small hamlets in 1980 (Fig.4). They grew rapidly once Wopkaimin families were forced out of Tabubil in 1981 and by 1985 each were major roadside villages with over 350

residents. By Wopkaimin standards the village of Woktemwanin is extremely congested. Residents are predominantly Wopkaimin but include other Mountain Ok from the

Ifitaman Valley as well. Over 350 Mountain Ok of multi-parish/multi-language

background reside in Woktemwanin but they do not interact as a socially viable

community. They use the term 'corners' to refer to the aggregate of disparate neighbourhoods formed around previous residential and descent (kinumit) affiliation. Other Mountain Ok

are permitted to reside in Woktemwanin but not to use resources outside the village, so

outsiders are totally dependent on trade store commodities for subsistence. Every corner

has a trade store and commodities like rice and tinned meat and fish have not only become

dietary staples but commodities to be sold rather than shared reciprocally, even among

kinumit neighbourhood residents. From the 1970's when they were entirely subsistence

oriented and dietarily self-sufficient, to the 1980's, the Wopkaimin have become increa

singly dependent on a diet without subsistence foods.

In the new roadside villages established patterns of domesticity and sociality are

completely altered. Families live together in co-resident comensality and men do not have

a men's house where they can congregate at the expense of conjugal ties. Food is no longer

segregated by gender and all food prohibitions have been abandoned. Household

sovereignty in consumption reverses the men's house/cult complex pattern of abipkagup

reciprocity. Gender excludes women from beer drinking and aggressive drunken behaviour,

blackmarketing, fighting and adultery associated with heavy beer drinking threatens

family life. The Tok Pisin term spakman is used not only to refer to beer drinkers but also to contrast those who move into the new roadside villages from those continuing to reside in established hamlets. Loose beers are known as wokmafuk (vernacular for bad drink) while cases of 24 bottles are known as 'tool boxes'.

Spakman drinking is primarily confined to the roadside communities among married and unmarried men under 35 years of age. All night/all male drinking sessions typically lead to vomiting and urinating in the open, fights and adultery in violation of established cultural norms. The host exclusively distributes the beer and makes exaggerated claims that his generosity is like abipkagup reciprocity. The spakman acts out a kind of fantasy of himself as a white, as occured among the Nasioi (Ogan 1966b), by communicating in Tok Pisin and listening to Western cassette music. Nevertheless, obvious gaps remain between the desired and the actual social situation and this generates tensions which are

discharged in drunkeness and the extreme behaviour associated with it. Men are also manipulating the marriage system as a form of bisnis. Money now enters

prestations at marriage. One Woktemwanin man has already paid K3500 for a second

Wopkaimin wife and another has paid K9000 for a wife from Central Province. Women are becoming ranked according to inflated money prestations at marriage. Marriage manipulation as a form of bisnis devalues women in the eyes of their men and themselves, as occurred on Bougainville (Nash 1981). Adultery and prostitution became easier as

women's sexuality was alienated from themselves and controlled by men.

Wopkaimin men regularly proposition new white women they see in Tabubil with the



sexually provocative Tole Pisin phrase fortnight o?, which has the double meaning of 'can

you accommodate me sexually?' and 'will you last here longer than a few days?' The

prevailing white and national staff attitude to indigenous women is even worse. In 1985

most of the national women clerical staff apparently made more money at night selling sex

than they made from their wages. This was a good outlet for the men in Tabubil but those

working out of temporary camps away from Tabubil sometimes kidnapped and raped

indigenous women gardening near the road. The fighting that regularly breaks out in the

new roadside communities over adultery and rape goes by the nickname "GBH" because

of the frequency of Grevious Bodily Harm charges heard in the new Police Station and

Court in Tabubil. Wopkaimin men remaining in the old hamlets view becoming a spakman with ambivalence because they are fearful of subjecting their wives to GBH while a

spakman living in the roadside village is fearful his wife will likewise be assaulted if he

temporarily departs to the bush for gardening and hunting. Northern Mountain Ok peoples initiated the first regional social protest movement.

They abandoned the men's house/cult complex founded by the cultural ancestress Afek

and replaced it with rebaibal (their Tok Pisin term for revival movement). The Baptists

opened the first mission among the Mountain Ok near the Telefolip but their threat to the

cult system did not reach a crisis point until 1974 (Frankel 1976; Jorgensen 1981). By 1977

Duranmin became the centre of mass ecstatic activities and by 1983, with over 3000

followers, represented the most popular indigenous acceptance of Christianity among the

northern Mountain Ok (Barr 1983)-. The ecstatic outbreaks of rebaibal are an innovation

and adjustment to culture change. Like the cargo cults of colonial New Guinea, rebaibal is

a major social protest critique of an alien cultural system. Since rebaibal completely rejects established cultural patterns, it is not simply another

reworking of a traditional cult system to form a distinctly Melanesian Christianity (Guiart

1970). Gender roles are altered and women acquire more equal status. Food prohibitions and reciprocity of the men's house/cult complex are abandoned for a new co-resident

nuclear family domesticity and commensality. Emphasis is placed on spontaneity of

worship, especially among women, and on contact with the supernatural through mass

seizures (Barr and Trompf 1983). Some rebaibalists are endeavouring to create a "pan-Min" province (Morren 1986)

containing the Ok Tedi project but an alternative Min Association was formed among the

Telefolmin in 1981 for the same purpose. By contrast, the Min Association plays on the

common cultural identity based on Afek to politic for a Min province. They use the

Telefolip, the Futmanam and the fact that the Mt. Fubilan 'pot of gold' sits on top of the

Land of the Dead established by Afek's younger brother, Umoim, as justification for all

Mountain Ok to acknowledge their common identity. The Wopkaimin never experienced missionary proselytizing until they started living

in the new roadside villages. Now Finalbin has Telefolmin rebaibalists and Woktemwanin

has Enkaiakmin Catholic catechists. When the rebaibalists burned down the Tifalmin cult

house in 1979, the Futmanam ritual leader was appalled and he and the Wopkaimin have

since found little appeal in the rebaibal movement. The Wopkaimin have so far been little

impressed by the politiking for either a Min or a North Fly province because it would

jeopardize the status they exert as the indigenous land owners of the project.

Previously the Wopkaimin only aggregated for short-term rituals but th e new roadside

communities of multi-parish and multi-language groups have been maintained well

beyond the time periods appropriate to short-term rituals and this is creating significant social stresses among those forming them. Some Wopkaimin are responding to the

alienation by reaffirming their belief in the ritual legacy bequeathed to them from their

ancestral cultural heroine Afek. As they enlarged Woktemwanin in 1981 they also

refurbished the Futmanam and hosted a major initiation ceremony there in 1983.

Continuing their commitment to the Futmanam provides the Wopkaimin with cultural

identity as a people. In addition to continuity of ritual performance, many Woktemwanin

residents are decentralizing to Bombakan hamlet at the confluence of the Ok Tedi and Ok

Kam Rivers. Bombakan is residentially segregated with women's houses and a men's

house. It has a core of over 30 residents, including the ritual leader of the Futmanam, and

others circulate in from Woktemwanin.

Wopkaimin culture is characterised by weak leadership, individual autonomy and

sensitivity to the pressures of others and of diffuse public opinion and is, therefore, ill

53



equipped to deal with the disastrous social control problems caused by transnational

intrusion (Barth and Wikan 1982:44). A limited number of Wopkaimin men have become

white helmet workers and have been allocated prefab Tabubil dwellings known as 'C

houses. These promoted men are viewed with distrust and suspicion by the Wopkaimin, their being white helmet workers is considered to be a contradiction in terms. One white

helmet man is attempting to politically bridge the gap between the Wopkaimin and OTML.

The white helmet man recognises his status ambiguity and is competitively using bisnis to consolidate his bid for political power. He controls the largest trade store in

Woktemwanin, but by using his broker positition to build personal wealth he is further

alienating his fellows.

The blackmarketeer bisnisman has limited influence as a power broker because he is

seen as sustaining anti-social behaviour. A rival power broker in Woktemwanin is a sort of

bos bilong spakman who is successfully manipulating and integrating traditional authority and community values with OTML intrusion. He strongly advocates that a proper access

road, housing and local development would enhance the quality of life in Woktemwanin

and is most truly a middleman (Rodman and Counts 1983) interacting between OTML and

the Wopkaimin over the provisioning of public goods like the supply of roads, housing and

local development. In the community interest he banned blackmarketeering out of

Woktemwanin claiming "spakman lives off compensation and gardens, bisnisman lives off

everyone". The scale of information flow has become much more intense and this is reflected in

the competition of interests and values among groups manipulating for political influence.

The Wopkaimin maintain equitable access to and control over their land and their

dependence on resources controlled by OTML is still marginal. The ritual leader of the

Futmanam establishes interpersonal networks, manipulates information flow to achieve

taboo and continues to exert significant influence, especially among those who have

decentralized to the new hamlet of Bombakan.

As social movements, rebaibal and decentralization are mutually exclusive because

the former socially rejects past conditions while the latter socially rejects present conditions. By decentralizing, the Wopkaimin are constructing relationships with the

transnational intruders into patterns comprehensible to them in terms of established

men's house/cult complex obligations underlying their own social relationships. Through the process of decentralization the Wopkaimin are continuing a presence and proprietor

ship with their land, demonstrating their society's limited capacity for social control and

addressing the problems of transnational intrusion.

Continued presence and proprietorship of their land is important to the Wopkaimin.

They are reinstating established patterns of abipkagup reciprocity in Bombakan. In the

surrounding gardens they have substituted sweet potato, banana and Xanthosoma taro in

place of Colocasia taro, their former subsistence staple. In December 1984 the

Wopkaimin refused to allow OTML to acquire new leases upstream of the project for

possible relocation of the tailings dam. They noted their continuing use of the land, that

the proposed leases threatened their ancestral heartland and that compensation was

inadequate for the land OTML had already destroyed. Many are concerned that children

are not encoding proper ethnoscientific knowledge in the roadside villages. A Telefolmin

teenager asked me "where did you get those animals" upon my arrival in Woktemwanin

with several cages of rodents in 1985. When I explained we had trapped them in

the Hindenburg Mountains and down in the Kam Basin, the youth replied "if they come

from the bush it is too hard for us to get them". Many value decentralization as a way of

preventing such information loss and ensuring their boys are initiated.

By decentralizing, the Wopkaimin are demonstrating their culture has a limited

capacity for exercising social control, especially in the confines of the new roadside

aggregate communities. Co-residence and commensality in the bush houses always acted

as an emotional safety valve from life in the hamlets where families were socially and

domestically segregated. Bombakan is a similar safely valve for the residents of

Woktemwanin. It is not just an atavistic retreat to tradition and can be seen as a positive

political response to the challenge of OTML's power. The Wopkaimin are attempting to

develop a strong sense of cultural identity as a people through decentralizing and

continued commitment to the Futmanam. It remains to be seen if their great mother Afek

34



will successfully take them back to the future, just as it remains uncertain if Ok Tedi will

continue as a viable project once the gold has been stripped from Mt. Fubilan. They have

not yet lost cultural skills and appreciation of their homeland and should the project be

abandoned at least the Wopkaimin remain equipped to carry past traditions forward.

Summary

Modernization and dependency theories tend to view indigenous peoples as passive

recipients of social change but in Papua New Guinea they have initiated determined, collective social protest against transnational intrusion. Colonialism, cash-cropping, bisnis and kago differentiated interests and values among the Nasioi but they retained

their autonomy in land, resources, culture and language. The Nasioi perceived the

Panguna project as a common threat and their social protests stimulated Bougainvillean unification for self-determination.

The Wopkaimin and other Mountain Ok did not experience a long history of fragmen tation caused by colonialism. Transnational intrusion rather than colonialism fragmented

Wopkaimin society and intensified conflicts within and between various Mountain Ok

peoples. Wopkaimin and other Mountain Ok have maintained their autonomy in land,

resources, language and culture and this autonomy has not been inimical to broader

socio-cultural identification in the face of rapid cultural and ecological change.

Kago and Napidokae Navitu and rebaibal and decentralization transcend mere

ethnographic exotica. They are social movements for self-determined cultural policies and

choices in response to ecocide and ethnocide caused by transnational intrusion.

'Research reported in this paper is based on numerous field trips with the Wopkaimin Mountain Ok

people between 1973-1985 and was financially supported, in part, by the University of Queensland, the Australian National University, the Australian Academy of Social Sciences, the Australian Research Grants Scheme (No. 461), and Natural Systems Research. I am grateful to the Papua New Guinea government for granting research visas and to the University of Papua New Guinea and the

Papua New Guinea National Museum for research affiliations. Without the continued support of Bini

Abifigoim and the Wopkaimin community this research would not have been possible. Elizabeth Gooch and I developed some of the ideas presented in this paper when I supervised her Honours thesis submitted in 1984. Three anthropological colleagues who have also worked among Mountain Ok peoples, Barry Craig, Barbara Jones and Fitz Poole, have kindly offered their comments on this

paper. The interpretations remain my own.

NOTES

1. In southern Boungainville there are over 23,000 indigenous peoples including 14,000 Nasioi

(Wurm 1982: 237), and 5,000 Nagovisi speaking East Bougainville Papuan languages and over 600 Torau and 1,000 Eanoni who speak Austronesian languages (Tryon 1981). 2. Indigenous peoples of the Ok Tedi include 700 Wopkaimin Mountain Ok speakers, 3,000 Ningerum and 2,200 Yonggom Lowland Ok speakers and 6,000 Aekyom Awim-Pa speakers. Indigenous peoples of the Middle Fly speak Marind languages, including 2,000 Boazi and 1,500 Zimakani. South of the Strickland confluence are 1,000 Suki, 3,300 Waruna and 7,000 Gogodala speaking Gogodala languages. On the Lower Fly are 200 Lewada, 170 Balamula, 280 Tirio and 23,000 Kiwai speaking Trans Fly languages (Voorhoeve 1975).

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MINING, MODERNIZATION, AND MOVEMENTS OF SOCIAL PROTEST IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA

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