Migration patterns in Ecuador, 2008

Migration Patterns and Human Resources: Analysis of the context in Ecuador

Richard Salazar-Medina

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Migration Patterns and Human Capital: Decentralised

Cooperation Agreements at Local Level between

Spain and Ecuador

Report prepared by Richard Salazar-Medina for OECD

Quito, February 2008

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/67/ProvinciasEcuador.PNG



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I. HUMAN MOBILITY IN ECUADOR

BACKGROUND

Although one generally thinks of migration nowadays as leaving one's country, we must not

disregard the in-country migration that increased within Ecuador throughout the 20th century.

This migration began when the railroad was built, joining Coast with Highlands, making it

easier to get from one city to another and therefore to concentrate population in larger cities,

especially Quito (capital city) and Guayaquil (main Port), in the hope of a better life, which

rural folk also attempted to achieve after agrarian reform in the 1960s, 70s and 80s. At the same

time, the so-called import-substitution policy industrialized Quito, Guayaquil and to a lesser

degree Cuenca, creating jobs and creating another wave of migration in the 1970s.

So, the urban-rural population ratio has shifted dramatically over the last five decades, from

only 29% of the population in urban areas in 1950 to 61.2% at present1. And this intensive in-

country migration continues to this day. These human mobility patterns, driven by unequal,

unharmonious development in this country, set the stage for international migration.

1.1. ECUADOR AND INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION

There are two clearly distinguished stages in the history of Ecuadorian emigration: before and

after 1998.

The pioneers

The first international migration from Ecuador began in the 1950s, particularly from the

southern provinces of Cañar and Azuay, as a result of the crisis in producing woven straw hats

(so-called “Panama hats”) which had been exported since the 19th century and made in those

provinces. A loss of competitiveness and world-market trade conditions cut the profitability of

this commodity. The first migrants followed the hat trade’s business contacts to the United

States, building the migratory networks that grew and remain active to this day.

So, by the second half of the 1990s, there were already concrete migration patterns: almost

exclusively to the United States and mainly from southern Ecuador. During this period, 1950-

1995, the National Migration Directorate statistics shows that some 700 thousand Ecuadorians

left and did not return.

The recent migratory wave

Migration has not been solely for economic reasons. Others include low-cost airfares, influence

of the mass media and Internet. However, in the late 1990s, the economy drove migration as

never before, with a period of stagnation (1980-1998) with annual growth averaging barely

0.3%, and in 1999 a worst-ever 28% plunge in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) measured in

dollars, reducing the per capita GDP by nearly 30%. This further concentrated wealth and

worsened well-being indexes: in 2000 the poorest quintile received under 2.5% of the overall

wealth, while the wealthiest 20% had increased their income from 52% to over 61% of the

overall wealth between 1995 and 2000. This phenomenon impoverished Ecuador faster than

any other country in Latin America2.

This evidently led to company bankruptcies, loss of jobs and reductions in purchasing power,

waning social investment (health, education, housing, etc.); in sum, serious deterioration in the

1 Integrated System of Social Indicators of Ecuador (SIISE) version 4.5. 2 Cf. Acosta, 2004.



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quality of life3. This economic crisis resulted in the collapse of the financial system, the freezing

of all bank accounts, and the “dollarization” of the economy.

This situation led to massive international migration, from every province in Ecuador, and to

new destinations, especially Spain and Italy. In six years (1996-2001), migrants to the United

States dropped from 48.7% to 24.6%, but rose for Spain from 20.50% to 51.1% of total

migration. During this same period, official data show that 378,000 persons left Ecuador to

work abroad, 8.3% of the Economically Active Population (EAP) and 3.1% of Ecuador’s total

population4. Other sources estimate that between 1999 and 2001, about 1 million people left,

about 21% of Ecuador’s EAP5, and by 2006 the figure had risen to 1.5 million persons.

Emigrants’ places of origin

In the first migratory wave, migrants basically came from southern Ecuador, but in 1998 they

began to diversify, predominantly coming from urban sectors and with gradual increase from

those coming from the coast. So, official data for the six-year period between 1996 and 2001

show migration from the coast increased by almost 700%, from 6,221 to 42,793. The cities

showing the greatest share in the latest wave of migration are Quito and Guayaquil,, the largest

cities of the country as we can see in the map. Nevertheless, domestic migrants from rural areas

of the country have no longer stopped over in Ecuador’s cities, but have continued directly to

European and US cities, which meant a harsher cultural shock for them.

Figure 1: Percentage of emigration levels by provinces

Source: INEC. 2001

At provincial level we have the following rates:

Province International Migration

3 Ibid. 4 Technical Secretariat of the Social Front. SIISE Information and Analysis Unit, Trends of Social Development in

Ecuador 1990-2003, Quito, Nov. 2004, pp. 45 5 El Universo newspaper, January 2005; Acosta, 2004.



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Total

Migration

Rate

Male Female

AZUAY 5,7 8,4 3,3

BOLIVAR 1,1 1,2 1,1

CAÑAR 8,5 13,0 4,7

CARCHI 0,9 0,9 0,8

COTOPAXI 1,6 1,8 1,5

CHIMBORAZO 2,9 3,5 2,4

EL ORO 4,3 4,3 4,3

ESMERALDAS 1,4 1,0 1,7

GUAYAS 2,7 2,4 3,0

IMBABURA 2,9 3,2 2,6

LOJA 6,0 7,4 4,7

LOS RIOS 1,2 1,0 1,5

MANABI 1,4 1,3 1,4

MORONA SANTIAGO 5,0 7,0 3,0

NAPO 1,1 1,0 1,1

PASTAZA 2,4 2,5 2,2

PICHINCHA 4,2 4,3 4,0

TUNGURAHUA 3,3 3,7 2,9

ZAMORA CHINCHIPE 5,6 6,7 4,3

GALAPAGOS 1,2 1,1 1,4

SUCUMBIOS 1,4 1,5 1,3

ORELLANA 0,8 0,9 0,8

No-delimitated Zones 1,5 1,5 1,6

Source: INEC. Censo 2001

An interesting pattern is that in Spain and Italy, Ecuadorian migrants tend to find places with a

similar regional context to their places of origin. So, coastal migrants have preferred coastal

destinations, such as Barcelona, Valencia and Genoa; whereas highlands migrants, from hilly

farming areas, have preferred similar destinations, such as Madrid and Murcia.

Migration and poverty

It takes some savings to migrate, to cover passport costs and other similar expenses required to

leave the country legally. Roughly, the expenses related to passport, visa, airfare ticket and other

arrangements to the main destinations (Spain, United States and Italy) cost 1-2 thousand dollars.

But it turns out even more expensive when migration is not strictly legal. The coyoteros

(traffickers) offer no guarantees to the migrants and their prices are very high: the average trip

from Ecuador to the US costs 10-15 thousand dollars; to Spain, with false documents, can cost

7-10 thousand dollars.

Hence, the above shows that, for an Ecuadorian in extreme poverty, any such migration is quite

unaffordable. For instance, the following table shows that Ecuador’s poorest provinces

(Orellana and Sucumbíos), do not have the country's highest rates of migration. On the contrary,

Pichincha and Azuay, two of the wealthiest provinces, have much higher migration rates. The

four target provinces of this study (Cañar, Tungurahua, Chimborazo, Pichincha) have relatively

high poverty rates and their migration rates are much higher than the two poorest provinces,

especially Cañar:



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Province Poverty rate

(NBI)6

Migration rate

Orellana 82,7 % 0,83 %

Sucumbíos 81,7 % 1,40 %

Cañar 69,9 % 8,51 %

Tungurahua 61,3 % 3,30 %

Chimborazo 67,3 % 2,90 %

Pichincha 40,6 % 4,15 %

Galápagos 40,6% 1,20%

Azuay 53,2% 5,7%

Source: SIISE, 4.5 version 7

Furthermore, over 70% of male and 56% of female Ecuadorian migrants to Spain had a job in

Ecuador before migrating; the rest were either unemployed (12% and 11% respectively) or

students (10% and 13% respectively)8. This shows that those who migrated from Ecuador are

impoverished middle class, rather than the poorest people.

Migration and level of education

Although there are no exact figures on the educational level of Ecuadorian migrants, which

would require a census at their destinations, some studies give a rough idea. A study by the IOE

Collective in Spain9 surveying domestic workers, found that 40% of the Ecuadorians had higher

education; 53% had finished high school, and 7% had completed primary schooling. This shows

that a very high percentage (93%) of Ecuadorian migrants in Spain had at least a high-school

diploma. This is very telling, compared to the schooling of Spanish citizens who do the same

work, with only 16% having higher studies, 30% high school, 50% primary schooling and 4%

no education at all.

About all migrants, we have the following statistics for education:

Education Levels of Ecuadorian Emigrants

Source: INEC. ENEMDU December 2006

6 Index from Basic Unmet Needs - NBI. 7 Integrated System of Social Indicators of Ecuador (Sistema Integrado de Indicadores Sociales del Ecuador-SIISE)

version 4.5. SIISE compiles information prepared by the National Statistics and Census Institute (INEC), based on

the 2001 Census, with studies to forecast and update figures to the present. 8 Aparicio, IOM, 2006, at press. 9 Collective IOE, Survey of domestic workers in Spain, 2000; in: Workbooks on migration, 2003.



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The table below shows the percentages of the level of education of all of the Ecuadorians in the

four provinces of interest of this study:

Table: Levels of education of Ecuadorians by province

Province Illiteracy Título

universitario

(2006)

Cañar 15,4% 4,2%

Chimborazo 19% 11,5%

Pichincha 5,5% 13,6%

Tungurahua 10% 9% Source: SIISE, version 4.5

We see that the province with the highest illiteracy and lowest post-secondary education is

Cañar, which jibes with the higher poverty rates compared to the other three provinces. By

contrast, the province with the lowest illiteracy rate and highest post-secondary schooling is

Pichincha, which is easy to explain since the capital city of the country, Quito, is there.

Migration and gender

The first migratory wave was predominantly male, whereas the second wave showed gradual

growth in the women involved. In the 1996-2001 period, migrants averaged 50.6% male versus

49.4% women. This clearly speaks of feminization of migration in Ecuador, following the

overall pattern for migration in the last few years. In both genders, the urban/rural split (1999-

2006) has emphasized the urban sector10.

Migration and age

Most Ecuadorian migrants are young. From 1996 to 2001, 66% of the migrant population was

aged 20 to 4011. This shows that migration has meant a huge loss in human capital; especially

considering that, according to UN figures, by 2002 some 200 thousand professionals had left

looking for better income in Spain, the US, Italy and to a lesser extent in Chile12.

Immigrants in Ecuador

Ecuador currently has a threefold migratory status: country of origin, of destination, and transit

for migrants. Dollarization of the economy, along with other regional factors in South America

– particularly Colombia’s conflict – have made Ecuador the destination of migrations especially

from Colombia and Peru. Colombian and Peruvian migrants13 totaled 706,339 between 2000

and 2006, from which some 15 thousand Colombians in refugee status.

Ecuadorians in countries of destination

The main destinations for Ecuadorians are currently Spain, the US and Italy, in that order. In

Spain several sources refer to at least 700 thousand Ecuadorians, making them the third-largest

colony after Moroccans and Romanians; nearly 500 thousand are registered, of whom 395,80814

have regular resident’s permits and 265,59415 are affiliated to the Social Security system. The

10 ECV, 2006 and 1990. SIISE, Version 4.5. 11 SIISE; Alisei-Ciudad, 2003. 12 La Hora newspaper, Quito, August 2001. 13 Official figure from the National Directorate of Migration, obtained by the difference between persons entering and

departing. This figure, since it measures only regular ports, does not reflect the entire phenomenon, since people

entering by unofficial means can evidently not be counted. 14 Bulletin of the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs of Spain, February 2008. 15 Ibid, November 2007.



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provinces with the most Ecuadorians are Madrid, Barcelona and Murcia, followed by Navarra,

Valencia, Zaragoza and Alicante, in that order16.

Official US estimates for 200117 state 700 thousand Ecuadorian immigrants, but other sources18

claim about 1.5 million, most undocumented. The states with the highest numbers of

Ecuadorians are New York, New Jersey, Florida, California, Illinois and Connecticut19.

In Italy there are no official figures yet, but estimates speak of about 150 thousand immigrant

Ecuadorians20. The cities with the most Ecuadorian immigrants are Milan, Genoa and Rome.

Occupations – destination and origin

The occupations that Ecuadorians work at in their countries of destination have not been greatly

studied. The only country that has done any research is Spain, where (in order of importance)

they work in industry, agriculture, domestic service, caring for the elderly, lodging and

construction, which are activities that Spaniards no longer want to do, but which are certainly

indispensable21. In 2000 in Ecuador, according to an IOE study22, 52% of Ecuadorians now in

Spain used to work in the service sector, 28% in agriculture, 10% in industry and 9% in

construction (1% do not answer).

Remittances

Remittances have become a sizable income in the Ecuadorian economy. They are currently the

second-largest foreign exchange category, following only oil exports. The amount of

remittances to Ecuador is higher than the Government’s social spending or international

development cooperation. Remittances have risen dramatically since the last migratory wave: in

1993 they were approximately 200 million dollars; in 2002, 1.42 billion; in 2006 the total was

2.9 billion dollars, and in 2007, approximately 3.118 billion dollars23.

Remittances in Ecuador 1993 - 2007

3.118

2.916

2.454

1.8321.627

1.432

1.415

1.317

794644

485382

273201

1.084

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

3500

1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

Years

Source: Banco Cent ral del Ecuador

Millio

n D

olla

rs

16 Aparicio, IOM, 2006, at press. 17 US Government Census Office, 2000. 18 El Universo newspaper, January 9, 2005. 19 US Government Census Office, 2000. 20 Ibid. 21 Workbooks on migration, 2003. 22 Cf. Collective IOE, 2000; in: Workbooks on migration, 2003. 23 Central Bank of Ecuador.



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The origin of remittances matches the destinations of the past decade: Spain 44%, the US 38%,

Italy 10%, the rest of Europe 4% and Latin America also 4%24. The amount of remittances

ranges from 100 to 400 dollars a month: in 2005, 51.8% of total remittances were 100-200

dollars, and 14.2% were 200-400 dollars25.

Although remittances are for private use, they have meant an enormous boost for the national

economy and to improve the living conditions for families receiving them, enabling them to

give their children a better education, access to health care and buying capacity. At the same

time, remittances have favored some small business creation that was not possible without them,

since it is hard to get a loan in Ecuador. For this reason, some specialists assert that migrants’

remittances have underpinned the dollarization in Ecuador26.

Nevertheless, remittances have also driven inflation. Cities such as Cuenca, historically major

players in migration and remittances, have the highest inflation rates and cost of living figures.

The same goes for Quito and Guayaquil, from where the greatest numbers of migrants have left

in recent years. However, these last two large cities are expensive not only because of

remittances, but for other reasons of their own.

1.2. INFLUENCE OF THE DIASPORA ON ECUADOR AND ITS POLICIES

Although migrations have had major social and economic impacts, their influence on public

policy actually implemented has been modest. Over the last decade, migrations have played a

preponderant role in Ecuador’s spontaneously by influencing individuals, the livelihoods of

families and the Ecuadorian market. The Ecuadorian government has announced some policies

but has not yet implemented any of them. Last year, since the current government took office

(January 2007), migration has finally become a policy issue, with the political will to implement

relevant policies. However, it remains to be seen how it will materialize, and whether it will

take an appropriate direction.

This lack of influence of the migrant communities can be explained as the diaspora grew so

suddenly that a weak government, with historical structural flaws, a squalid economy and a

paradigmatic political instability (eight presidents during one decade) has focused more on local

emergencies than on this relatively new reality. Furthermore, the timeframe of the mass exodus

from Ecuador has been too short for large colonies of Ecuadorian immigrants to develop their

second generations and more prosperous economic situations, leading to conditions such as

Mexico’s 3X1. It must be remembered that the first migratory wave was slow, gradual and

dispersed, to such a large country as the US, which somewhat diluted the possibility of solid

policy advocacy organizations.

In fact, initiatives for projects funded for Ecuadorian migrants, their families and places of

origin arose in their countries of destination which, concerned by the rising migration, set their

eyes on the countries of origin of their largest immigrant colonies to attempt to somehow slow

the phenomenon. The underlying idea is that in helping develop these countries, people could

improve their quality of life back in their country of origin and that would somehow keep them

from migrating and even perhaps lead some to return home. In this context, since 2002 projects

for voluntary return and, since 2004 projects for “co-development”, have been implemented in

Ecuador with funding from various Spanish institutions, inspired by the proposal by Sami Naïr

(March 1997 in France) in a bilateral agreement with Algiers.

Co-development projects with other countries of destination have not yet emerged. These

projects have been implemented in Ecuador by NGOs, working with Spanish NGOs, in some

24 Bendixen and Associates, 2003. 25 INEC, EMENDUR, 2005. 26 Cf. Acosta, 2004.



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cases making strategic alliances with sub-national governments, when they have been open to

this possibility. There is only one government-to-government agreement, more with the Foreign

Affairs Ministry than with the National Government, at the initiative and proposed, once again,

by Spain (and now in an arrangement with the newly created Ecuadorian National Secretariat of

Migrants – SENAMI); this is the Cañar-Murcia project, which is totally atypical, different from

everything else done in Ecuador (details below).

Moreover, the second wave of migration led to various migrant associations in countries of

destination in Europe, which have taken actions to position migratory issues, calling for better

inclusion in government policies (both domestic and for citizens abroad). This could be the

greatest achievement in public policy advocacy by associations of Ecuadorian migrants, that

they can now vote from abroad, since the 2006 presidential elections. Further, in the September

2007 elections for representatives to the Constitutional Assembly, set to meet from November

2007 through May 2008, the Government, provided for six Assembly members to be

representatives of Ecuador’s migrants: 2 for Europe, 2 for North America and 2 for Latin

America.

In Quito, the Municipality has created the Migrant’s House upon urging by associations of

Ecuadorians in Spain (particularly the Rumiñahui Association) in 2001. However, the

Municipality has not invested any funding beyond a basic staff. Paradoxically, this Migrant’s

House began growing and providing services only in 2004, when an NGO got involved: the

Esquel Foundation. Esquel was also implementing a co-development project under coordination

with an NGO from Barcelona, “Proyecto Local”, funded by the Spanish International

Cooperation Agency (AECI).

In 2005, the Migrant’s House began a project funded by the Municipality of Madrid, under an

agreement with the Mayor of Quito, to be implemented during 2006. Aside from activities to

support migrants’ families, this project has yielded the most important development to date

involving sub-national governments, which is the drafting of a District Plan on Migration for

Quito. However, it was prepared only one year ago and has not yet been implemented. It

remains to be seen whether it will actually be implemented, despite the change in authorities in

late 2008. The Migrant’s House underwent an institutional crisis in 2007, when its first one-year

agreement ran out (with Madrid) and it took until now (2008) to begin restructuring and

resuming its activities.

This is one of the main weaknesses of interventions with governments (both central and sub-

national): the instability of actions, due to changes of authorities (i.e. political reasons). This

shows that migration issues have entered politics, but without becoming policies or concrete

actions with enough government commitment (formal or financial).

An important exception is the government of the central province of Tungurahua, which decided

to support the co-development project by the Save the Children Spain Foundation and the

Esquel Foundation, making it the main institutional partner in the province, mainstreaming

migratory issues throughout its action areas. This is certainly the sub-national government that

has shown the greatest commitment and worked most consistently.

In several ministry planning exercises, particularly the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, migratory

issues have appeared, but unfortunately these plans, like others in other ministries, have

remained on paper, un-implemented, for two main reasons: lack of recognition (for plans) and

lack of willingness of the new authorities taking office, along with the lack of financial

commitment to implement them, which largely also depends on each administration.

1.2.1. PROGRAM FOR AID, SAVING AND INVESTMENT FOR

ECUADORIAN MIGRANTS AND THEIR FAMILIES



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In March 2002 the national Government created the Program for Aid, Saving and Investment for

Ecuadorian Migrants and their Families27, after the Dialogue Groups in May 2001, following a

large-scale indigenous uprising. These Groups set priority issues for Ecuador’s social agenda,

including migration.

Created as a “public-law agency under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for the

purpose of assisting Ecuadorian migrants and their families who are in a situation of

vulnerability, and promote their reintegration into Ecuador under advantageous economic,

social and cultural conditions”, the Program received an allocation of five million dollars, in the

budget of the Ministry. However, since it was created, the fund has not been used. About one

million dollars were removed in early 2007, to pay part of the expenses covered by the

Ecuadorian government when Air Madrid went bankrupt, leaving thousands of Ecuadorians

stuck who came home for vacation and were unable to return to Spain. Paradoxically, the only

expenditure from this fund has been for Ecuadorians to go back to Spain, and footing a bill that

should have been covered by the Spanish private enterprise rather than by the Ecuadorian

government. The future of this fund remains is uncertain. It is rumored that it will come under

SENAMI.

1.2.2. NATIONAL SECRETARIAT OF MIGRANTS (SENAMI)

The government of Ecuador (GOE) that took office in January 2007 decided to create the

National Secretariat of Migrants (SENAMI), under the national Presidency, for the purpose of

defining and implementing migratory policy for the human development of all its stakeholders,

as a liaison in actions to provide care, protection and development for migrants, according to

the Ecuadorian government’s goals28. The head of SENAMI has the rank of a Minister.

Initially, the creation of SENAMI was objected to by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,

particularly its Under-Secretariat for Migratory and Consular Affairs, which felt that there was

overlapping of duties. Apparently, these objections have been overcome, but this Secretariat’s

work is unstable, disorganized and unsystematic. SENAMI developed the National Human

Development Plan for Migrants, released on 18 December 2007, International Migrant's Day.

The Plan has the following goals:

1. Develop in Ecuador, and promote worldwide, migratory policy based on respecting and

exercising all persons’ human rights (economic, social and cultural).

2. Generate and consolidate linkages between migrant persons and their families and country.

3. Encourage Ecuadorians to remain in their home country and build conditions that will make

it possible for emigrant persons to return sustainably with dignity.

4. Promote human development processes for migrant persons, their families and settings.

5. Promote inter-cultural processes, building universal citizenship.

The star component of the Plan and the first promoted has been Goal 3, with the Plan for

Voluntary Return by Ecuadorians Abroad, launched in the city of Cañar, in January 2008. The

Plan was launched in this city because of the symbolic importance, for its tradition and

incidence in Ecuadorian migration. In February it was launched in Spain, where the

Ecuadorian community received it with skepticism, as the Ecuadorian Minister Lorena Escudero

was unable to answer the questions of journalists and other participants in that forum. One of

the most insistent demands was to know whether the Return Plan has enough budget and

whether migrants will be offered working conditions with the same benefits as in Spain, but the

27 Official Register, Executive Decree 2378-B, 5 March 2002. 28 Executive Decree N°150, 6 May 2007.



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Minister did not answer these questions directly29, and there may be no answer yet, as the other

ministries must structure and cooperate to support the Plan’s implementation.

In general, the Minister and SENAMI have behaved erratically so far. Having given rise to such

expectations when created, SENAMI now inspires mistrust among civil society, including

NGOs, the Church and others, who feel that it is attempting to take credit for a trend that is

happening anyway, but without approaching all the players.

However, SENAMI has a significant staff: 40 in Quito and at least 10 more in other provinces.

In any event, hopefully it will take a direction and its plans will not remain un-implemented, on

paper. SENAMI is now the official counterpart for AECI in the Cañar-Murcia project, instead of

the Foreign Ministry. And this is certainly the direction it should move: SENAMI should

implement development and migration-related projects, without overlapping the Foreign

Ministry’s functions.

1.2.3. STAKEHODERS IN MIGRATORY ISSUES

Although no government policies have been implemented, migration has been addressed and

there are quite a number of active stakeholders in civil society, NGOs, academic institutions and

the Church. Many of them have produced reports, indicating some progress in migratory issues.

The first to work on these issues were the Church’s Human Mobility Pastoral workers,

addressing in-country migration. We can see a summary of these stakeholders in Annex 1.

1.3. OVERVIEW OF NATIONAL POLICIES AND STRATEGIES TO

STRENGTHEN HUMAN RESOURCES IN ECUADOR

In Ecuador, the authorities have not paid sufficient attention to policies and strategies to support

and strengthen human resources. Moreover, institutions and agencies working in this area have

been poorly coordinated, each with its own agenda, so efforts have been limited. However,

some institutions do have programs and projects in this regard, and others have been created

specifically for this purpose. They are summarized below:

1.3.1. GOVERNMENTAL AGENCIES

The Ministry of Education, Secretariat of Coordinating Social Development, Ministry of

Coordinating Production, Ministry of Economic and Social Integration, Coordinating Office for

Nationalities and Peoples of Ecuador (CODENPE), Development Council of the National

Planning and Development Secretariat (SENPLADES), Ecuadorian Institute of Educational

Credit and Scholarships (IECE), National Secretariat of Science and Technology (SENACYT).

One example to highlight in promoting human capital is the Government School (Escuela de

Gobierno), targeting indigenous people, which seeks to train community leaders for sub-

national government roles. This is part of the Indigenous Fund’s projects30

(www.fondoindigena.org).

The Association of Ecuadorian Municipalities (AME) has training and development programs

with international cooperation support.

29 The idea of voluntary return is actually nothing new; it has already been explored by France (Sami Naïr) and

Spain, but without the expected results. If conditions are not changed in the countries of origin, offering conditions to match or exceed those that people now have, getting them to return is simply utopian. Rather, circular mobility

should be encouraged, and reuniting families in destination countries under decent conditions. 30 The Fund to Develop Indigenous Peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean is a multilateral international

cooperation agency, created in 1992, specializing in promoting self-development and recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights.

http://www.fondoindigena.org/



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The most important autonomous institution involved in education and human resources is the

National Council of Universities and Polytechnic Schools (CONESUP).

Institutions created specifically to train human resources are SECAP and CNCF. They are

described below:

1.3.2. ECUADORIAN VOCATIONAL TRAINING SERVICE (SECAP) (www.secap.gov.ec)

The SECAP was created in 1966 with the aim of training effectively the labour hand and the

middle workers for the main economic sectors. In 2008, its budget is 13 million dollars, partly

self-financed and the rest from the National Council on Vocational Training and Education

(CNCF).

The SECAP trains, professionalises, certifies and graduates human capital in the following

economic sectors: primary (husbandry, forestry and mining), secondary (industrial and

manufacturing) and tertiary (trade and services). At the moment, the SECAP undertakes the

professional training through the following modalities:

a. Training: Young adults, adults, technicians and trainers; from 1200 to 3000 hours

training; additionally SECAP offers a training with equivalence of a technical higher

degree requiring 4500 hours training.

b. Professionalisation: of technicians and other workers with previous training; 3424 hours

training.

c. Capacity-building: which includes update training or reconversion; 60 hours training.

It has two programs:

a. Program of vocational training for the formal sector: In agriculture, technical and

handicrafts, construction, commerce, hotel and tourism, finance, administrative information

technology and other areas.

b. Training for Work Program (for vulnerable groups): Free of charge, this programme

targets pregnant women, members of indigenous communities, teenagers, unemployed and

under-employed persons, handicapped persons, prisoners, handcrafters and apprentices,

small farmers, people exposed to natural disasters, and domestic workers.

SECAP has training centers in many cities throughout the country: Southern Quito, Tulcán,

Ibarra, Tena, Riobamba, Santo Domingo de los Colorados, Loja, Machala, Manta, Graphic Arts

in Quito, Esmeraldas, Santa Elena, Central Administration, Regional Industrial Training Center

in the North (CERFIN), Regional Industrial Training Center of the Coast (CERFIL), Regional

Industrial Training Center of Ambato (CEFIA), Regional Industrial Training Center of Cuenca

(CEFIC), Commerce and Services in Quito, Training for Women (Guayaquil) and coordinating

offices in the provinces de Pastaza, Cotopaxi and Bolívar.

In 2006 SECAP gave 3445 courses nationwide, attended by 48,667 persons. The audience

attended as follows: 15,193 participants in 1011 courses for the industrial sector and 33,474

students in 2434 courses for the trade and service sectors. The SECAP training is addressed to

anyone requiring technical training regardless of their age and their condition: Young adults,

adults, technicians or trainers.

The SECAP has signed various Technical Cooperation agreements internationally that have led

to the conformity between the government, the productive sector and the education system.

http://www.secap.gov.ec/



13

Currently, it has agreements with Japan, Spain, Brazil, Colombia, and the United States, through

the establishment of strategic alliances with organisations, institutions and trade unions.

SECAP is a reliable institution in Ecuador.

1.3.3. THE NATIONAL VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND EDUCATION

COUNCIL (CNCF) (www.cncf.gov.ec)

Administrative and financial autonomous from the government, CNCF was created in 2001 to

regulate, coordinate, promote and facilitate vocational training and education in Ecuador. It

currently covers 20 out of the 23 provinces in Ecuador; the 3 provinces left out have no training

and education coverage for the government. In 2005 its budget was 20.8 million dollars.

The CNCF is the public entity that coordinates, promotes and facilitates the professional

training and education activities through financing and endorsing the training institutions across

the country. This is the key difference between SECAP and CNCF: the former offers the

training while the latter only provides funds and certifications for the training institutions.

Actually, the SECAP benefits from the financing of the CNCF. The target groups of the CNCF

programmes are those in exclusion that are either in condition to be inserted into the productive

sector or that can generate employment.

The CNCF supports the private enterprise, so employers must pay 20% of the total cost and the

80% left is covered by CNCF. Courses have focused on the following areas:

- Administration 38.77%

- Industrial processes 22.61%

- Sales and marketing 14.93%

- Commerce and financial services 5.61%

- Education and training 4.75%

- Computing and information technology 4.28%

1.4. STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES IN HUMAN RESOURCE TRAINING

SYSTEMS

Strengths

The main strength of the existing system is that, despite limitations and lack of coordination,

there are two entities to reinforce human resource training: SECAP and CNCF. These two

bodies promote coordinated programs, create synergies and avoid duplicating efforts in order to

work more efficiently, according to the country’s structural needs.

Another strength is that, since it was created at the outset of the current administration,

SENPLADES has pursued the National Development Plan for 2007-2010 (PND) seeking to link

planning and development processes in all ministries, institutions and areas. To improve the

quality of the human resource training system in Ecuador, the SENPLADES Plan (PND)

proposes:

1. Ongoing training and education for human resources in a reinforced national system.

2. Reform and modernization of SECAP and CNCF;

3. Training programs targeting vulnerable groups;

4. Sectoral research to enhance human capital31.

Weaknesses

The factors influencing deficient training and management of human resources include:

31 SENPLADES, National Development Plan for 2007-2010.

http://www.cncf.gov.ec/



14

1. Weak institutions in Ecuador, high turnover in authorities and political instability, with

practically no coherent State policies.

2. Lack of national coordination for strategies and policies, not only nationally but also

sectorally.

3. Lack of appropriate funding and little importance granted to human capital in designing

and allocating public budgets.

4. Lack of political will to attain goals, with political pressures and high turnover making

it difficult to implement or monitor these initiatives.

5. Proliferating training offered by public institutions, NGOs and international

cooperation, without any coordination with national or local structural needs. No studies

have examined the impact of training courses that have been given.

1.5. THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

Ecuador’s formal educational system comprises: primary, secondary, higher education (both

universities and technical institutes). Primary education is given in Spanish and, since 1993,

Intercultural Bilingual Education enables indigenous peoples to study in their own languages, to

maintain their identity and avoid losing these languages. However, this does not include them in

the system in the long run, since work is always in Spanish and higher education and training is

in Spanish. Native languages are used to communicate in communities and for agricultural

production. Ignorance of Spanish limits many indigenous communities, who are often exploited

when selling their farm produce. The educational plans are produced at national level through

the Ministry of Education. The regional governments cannot make reforms themselves but they

can submit their requests to the Ministry of Education through the Ministry’s regional office.

University Education

University access is not widespread in Ecuador, despite the large number of universities

apparently available. In 2001 only 18.1% of youth finishing secondary had access to university

education. This is due to the fact that most of the people don’t have the financial resources to

pay for higher education, even in a public institution. Besides the enrollment fees and the

school material, higher education leads to a full-time unpaid activity that most of the student

cannot afford. Many young adults search for jobs for their self-sustenance.

Universities operate under the National Higher Education System, regulated by the National

Council of Universities and Polytechnic Schools (CONESUP). The System comprises 72

universities and polytechnic schools, of which 63.63% are located in the provinces that have the

country’s three largest cities: Pichincha (24 universities), Guayas (15) and Azuay (5). The provinces studied have the following numbers of institutions of higher education:

Pichincha: universities: 24 post-secondary technical institutes: 113

Tungurahua: universities: 4 post-secondary technical institutes: 24

Chimborazo: universities: 3 post-secondary technical institutes: 24

Cañar: universities: 1 post-secondary technical institutes: 12

Evidently, the greatest concentration is in the province of Pichincha, with Quito, the national

capital, an urban center receiving in-country migration for decades. So there are major

disparities regarding access to university education: Pichincha in 2001 had 26.9%, while Cañar

had only 8.9% students going on to college.

II. LOCAL CONTEXT AND HUMAN RESOURCES

2.1. SOCIAL INDICATORS



15

2.1.1. DEMOGRAPHIC COMPOSITION

INDICATORS PICHINCHA TUNGURAHUA CHIMBORAZO CAÑAR

Number of inhabitants 2.388.817 441,032 403.632 206.981

Portion of the national

total 19,65 % 3,63% 3.32 % 1,70 %

Population growth

rate 2,8 % 1,8 % 0,98 %. 0,81 %

Population under age

44 80 % 78 % 79 % 78 %

Urban population 71,76 % 42,7 % 39,09 % 36,53 %

Rural population 28,24 % 57,3 % 60,91 % 63,47 % Female population 51,13 % 51,49 % 52,76 % 54,10 %

Male population 48,87 % 48,41 % 47,24 % 45,9 % Non-indigenous

population 80,32 % 75,41 % 56,38 % 77,89 %

Source: Integrated System of Social Indicators of Ecuador (SIISE) version 4.5

Pichincha is the most populous province, with the lowest indigenous population and the highest

urban population, mainly because of its appeals as the national capital, hosting in-country

migrants seeking to improve their quality of life. However, the other provinces have higher rural

than urban population, because farming remains important, and more indigenous people living

in poverty, in remote areas mainly as small farmers.

2.1.2. POVERTY (NBI)

INDICATORS National PICHINCHA TUNGURAHUA CHIMBORAZO CAÑAR

Human

Development

Index

0,627 0,685 0,619 0,533 0,598

Gini coefficient 0,46 0,46 0,42 0,48 0,38

Rural Poverty 85,6 % 61,4 % 86 % 92,7 % 84,7 % Urban poverty 45,8 % 32,5 % 28,2 % 27,8 % 44 %

Chronic under-

nutrition (rural) 53,4 %

56 % 63,6 % 67,2% 64,3 %

Chronic under-

nutrition (urban) 37,8 % 42,8 %, 43,3 % 42,6%. 45,2 %

Poverty in

indigenous

population

89,9% 72,1 % 93,9 % 95,4 % 95,2%


Pichincha still has the highest indicators nationwide, except for chronic under-nutrition, which

may be because of the poorest people, who cannot afford the city’s higher food prices. The

provinces of Tungurahua, Chimborazo and Cañar have higher poverty rates, perhaps because

much of their population are small farmers, which is poorly paid, and live in areas with little

access to basic services. Chimborazo features a high percentage of rural poverty, 7 points over

the national average, resulting in chronic rural under-nutrition, 14 points above the national

average. Cañar has the highest urban poverty rate of the four provinces, which entails higher

chronic urban malnutrition.



16

In all cases, incidence of poverty is higher in indigenous population, especially in Chimborazo

and Cañar.

2.1.3. EDUCATION


Male functional illiteracy

(rural) 24,4 % 23,5 % 37,7% 34,6 %

Female functional illiteracy

(rural) 19 % 33,1 % 50,6% 42,6 %

Male functional illiteracy

(urban) 13,4 % 10,3 % 10,3% 16,1 %

Female functional illiteracy

(urban) 10,1 % 14,8 % 14,9% 21,5 %

Female schooling (rural)

(years) 6, 7 4,5 2,8 3,5

Female schooling (urban)

(years) 9,2 8,9 9 7,3

Male schooling (rural)

(years) 7,4 5,4 3,9 4,2

Male schooling (urban)

(years) 10,1 9,5 9,8 9,1


There is marked male-female and rural-urban discrimination in access to education. Women and

rural inhabitants have the lowest access to education. This situation is worst in the provinces of

Chimborazo and Cañar, the smallest and with the lowest central government allocations.

Moreover, these provinces have larger rural populations, which is precisely where educational

services are deficient and insufficient.

2.1.4. EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT


Urban EAP 15,8 % 1,8 % 1,3 %

0,6 %

Rural EAP 6 % 2,5 % 2,2 % 1 %

Male unemployment

(urban) 5,5 % 4,3 % 7,3 % 4,8 %

Female unemployment

(urban) 10.6 % 8,1 % 6,5 % 7 %

Male unemployment

(rural) (*) 4,4 % 1,7 % 0,3 % 1,3 %

Female unemployment

(rural) (**) 9,3 % 4,6 % 1 % 2,7 %

Male under-employment

(urban) 48,2 % 65,3 % 59,9 %

53 %

Female under-employment

(urban) 47,6 % 67,5 % 67,9 %

60,6 %

Male under-employment

(rural) 61,3 % 80 % 88,5 % 69,3 %

Female under-employment

(rural) 69,3 % 86,2 % 96,7 % 85,5 %



17

Gross under-employment

rate (2004-2005) 45,9 % a

50,5 %

58,2 % a

75,9 %

50,2 % a

82,4 %

52,1 % a

69,5 %

Male share of the

workforce (urban) 52,9 % 53,3 % 47,6 % 47,6 %

Female share of the

workforce (urban) 31,8 % 33,3 % 30,1 % 22,8 %

Male share of the

workforce (rural) 54,8 % 58,1 % 51,5 % 49 %

Female share of the

workforce (rural) 26 % 33,1 % 30,3 % 22,7 %

Gross share in the

workforce (***) 41,6 % 44,3 % 35,52 % 34,6 %

(*) national rate is 2.6 %

(**) national rate is 7.4 %

(***) national rate is 37.5%


Pichincha has the highest percentage of Economically Active Population, and Cañar the lowest,

largely due to the latter’s high out-migration. Chimborazo has the highest unemployment in

urban areas, but the lowest unemployment in rural areas, since most livelihoods are rural, and

women there have more jobs. Pichincha, by contrast, has the highest female unemployment rate

in both, urban and rural areas.

The underemployment rate rose substantially over a year in all provinces (2004 – 2005), most

strongly in Chimborazo.

The workforce participation is lower in the provinces of Chimborazo and Cañar; men are higher

in rural areas, whereas women are almost the same in rural and urban areas, except for the

province of Pichincha, where the figure is lower in rural areas.

2.1.5 QUOTABLE DIFFERENCES IN DATA BETWEEN THE 1990 AND 2001

CENSUSES

Between the 1990 and 2001 censuses, some changes are worth analyzing. Nationwide, the urban

population rose by 2 points, whereas rural population dropped by 2 points. In the provinces

studied, in Pichincha and Chimborazo the urban population dropped, whereas it rose in Cañar

and Tungurahua. Functional illiteracy decreased nationally, especially in Chimborazo (12 points

lower). Access to basic services, such as sewerage, improved nationwide.

Unemployment rose in all provinces, but women’s share in the workforce increased in all

provinces, especially in rural areas: in Cañar up one point, in Chimborazo up 12 points, in

Pichincha up 9 and in Tungurahua up 15.

The provinces of Tungurahua and Chimborazo have been affected since 1999 by the gradual

eruption of volcano Mt. Tungurahua. In July 2006 and January 2008, lava flows and clouds of

ashes have driven out about 100 thousand rural residents and harmed 5000 hectares of crops,

and these people are currently relocating.

2.2. ANALYSIS OF PROVINCIAL STRATEGIES FOR DEVELOPING

SKILLS FOR WORK

2.2.1. PICHINCHA

Local capacity-building policies



18

In Pichincha a Strategic Development Plan up through the year 2020 includes the “Development

and Physical Planning Strategy for Pichincha”. This Plan provides for work to modernize and

strengthen technological institutes. A Provincial Science and Technology Center will partner

with the production sector in areas of interest to the province, with university support. To assist

in this effort, the overall quality of education will be enhanced, as well as working to improve

educational infrastructure and equipment. This is coordinated with the initiatives to be

implemented with literacy programs to bring illiteracy to zero by the year 2020. Complementary

initiatives will facilitate access to and use of new educational technologies.

Further, the Pichincha Provincial Council provides training for rural people in agricultural

topics and tourism micro enterprise, while the Municipality of Quito also has the CONQUITO

corporation, working in training and business development.

Analysis of the context

The province of Pichincha is one of the most developed regions, with the nation’s capital, which

has helped improve education, health, public services, infrastructure, industry, technology

incorporation and so on. And, as already mentioned, Pichincha has more universities and post-

secondary technical institutes.

In Pichincha there are also many public and private-sector organizations, such as the Crafts

Defense Board (the federation grouping craftsmen from various areas), Chambers of Small

Industry, Chambers of Commerce, Chambers of Industry and NGOs offering training in

managing production. However, they do not coordinate capacity-building among each other.

Very few organizations connect the system’s structural needs to a policy of competitiveness,

much less a development-oriented approach. So, their work scatters and fails to attain their

ultimate aim, i.e., providing skilled labor power that can successfully enter the job market,

particularly for the least privileged groups.

Accordingly, there has been no way to keep migrants from leaving. In fact, most migration from

Ecuador in these last few years has been from the poverty belts around Quito and Guayaquil.

However, Ecuador attracts immigration strongly, not to returning Ecuadorians, but to Peruvians

looking for jobs and especially Colombians (refugees and unemployed) as already mentioned.

In Pichincha, with the largest supply of vocational training institutes and organizations, with the

advantages of having the capital city, this is the most up-to-date province, relatively speaking.

However, this has not resulted in greater employment or less emigration.

The nationwide weakness in incorporating vulnerable groups also applies to Pichincha, despite

its better poverty and education indicators than average for the rest of the country. Since Quito

offers a larger market than the rest of the country, much vulnerable population, including

immigrants, work in small-scale informal commerce or poorly-paying employment without

legal benefits.

2.2.2. TUNGURAHUA


The Development Plan for this province has three main themes: water, people and work.

Regarding education, three strategic actions have been designed:

1. A program to make third year of primary schooling universal.

2. A program for provincial inter-cultural literacy education.

3. A program for textbooks and educational materials with the Ministry of Education.

Specifically to strengthen social capital and human resources in Tungurahua, the provincial

government has addressed training in two areas:



19

1. The Citizens’ Training Center to raise awareness, change attitudes and bring the

citizenry on board the province’s new governance model. It works on themes of

leadership, local governance, citizenship, and an agenda of productivity and local

competitiveness.

2. Training in productive areas, focusing on the potential of agriculture, tourism, industry,

small industry and handicrafts, coordinating with the production development agenda of

the province’s Development Plan.

In training, the combined public and private corporation CORPOAMBATO, under the Ambato

Municipality, offers training in different areas. This support for the province's business capacity

is geared toward linking with globalization and promoting production for export. It is the most

important local institution in this area.

Ambato also has the Regional Industrial Training Center (CEFIA) under SECAP, one of the

country’s four such major training centers. They give courses in agriculture, industry (metal

mechanics, industrial garment-making, leather and footwear) and in commerce and services.

International cooperation and NGOs play a major role in productive training in Tungurahua,

with a significant and growing presence.


Tungurahua is a successful example of capacity and skill-building. This dynamic province also

attracts many people because of the strong business activities in the city of Ambato, the

commercial heart of the country and strategically positioned. Another element contributing to

progress and success is the role played by its authorities and civil society. Unlike other

provinces, Tungurahua has set up a “Provincial Government”, which makes decisions jointly

with local governments and organized civil society. It comprises the Provincial Council, the

municipalities of its cantons, parish boards, NGOs and the private sector. In the collective

planning 2007, the Provincial Government was composed of 921 persons representing 711

institutions. This collective planning takes place every year in April. Each representative has

voice and vote, with the same weigh for the decision making process regardless of the

hierarchical position or the sector. The decisions are made democratically, taking into account

the majority of the votes. Also, representatives of the civil society participate permanently in

the three so-called “Parliaments” of the Provincial Government: Water, People and Work. In

these working groups, the participants work on the execution of the collective planning and

other proposals are also prepared for the following April session. Moreover, a collective budget

is prepared with the participation of all the groups represented. This joint work as a

Participatory Government has gone on for six years now, with a provincial development agenda

that is broadly participatory and has become an important instrument to promote human capital.

Regarding migration, the provincial government has supported creation of the RIMYCA

network of 19 organizations (sub-national governments, indigenous movements, migrant

organizations, the Church, and citizen organizations) which have coordinated three working

areas:

1. Facilitating access to credit for vulnerable sectors so they can produce and contribute

their work to the Development Plan.

2. Providing information and support for migrants’ families with psychological assistance,

family unit reinforcement and extracurricular activities.

3. Promoting productive initiatives in the zone, with the approach of proper, sustainable

management of natural resources.

This approach appeals to and holds onto talent more than in the other regions studied.

Nevertheless, in the crisis at the end of the 20th century, many impoverished middle-class and

handicrafts sector people emigrated from this province.



20

For the above reasons, Tungurahua is up-to-date in skilled labor, not far behind Ecuador's larger

cities: Quito and Guayaquil. However, this is not necessarily reflected in inclusion of under-

privileged groups, especially in rural and indigenous zones, into the labor market, or into

education and training. Just as in the cities, this province has great differences between rich and

poor. The distribution of wealth is certainly unequal.

2.2.3. CHIMBORAZO


The province’s Development plan includes strategic actions for productive training, namely:

1. Integrated technical and environmental management training to contribute to

agricultural development and technology transfer.

2. Training for small and medium farmers in their soils’ agro-ecological capacities, to

transfer technologies, improve market access, financial management and environmental

preservation.

3. Exchanging local experiences among farmers growing for the domestic and export

markets.

This plan also includes other short-term training projects for tourism sector work, ongoing

training for craftsmen, reinforcement of bilingual intercultural education and higher education to

contribute to the province’s socio-economic development and improving adult education

through flexible, non-formal adult education programs tapping their life experience, cultural and

ancestral knowledge to enhance agricultural production. However, this plan cannot necessarily

move from paper into reality.

Chimborazo has done well with the Government School, with active participation; the other

three provinces do not show such clear impact from this program. Its success may be due to the

strength of societal organizations such as the presence of an indigenous leader working well as

the province’s Prefect.


Chimborazo is one of the provinces that has received the most international cooperation,

although no solid change is visible: serious problems persist, with poverty, unemployment,

migration, quality of education, deficient provision of basic services, etc. Chimborazo is a

paradigmatic case when analyzing the impact of international cooperation in Ecuador. Looking

backwards it can be said that this “inefficient impact” is due to the old-styled models of

decentralized cooperation used in the 70’s and 80’s that didn’t have a sustainable approach (ie.

empowering local actors). Many of these were isolated actions, without coordination with the

local or national initiatives. It must be borne in mind that in the 90’s the NGOs worked

disconnectedly from the governmental organs with the aim of distinguishing their actions from

the government’s. This kind of development without local empowerment, sustainability and

lack of coordination between the government, the social and the local actors is known in Latin

America as “developmentism” so to differentiate it from the real local development.

This province has one of Ecuador’s lowest levels of agricultural productivity, not only because

of soil quality but also low development and incorporation of technology to enhance local

production. On the contrary, highly predatory, environmentally unfriendly technologies have

been used, especially destroying the high-altitude moorlands (páramos). Therefore, work in

research and training is essential. It is contradictory that, while thousands of hectares of

farmland are lost each year due to technology misuse, universities and training centers provide

no response to regional needs to reverse these processes. The Polytechnic School of

Chimborazo (ESPOCH) is even located in Riobamba, which has earned great prestige in

training various kinds of engineers.



21

However, this province has made significant achievements in strengthening rural and societal

organizations. In the 1960s and 70s there were few rural / indigenous organizations, whereas at

present there are many organizations and confederations of organizations, with great draw and

appeal, which are a tremendous asset for development and as social capital in the region.

Despite this major social capital, local governments in the province have not taken enough

action to promote and keep local talent or to improve human resource skills and help integrate

them into the system. The current provincial administration and local governments in

Chimborazo are pursuing initiatives, but this falls short of the great local demands for

sustainable development. Many people working in the province’s numerous NGOs are even

from other regions, especially from the large cities. In fact, Chimborazo has historically

received high domestic migration from the large cities, both, unskilled and skilled migration.

Regarding skilled labor, Chimborazo in general lags behind other regions of Ecuador. With only

a few exceptions, such as the current provincial Prefect and his team, not even the personnel

working in sub-national governments are well trained for their jobs. This is what encourages

outside professionals to come in for development projects, thereby creating a vicious cycle of

structural weakness.

And to integrate marginalized groups into the educational system and job market, Chimborazo

has great structural and historical flaws that have unfortunately not changed, despite

improvement of bilingual intercultural education, which ultimately has not gotten more

indigenous people into higher education or decent jobs.

2.2.4. CAÑAR


The development plan for the province of Cañar, designed for the 2003-2008 period, includes a

citizen education program for environmental protection, through two projects: one on integrated

environmental education and the other to encourage environmentally friendly farming practices.

However, the plan has no further concrete actions to enhance working capacities. And it is about

to run out.

Educationally, there is an improvement plan to expand educational infrastructure, renew and

contextualize educational models, renew curricular contents and decentralize educational

management.

Although there are no human resource training policies or strategies, a work force training

project is an important part of a broader goal for the province: building industrial production

and marketing capacity. However, official participation and support for the Cañar-Murcia

project has been the most effective provincial and municipal government policy, and relevant

actions are being taken.


Cañar is one region of Ecuador where capacity building has been quite limited and has received

little attention from the central government, despite its large inflow of remittances from

emigrants abroad. Local governments’ economic constraints, limited action capacity, and

untrained staff have made it difficult to develop policies or initiatives to hold or promote social

capital and human talent. However, Cañar has its own unique process, being in southern

Ecuador and with the gaps left by out-migration: they have received many immigrants from

Peru to fill these job openings. This immigration has been spontaneous. Peruvians are mainly

working in agriculture, domestic service and construction. The important presence of Peruvians

in Ecuador motivated the signature of a bilateral agreement called “Agreement to Regularize the

Labour and Migratory Situation of Ecuadorian and Peruvian Nationals in the Enlarged



22

Integrated Border Region”. The Agreement’s main objective is to establish a migratory system

of exception to regularize the Peruvians who work in agriculture, construction and domestic

services. Because of the reciprocity of the treaty, Ecuadorians living along the border region in

Peru are entitled to register for the same process of regularization. Once their labour and

migratory situation is regularized, Peruvian and Ecuadorian migrants living in the neighboring

country are guaranteed basic rights including: labour stability at the same salary and position as

the host-country nationals, access to social security, free transit, and access to education and

health services.

Cañar’s soils are mostly unsuited for agriculture, but most people are small farmers, so the

environment is being abused tremendously. Nevertheless, local governments have not attempted

to develop other livelihoods, or integrate marginalized groups.

The only consistent effort over these last few years has been the program by the Spanish

Cooperation Agency, with the Cañar – Murcia Co-development Project. One aim of this project

is precisely to develop local capacities to promote local development, generating employment

and self-employment. 2.2.5. OVERALL ANALYSIS OF THE FOUR CASES

Although there is a growing trend for governments to use local planning tools, this has been

imposed by the central government for the last decade to demand strategic development plans

from sub-national governments. However, there are no guidelines to implement these plans due

to the lack of trained staff, leadership, motivation to build capacities, and in some cases,

insufficient budget.

Of the four cases of this study, the one that stands out because of good management is the

provincial government of Tungurahua, with over six years of consensus-building among

municipalities and the Provincial Council, civil society and private sector. This has improved

development conditions and addressed structural problems. Another case to highlight is the

Provincial Council of Chimborazo, whose Participatory Budget, supported by an NGO, has

innovated and will in the long run surely improve local conditions.

Cañar is certainly the most backward of the four target regions of this study. This is mainly due

to its structural weaknesses. Cañar has historically been a poor, isolated region, unattended by

the central Government and with an extremely high level of emigration (both, domestic and

international). This has led to weak institutional capacities, low budgets and no real focus on the

development of local capacities. Nevertheless, the Cañar-Murcia project will hopefully develop

action capacity, workplace skills and innovative management models.

Pichincha, albeit the best-covered province for obvious reasons, does not stand out, despite

having a budget astronomically higher than the others. It has other development poles than just

the city of Quito, but they have not been promoted sufficiently yet.

In all provinces, the gaps left by governments and their policies have been filled by NGOs and

other institutions, such as Association of Municipalities of Ecuador-AME and the Indigenous

Fund (School on Governance), but without much coordination among actions or necessarily

meeting structural needs.

The current central government has attempted to remedy these problems by coordinating the

actions of all stakeholders under the National Development Plan for 2007-2010, which is hoped

will change the historical structural problems persisting in Ecuador.

2.3. ROLE OF ASSOCIATIONS OF MIGRANTS, NGOs AND SUB-NATIONAL



23

GOVERNMENTS IN LOCAL PRIORITIES FOR CAPACITY-BUILDING

Traditionally, in Ecuador sub-national governments (provincial councils and municipalities) and

NGOs have not worked together, so they often duplicate actions and waste resources. Training

and human resource development is no exception. This has happened to some degree in all

provinces examined, but with certain differences.

Pichincha has a large Provincial Council (annual budget US$ 118 million) and therefore its own

management capacities to act alone, without necessarily coordinating with NGOs or other

stakeholders.

Tungurahua has a more modest Provincial Council (budget for 2008, 37 million) but has

developed a system to build consensus among sub-national governments and cooperation in

general. They set up the so-called “provincial government”, where decisions are made jointly

with local governments and organized civil society. This form of governance, not typical for

Ecuador, has been quite open to cooperation in general and has included stakeholders in all

consultation and planning, coordinating actions to be taken. Moreover, the provincial building

has plenty of room for NGOs and other cooperation agencies. Regarding migration, they

coordinate with the Esquel and Save the Children Spain project, mainstreaming migrant issues

through all components of their action plan. The Provincial Government of Tungurahua is also

a founder of the Inter-Institutional Network on Migration and Co-development of Ambato

(RIMYCA).

Chimborazo’s Provincial Council is smaller (annual budget, 8 million dollars). However, it is

also unusually participatory, although not so much as in Tungurahua, not having formed such a

consortium of municipalities with the Council. The Provincial Council has made a participatory

budget, i.e., an action plan based on priorities for training and for all actions and infrastructure

requested by lower-level local governments (parish boards) and by organized civil society. Such

planning, in public assemblies, invites municipalities, but they do not always attend. In this

province, the participatory budget was organized and systematized with the help of an NGO:

COMUNIDEC Development Foundation. The provincial government has also created thematic

forums for development, in which the key stakeholders include NGOs. Logically, they should

always work that way, but this is just beginning, for the reasons mentioned, even though

Chimborazo is the province that has received the most international cooperation in all of

Ecuador, for nearly 40 years. This innovative management approach is relatively recent: the

current prefect, indigenous leader Mariano Curicama began implementing this model (in 2004).

If he is not reelected, hopefully the following administration will continue this approach.

Unfortunately, there is no national or local regulation to guarantee the continuity of policies or

actions beyond political periods.

In Cañar, there was no coordination in setting priorities prior to the Cañar-Murcia project,

which has such coordination and complementation as one of its aims.

Work in each municipality depends on each authority (mayor). Lately, NGOs usually approach

mayors, but the doors are not always opened. In the provinces of interest, Quito (in Pichincha)

has not worked very closely or complementarily with NGOs and only since the District

Migration Plan was prepared have they included actions among their priorities in which the

stakeholders have actively participated. In Ambato, capital of Tungurahua, the municipality is

open to NGOs, as with the provincial government. In Riobamba (capital of Chimborazo)

participation is relative: the doors are not always opened to NGOs, but in migratory issues the

City has openly supported the RIMHUCH Network and the Esquel Foundation’s co-

development project. The Municipality of Cañar is open to work in close coordination with

AECI and the Cañar-Murcia project, but this has not always been the case. Like most sub-

national governments, the Municipality of Cañar used to act autonomously, without any



24

coordination with NGO actions, and there has been less NGO involvement historically than in

the other three provinces.

Migrant associations have played quite a modest role in local priority setting for capacity

building, with no local training initiatives of their own except for isolated cases such as in

Pichincha, where they raised funds for training, based on neighborhood and trainee priorities,

but without involving sub-national governments or NGOs. Cañar is now coordinating more

dynamically between actions of Provincial Government, municipal government and

international cooperation, but only since the Cañar-Murcia project, which encourages such

tripartite action for coordinated, complementary decision-making.

III. ECUADOR-SPAIN BILATERAL DECENTRALISED AGREEMENTS

3.1. BARCELONA – PICHINCHA & AZUAY

Project: Socio-productive support system for Ecuadorian migrants and their

families

The bilateral agreement for the co-development project between Barcelona, Spain, and

Pichincha and Azuay, in Ecuador, was initiated by the Spanish Agency of International

Cooperation (AECI).

The implementation model, as with most co-development projects by Spain with Ecuador, was

through a Spanish NGO, Proyecto Local of Barcelona (www.proyectolocal.org), which in turn

partnered with an Ecuadorian NGO, the Esquel Foundation (www.esquel.org.ec). The official

Spanish partners of this project are AECI and the NGO Proyecto Local. In this model, AECI

developed an agreement with Proyecto Local for the whole project, for which Proyecto Local is

ultimately accountable, including activities developed in the city of Barcelona. Proyecto Local

made an agreement with Esquel, which is responsible for activities in Ecuador. Esquel then

made agreements with the Migrant’s House in Pichincha, and the Waaponi Foundation in

Azuay, who were responsible for activities in those provinces.

The project is summarized below:

Purpose: To reinforce social and productive support systems for families of Ecuadorian

migrants in Pichincha and Azuay.

Budget:

AECI grant for activities in Ecuador € 212,074.00

AECI grant for activities in Barcelona € 104,260.00

TOTAL AECI FUNDING € 316,334.00

Proyecto Local input € 9,400.00

Esquel input € 74,322.00

Waaponi input € 8,896.00

Migrant’s House input € 55,596.00

TOTAL ESTIMATED BUDGET € 465,548.00

Duration: Two years, from November 2004 through November 2006.

Beneficiaries

- Ecuadorians immigrants and their organizations in Barcelona.

- Families of migrants in Azuay and Quito.

http://www.proyectolocal.org/

http://www.esquel.org.ec/



25

Strategy Pursued

Working with organizations active in human mobility issues, both in Azuay and in Quito,

promoting networking, coordinating to avoid duplicating efforts, but rather promoting

synergies.

A Website was taken over from the project closed down by Alisei, and redesigned to include

projects, efforts and actions taken in migration and co-development areas:

www.ecuadormigrante.org

Components

1. Establish a technical and financial assistance system to develop small and medium

enterprises with migrants and their families (micro credit).

2. Establish or strengthen and consolidate a network of legal and psychological services.

3. Develop a system to communicate and promote family ties between Ecuadorian migrants in

Spain (Barcelona) and their families in Ecuador.

4. Create recreational facilities for children and youth of migrants’ families.

5. Establish an operational network of organizations of migrants in Ecuador and in Spain, with

linkages among them.

Results

In sum, the activities in Ecuador and Spain were:

Under component 1, in the two provinces of Ecuador management training was provided and

30% of trainees received a one thousand dollar loan. Under this component, in the two

provinces in Ecuador, over 240 persons from areas of high migration incidence were trained.

They were provided with tools for business management and 80 persons were granted a small

credit to start up a business. The traineeships sought to channel remittances to productive

purposes, based on the hypothesis that in these areas there was a high reception of remittances.

However, this was not the case and some problems arose (see below).

In component 2, migrants’ families received legal and psychological assistance in Ecuador

through group workshops in schools where many children are from migrants’ families. In Spain,

training events on rights and citizenship were held for associations of Ecuadorian migrants in

Barcelona.

Component 3 reinforced two distance learning centres ( telecentres or cyber-cafes) in Ecuador,

one in each province (Pichincha and Azuay). Training was also provided for migrants’ families

on the use of Internet and communication tools to maintain their family ties.

Component 4 developed recreational activities with children in the schools involved and

reinforced two day-care centers where migrants’ children attend, one in a public facility in

Azuay, and another in the Migrants’ Association, Llacta Caru, in Quito.

Component 5 supported the Migrant Labor Work Group in Ecuador, for discussions between la

civil society and the government. This Group has slowed to a halt and there are currently efforts

to resume its work. In Barcelona, organization-building workshops were given for Ecuadorian

immigrants’ associations.

Project Achievements

The project’s greatest achievement was the psychological and legal assistance system,

innovatively established by the team engaged by Esquel. The specialists and coordinator of

Esquel’s Migration Program prepared articles that were later published in a book funded by the

IOM: MIGRATION: myths, proposals and challenges.

http://www.ecuadormigrante.org/



26

Participatory systems were also set up in schools that will continue and be replicated in the

future.

Weaknesses and implementation problems

The Migrant's House had implementation problems, since the project overflowed its boundaries

in size and management demands. These problems were largely due to the bureaucratic

processes that the Municipality of Quito had to approve. Esquel implemented the second year

of activities in Pichincha directly, in partnership with the Chasquinet Foundation

(www.chasquinet.org).

For management training, there were difficulties, because it was very complicated to involve the

training groups in Quito, since there is a surplus supply of training in this areas in Quito, this

being one of the most common topics during these last few years; and because Quito’s busy

lifestyle, as in any large city, leaves the potential trainees no free time. Finally, a one-thousand-

dollar loan appealed to few people, because in an expensive place like Quito, it was not

necessarily enough to open a business.

In Azuay the trainees did come, but it was very difficult to lend them the money, because the

people were not interested, although urged to borrow, especially in the canton of Girón (one

hour south of Cuenca). The people in this canton openly stated that they were not interested in

the loans, because their reason for attending the training was to add the course to their résumés,

but their intention was to leave the country anyway; and that compared to the remittances they

were receiving the loan ($1000) was not much. This was understandable, since 100% of the

people in Girón have relatives abroad. It is the canton with the highest out-migration from

Ecuador, so a young person’s prospects are to leave for the countries where their parents or

relatives are.

Monitoring

To monitor activities in Ecuador, staff of Proyecto Local came to Ecuador twice a year to visit

intervention zones and activities being implemented. There was no monitoring by any external

firm to audit project implementation. Esquel sent Proyecto Local a report every six months,

with all supporting materials, for activities and expenditures. Proyecto Local then reported

annually to AECI.

3.2. MADRID – TUNGURAHUA & CHIMBORAZO

Project: Productive initiatives for migrants by strengthening social networks in

Madrid, Chimborazo and Tungurahua

The bilateral agreement for the co-development project between Madrid, Spain, and

Tungurahua and Chimborazo, in Ecuador, started on the initiative of the Madrid Municipality.

The project had two phases of implementation, both funded by the Madrid Municipality.

The implementation model, as in the previous case, was through the Spanish NGO, Save the

Children-Spain (www.savethechildren.es), which partnered with Esquel to present a project for

that tender. The Madrid Municipality agreed with Save the Children, which was responsible for

the whole project. Save the Children made an agreement with Esquel, which is responsible for

activities in Ecuador. In this project, unlike the other one, Esquel had no local partners, but

implemented activities directly in the two provinces, by engaging local coordinators (one for

each province). However, cooperation agreements were reached with the provincial government

http://www.chasquinet.org/

http://www.savethechildren.es/



27

of Tungurahua and the Municipality of Riobamba, who provided their facilities at no cost so the

project and its local coordinator could have an office to work from. In this case, the City of

Madrid decided to carry out co-development projects in view of the high immigration rates of

Ecuadorians. Actually, the City of Madrid established an office for co-development under the

aegis of the Department of Cooperation. As it will be stated below, the municipalities in

Ecuador have not launched initiatives related to migration or co-development on their own, and

have participated in the Spanish initiatives because of the strong lobby of the Ecuadorian NGOs.

As mentioned before, the only co-development initiative involving Ecuadorian municipalities is

the case of Ecuador-Spain with the Casa del Migrante project between the city of Madrid and

the city of Quito.

The project is summarized below:

Purpose

PHASE 1: Promote generation of productive projects for women and youth and strengthen

social networks of migrants and their families in Madrid, Spain, and in the provinces of

Chimborazo and Tungurahua in Ecuador.

PHASE 2: Promote strategies for co-development by Ecuador and Spain by linking and

strengthening networks of migrants and their families, generating productive projects,

supporting children and youth, and doing public policy advocacy.

Budget

FIRST PHASE

Municipality grant for activities in Ecuador € 185,080,27

Municipality grant for activities in Madrid € 38,055.00

TOTAL MUNICIPALITY GRANT € 223,135.27

From Save the Children € 23,750.00


From beneficiaries in Madrid € 7,300.00

From beneficiaries in Ecuador € 46,660.00

ESTIMATED TOTAL PHASE 1 € 388,120.52

SECOND PHASE

Municipality grant for activities in Ecuador € 138,000.00

Municipality grant for activities in Madrid € 170,200.00

TOTAL MUNICIPALITY GRANT € 308,200.00

From Save the Children € 60,910.00


From beneficiaries in Madrid € 6,300.00

From beneficiaries in Ecuador € 34,860.00

ESTIMATED TOTAL PHASE 2 € 482,319.00

Total Municipality Grant, Phases 1 and 2 € 531,335.27

Grand Total Estimates for Phases 1 and 2 € 870,440.52

Total Duration: 29 months

First phase: 18 months, from May 2005 to October 2006

Second phase: 18 months, from March 2006 to September 2007

Area of impact

- Madrid, in Spain

- Localities of Riobamba, Penipe, Chambo and Ambato in Ecuador



28

Beneficiaries

- Ecuadorians immigrants and their organizations in Madrid.

- Families of migrants in Chimborazo and Tungurahua; inter-institutional networks.

Strategy pursued

There was special concern to create or strengthen inter-institutional networks working in

migration issues, in partnership and cooperation with sub-national authorities. These networks

gathered groups of beneficiaries for training, in coordination and with the backing of the

authorities.

Components

PHASE 1:

1. Network of immigrants’ organizations in Madrid strengthened and linked with the network

of micro enterprise development and social assistance for migrants’ families, established in

Ecuador.

2. Young Ecuadorians immigrants resident in Madrid trained in self-esteem, volunteering and

business.

3. Women and youth from migrants’ families trained to lead or be part of a productive and/or

service-provision project in their localities in Ecuador.

4. Loan fund established. Mechanisms approved and funds placed to finance productive

projects by youth and women in Ecuador.

The activities in Ecuador and Spain were:

Component 1 did support to form the Inter-Institutional Network on Human Mobility of

Chimborazo (RIMHUCH), with 14 institutions, and formation of the Inter-Institutional Network

on Migration and Co-development of Ambato (RIMYCA), 19 institutions, involving NGOs,

sub-national governments, migrants’ associations and the Church, in both cases. RIMHUCH

organized the First National Forum on Migration and Development, with support from this

project.

Component 2, in Madrid, youth were trained in topics of citizenship and rights. Workshops

were given in schools with many Ecuadorian children, to integrate Spanish and Ecuadorian

students. And festivals of Ecuadorian culture were organized.

In Component 3, training on business management was provided to 205 persons. As the Esquel

Foundation faced difficulties to undertake this component on its own, it established a

partnership with the Business Training School (EFE) of the FEPP Social Group

(www.fepp.org.ec) an Ecuadorian NGO who delivered this component.

In Component 4, fifty-four loans were given for micro-enterprise initiatives. The idea of this

component was to persuade people to invest the remittances received as matching funds to these

loans for a business project. Unfortunately, in practice, the matching funds didn’t occur as many

people were found not to be receiving enough remittances.

PHASE 2

1. Consolidate networking (migrants in Madrid and migrants’ families in Chimborazo and

Tungurahua) and strengthen these networks institutionally.

2. Strengthen the system of income-generating initiatives in Chimborazo and Tungurahua

through training, micro-loans and marketing products or services.

3. Establish a system of integrated protection for children and youth, migrants in Madrid

and families of migrants in Chimborazo and Tungurahua, through conflict resolution,

psychological care and promoting participation.

http://www.fepp.org.ec/



29

4. Develop a strategy for public policy advocacy by creating an observatory of migration

and children in Spain and Ecuador, and fostering dialogue and consensus-building in

both countries.

Summary of activities:

In Component 1, in Ecuador, inter-institutional work with RIMHUCH and RIMYCA was

strengthened. RIMYCA organized the Second National Forum on Migration and Development,

with support from this project. In Spain, dialogue was encouraged among migrants’ associations

in Madrid.

In Component 2, forty-five new people were trained and 10 more loans were granted.

In Component 3, the project provided psychological assistance through group workshops in

schools where many children are from migrants’ families, and supported child-care centers.

In Component 4, the low budget fell short of creating the observatory. Public policy advocacy in

activities by RIMHUCH and RIMYCA was supported.


Having strengthened RIMHUCH and created RIMYCA in Tungurahua, where there was no

prior background in migration work. Both networks are currently quite well positioned; both are

present in all meetings called by government (SENAMI, Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and all

migrations actors. Another achievement, through the above, is to have held the First and Second

National Forums on Migration and Development.

Work in schools was also highly enriching for beneficiaries, and this work has been replicated

since then.

Weaknesses and implementation problems

Esquel had problems in the first phase with micro-finance training, since their training

department could not cover activities in other provinces. They partnered with FEPP, which

finally provided the training as planned. This caused delays, which ultimately interfered with

implementing component four (loans).

Further, there were similar problems to Azuay: some people were not interested in the loans,

arguing that it was too little capital (one thousand dollars) to start a business. For this reason, in

some cases exceptions were made, giving loans of up to three thousand dollars, with capital

leveraged from the Cooperative of the Chamber of Commerce, which was Esquel’s partner in

Chimborazo.

One unforeseen problem was the eruption of the Tungurahua volcano (July 2006) which

affected people especially in the province of Chimborazo, delaying processes and harming some

agricultural production initiatives.

In Spain, the first phase had trouble gathering Ecuadorian associations for dialogue, since they

were rivals with each other. However, in the second phase these associations were more tolerant

of each other, and these problems did not arise.

Monitoring

Through its office in Ecuador, the NGO Save the Children Spain took part in the project

activities and monitored continually the overall progress. Esquel had its own monitoring tools,

which it used throughout the project.



30

The Madrid Municipality engaged an audit for all its projects by the Agroconsulting firm, which

visited the project and its activities in Ecuador early in 2007. The consultancy firm audited the

financial aspects and technical actions of the project.

3.3. CAÑAR – MURCIA

Co-development Project, 2006 – 2010

The Cañar-Murcia Project is a pilot experience, by initiative of AECI, seeking to work in two

regions of Ecuador and Spain, directly linked by migration. AECI’s Guiding Plan for 2005-

2008 reaffirmed Ecuador as a priority country.

From the outset this was an atypical project, the first time that, to design and implement a co-

development project between Ecuador and Spain, assessments were conducted, involving many

institutions working in these subject areas, before deciding what zones to work in. The

assessments were done in 2005, and determined the zones of Cañar in Ecuador and Murcia in

Spain.

In April 2006 a three-day workshop was held in the city of Cañar, for participatory

identification of project components and actions, involving nearly 100 stakeholders from the

two countries: central and sub-national government, societal and production organizations from

Cañar, associations of Ecuadorians in Murcia, universities, NGOs, international organizations,

research centers, federations, lending institutions, media and relevant professionals. The work

involved four areas:

- Co-development, education and culture

- Co-development and building the economic network

- Social and political dimension of co-development

- Co-development, communication and organization.

After systematizing this exercise, project components were designed, and are currently being

implemented (see components below).

Unlike the other projects, the cooperation agreement was signed officially, between the

Kingdom of Spain and the Ecuadorian Government. The official counterparts for Spain were

the Autonomous Community of the Region of Murcia and the General Directorate of

Immigration and Secretariat of Foreign Action; and for Ecuador initially the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs, but since late 2007 the National Secretariat for Migrants (SENAMI), the Prefect of the

Provincial Council of Cañar and the Mayor of the Municipality of Cañar.

Other institutions participate in this project besides the government representatives.

Universities play an important role in this decentralized cooperation as they have exchange

programmes for students and professors. There are also some research programmes for which

the FLACSO University is very active.

Participating Entities

Spain

Spanish International Cooperation Agency (AECI)

Autonomous Community of the Region of Murcia: Service for Action Abroad, and the EU

Credit Union of the Mediterranean

Municipalities in the Region of Murcia

Associations of Immigrants residing in Murcia

University of Murcia



31

Ecuador

National Secretariat of Migrants (SENAMI)

Provincial Council of Cañar (HCPC)

Municipality of Cañar (IMC)

Provincial Directorate of Bilingual Intercultural Education

National Institute of Agricultural Research (INIAP)

Center for Economic Reconversion of the South – Cañar (CREA)

Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock (MAG)

National Women’s Council (CONAMU)

Provincial and second-tier societal organizations in Cañar

Association of Indigenous Agronomists of Cañar (AAIC)

Jardín Azuayo Savings and Loan Cooperative

Chamber of Commerce of Cañar

Pluri-National Community Tourism Federation of Ecuador (FEPTCE)

Ecuadorian Populorum Progressio Fund (FEPP- EFE)

Social Pastoral of Cuenca and Azogues

Coordinating Office for Grassroots and Educational Radio Stations of Ecuador (CORAPE)

CEDIR

FLACSO

University of Cuenca

Human Rights Commission of Cañar

Radio Ingapirca

Maxicanal

Prensa Cañari

Budget

AECI Contribution $ 3,848.084

Contribution by the Autonomous Community of Murcia $ 450,000

Other contributions from Spain $ 500,000

Local contribution in Ecuador $ 1,591,226

SENAMI contribution for 2008 $ 245,000

Total Estimated Cost: $ 6,634,310

Duration

40 months, from November 2006 to February 2010.

Specific goals and components

1. Integrated improvement of living conditions and opportunities for development for the people

of Cañar.

COMPONENTS:

- Community Tourism

- Social and productive infrastructure

- Strengthening educational systems

- Company incubator

- Natural resource management

- Technical training

- Applied research

2. Improving living conditions and opportunities for workplace and socio-economic promotion

for migrants from Cañar in Murcia.

COMPONENTS:

- Technical training

- Assistance for voluntary return



32

- Sensitization

- Psycho-social support

- Support for immigrant associations

3. Improvement of knowledge about the migratory reality and generating information,

communication and consensus-building channels and mechanisms among stakeholders in the

countries of origin and destination.

- Psycho-social support for migrants and their families

- Communication and migration – telecenters (cyber-cafes)

- Policy advocacy

- Exchange events

- Local and bifocal consensus-building among stakeholders

- Social research

Beneficiaries

- Residents in Murcia from Cañar

- Associations of Immigrants residing in Murcia

- Families of migrants in Cañar

- Societal organizations in Cañar

- Population of the canton of Cañar

Implementation modality

As this is a bipartite model, it has one a coordinator for Spain and one for Ecuador. The

Ecuadorian co-director must be someone with the counterpart institution. Initially this was

someone from the Under-Secretariat of Migratory and Consular Affairs of the Ministry of

Foreign Affairs and it is currently an official of SENAMI. However, the AECI coordinators

have a more direct, stronger influence. In Spain there is only one co-director from Spain.

At both poles (Cañar and Murcia) there is a Local Action Committee (CAL), comprising a

representative of each organization participating in the project. In Cañar the CAL meets every

two weeks to make collective decisions about next steps. The two CALs are in continual contact

and some decisions are made trans-nationally.


At present, just over a year after beginning, the project already has significant achievements,

thanks to smooth resource flow and magnitude, to openness from sub-national authorities and to

participatory management; they are summarized below:

- Consensus has been built among civil society stakeholders and sub-national

governments.

- Productive systems implemented on the basis of the province’s structural needs.

- Training for youth in topics of local interest, with ample participation.

- New dynamics in the canton, positioning Cañar in cooperation issues both nationally

and internationally, thereby boosting residents’ self-esteem.

- Setting a benchmark for issues of human rights and migration. Also supporting

Peruvians living in the province, to get their status in order and help them enjoy their

rights.

- Created a computer center, jointly with the Municipality.

- Created a GIS information base on the canton and province, for the first time.

Implementation problems

Joint, consensus-based implementation is a strength but can also become a weakness. Some

problems to date have been due to co-directing and co-implementation.



33

In Ecuador, the co-director of the programme has changed in various occasions due to

instability of the migratory agenda in the current government. At the beginning, an official of

the Foreign Affairs Ministry was not available for the project on a regular base, which was a

serious disadvantage for Ecuador as it missed out on its co-directing functions (ie. to implement

the co-development agenda and take actions in Ecuador). There is now an assigned official of

SENAMI to the project, and it is hoped that she will be more involved personally in the

decision-making process and management.

There have also been major disagreements between the Spanish project coordinator in Ecuador

and the Spanish coordinator in Murcia. The disagreements have arose especially because of

different approaches or ways to perceive co-development, and the role of stakeholders in the

project. This has sometimes prevented smooth action. However, a new project coordinator is

being chosen for Ecuador (since the two-year term has ended) and this is giving rise to new

expectations for future project operation.

Monitoring

The project applies the formal monitoring procedures of all AECI projects by Spain. For

Ecuador, the Foreign Ministry never set up any monitoring system; it is expected that SENAMI

will have monitoring systems.

Nevertheless, given its collective dynamics, the project has ongoing monitoring by its

beneficiaries, who are actively involved in actions and decisions, so there is excellent grassroots

monitoring, which is the most important part.

IV. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.1. ON PUBLIC POLICY REGARDING MIGRATIONS

As we have seen, although migration has been a fundamental element of Ecuador's life during

the past decade, no concrete public policies have been implemented to address migration more

appropriately. There have been policy statements, but without any financial or administrative

support to implement them. Nevertheless, a number of effective officials have worked with

professional commitment, but this has depended on their own will and capacity.

Being a country of origin, destination and transit for migrations, Ecuador faces a complex

reality that must be addressed holistically. Accordingly, this report’s analyses puts forward the

following recommendations:

- Clarify Ecuador’s domestic and foreign policy on migrations. Clearly define SENAMI’s role

to avoid overlap with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Discuss the country’s agenda with all

relevant stakeholders. SENAMI could basically negotiate and implement migration and

development projects with migrants’ countries of destination.

- Strengthen Ecuadorian consulates, especially in countries with the greatest Ecuadorian

presence, with adequate staffing and budgets, so they can play their role of safeguarding the

rights of their citizens abroad.

- Promote agreements with destination countries on migratory flows and other options for joint

development and coordination, such as transnational Social Security, trade, and mutual

cooperation agreements, considering that cooperation entails not only North-South funding,

but cooperation in terms of the support provided by migrations from the South for developing

countries in the North. University exchange agreements should also be promoted for



34

professors and students. Agreements for university degrees to be accepted in both countries

will enable professional immigrants to get work related to their background and skills in their

countries of origin. Of course, degree acceptance applicants would have to be evaluated.

These last three recommendations call for research to more accurately determine numbers of

migrants and their conditions in destination countries. In fact, this is one of the greatest

shortcomings in migration issues – the lack of accurate statistics on the various destinations. At

present, data are basically estimates.

- Create programs to address social impacts of migration, at origin and destination (integration),

targeting the most vulnerable parties, such as children, adolescents and women. This must

include not only Ecuadorian immigrants in destination countries, but also local people, so they

can view immigrants in their human dimension and not simply as the labor required but

preferably kept invisible. They must be understood as people with culture and values that

enrich the local milieu, and holders of inalienable rights. Therefore, intercultural dynamics

must be strongly disseminated in schools among local teachers and students.

- The following recommendation involves remittances. The government and other transnational

stakeholders must create attractive, transnational financial products so migrants can be

persuaded to invest. If favorable conditions are not offered (better interest rates, investment

portfolios, trusts, real estate, etc.) migrants will keep sending remittances by informal means.

Therefore, another recommendation is to promote lower costs to send remittances through

regular means. In this vein, the Central Bank of Ecuador has an agreement with the Caixa of

Catalonia, where the cost is minimal. Such mechanisms must be replicated and expanded.

- Strengthen civil society, associations, existing migrants’ organizations and networks, and their

relations with the government. Networking must be promoted to generate a discourse beyond

just selling the image of marginal status to raise funds. Training in organization, policy,

citizenship and cooperation should not necessarily focus on leaders, but on migrant

association members, to promote new leadership.

- In Ecuador, migration must be addressed responsibly and adequately, creating decent legal

options for immigrants and properly protecting refugees. Migration and development projects

can include components in Ecuador involving immigrants in training to develop workplace

skills.

- Finally, an aggressive local development agenda must include basic social services, Social

Security and decent job opportunities, with adequate training, based on the structural needs of

project areas. Until countries of origin offer living conditions, rights, work and wages, Social

Security and overall progress to match or beat those in destination countries, it will clearly be

difficult for a massive return program to succeed.

However, although local conditions may improve, migration will never completely stop,

because human beings move around, making personal decisions, which is the entitlement of

people from Northern and Southern countries. The point is to avoid migration under conditions

of despair, by irregular means. Migrations have always been a bounty for humankind - the key

is to manage migration intelligently.

4.2. HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT POLICIES

So, there are four main problems with human resource training in Ecuador:

(1) No coordination between central government strategies and those of sub-national

governments or public / private institutions providing training in Ecuador.



35

(2) Due to this lack of coordination, training courses proliferate, offered by public, private and

non-governmental stakeholders, but according to passing fashions (e.g., micro enterprise).

However, these topics do not necessarily meet the structural needs of localities where they are

offered32, but rather whatever is in vogue (e.g., micro enterprise management tools).

(3) A fundamental weakness is institutions with structural problems – political instability, lack

of sufficient resources, and un-executive bureaucratic culture – that detract from training

possibilities. In fact, central and sub-national government officials themselves may not be

properly trained to perform their services.

(4) Another structural problem is the lack of quality education at any level of formal schooling,

primary, secondary or higher learning, in most rural / non-central areas of Ecuador, which

makes students there less competitive. Poor training and compensation for teachers affects the

kind of education they provide.

Therefore, policy recommendations start here:

- Strengthen the capacities of institutions in Ecuador, particularly in training systems (SECAP,

CNCF) and development planning bodies, with suitable staffing, resources and capacity to

act. Efforts by the current government are important, with the National Development Plan for

2007-2010 seeking to link planning and development processes in all ministries, institutions,

areas and levels of government. It remains to successfully implement it and, on that basis,

promote national and local strategies to provide coordinated, consensus-based training.

- There are no blanket solutions to build human resources. Before training in any locality, an in-

depth, inter-disciplinary assessment of structural needs must start with local potential,

environment, market potential and cultural characteristics. Ecuador is so ecologically and

culturally diverse that there may be huge differences within any province. Therefore,

universities should offer training matched to local structural needs. xx

- This gives rise to the recommendation to build the formal education system locally, with

greater emphasis for rural education at all levels: primary, secondary and university. This will

call for adequate funding and staffing (qualified, well-paid teachers) with curricular programs

that teach intercultural understanding and equity from the outset, truly educating for

development.

4.3. CO-DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS

Co-development projects have all been managed by NGOs at the origin and destination, except

for the Cañar-Murcia project. So, co-development has not been addressed as a policy, but as

projects with actions at both ends, but not necessarily connecting actions with those at the other

end33. However, co-development must not be project-based, but a consensus-based policy

agreed upon by the two countries brought closer by migrations. This policy must provide for

plans containing programs and projects, all implemented according to policy lines. That way,

the concern will no longer be to have actions at both ends in any given project. There could be

projects at only one end, but within the program and plan guided by policy, they will be

implemented to achieve mutual development at both poles. Many projects, including Cañar-

32 Structural needs means labor power, work skills, specialized training and technologies that a region

needs, in view of its potential and constraints, to achieve sustainable development in harmony with its

economic, social, ecological and cultural context. 33 Paradoxically, although the lines of work were not necessarily the most appropriate or successful, when

Sami Naïr first proposed co-development it was at a policy level between countries, not as a project.

Then in Spain, at least in the case of Ecuador, work began on co-development projects.



36

Murcia, become too complicated by the need to link activities at one end with the other. This

has caused internal decision-making conflicts preventing smooth flow of actions.

Another conflict in co-development projects is with decision-making. Generally, the top-down

relation from donors to a Spanish NGO to an Ecuadorian NGO has been viewed as a hierarchy

of judgment. However, no one knows local needs and the actions and strategies to implement

better than specialists and stakeholders in their own country. Otherwise, it makes no more sense

than for Ecuadorians to impose, from Ecuador, their criteria on what should be done in Spain.

That is, implementation must be consensus-based, not in specific activities, but regarding the

over-arching project goals, pursuant to policy and plans. It is therefore fundamental for co-

development to be policy rather than simply projects. Further, the local development agenda

must be set by the stakeholders themselves, based on the structural needs of their own context.

One fundamental component that co-development must plan for is education, not just vocational

training, but at all levels (primary, secondary and higher) to make the public at large more

competitive. And training for work must be grounded in concrete assessments of each region’s

structural needs. Projects must therefore contain strong components of research and university

and training exchanges, so both poles can learn from each other.

From a production standpoint, most provinces in Ecuador produce agricultural commodities.

These structural potentials and needs call for training people in new work activities, but also to

promote, outfit and support small industry technologies to add value to these commodities. For

example, programs and projects under co-development policy should facilitate this technology

to add value and then market in destination countries, where the Ecuadorians themselves can be

the commercial and cultural promoters, with business opportunities for all – a sort of fair trade

in which migration is a fundamental player. This calls for trade agreements between these

countries. Ecuador can open up to Spanish investors, for example, who can set up small

industries at relevant sites in Ecuador, so these structures and facilities are eventually managed

by local residents. Another great possibility here is responsible tourism – Ecuador has

tremendous potential but neither the human resources nor the infrastructure to develop it. Spain,

by contrast, has vast experience in hotel and tourism management.

Co-development policy and actions must include concrete agreements about Social Security

between origin and destination countries. Transnational Social Security is an imperative in this

age of the global highway. Co-development should mean mutual development and

commitments, recognizing each others’ worth. The European Union reported one of the world’s

lowest population growth rates for 2005, just 0,40%34, and has the highest proportion of people

over age 65 of all continents: 16%35. This percentage is forecast to almost double by 2050, with

28% over age 65. In this century, Europe will face the challenge of supporting the financial

burden of Social Security systems, particularly in pension plans, health care and long-term

care-giving36. Immigrants from the South, in their most productive years (age 20 to 40) can, if

granted formal status, contribute to the system and provide financial relief. Joint development

projects and migratory flows must take this into account.

Finally, this analysis proposes that migrants must not be the only parties implementing co-

development actions, but must be accompanied by governments and their partners. Ultimately,

co-development (or development at both poles) has been done by migrants themselves more

than by projects, since they have contributed enormously in their countries of destination

34 Lanzieri, G. (2007) First demographic estimates for 2006 in the electronic bulletin: Statistics in focus

46, EUROSTAT. 35 SHARE: Survey on Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe; in: Profiles and Trends, Bulletin on

Aging, Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, Madrid, 2007, p. 9. 36 Cf. Ibid.



37

through their work and the other reasons mentioned above, and in their countries of origin as

well, by sending remittances that have become a sort of subsidy for their home countries, and

enabled their families to get ahead. Migrants must be fundamental stakeholders in designing

policies, along with all other levels in both countries (sub-national governments, banks, NGOs,

national and international development institutions) and implementation must be by all

stakeholders together, with governments providing leadership.



38

ANNEX 1.- STAKEHOLDERS IN MIGRATORY ISSUES IN ECUADOR

We summarize the institutions and organizations below37:

ASSOCIATIONS OF MIGRANTS - Rumiñahui Association

-LlactaCaru Association

-Ecuadorians Resident Abroad (ERE)

ECUADORIAN NGOS

Pichincha (Quito) -Ecuadorian Populorum Progressio Fund (FEPP). Currently working on the largest co-

development project (geographically) by Ecuador and Spain, present in the provinces

of Manabí, Guayas and El Oro on the Coast; Pichincha, Tungurahua and Loja in the

Highlands; and Zamora Chinchipe in the Amazon region; Madrid, Barcelona, Murcia,

Valencia and Zaragoza in Spain, financed by AECI and the Caritas Foundation of

Spain.

-Esquel Foundation. Currently working on co-development projects in Tungurahua,

Chimborazo and Azuay; and Madrid in Spain, funded by the Madrid Municipality and

the Autonomous Community of Madrid.

-Center for Planning and Social Studies (CEPLAES)

-Regional Advisory Foundation for Human Rights (INREDH)

-Segundo Montes-Mozo Center for Documentation on Human Rights (CSMM)

-Jesuit Service for Migrants and Refugees (SJMR)

-Latin American Social Research Institute (ILDIS)

Chimborazo -Amauta Foundation

Azuay - Waaponi Foundation, Paul Rivet Foundation

Guayas - NOBIS Foundation

Foreign NGOs - SPAIN: ISCOD-UGT, Save the Children Spain, Caritas, CIDEAL, Un Sol Mon.

- ITALY: Alisei (which closed down in Ecuador in 2006), FOCSIV

- JEWISH: Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (American Jewish)

- COLOMBIAN: Esperanza Foundation

CHURCH -Human Mobility Pastoral agencies in Azuay, Chimborazo, Guayas, Imbabura, Loja,

Manabí and Quito.

-Ecuadorian Social Pastoral Commission (CEPAS)

ACADEMIC INSTITUTIONS

37 Some institutions have surely been left un-named, but the ones listed are the ones most actively present.



39

-Latin American Social Science Faculty (FLACSO)

-Simón Bolívar Andean University

-Chimborazo Polytechnic School (ESPOCH)

-National University of Chimborazo (UNACH)

-University of Cuenca

-University of Azuay

COMMUNICATION INSTITUTIONS -Grassroots Radio Station Coordinating Office of Ecuador (CORAPE)

-Latin American Radio Education Association (ALER)

-El Universo newspaper of Guayaquil; El Comercio and HOY in Quito have

departments on migratory issues with correspondents in Spain, Italy and the US; they

bring out weekly editions in Spain.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS - IOM/OIM - Voluntary return programs with the UK, Spain, Mexico, Switzerland and

Belgium, and programs on trafficking in persons.

-UNICEF and UNHCR in the United Nations System

-AECI (Spanish Agency for International Cooperation)

SUB-NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS - Municipality of Quito- Migrant’s House and District Plan

-Provincial Government of Tungurahua

-Municipality of Riobamba (Chimborazo)

INTER-INSTITUTIONAL NETWORKS

- Migration, Communication and Development Plan38 - A consortium including

Spanish and Ecuadorian Institutions. They developed the radio program Callos and

Guatitas [two typical foods, of Spain and Ecuador] broadcast in Europe and Ecuador

(with Latin American and worldwide stations rebroadcasting the program). In

Ecuador it is broadcasted simultaneously through 23 CORAPE member stations and

on the National Catholic Radio network (through the ALER satellite service). In

Spain, 10 radio stations, including Radio Almenara, Enlace, Onda Merlín, Onda

Toledo, Onda Polígono, and Radio Guiniguada.

- Inter-Institutional Network on Human Mobility of Chimborazo (RIMHUCH)

hosted the First National Forum on Migration and Development in Riobamba,

November 2006.

-Inter-Institutional Network on Migration and Co-development of Ambato

(RIMYCA) – hosted the Second National Forum on Migration and Development in

Ambato, September 2007.

-Inter-Institutional Network of the South (provinces of Azuay, Cañar, El Oro, Loja,

and Morona Santiago).

38 The Migration, Communication and Development Plan has been carried out since October 2001 with

the participation of Spanish and Ecuadorian organisations. It coordinates a bi-national initiative which,

with the support of the AECI, implements the project “Generating local development alternatives to

regions with high migratory rates” in the provinces of Loja, Cañar, Azuay and Pichincha. The aim of this

Plan is to integrate the Ecuadorian migration in a favourable process to co-development and to cultural

exchange between Spain and Ecuador. The Plan covers the following issues: rights, communication,

legal and psychological advice, training, ethical finance, productive projects, conversion of debt into

research and development. The Plan is financed thgouth the AECI and other Spanish agencies.

Migration patterns in Ecuador, 2008

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